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Full text of "American archives : consisting of a collection of authentick records, state papers, debates, and letters and other notices of publick affairs, the whole forming a documentary history of the origin and progress of the North American colonies; of the causes and accomplishment of the American revolution; and of the Constitution of government for the United States, to the final ratification thereof. In six series ..."

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http://archive.org/details/americanarchives01forcuoft 


iV 


6CA"i<- 


^merican  ^rc|)itie0: 


CONSISTING  OF 


A  COLLECTION  OF  AUTHENTICK  RECORDS,  STATE  PAPERS,  DEBATES,  AND  LETTERS  AND 

OTHER  NOTICES  OF  PUBLICK  AFFAIRS, 


THE  WHOLE  FORMING 


A  DOCUMENTARY  HISTORY 


OF 


THE  ORIGIN  AND  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NORTH  AMERICAN  COLONIES; 


CAUSES  AND  ACCOMPLISHMENT  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION 


AND    OF 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


THE  FINAL  RATIFICATION  THEREOF. 


IN  SIX   SERIES. 


FIRST  SERIES. 

From  the  Dirscovery  and  Settlement  of  the  North  American 
G)lonies,  t6  the  Revolution  in  Eng-land,  in  1688. 

4  SECOND  SERIES. 

From  the  Revolution  in  England,  in  1688,  to  the  Cession  of 
Canada  to  Great  Britain,  by  the  Treaty  at  Paris,  in  1763. 

THIRD  SERIES. 

From  the  Cession  of  Canada,  in  1763,  to  the  King's  Mes- 
sage to  Parliament,  of  March  7th,  1774,  on  the  Proceed- 
ings in  North  America. 


FOURTH  SERIES. 

From  the  King's  Message,  of  March  7th,  1774,  to  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  by  the  United  States,  in  1776. 

FIFTH  SERIES. 

From  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  in  1776,  to  the  De- 
finitive Treaty  of  Peace  with  Great  Britain,  in  1783. 

SIXTH  SERIES. 

From  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  in  1783,  to  the  final  ratification 
of  the  Constitution  of  Government  for  the  United  States, 
proposed  by  the  Convention,  held  at  Philadelphia,  in  1787. 


PREPARED  AND  PUBLISHED  UNDER  AUTHORITY  OF  AN  ACT  OF  CONGRESS. 


i4i 


^ 

^ 


AMERICAN  AR€HITE8t 


dPourtj)  giertcs. 


CONTAINING 


A  DOCUMENTARY  HISTORY 


OF 


THE  ENGLISH  COLONIES  IN  NORTH  AMERICA, 


FKOM 


THE  KING'S  MESSAGE  TO  PARLIAMENT,  OF  MARCH  7,  1774, 


TO 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


BY 


THE  UNITED  STATES. 


VOLUME  I. 


PUBLISHED  BY  M.  ST.  CLAIR  CLARKE  AND  PETER  FORCE, 
UNDER    At;THOBlTY   OF    AN    ACT    OF    CONGRESS,    PASSED    ON    THE    SECOND    OF    MARCH,    1833. 


«ie<tmjJJ>e 


WASHINGTON,  DECEMBER,  1837. 


«l^« 


£ 

m 


PEEFACE 


We  noAv  submit  to  the  People  of  the  United  Stales,  the  first  fruits  of  our  long 
and  arduous  lahoui'S.  We  oflier  the  present  Volume  as  a  specimen  of  tlie  manner  in 
Mhich  our  Work  will  he  accomplished.  The  undertaking  in  which  we  have  embarked 
is,  emphatically,  a  J^ational  one :  National  in  its  scope  and  object,  its  end  and  aim. 

The  tendency  of  the  present  age  has  been  justly  and  philosophically  designated  as 
historick.  At  no  former  period  of  the  world  has  this  characteristick  been  so  strikingly 
manifested.  The  learning,  the  industry,  and  the  sagacity  of  the  most  profound  intellects 
have  been  devoted  in  exploring  the  deepest  recesses,  and  in  gathering  the  most  widely 
scattered  rays,  for  the  purpose  of  pouring  their  concentrated  lights  upon  the  history 
of  the  past.  The  Annals  of  the  remotest  ages,  and  the  most  distant  countries,  have 
been  examined  with  equal  diligence  and  learning,  and  new  and  valuable  lights  have 
been  thrown  even  upon  the  antiquities  of  Egypt,  of  Greece,  and  of  Borne. 

The  same  tendency  has  been  exhibited  in  developing  the  early  history  of  existing 
Nations.  Ancient  records  have  been  disinterred  from  tlie  dust  of  ages,  the  most 
obscure  receptacles  of  historick  materials  have  been  explored,  almost  obliterated  records 
have  been  restored,  scattered  documents  have  been  collected,  and  forgotten  writers  have 
been  republished.  A  combined  and  vigorous  effort  appears  to  be  making,  throughout 
tlie  civilized  Avorld,  together,  to  preserve  and  to  scrutinize  all  the  memorials  w  Inch  can 
rescue  the  history  of  the  past  from  the  obscurity  in  which  time  has  en^ eloped  them. 

Nor  has  this  important  subject  been  allowed  to  depend,  exclusively,  upon  individual 
means  and  private  enterprise.  In  England,  and  in  France  especially,  the  Government 
has  long  since  perceived  and  recognized  the  truth,  that  the  national  character  and  the 
national  interests,  are  intimately  connected  Avith  the  success  of  these  undertakings.  'I'he 
Publick  Offices  have  been  laid  open  and  their  rich  treasures  submitted  to  the  inspection 
of  the  inquirer  after  historick  truth.  With  a  liberality  deserving  of  the  highest  com- 
mendation, this  privilege  has  been  extended  as  well  to  foreigners  as  to  natives,  and 
Brequigny  and  Von  lieaumer  aie  not  the  only  instances  in  which  the  records  of  one 
Nation  have  been  employed  by  the  historian  of  another.  This  liberty  has,  in  several 
instances,  been  accorded  to  our  own  citizens,  and  the  Publick  Offices  in  London  have 
been  opened,  and  Documents  allowed  to  be  transcribed,  for  the  purpose  of  verifying  the 
general  history  of  the  United  States. 

Nor  has  this  publick  interest  been  confined  within  these  limits.  Large  pecuniary 
expeuditm'es  have  been  made  with  the  view  to  promote  these  objects,  and  to  aid  in  publi- 
cations for  the  completion  of  w  hich  the  resources  of  individuals  were  inadequate.  In  some 
instances  Governments  have,  themselves,  undertaken  the  work,  and  by  the  instrumentality 
of  their  own  agents,  and  the  employment  of  their  own  means,  have  laboured  in  the  dis- 
semination of  such  information  as  was  calculated  to  illustrate  their  past  history.  The 
Record  Commission  of  England,  and  that  oi-ganized  in  France,  under  the  supervision  of 
the  Minister  of  Publick  Instruction,  in  conformity  with  the  recommendation  of  31.  Gni- 
zot,  are  too  well  known  to  require  more  than  this  general  allusion  to  them. 

If  in  Europe  there  exist  sufficient  motives  to  prompt  to  such  undertakings,  how  infi- 
nitely more  weiglity  and  more  efficient  ought  they  to  be  among  us.  These  inquiries,  ori- 
ginating in  the  liberal  and  inquisitive  cliaracter  of  the  age,  may  be  expected  to  be  most 
zealously  pursued  in  those  countries  where  freedom  prevails.  Designed,  as  they  are,  to 
exhibit  the  fundamental  principles  of  government,  tlie^^  might  naturally  be  expected  to  be 
the  most  warmly  cherished,  where  free  institutions  exist.  Independently  of  this,  all  our 
historical  memorials  are  of  comparati>  ely  recent  date,  they  are  written  in  a  language  fa- 
miliar to  all,  they  tend  to  illustrate  existing  institutions,  and  a  bistorj^  w  hich  still  retains  all 
its  personal  interest.  A  complete  collection  of  the  materials  for  a  history  of  this  country 
would  not  only  be  a  proud  monument  to  the  memory  of  our  ancestors,  w  hose  deeds  they 
commemorate  and  whose  opinions  they  embody,  but  would  serve  as  an  invaluable  guide 
to  us  and  to  our  posterity,  by  exhibiting  the  vital  spirit  w  hich  has  pervaded  the  past,  the 


PREFACE 

true  foundations  upon  m  liicli  our  institutions  rest,  and  the  essential  principles  upon  which 
their  existence  and  perpetuity  depend.  It  would  furnish  an  ample  vnidication  of  those 
Mho  have  preceded  us  upon  this  sta-e,from  the  imputations  Mhich  ignorance  and  prejudice 
have  lal)oure(l  to  cast  upon  their  motives  and  their  acts  ;  and  our  free  institutions,  hy  hav- 
ing  their  foundations  laid  open  to  the  world,  and  the  whole  plan  of  their  structure  exhi- 
bifed,  will  recommend  tliemselves,  more  and  more,  to  the  philosophical  inquirer,  and  to 
the  aflVction  and  imitation  of  mankind. 

If  history  he  philosophy  teaching  hy  example,  how  infinitely  instructive  must  be  the 
history  of  such  a  country  as  this.  The  example  which  it  presents  is  the  purity  of  prin- 
cipk',  the  singleness  of  effort,  the  stern  adherence  to  constitutional  right,  the  manly  sub- 
ordination to  law,  tile  indignant  hostility  to  usurpation,  which  are  manifested  in  every  page 
of  our  past  history  ;  the  philosophy  it  inculcates  is — that  the  same  purity  of  motive,  the 
same  respect  for  lawful  authority,  the  same  opposition  to  tyranny,  the  same  vigilance  in 
detecting  the  first  insidious  approaches  of  despotism,  the  same  stem  resolution  in  resist- 
ing its  progress,  which  made  us  a  Nation,  are  equally  essential,  as  the  means  of  preserving 
those  liberties  our  fathers  beciueathed  to  us,  and  those  institutions  which  they  framed. 

Even  to  this  day  much  ignorance  and  much  misapprehension  prevail  as  to  the  princi- 
ples of  the  American  Revolution,  and  the  true  character  and  tendency  of  our  institutions. 
Nor  is  this  ignorance  altogether  confined  to  foreigners,  it  exists,  to  a  great  extent,  among 
ourselves.  By  many  superficial  persons,  it  is  supposed  that  the  American  Revolution 
began  with  the  battle  of  Lexington,  and  terminated  with  the  evacuation  by  the  British 
Troops  of  these  Unileil  Stales.  It  seems  to  be  the  opinion  of  such,  that  the  whole  his- 
tory of  that  IJevolution  is  to  be  found  in  the  narrative  of  the  campaigns  of  that  War. 
Widely  diflerent  from  this  is  the  truth,  as  developed  by  history;  widely  different  was  the 
opinion  of  those  who  mainly  aided  in  severing  the  connexion  with  Great  Britain.  "  What 
do  we  mean  by  the  American  Revolution  ?"  asks  one  of  the  most  prominent  actors  in 
those  days  :  "  Do  we  mean  the  American  War?  The  Revolution  was  effected  before  the 
"  War  commenced.  The  Revolution  was  in  the  mind  and  heart  of  the  people.  The 
"i-adical  change  in  the  principles,  opinions,  sentiments,  and  affections  of  the  people  was 
"  the  real  American  Revolution." 

Even  this  language  may,  without  due  reflection,  be  understood  in  a  sense  not  contem- 
plated by  its  illustrious  author.  A  full  and  careful  examination  of  the  history  of  the 
times  will  abundantly  show,  that  so  far  as  regards  the  nature  and  extent  of  their  rights, 
and  the  foundations  upon  which  they  were  claimed,  there  was,  substantially,  no  revolution 
or  change  in  the  principles  of  the  American  People.  The  first  emigrants  to  these  shores 
brought  with  them,  in  their  full  vigour,  in  their  original  purity,  and  in  their  complete  deve- 
lopment, the  principles  of  the  American  Revolution.  They  abandoned  their  native  homes, 
they  crossed  the  ocean,  braved  the  horrours  of  an  inhospitable  clime,  encountered  the 
perils  of  the  tempest,  of  war,  and  of  famine,  to  escape  the  burthen  of  governmental  op- 
pression. They  braved  all,  and  encountered  all,  in  the  same  cause  for  wliich  their  sons 
sul)sequently  fought  and  bled.  From  the  moment  they  placed  their  feet  upon  the  soil 
of  this  Western  Hemisphere,  they  asserted  and  maintained  their  independency  of  the 
Parliamentary  power  of  taxation,  and  denied,  to  that  extent,  the  authority  of  a  Legisla- 
ture in  which  they  Avere  not,  themselves,  represented.  Although  the  Colonies  were,  ori- 
ginally, settled  by  individual  enterprise,  and  by  insulated  rather  than  combined  efforts, 
yet  the  Colonists,  at  a  very  early  period,  perceived  the  advantages  of  union  in  repelling  or 
resisting  a  common  foe. 


The  Colonial  history  is  replete  with  evidence  of  the  truth  of  the  preceding  remarks. 


-  u  deeply  rooted  and  how  Avidely  diffused, 

even  at  these  remote  periods,  were  the  true  and  essential  principles  which,  subsequently 
expanding  into  maturity,  produced  the  fruits  of  the  American  Revolution.  In  1696  a 
pamphlet  was  published,  recommending  the  imposition  of  taxes  in  the  Colonies  by  au- 
thority of  Parliament.  It  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  the  vigilant  friends  of  American 
Liberty.  Two  answers  to  this  publication  appeared,  which  seem  to  have  attracted  gene- 
ral attention,  and  in  which  the  docu-iuewas  broadly  asserted  and  maintained,  that  no 
such  right  existed  in  Parliament,  because  the  Colonies  were  not  represented  in  that  body, 
riie  idea  of  combining  their  efforts  in  matters  of  common  interest  to  all  may  be  traced 
iKick  to  a  period  nearly  as  remote.  In  1690  a  communication  was  addressed  by  the 
General  Court  ot\MassucliU8elts  to  the  Governours  of  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  desiring 
them  to  appoint  Commissioners  "to  meet,  advise,  and  conchide  upon  suitable  methods 


PREFACE. 

in  assisting  each  other,  for  the  safety  of  the  whole  land."  Such  a  meeting  was,  accord- 
ingly, held,  and  evidence  exists  inducing  the  belief,  tliat  it  was  styled  by  the  now  familiar 
and  revered  name  of  Congress. 

Nor  did  the  principles  for  which  the  Colonists  contended  originate  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantick.  The  doctrine  that  representation  and  taxation  -were  essentially  and  indissolu- 
bly  connected,  was  claimed  as  a  portion  of  English  Liberty,  as  interwoven  in  the  very 
structure  of  the  English  Constitution,  and  as  recognised  among  the  most  ancient  and 
firmly  established  principles  of  the  Common  Law.  It  was  no  innovation,  serving  as  a 
cloak  for  rebellion  and  revolution.  It  was  drawn  from  the  most  ancient  and  pure  foun- 
tains of  Liberty,  and  sanctioned  by  the  authority  of  the  most  eminent  judicial  characters 
in  the  British  Parliament. 

It  is  a  source  of  honest  pride,  in  reverting  to  the  contemporaneous  history  of  England, 
to  contrast  the  characters  of  the  individuals  who,  at  times,  it  is  true,  with  some  modifica- 
tions, yet  concurring  in  the  great  and  essential  principles  upon  which  our  ancestors  placed 
themselves,  sustained  the  doctrines  which  were  designated  as  .fimerican,  with  those  Avho 
originated  and  defended  those  measures  of  the  Ministry  which  drove  the  Colonists  first 
to  resistance,  and,  finally,  to  a  dissolution  of  the  political  connexion  by  which  tbey  had 
so  long  been  bound  to  the  Mother  Country.  Such  an  examination  will  conduct  to  the 
conclusion,  that  had  the  questions  upon  Avhich  the  controversy  turned,  assumed  a  judicial 
instead  of  a  political  character,  and  been  carried  for  decision  before  the  English  Courts, 
tlie  same  eminent  Judge,  who  first  decided  against  the  legality  of  general  warrants,  a\  ould 
have  pronounced  it  to  be  the  law  of  the  land  that  tliese  Colonists  were  not  subject  to  the 
taxing  power  of  Parliament. 

The  Work,  of  which  the  present  volume  is  a  specimen,  will  cleai'ly  imfold  and  develop 
the  whole  foundation  of  American  principles,  and  will  exhibit  to  the  Avorld  the  most  conclu- 
sive evidence  that  they  were,  without  exception,  grounded  in  strict  right,  based  upon  con- 
stitutional Law,  and  upon  the  well  settled  doctrines  of  the  English  Government :  that  there 
was  no  taint  or  tinge  of  anarchy,  of  insubordination  to  all  authority,  no  novelty,  no  inno- 
vation. The  important,  practical  truth  will  be  clearly  deducible  from  these  premises, 
that  if  such  be  the  foundations  they  must  ever  constitute  the  support  of  our  institutions. 
Their  beautiful  simplicity,  their  fair  proportions,  their  majestick  symmetry,  and  their 
stable  grandeur,  will  equally  recommend  them  to  our  love  and  veneration,  and  to  the 
respect  and  imitation  of  others. 

In  the  examination  of  the  contents  of  these  Volumes,  a  casual  observer  may,  perhaps, 
at  the  first  view,  be  struck  with  the  character  of  much  of  the  material  which  Ave  have  col- 
lected. A  more  mature  consideration  will  satisfy,  we  apprehend,  every  mind,  that  al- 
though much  of  it  has  been  drawn  from  perishable  and  ephemeral  sources,  no  faithful 
portrait  of  the  times  could  be  presented,  formed  from  other  ingredients. 

A  distinguished  foreign  jurist  has  said,  that  laws  are  not  to  be  created,  but  must  create 
themselves  ;  and  the  observation  is  equally  true  in  its  application  to  all  that  comes  within 
the  scope  of  legislation,  whether  political  or  municipal  in  its  immediate  character.  Biirlie 
has,  with  his  accustomed  philosophical  sagacity,  remarked,  that  "  to  follow,  not  to  force, 
"the  publick  inclination,  to  give  a  direction,  a  form,  a  technical  dress,  and  a  specifick  sanc- 
"  tion  to  the  general  sense  of  the  community,  is  the  true  end  of  legislation." 

If  this  be  true  in  any  country,  and  under  any  institutions,  most  emphatically  is  it  true, 
and  ever  has  been  true,  among  us.  Without  concurring  altogether  in  the  observation  of 
De  Tocqueville,  iha.i  the  journals  are  the  only  historical  monuments  of  the  United  States^ 
it  may,  without  fear  of  contradiction,  be  asserted,  that  there  exist  no  sources  of  histori- 
cal information  in  a  free  and  enlightened  country,  so  rich  and  so  valuable,  as  its  publick 
journals,  and  the  proceedings  and  debates  of  its  publick  bodies  and  associations.  It  is 
peculiarly  the  case,  at  such  times  as  those  comprehended  within  the  scope  of  our  Work. 
Constitutions  were  to  be  formed,  the  whole  frame  of  Government  to  be  constructed,  legis- 
lative bodies  to  be  organized,  and  in  this  preliminary  action,  as  well  as  in  the  movements  of 
tlie  machine  when  brought  into  life,  publick  opinion  was  to  be  the  efficient  and  vital  prin- 
ciple. This  publick  opinion  must,  necessarily,  be  created,  as  well  as  manifested,  through 
the  instrumentality  of  the  means  which  have  been  indicated. 

It  was  urged  on  more  than  one  occasion  and  by  high  authority  in  England,  that  the  Ame- 
rican contest  originated  in,  and  was  sustained  by,  the  selfish  or  ambitious  designs  of  a  few 
leading  individuals.  That  personal  interest  gave  it  birth,  and  sustenance,  and  support.  This 
was  only  one  of  the  palpable  misrepresentations  and  gross  delusions  of  the  times.  The  pre- 
sent Work  will  show,  beyond  the  possibihty  of  future  rational  doubt,  that  the  roots  of  Ame- 
rican freedom  had  penetrated  into  every  corner  of  our  land  and  drew  their  active  and  living 
nourishment  from  every  family  fountain.     Every  reader  of  this  compilation  will  perceive  as 


PREFACE. 

oue  of  the  most  distinctly  marked  facts  which  it  establishes,  that  the  American  Revolution 
was  the  act  of  the  whole  American  People,  and  that  all  our  institutions  are  the  w^ork  of  the 
same  creator.  This  we  esteem  as  one  of  the  most  precisely  taught  lessons  of  our  history,  and 
if  properly  appreciated  and  applied,  the  most  valuable  which  it  inculcates.  We  shall  learn 
that  unless  the  People,  as  such,  had  worked  out  their  own  rescue  from  the  oppression,  which 
was  rather  seen  in  perspective  than  actually  endured,  all  the  personal  influence  and  intellect 
of  the  great  men  of  the  day  would  have  failed  to  accomplish  this  result.  Happy  will  it  be 
for  our  beloved  country,  if,  drawing  the  obvious  inference  from  this  history  of  the  past,  every 
American  citizen  shall  be  impressed  with  the  conviction  that  as  he  is  individually  interested, 
in  the  blessings  which  freedom  confers,  so  there  is  imposed  upon  him  the  personal  duty  and 
sacred  trust  of  vigilantly  watching  and  manfully  sustaining  that  liberty  which  has  been  trans- 
mitted to  him. 

It  would  be  unnecessary,  on  this  occasion,  to  enter  into  a  minute  detail  of  the  sources  from 
which  we  have  drawn  the  materials  of  this  compilation.  It  may  not  be  unnecessary,  how- 
ever, to  observe  that,  in  the  prosecution  of  eur  labours,  we  have,  personally,  examined  the 
publick  records  in  each  of  the  thirteen  original  States.  We  regret  to  say,  that  we  have  found 
these,  in  some  instances,  in  a  lamentable  state  of  deterioration,  confusion,  and  decay  ;  many 
important  documents  and  publick  proceedings  appear  to  be  irretrievably  lost.  We  have, 
however,  the  satisfaction  of  believing,  that  the  inquiries  and  examinations  we  have  instituted, 
have,  in  some  instances,  been  instrumental  in  rescuing  many  of  inestimable  value  from  the 
very  jaws  of  destruction :  and,  in  others,  in  awakening  a  feeling  of  interest  in  the  memorials 
of  our  past  history,  which  promises  to  result  in  a  more  persevering  search  for  such  as  may 
still  remain  in  existence,  and  a  more  careful  preservation  of  such  as  have  survived  the  haz- 
aids  to  which  they  have  been  exposed.  No  doubt  is  entertained,  but  that  there  still  exist, 
not  only  in  publick  places  of  deposite,  but  in  family  archives,  papers  of  great  importance  as 
illustrating  the  history  of  the  times,  and  we  would  earnestly  press  upon  individuals,  in  whose 
possession  such  documents  may  be  found,  a  minute  examination  among  them,  and  a  careful 
preservation  of  such  as  possess  general  interest ;  more  particularly,  the  correspondence  of 
the  members  of  the  various  Committees,  Conventions,  Assemblies,  and  Congresses.  Any 
communication  made  to  the  Editor  of  copies  of  such  documents,  or  a  notification  of  their 
existence,  with  the  liberty  of  inspecting  and  using  them,  will  confer  not  only  a  personal 
favour,  but  promote  the  general  good.  Papers  belonging  to  the  period  of  time  embraced  by 
the  present  Volume,  which  may  be  obtained  hereafter,  will  be  inserted  in  a  Supplement  to 
this  Series  of  the  work. 

Washington,  December,  1837. 


CONTENTS. 


PROCEEDINGS    IN    PARLIAMENT    ON  THE  KINGS  MESSAGE  OF 
THE  7th  OF  MARCH,    1774. 


1774. 
March 
7. 


11, 


16, 
23, 
30, 


April 
14, 


15, 


House  of  Lords. 

The  King's  Message  relating  to  the  Disturbances 
in  America,  and  requesting  Parliament  to  make 
provision  for  better  securing  the  execution  of 
the  Laws,  and  the  just  dependence  of  the  Col- 
onies upon  the  Cron-n  and  Parliament,  - 
Papers,  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  America, 
laid  before  the  House  by  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth— 
From  Massachusetts  Bay, 
From  New- York, 
From  South  Carolina, 
From  New-Hampshire, 
From  the  Admiralty, 
From  the  War  Office, 
From  the  East  India  Company, 
From  the  Treasury, 
Address  to  the  King  ordered. 
More  Papers  submitted  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth, 
Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  America, 

to  be  considered  on  the  17th, 
Consideration  postponed  to  the  24th, 
Consideration  further  postponed, 
Committee  ordered  to  inquire  into  the  Proceed- 
ings of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  Massachu- 
setts Bay  referred  to  the  Committee, 
Lords  who  formed  the  Committee,     • 
Address  to  the  King  for  all  Papers  relating  to 
Disturbances  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  received 
from  Officers  in  his  Majesty's  service  there, 
from  July  7,  1766,  which  have  not  already 
been  laid  before  the  House, 
Papers  called  for  in  the  Address  of  yesterday, 

sent  by  the  King's  command. 
Referred  to  the  Committee  appointed  on  the  30th 


11 


11 


March 
14, 


of  March,            .... 

. 

12 

20,     Report  of  the  Committee, 

- 

12-31 

House  of  Commons. 

larch  The  King's  Message, 

- 

32 

7,     Papers  presented  by  Lord  North, 

• 

32 

Lord  North's  Speech  on  presenting  the 

Papers, 

222 

Motion  for  an  Address  to  the  King, 

- 

32 

Debate — Lord  Clare, 

. 

33 

Mr.  Dowdeswell, 

33 

Governour  Pownall, 

- 

33 

Mr.  E.  Burke,            -      '  • 

. 

33 

Mr.  Solicitor  General, 

. 

34 

Mr.  E.  Burke, 

- 

34 

24, 

Lord  George  Germain, 

. 

■      34 

General  Conway, 

- 

•      35 

25. 

Colonel  Barre, 

. 

•      36 

Address  ordered,      -        .         .         . 

- 

•      36 

ON  THE  BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 

House  of  Commons. 
March  The  King's  Message,  and  Papers  presented  this 


day,  to  be  considered  on  the  1 1th, 

Papers  presented  by  Lord  North, 

Message  and  Papers  considered,  and  ordered  for 
further  consideration  on  the  14th,  - 

Petition  from  William  Bollan,  Agent  for  Massa- 
chusetts, presented,       .         -         -        .         . 

Gallery  of  the  House  cleared,    .        -         .         . 

Message  and  Papers  considered, 

Speech  of  Lord  North, 

Fourth  Series. 


7 
11 


14, 


35 
35 

35 

35 
36 
37 
37 


18, 

21, 

23, 


Motion  by  Lord  North  for  leave  to  bring  in  Bos- 
ton Port  Bill, 
Debate — Mr.  Grosvenor, 

Governour  Johnstone, 

Lord  North, 

Mr.  Dempster, 

Mr.  Sawbridge, 

Mr.  Byng, 

Mr.  R.  Fuller, 

Mr.  Dowdeswell, 

Mr.  Henry  Cavendish, 

Captain  Phipps, 

Lord  George  Cavendish, 

Colonel  Barr^, 
Motion  agreed  to, 
Committee  to  bring  in  the  Bill, 
Further  consideration  of  Message  and  Papers  re- 
ferred to  Committee  of  the  Whole  House,  on 
Friday  next,  the  18th,  .         .         .         . 

Lord  North  presented  the  Bill, 

Read  the  first  time, 

Second  reading  ordered  on  the  21st,    - 

Motion  to  print  the  Bill  rejected. 

Consideration  of  Message  and  Papers  postponed 

to  the  23d, 

The  Bill  read  the  second  time, 

To  be  considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  on 

the  23d, 

Order  for  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Mes- 
sage and  Papers  discharged. 
Message  and  Papers  referred  to  Committee  of  the 

Whole  on  the  Bill, 

House  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Bill, 
Debate — Mr.  Fuller,        ..... 

Mr.  Herbert, 

Lord  North, 

Mr.  Gascoigne,  .... 

Mr.  Montague,  .... 

Mr.  Byng, 

Mr.  Stanley, 

Mr.  Dempster,  .... 

Lord  North, 

Mr.  Ward, 

Mr.  Jenkinson,  .... 

General  Conway,       .         -         -        - 

Mr.  Fuller,         -         -        -         -     •  - 

Mr.  Charles  James  Fox,     - 

Captain  Phipps,         .... 

Lord  North, 


Colonel  Barr^,  .... 

Bill  reported  to  the  House,         .         .        -        - 
Third  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered  for  to-mor- 
row, ..--•-- 
Petition  from  William  Bollan,  Agent  for  Massa- 
chusetts, offered  by  Mr.  Crosbie,  - 
House  refuse  to  receive  it,  .         .        .         - 
Notice  of  the  rejection  of  this  Petition,  (Note,)    - 
Petition  of  several  Natives  of  North  America, 

against  the  Bill,  presented  and  read. 
Bill  read  the  third  time,    -         -        -        -        - 

Motion  of  Mr.  Charles  James  Fox,  to  strike  out 
a  clause  of  the  Bill,    -        -        -        -        - 

Rejected  ------- 

Motion  of  Mr.  Charles  Fox  to  strike  out  another 

clause  of  the  Bill, 

Rejected,        -        -        -        '   .,,  " 
(Question  on  the  passage  of  the  Bui, 
Debate — Mr.  Dowdeswell,        -         •        -        - 
Mr.  Welbore  Ellis,     -         -        -         - 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke, 


39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
39 
40 
40 
40 


40 
40 
41 
41 
41 

41 
41 

41 

41 

41 
41 
41 
41 
42 
43 
43 
44 
44 
44 
44 
44 
44 
45 
45 
45 
45 
45 


Mr.  Van, 45 


46 
46 

46 

46 
46 
46 

47 
47 

48 
48 

48 
48 
49 
49 
49 
50 


XIX 

1774. 

May 

11. 


CONTENTS. 


XX 


Speech 


51 
5'2 
52 
5-2 
52 
52 
52 
53 
57 
07 
57 


56 


58 

58 

59 
59 

59 


60 
60 
60 
60 

60 

60 
60 
60 
60 

61 


Debate — Mr.  Grey  Cooper,     - 
Mr.  Anthony  Ikcon, 
Governour  Pownall, 
Lord  John  Cavendish, 
Mr.  T.  Towmshend,  - 
Mr.  Sawbridge, 
Lord  Norili, 
Governour  Johnstone, 
Mr.  Sawbridge, 
Lord  North, 
The  Bill  passed,       "         '         "  , 

Remarks   ou    Governour    Johnstone's 

(Note,) 

House  of  Lonls. 

March  Boston  Port  Bill  received  from  the  Commons,   • 

26,     Read  the  first  time,  -        -         -        "        " 

Second  reading  ordered  on  the  28th,  and  the 

Lords  summoned,         ''''.' 

28,  Petition  of  Suphrn  Sayre  and  others.  Natives  of 

America,  presented  by  Lord  Wycombe,  - 

Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  America, 

read,  ------- 

Bill  read  the  second  time,  .        .        -        - 

Motion  to  commit  the  Bill,  after  long  debate, 

agreed  to, 

Committed  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  House 

for  to-morrow, 

29,  Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,     - 

Reported  to  the  House, 

Third  reading  ordered  to-morrow, 

30,  Petition  of  William  Bollan,  Agent  of  Massachu- 

setts, presented  by  the  Earl  of  Stair, 
Mr.  Bollan  heard  at  the  Bar  of  the  House  against 

the  Bill,      - 

Bill  read  the  third  time, 

Passed,  ....--- 

31,  Royal  assent  to  the  Bill, 

Petition  of  Natives  of  North  America,  to  the 

King,  against  the  Bill,  .  .  .  - 
"  An  Act  to  discontinue  in  such  manner,  and  for 
such  time,  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  land- 
ing and  discharging,  lading  or  shipping,  of 
Goods,  Wares,  and  Merchandise,  at  the  Towti, 
and  within  the  Harbour  of  Boston,  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  Ame- 
rica,"          61-66 

ON  THE   BILL  FOR  BETTER  REGULATING  THE  GOVERNMENT 
OF    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY. 

House  of  Commons. 

March  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  ordered  on  the 
25,         King's  Message  of  March  7,  and  Papers  pre- 

sentwi  by  Lord  North,          -        -         -        -  65 
Papers  presented  November  28,  and  December  7, 
1768,  January  20,  1769,  and  May  7,  1770,  re- 
lating to  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  North  Ame- 

i  ■               rica,  referred  to  the  Committee,       -        -        -  65 
Massachusetts  Bay  Charter,  granted  by   King 
William  and  Q,ueen  Mary,  presented  to  the 
House  on  the  22d  of  January,  1740,  referred 

to  the  Committee, 65 

28,     House  in  Committee  on  the  Message  and  Pa- 
pers,        --..-.-65 

Lord  North's  Speech, 65 

His  motion  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  better 
regulating  the  Gtovemment  of  Massachusetts 

Bay, 66 

Debate — Mr.  Byng, 66 

Sir.  F.  Norton,  (Speaker,)  ■        -        -  67 

Lord  North, 67 

Mr.  Stephen  Fox,       -         -        -         -  67 

Lord  George  Germain,       -        -        -  67 

Lord  North, 68 

Mr.  Pownall, 68 

Lord  North's  motion  agreed  to,          ...  Qg 

Committee  to  prepare  and  bring  in  the  Bill,        -  68 

April  The  Bill  presented  by  Lord  North,  -        •        -  68 

15,     Debate — Lord  North, 68 

Mr.  R.  Fuller, 69 

Mr.  Dempster, 69 

Lord  North, 69 

Mr.  Dowdeswell,       -        -        -        -  69 

Governour  Pownall,           -        -        -  69 

The  Bill  read  the  first  time,      -        -        •        -  70 

Second  reading  ordered  for  the  22d,    -        -        •  70 

Bill  ordered  to  be  printed,         -        •        •        -  70 


1774. 

April 

19, 


21. 


25, 


27, 

28, 


Address  to  the  King,  for  copies  of  Acts  of  the 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  for  sum- 
moning, returning,  and  regulating  the  choice 
of  Grand  and  Petit  Jurors,  and  copies  of  all 
other  Acts  of  the  said  General  Court,  for  the 
regulation  of  Townships  and  Town  Meetings, 
Address  to  the  King,  for  Letters  and  other  Pa 

pers, 
The  Letters  and  other  Papers  presented  by  Lord 

North, " 

C)rdor  of  the  Day,  for  the  second  reading  of  the 

Bill,  read, 

Debate— Mr.  Fuller, 

Sir  George  Savile,     - 
Mr.  Wel'bore  Ellis,    - 
General  Conway, 
Lord  North, 
Sir  George  Yonge,    - 
Governour  Johnstone, 
Mr.  C.  Jenkinsoii, 
Mr.  Harris, 

Sir  Edward  Astley,    -         •   ■ 
Mr.  Ward, 
Governour  Pownall, 
Mr.  Rigby, 
Governour  Pownall, 
Mr.  Charles  James  Fox, 
Sir  Gilbert  Elliot,       - 
Sir  Richard  Sutton,    - 
The  Bill  read  the  second  time. 
To  be  considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole 

House,  on  the  27th, 
Acts  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  pre 
sented  to  the  House  pursuant  to  the  Address  to 
the  King,  of  the  19th, 
House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill, 
Report  of  Committee  to  be  received  to-morrow, 
Petition  of  William  Bollan,  Agent  for  Massachu 

setts  Bay,  offered  by  Mr.  Dowdeswell, 

Debate — Mr.  Dowdeswell, 

Sir  George  Savile, 

Lord  North,       .... 

The  House  refuse  to  receive  the  Petition,   - 

Entries  in  the  Journals  of  the  House,  of  9th  of 

November,  1696,  19th  of  March,  1722,  and  22d 

of  March,  1722,  read, 

Motion  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House  be  received  this  day  four  months, 

Rejected, 

Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  re- 
ceived,       ....... 

Bill  ordered  to  be  engrossed,      .         -         .        - 
Third  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered  for  Monday 

next, 

May  2,  Petition  of  several  Natives  of  America,  presented 
by  Sir  George  Savile, 
Motion  for  the  third  reading  of  the  Bill, 
Debate — Mr.  Dunning,    - 

Sir  William  Meredith, 
Mr.  Stanley, 
Mr.  T.  To\vnshend,    - 
Colonel  Barre,  - 
Mr.  Stephen  Fox, 
Marquis  of  Carmarthen,     - 
Mr.  St.  John,      - 
Mr.  Byng, 
Mr.  Rigby, 
General  Conway, 
Lord  George  Germain, 
Mr.  Charles  Fo.x, 
Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow, 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke, 
Lord  North, 
Sir  George  Savile, 
Bill  read  the  third  time,  and  passed,    - 

House  of  Lords. 
May  3,  Bill  for  the  better  regulating  the  Government  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  received  from  the  Com- 
mons,   

Read  the  first  time, 

Read  the  second  time. 

Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 

Reported,  with  Amendments,     - 

Amendments  agreed  to,     - 

Third  reading  ordered  for  to-morrow. 

Petition  from  several  Natives  of  America  pre- 
sented,         


29, 


6, 

9, 

10, 


11, 


70 

70 

70 

71 
71 
71 
71 
72 
72 
73 
73 
73 
74 
74 
74 
74 
76 
76 
77 
77 
77 
77 

77 


77 
79 
79 

79 
79 
80 
80 
80 


81 


81 

81 
81 


81 
83 
83 
84 
84 
85 
85 
87 
87 
87 
88 
88 
89 
89 
90 
90 
90 
91 
91 
91 


92 
92 
92 
92 
92 
92 
92 

92 


w 


XXI 

1774. 

May 

11. 


CONTENTS. 


XXIt 


10, 
19. 


20, 


Petition  from  William  Bollan,  Agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  presented,         .... 

Motion  that  Mr.  Bollan  be  called  in,  and  heard 
at  the  Bar, 

After  debate,  Rejected, 

Bill  read  the  third  time,  and,  after  long-  debate, 
passed,         ....... 

Protest, 

Notice  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Lords  on  the 
Bill,  (Note,) 

Amendments  agreed  to  by  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, on  the  13th, 

Petition  from  Natives  of  America,  in  London, 
against  the  passage  of  the  Bill,  presented  to 
the  King,  --.... 

The  King's  assent  to  the  Bill, 

Speech  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  intended  to 
have  been  spoken  on  the  Bill, 

"An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  New  England,"       -        -        -      104-112 


92 

92 
93 

93 
93 

93 

96 


9G 
96 

97 


ON  THE  BILL  FOR  THE  IMPARTIAL  ADMINISTRATION  OP  JUS- 
TICE IN  THE  PROVINCE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  DAY. 

House  of  Commons. 

March  The  King's  Message  of  March  7th,  and  sundry 
28,         other  Papers,  to  be  considered  in  Committee 

of  the  Whole,  on  the  13th  of  April,        -        -      111 
April   Order  for  Committee  of  the  Whole  postponed  to 


13, 


21. 


the  15th, Ill 

Papers  presented  by  Lord  North,      -        -        -  1 1 1 

House  in  Committee  on  the  Message  and  Papers,  1 12 

Lord  North's  Speech, 112 

His  motion  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  the 
Impartial  Administration  of  Justice  in  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,       113 

Debate — Colonel  Barr^,          -        -        -        -  113 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderbum,    -  115 

Captain  Phipps,         -         -         -         -  116 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,            -         -         -  116 

Mr.  Dowdeswell,       -         -        -        -  117 

Lord  Carmarthen,     -        -        .        -  117 

Lord  North, 117 

Captain  Phipps,         -         -         -      .  -  117 

General  Conway,       -         •         -        -  117 

Mr.  Van, 118 

Lord  North's  motion  agreed  to,          -         -         -  118 
Committee  appointed  to  prepare  and  bring  in 

the  Bill, 118 


25, 


The  Bill  presented  by  Lord  North,  -        •        -  118 

Debate — Mr.  Sawbridge,          -         -         -         -  118 

Lord  North, 118 

Sir  Thomas  Frankland,      -         -         -  1 19 

Mr.  Byng, 119 

Lord  Beauchamp,     -        -         -        -  119 

Mr.  Sawbridge,          -         -         -         -  1 19 

Second  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered  on  the  25th,  -  119 
The  Order,  for  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill, 

read, 120 

Debate — Mr.  Dowdeswell,      -        -        -        -  120 

Mr.  Dyson,       .         .         .         ,         .  120 

Lord  North, 120 

Mr.  Cavendish,          -        -        -        -  120 
Colonel  Barre,           -         -        -         -  120 
The  Bill  read  the  second  time,          -         -         -  120 
Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  Bill,  or- 
dered for  the  29th, 120 

The  Bill  considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  120 
Report  of  the  Committee  to  be  received  on  Mon- 
day next,  (May  2,)       120 

May  2,  Petition  of  several  Natives  of  America,  presented 

by  Sir  George  Sa-vdle,            -        .         -         -  120 

Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  postponed,    -  120 

Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  received,      -  120 

Amendment  proposed  by  Mr.  Wallace,     -         -  120 

Debate — Mr.   Dunning,           -        .        .         -  121 

Mr.  Wedderbum,      -        .         .        -  121 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke,          -         -         -121 

Mr.  W.Burke,          -        -        .        -  121 

Mr.  Stanley, 121 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  -        -        .        .  122 

Mr.  Cornwall, 122 

Mr.  Moreton, 122 

Mr.  Phipps, 122 

Mr.  Skynner, 122 

Sir  Richard  Sutton,   -        -        -        -123 


29, 


4, 


177-1. 

May 

4. 


Debate — Mr.  Charles  Fox,     -        .        -        -  123 

Captain  Phipps,        -        -        -        -  123 

Sir  George  Savile,     -         -         -         -  123 

Mr.  Sk}-nner, 123 

Motion  to  amend,  by  Mr.  Wallace,  wthdrawn,  -  123 
Standing  rule  for  exclusion  of  strangers  strictly 

enforced,  (Note,) 123 

Engrossment  of  the  Bill  ordered,       -         -         -  124 

Motion  to  print  the  Bill  negatived,     -         -         -  124 

Third  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered  for  the  6th,     -  124 

G,     Order  read,  for  third  reading  of  the  Bill,     -         -  124 

Debate — Mr.  Dempster,          -        -        .        -  124 

Mr.  Grey, 125 

Mr.  Paulet, 125 

Mr.  Sawbridge,          -         -         -        -  125 

Colonel  Barr6,           -        -         -        -  125 

Bill  read  the  third  time,            -        -         -         -  126 

Amendment  adopted,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Pultney,  126 

Debate — Mr.  Fuller, 126 

Mr.  H.  Cavendish,    -        -        -        -  126 

The  Bill  passed, 126 

House  of  Lords. 
May  9,  Bill  for  Impartial  Administration  of  Justice  in 
Massachusetts  Bay,  received  from  the  House 

of  Commons, 126 

Read  the  first  time, 127 

13,     Read  the  second  time, 127 

16,  Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,      -         -  127 
Third  reading  ordered  for  the    18th,  and  the 

Lords  summoned, 127 

17,  Papers  presented  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,      -  127 

18,  The  Bill  read  the  third  time,     -         -         -         -  127 
Petition  from  William  Bollan,  Agent  for  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  presented,        ....  127 

Motion,  that  Mr.  Bollan  be  heard  at  the  Bar,  af- 
ter debate,  rejected, 127 

Motion,  that  the  Bill  do  pass,    -        -         -        -  127 

Debate — Earl  of  Buckinghamshire,           -        -  127 

Lord  Shelburne,        -        -        -         -  127 

Duke  of  Manchester,          -        -        -  127 

Marquis  of  Rockingham,  -        -         -  127 

Duke  of  Richmond,  -        -        -        -  128 

The  Bill  passed, 128 

Protest, 128 

Notice  of  the  Debates  on  this  Bill,  (Note,)        -  128 

20,  The  King's  assent  to  the  Bill,  -  -  -  -  128 
"An  Act  for  the  Impartial  Administration  of 
Justice  in  the  cases  of  Persons  questioned  for 
any  acts  done  by  them  in  the  Execution  of  the 
Law,  or  for  the  Suppression  of  Riots  and  Tu- 
mults, in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
in  New  England,"       ....      129-132 


ON  THE  MOTION  FOR  THE  REPEAL  OF  THE  PUTY  ON  TEA. 

House  of  Commons. 

April   Mr.  Fuller's  motion  for  a  Committee  of  the  Whole 

19,         to  take  into  consideration  the  Repeal  of  the  Du- 

ty of  three  pence  per  potmd  on  ' 
Debate— Mr.  Fuller, 

rea. 

-     133 

-     133 

Mr.  Pennant,    - 

-     133 

Mr.  Rice, 

-     133 

Captain  Phipps, 

-        -     133 

Mr.  Stephen  Fox, 

-     134 

Mr.  Cornwall, 

-     134 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke, 

-      135-163 

Mr.  Wedderbum, 

-     163 

Mr,  E.  Burke. 

-     164 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,       - 

-     164 

Lord  Beauchamp, 

-     164 

General  Burgoyne,    - 

-     164 

Mr.  T.  Townshend, 

•     164 

Lord  Clare,     - 

-     165 

Mr.  Buller,      - 

-     165 

Mr.  Frederick  Montague 

-     165 

Colonel  Barr^, 

-     165 

Lord  North,    - 

-     166 

Mr.  Dowdeswell,     - 

-     166 

Mr.  Fuller's  motion  rejected,   - 

-     166 

ON  THE  BILL  FOR  QUARTERING  TROOPS  IN  AMERICA. 

House  of  Commo-ns. 
April   Leave  granted,  and  Committee  appointed,  to  pre- 
29,  pare  and  bring  in  a  Bill  providing  suitable 

Quarters  for  Troops  in  America,  -        -      165 

ilfay  2,  The  Bill  presented  by  Lord  Barrington,   -        -     165 

Read  the  first  time, 165 


XXIII 

1774. 

May  4,  Read  the  second  time,      .         -         -        • 

5,  Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  - 

6,  Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  received, 
9,     Bill  read  the  third  time,  and  passed, 


CONTENTS. 


XXIV 


165 
166 
167 
167 


Home  of  Lords. 
Jfay9,Bill  for  Guartering  Troops  in  America,  received 

from  the  House  of  Commons,       •        -        -  167 

Read  the  first  time, 167 

12,     Read  the  second  time, 167 

16,     Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,    •         -  167 

Third  reading  ordered  for  the  18th,           -         -  167 

18,      Third  reading  postponed  to  the  26th,         -         -167 

26,      Rf>ad  the  third  time, 167 

Lord  Chatham's  Spi>ech  against  the  passage  of 

the  Bill, 167 

The  Bill  passed, 169 

J»»e  2,  The  King's  assent  to  the  Bill,           -         -        -  170 
"  An  Act  for  the  better  providing  suitable  Quar- 
ters for  Officers  and  Soldiers  in  his  Majesty's 

service  in  North  America,"           -        •         •  170 

ON  THE  BILL  FOR  THE  GOVERNMENT  OF  QUEBECK. 

Hoiist  of  Lords. 
May  2,  Bill  for  the  government  of  Quebeck,  presented 

by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,           -        -        -     169 
Read  the  first  time, 169 

3,  Address  to  the  King  for  copies  of  Instructions 

to  Governours  in  America,  ...      170 

4,  Second  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered,  and  the 

Ijords  smmnoned, 170 

6,  Copies  of  Instructions  to  Governours  of  Cluebeck, 
Nova  Scotia,  New- Hampshire,  New- York, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Georgia,  East  Florida,  and  West  Florida,  laid 
before  the  House, 171 

12,  Bill  read  the  second  time,  -        -        -        -      171 

13,  Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,    -         -      171 

16,  Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  received,     •  171 

17,  Bill  read  the  third  time,            -         -         -         -  171 
,     Amendment  to  limit  the  duration  of  the  Act,  of- 
fered and  rejected,         171 

Bill  passed, 171 

House  of  Commons, 
May     Bill  for  the  government  of  Quebeck,  received 

18,  from  the  House  of  Lords,     -        -        -        -      171 

Read  the  first  time, 171 

Ordered  to  be  printed, 171 

20,  Address  to  the  King,  for  copies  of  the  Proclama- 
tion of  1763,  and  General  Murray's  Commis- 
sion,   172 

26,     Presented  by  Lord  North,        -        -        -         -      172 
Proclamation,  of  October  7,  1763,  -         -      172 

Greneral  Murray's  Commission  as  Captain  Gen- 
eral and  Governour  of  Quebeck,  -        -      175 
Order  read,  for  second  reading  of  the  Bill,         -      180 
Debate— Mr.  T.  Townshend,            -         -         -180 

Lord  North, 181 

Mr.  Dunning,  -         •        -         -      182 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow,  -  183 
Colonel  Barr^,  -        -        -         -      184 

Lord  John  Cavendish,  -  -  -  184 
Mr.  Serjeant  Glynn,  -        -        -      184 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderbum,  •  184 
Mr.  Charles  James  Fox,  -  -  -  184 
Mr.  Dempster,  -        -         -        -      184 

Mr.  Sawbridge,  -        -        -        -      185 

The  Bill  read  the  second  time,  -        -        -      185 

Committed  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole  House, 

on  the  31st, 185 

31,  Petition  of  Thomas  Penn,  on  behalf  of  himself 
and  John  Penn,  true  and  absolute  Proprietors 
of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
Three  Lower  Counties  on  Delaware,  present- 
ed by  Mr.  Baker, 185 

Petitioners  to  be  heard  by  their  Counsel,  if  they 

think  fit, 186 

Petition  of  Merchants  of  London  trading  to  Que- 

beck,  presented  by  Mr.  Mackworth,  -  -  186 
Mr.  Mack  worth's  motion  for  copies  of  Reports 
from  Major  General  Carleton,  Governour, 
William  Hey,  Chief  Justice,  and  Francis  Ma- 
seres,  late  Attorney  General,  of  the  Province 
of  Quebeck;  and  from  his  Majesty's  Advo- 
cate General,  Attorney  General,  and  Solicitor 
General,  relating  to  the  said  Province,  -     186 


1774, 

May 

31, 


Debate— Lord  North, 187 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,            -        -         -  187 
Colonel  Barre,           -        -         -         -  187 
Mr.  Altorney  General  Thurlow,         -  1 87 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke,          -         -         -  187 
Mr.  Mackworth's  motion  rejected,     -         -         -  188 
Address  to  the  King  for  copies  of  Reports  from 
the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plan- 
tations, relating  to  the  Province  of  Cluebeck,  1 88 
House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,      -         -         -  188 
The   Committee  addressed  by  Mr.   Mansfield, 

coiuisel  for  the  Petitioners,  against  the  Bill,  188 

Edward  Watts  examined  before  the  Committee,  188 
Samuel  Morin  examined,          -         -         -         -188 
June  1,  Copies  of  Representations  of  the  Lords  Commis- 
sioners for  Trade  and  Plantations,  of  Septem- 
ber 2,  1765,  and  July  10,   1769,  and  Repre- 
sentation of  the  Board  of  Trade,  of  January  9, 

1765,  presented  by  Lord  North,            -         -  188 
Copies  of  Memorials  from  Quebeck,  presented 

by  Lord  North,            -        -         -         -         -  189 

2,  Petition  from  the  Inhabitants  of  Quebeck  to  the 

King,  presented  by  Lord  North,             -         -  1 89 
House  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  Bill,  189 
Examination  of  General  Carleton  before  the  Com- 
mittee,        189 

Examination  of  Mr.  Maseres,  late  Attorney  Gen- 
eral of  Quebeck,        -         -         -         -         -191 
Examination  of  Mr.  Hey,  Chief  Justice  of  the 

Province  of  Quebeck,         -         -         -         -  193 

3,  Petition  of  the  Common  Cotmcil  of  the  City  of 

London,  against  the  Bill,  presented  at  the  Bar 
of  the  House,  by  the  Sherifl^s  of  the  City,     -  194 
House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,     ...  194 
Examination  of  M.  De  Lotbiniere,            .         .  194 
Examination  of  Dr.  James  Marriott,  his  Majes- 
ty's Advocate  General,        ....  195 
Motion  by  Mr.   Baker,  that  General   Murray, 
late  Governour  of  Canada,  do  attend  the  Com. 

mittee, 202 

Debate— Mr.  T.  To^\-nshend,          -        -        -  203 

Lord  North, 203 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,           -         -         -  203 

Colonel  Barre,         ....  203 

Captain  Phipps,       ....  203 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,     .         -         -         -  203 
Lord  North,             .         -         -         .203 

Mr.  Baker's  motion  rejected,            ...  203 

6,  House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,  ...  203 
Governour  Johnstone's  objections  to  the  Bill,  -  203 
Mr.  E.  Burke's  motion  to  amend,   fixing   the 

Boundary  between  Canada  and  New. York, 

agreed  to,          ......  204 

Further  Debate  on  the  Boundaries  of  Quebeck,  204 

7,  The  Bill  further  considered  in  Committee  of  the 

Whole  House, 204 

8,  House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,  ...  205 
Debate — Mr.  Burke, 205 

Lord  North, 205 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  .         -         .205 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,         -         •         .  205 

Colonel  Barre,         ....  205 
New  form  of  oath  proposed  by  Mr.  Jenkinson,  to 

be  inserted  in  the  Bill,         .         -         -         .  205 
Agreed  to  by  the  Committee,           ...  205 
10,     The  Bill  reported  to  the  House,  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,           ....  207 
T.  Penn,  Esq.,  declined  being  heard  by  Counsel 

on  his  Petition,  presented  on  the  31st  of  May,  207 
Amendment  to  the  Bill,  in  relation  to  the  South- 
ern Boundary  of  Canada,            ...  207 
Mr.  Mackworth's  motion,  to  provide  for  Trials 
by  Jury  in  Canada,     .....  207 

Debate — Lord  North, 207 

Mr.  Serjeant  Glynn,          -         .         .  208 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow,         -  208 

Mr.  Dunning,          ....  208 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderburn,  209 

Mr.  Byng, 209 

Governour  Johnstone,        ...  209 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,           -         .         .  209 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke,         .         .         .209 

Mr.  Mackworth's  motion  rejected,             .         -  211 
Motion  by  Mr.  T.  Townshend,  to  make  tempo- 
rary that  part  of  the  Bill  which  relates  to  the 
Legislative  Council,  rejected,       -        .         .211 
Motion  by  Mr.  Dempster,  for  establishing  rules 

to  be  observed  in  making  Ordinances,  rejected,  211 


XXV 

1774. 

June 

10, 


13, 


CONTENTS. 


XXVI 


June 
17, 


22, 


Motion  by  Mr.  Charles  Fox,  to  secure  to  tlie 
Religious  orders,  their  rights  and  properties, 

rejected,  

Motion  by  Mr.  Dempster,  to  give  the  Canadians 
claiming  it,  the  benefit  of  Habeas  Corpus  and 
Bail,  rejected,     ------ 

Bill  read  the  third  time,  -         -         -         - 

Mr.  Cooper's  motion  that  the  Bill  do  pass. 
Debate — Mr.  Charles  Fox,      .... 

Mr.  Cooper, 

Mr.  Ho^vard,     ..... 
The  Bill  passed, 

House  of  Lords. 

Motion  to  agree  to  the  Amendments  made  by  the 
House  of  Commons,    -         -        .         .         - 

Debate — Lord  Chatham,  .        .         .         - 

Lord  Dartmouth,  .... 
Lord  Lyttelton,  .... 

Amendments  agreed  to,       - 

Lords  in  the  minority,  .... 

Petition  of  the  City  of  London  to  the  King, 
against  the  Bill,  ..... 

The  King's  assent  to  the  Bill,  -         .         -         - 

The  King's  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment,   

"  An  Act  for  making  more  effectual  provision  for 
the  government  of  the  Province  of  Quebeck,  in 
North  America," 

"  An  Act  to  prevent  the  E.xportation  to  Foreign 
parts  of  Utensils  made  use  of  in  the  Cotton, 
Linen,  Woollen  and  Silk  Manufactures  of  this 
Kingdom," 


211 


211 
211 
211 
211 
211 
211 
211 


211 
211 
212 
212 
214 
214 

215 
216 

216 


216 


220 


1774 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 

March  Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan,  Agent,  to  the  Hon.  John 
1 1,  Erving,  and  others.  Committee  of  the  Council 

of  Massachusetts.  The  King's  Message  of 
March  7 — the  publication  of  his  late  Petition 
to  the  King — prepares  a  Petition  for  the  Hotise 
of  Commons — General  Conway  and  Sir 
George  Savile  decline  presenting  it — the  Lord 
Mayor  consents  to  present  it,  -  -  -  225 
15,  Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan  to  the  Committee.  His 
Petition  presented  by  Sir  Joseph  Mawbey. 
The  right  of  Parliament  to  Tax  the  Americans 
denied  by  Lord  Camden,      -         -         -         -     227 

17,  Letter  continued.      Lord   North's  policy  in  re- 

gard to  the  Colonies. — Interview  with  Lord 
Camden,  228 

18,  Letter  from  Arthur  Lee,   London,  to  Richard 

Henry  Lee.  Order  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons for  leave  to  bring  in  the  Boston  Port  Bill. 
Recommends  prudence  and  firmness  to  the  Co- 
lonies. Lord  North's  declaration,  that  he  would 
not  listen  to  complaints  from  America,  until 
she  was  at  his  feet.     Character  of  Lord  North,     228 

22,  Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan  to  the  Committee.      Re- 

fused a  hearing  by  the  House,  on  hi.s  Petition. 
The  Port  Bill  read  a  second  time.  The  Lord 
Mayor  and  Sir  Joseph  Mawbey  offer  to  pre- 
sent another  Petition,  ....     229 

23,  Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan  to  the  Committee.     Has 

prepared  his  second  Petition.  Sir  Jos.  Maw- 
bey took  it  to  present  to  the  Hou.se.  Objec- 
tions of  the  Speaker  and  Clerk.  The  presen- 
tation deferred,  230 

31,  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  London  to  his  friend 
at  Annapolis,  Md.  Encloses  the  Boston  Port 
Bill.  Little  opposition  to  it  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  rise  or  fall  of  America  now 
depends  on  the  deliberations  of  a  General  Con- 
gress from  the  Colonies.  A  suspension  of 
Exports  and  Imports  recorMnended.  If  Bos- 
ton acquiesces  the  whole  will  be  forced  to  sub- 
mission,       230 

April  Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan  to  the  Committee.    After 
2,  various  difficulties  his  Petition  to  the  House 

of  Lords  was  presented,  and  he  was  called  in 
and  heard  in  support  of  it.  General  Gage 
appointed  Governour  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  231 
Letter  from  Mr.  Bollan  to  the  Committee.  Re- 
sumes his  account  of  the  proceedings  on  the 
Port  Bill.  His  second  Petition  to  the  House 
of  Commons  presented  by  Alderman  Crosby. 
Large  majority  against  receiving  it.  The  Bill 
passed  by  the  House  of  Commons.    Interview 


with  Lord  Temple.  The  Earl  of  Stair  the  first 
who  spoke  in  favour  of  the  Colonies  in  the 
House  of  Lords.  Lord  Stair  refers  him  to  the 
Duke  of  Richmond  to  present  his  Petition. — 
The  Duke  of  Richmond  refers  him  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Interview  with  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.  Petition  presented  by  Lord 
Stair.  Mr.  Bollan  heard  at  the  Bar  of  the 
House,  in  support  of  his  Petition.      The  Lords 

pass  the  Bill, 231-235 

April    Letter  from  Dr.  Franklin,  London,  to  Thomas 

2,  Cushing.     After  his  treatment  at  the  Council 

Board  he  had  ceased  to  act  as  Agent.  Greater 
opposition  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill  in  the  House 
of  Lords  than  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Pe- 
titions of  the  Natives  of  America  dravvTi  up 
by  Mr.  Lee.  Encloses  a  Letter  from  Leeds, 
dated  March  20 — alarm  of  the  Manufacturers 
— Emigrations  to  America,  -         -         -     235 

2,  Letter  from  Arthur  Lee,  Loudon,  to  Francis  L. 
Lee.  Punishment  of  Boston  first  step  towards 
reducing  all  America  to  an  acknowledgement 
of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  Tax  the  Colonies, 
and  to  a  submission  to  the  exercise  of  that  right. 
General  Gage  appointed  Governour  of  Mas- 
sachusetts to  reduce  the  people  to  entire  obedi- 
ence. Recommends  a  General  Congress  of 
the  Colonies,  at  Annapolis,  and  a  suspension 
of  Exports  and  Imports,        ....      237 

4,  Letter  from  Samuel  Adams,  to  Arthur  Lee.   Pro- 

ceedings of  the  Assembly,  in  relation  to  the 
Judges'  salaries.  Judge  Oliver  refuses  to  re- 
nounce the  salary  from  the  Crown — Contro- 
versy between  the  Governour  and  the  Assem- 
bly. Policy  of  the  British  Government,  if 
persisted  in,  will  bring  about  the  entire  separa- 
tion and  Independence  of  the  Colonies,         -     238 

5,  Importance  of  the  Commerce  of  the  Colonics 

to  the  Trade  and  Manufactures  of  Great  Bri- 
tain. Value  of  Exports  from  the  West  India 
Islands  and  the  Northern  Colonies  compared. 
Troops  furnished  by  the  Colonies  in  the  last 
war, 240 

5,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  The  wisdom  and  firmness  of  the  Uni- 
ted Continent  of  America  must  be  summoned 
to  support  their  liberty.  If  Boston  is  not  sus- 
tained, all  the  rest  will  fall  the  easy  victims  of 
Tyranny.  The  Sheriffs  of  London  headed  the 
Petitions  to  Parliament;  they  were  the  first 
in  proposing,  and  active  in  getting  them  uj),       24 1 

7,      An  Apology  for  the  late  conduct  of  America,  241-245 

9,  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Governour 
Gage.  Sends  his  Commission,  as  Captain- 
General  and  Governour-in- Chief  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  with  his  Instructions ;  He  must  en- 
force due  obedience  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill — if 
necessary,  must  use  the  King's  Troops  with 
effect.  The  Governour  to  reside  in  Salem,  and 
the  General  Court  to  be  held  there,  until  the 
King  shall  authorize  their  return  to  Boston. 
His  Majesty  expects  the  offenders  (in  the  de- 
struction of  the  "Tea)  to  be  punished,  -  -  245 
March  Copy  of  a  Minute  of  the  Treasury  Board,  (en. 

31,  -.••'■         •       X    ..     V     T    .      .. 


April 
27, 


closed  in  the  foregoing  Letter.)  Listructions 
to  the  Officers  of  the  Customs,  on  removing  the 
Port  from  Boston  to  Salem,  -         -         - 

Letter  from  London.  Advises  the  Colonies  to 
imite  in  defence  of  American  Liberty.  Power 
of  the  Ministry — their  hatred  of  liberty.  Lords 
Chatham,  Camden,  and  Rockingham,  are 
friendly  to  America,  .  -  -  -  . 
May  4,  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Colden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Destruction  of  Tea  at 
New- York,       ------ 

Account  of  the  Proceedings  at  New- York,  on 
the  arrival  of  Captains  Chambers  and  Lock- 
yer,  with  the  Tea,  (enclosed  in  the  preceding 
Letter,) 

Account  of  all  the  Proceedings  in  New- York,  in 
relation  to  the  Tea,  (Note,)  -        -      251 


April 
28, 


May 
12, 


-     246 

248 
248 


249 
-256 


COTJNCII,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

March  Governour  submits  a  Letter  from  Lord  Dim- 

16,         more, 252 

3,     Letter  from  Lord  Dunmore,  Governour  of  Vir- 
ginia, to  Governour  Penn.  Claims  Pittsburgh, 


XXVil 

1774. 


CONTENTS. 


XXVIII 


252 


March 
31, 


24, 


April 
11. 


8, 


7. 
11, 

21, 
9, 


21, 


22, 


261 


261 


OS  within  the  County  of  Augusta,  to  be  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  Vi'rsriniu— Refuses  to  revoke 
the  Commissions  to  Officers  he  has  appointed 
there — Di>mands  ample  reparation  for  the  in- 
sult on  his  Majesty's  CJovernment  in  Virginia, 
in  the  imprisonment  of  Mr.  John  Connollj',  a 
Magistrate  appointed  by  him,         .         .         - 
Answer  of  Governour  Penn,  to  the  Earl  of  Dun- 
more.     Review  of  the   respective  claims  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  in  regard  to  the 
disputtxl  Botmdary.     Claims  Pittsburgh  to  be 
within  the  Charter  limits  of  Pennsylvania- 
justifies  the  conduct  of  Mr.  St.  Clair,  in  impri- 
soning Connolly,         ...         -      255-260 
Letter  from  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esquire,  Gov- 
ernour of  Connecticut,  to  Governour  Penn. — 
Connecticut  Umds  West  of  the  River  Dela- 
ware— requests  Governour   Penn   to   prevent 
settlements  under  claim  of  the  Proprietaries  of 
Pennsylvania.     Has  employed  persons  to  take 
the  lautudes  of  certain  places  beyond  the  Dek- 
^\•are,         ...---- 

Letter  from    Governour    Penn   to    Governour 
Trumbull,  ■written  by  advice  of  the  Council. 
Denies  the  claim  of  Connecticut  to  Lands  be- 
yond the  Delaware.  Protests  against  the  send- 
ing of  persons  to  take  latitudes  of  places  with- 
in  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsyh'ania,  and  denies 
the  authority  of  the  Assembly  of  Connecticut 
to  do  so. 
Letter  from  William  Crawford,  Westmoreland 
County,  to  Mr.  Penn.     Connolly  sworn  in  a 
Magistrate  of  Augusta  County,  Virginia :  he 
was  furnished   with  blank  Commissions  for 
several  gentlemen  near  Pittsburgh.      A  num- 
ber of   Militia    Officers  appointed  there   by 
Lord  Dunmore.      Several  musters  of  Militia 
have  been    held.      Connolly  constantly  sur- 
rounded   with  a    body  of  armed  men — and 
obstructs  the  execution  of  legal  process  under 
the  authority  of  Pennsylvania.      Disturbances 
there — arrest  and  confinement  of  Pennsylvania 
Magistrates — Connolly  surrounds  the  Court 
House  with  Troops— places  Centinels  at  the 
door — has  a  private  interview  with  the  Magis- 
trates.   Further  disturbances.    Persons  arrest- 
ed by  Connolly.  Mr.  Crawford  recommends  to 
the  Governour  to  fix  a  temporary  Boundary 
line,  ...---- 

Dr.  Connolly's  Address  to  the   Magistrates  of 
Westmoreland  County,  at  his  interview  with 
them,  referred  to  in  the  preceding  Letter, 
Answer  of  the   Magistrates  of    Westmoreland 

County  to  the  foregoing  Address, 
Deposition  of  Henry  Read,  relative  to  the  Distur- 
bances made  in  Westmoreland  County  by  the 
Virginians,         ..---- 

Governour  advised  by  the  Council  to  take  no  steps 
in  relation  to  the  Disturbances,  until  the  return 
of  an  Express  sent  to  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,     - 
Express  sent  to  Virginia  returned  without  any 
Answer  from  the  Governour,        .         .         - 
Letter  from  ^Eneas  Muckoy,  Pittsburgh,  to  the 
Governour.  Taken  prisoner  by  Dr.  Connolly, 
and,  on  refusing  to  give  bail,  ordered  to  be  sent 
to  Staunton,       ...... 

Letter  from  Devereux  Smith,  Pittsburgh,  one  of 
the  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland  County,  ar. 
rested  on  a  King's  Warrant  issued  by  Dr.  Con. 
nolly.     Will  go  to  Jail  at  Staunton  this  day. 
The  Council,  after  considering  the  foregoing  Let- 
ters, advise  the  Governour  to  send  Commis- 
sioners to  the  Governour  of  Virginia  to  con- 
fer with  that  Government  on  the  means  of  re- 
storing peace  and  good  order,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  temporary  line  of  jurisdiction. 
Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  /Eneas  Mnckay, 
Devereux  Smith,  and  Andrew  M'Farlane. — 
Will  apply  to  Lord  Dunmore  for  their  enlarge- 
ment— and  has  instructed  Colonel  Wilson  to 
give  bail,  to  release  them  from  Prison  at  Staun- 
ton, ....... 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  William  Craw- 
ford, and  his  Associates,  of  Westmoreland 
County.  Will  send  Commissioners  to  expos- 
tulate with  Lord  Dunmore  on  the  behaviour 
of  the  persons  he  has  invested  with  power  to 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  country.    As  the  Gov- 


1774. 


262 


263 


263 


263 


264 


264 


264 


264 


265 


265 


crnment  of  Virginia  has  the  power  to  raise 
Militia,  and  there  is  no  such  in  Pennsylvania, 
it  will  be  vain  to  contend  with  them  in  the 
way  of  force.  The  Magistrates  are,  therefore, 
advised  to  conduct  themselves  \vith  caution, 
and  not  to  proceed  with  criminal  prosecutions 
asrainst  persons  acting  under  the  authority  of 
Virginia,  -         -         -         -         *         " 

Jan'ry  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Jo- 
15,  seph  Shippen.  Petition  for  a  Court  House 
and  Jail,  in  Westmoreland  County, 

Feb'ry  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Gov 


2, 


23, 


April 
4, 


4, 


7, 


13, 


ernour  Penn.  Dr.  Connolly  arrested  by  his 
orders,  for  requiring  the  Militia  to  meet.  R-iot- 
ous  conduct  of  persons  under  arms.  Mr.  Con- 
nolly has  a  Military  Commission  from  Lord 
Dunmore,  and  his  Subalterns  are  appointed. 

Paper  enclosed  in  the  foregoing  Letter,  read  to  a 
party  assembled  in  arms,  after  Connollys  arrest 
by  the  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland  County, 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Jo- 
seph Shippen,  Junior.  Disturbances  are  in- 
creasing. The  People,  principally,  in  favour 
of  Virginia.  Intends  to  remove  his  office  to 
Pittsburgh, 

Letter  from  Joseph  Spear  to  Arthur  St.  Clair. 
Virginians  have  had  several  musters  \ait\y, 
one  at  Red  Stone,  Old  Fort.  Connolly  has  just 
gone  to  Red  Stone,      .         .         -         -         - 

Letter  from  TEneas  Mackay,  Pittsburgh,  to  Gov. 
Penn.  Since  Comiolly's  return  from  Virginia, 
on  the  28th  of  March,  Pittsburgh  has  become  a 
scene  of  confusion.  Connolly  arrested  on  the 
24th  of  January,  and  in  prison  a  few  days, 
when  he  prevailed  upon  the  Sheriff  to  let  him 
out  to  see  his  friends;  instead  of  returning  to 
Jail,  as  he  had  promised,  he  assembled  a  party 
of  armed  men,  who  guarded  him  from  Red 
Stone  to  the  frontiers  of  Virginia.  Connolly,  on 
the  30th  of  March,  read  to  the  Militia,  assem- 
bli:>d  at  Fort  Pitt,  Letters  from  Lord  Dunmore, 
approving  his  conduct,  and  promising  him  as- 
sistance. The  men  were  assembled  in  obedi- 
ence to  Lord  Dunmore's  positive  orders,  to  hear 
the  Letters  read.  Connolly  arrested  the  Sheriff 
the  next  day,  by  a  King's  Warrant,  and  has 
had,  ever  since,  armed  parties  in  pursuit  of  the 
Deputy  SherifT  and  the  Constables;  he  is  now 
in  acUial  possession  of  the  Fort,  with  a  guard, 
invested  with  Ci\'il  and  Military  power  to  en- 
force the  laws  of  Virginia — Lord  Dunmore  has 
enclosed  him  Commissions  to  fill  up,  at  his  dis- 
cretion, for  Militia  Officers.  Indians  alarmed 
at  seeing  parties  of  armed  men  daily. 

Letter  from  GJeorge  Croghan  to  David  Sample 
has  long  been  convinced  that  Fort  Pitt,  and  its 
dependencies,  are  without  the  limits  of  Penn- 
sylvania— will  no  longer  submit  to  the  laws  of 
tiiat  Province ;  Virginia  having,  last  Winter, 
extended  the  laws  of  that  Government  to  this 
part  of  the  country, 

Letter  from  Thomas  Smith  to  Joseph  Shippen. 
Disturbances  in  Westmoreland  County.  Con- 
nolly's proceedings — Officers  appointed  by 
him,  under  Lord  Dunmore's  authority, 

Representation  of  the  Commissioners  and  Asses- 
sors of  Westmoreland  County  to  Gov.  Penn, 

Letter  from  Tliomas  Smith,  Bedford,  to  Joseph 
Shippen,  Jun.  Continued  outrages  of  the  Vir- 
ginians. Three  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland 
County  arrested  by  Connolly,  and  now  on  their 
way  to  Augusta  Jail,  .... 


266 


266 


266 


267 


269 


.    269 


-     270 


271 


271 


273 


273 


VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY. 

May  5,  Virginia  Assembly,  convened  by  the  Governour,  274 
Speech  of  Lord  Dunmore  to  CTeneral  Assembly,  274 
Address  of  the  Council  to  Lord  Dunmore,           .  274 
Address  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  to  Lord  Dun- 
more,          275 

12,  Information,  by  Express,  of  skirmishes  with  the 

Shawanese,         ......     275 

1 3,  Petition  from  the  Inhabitants  on  the  Waters  of  the 

f  )hio,  to  the  Governour  and  Assembly.  Prefer 
the  Government  of  Virginia  to  that  of  Peim- 
sylvania.  State  their  grievances,  their  fears  of 
the  neighbouring  Indians,  and  request  the  As- 
sembly to  extend  to  them  relief,      ...    275 


XXIX 

1774. 

May 

13, 


CONTENTS. 


XXX 


Address  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  to  the  Govern- 
our  on  the  foregoing-  Petition.  Disapprove  the 
imprisoning  Officers  by  either  Government. 
Recommend  a  temporary  boundary  until  the 
King  shall  direct  a  proper  line  to  be  fixed  upon. 
Request  the  Ciovernour  to  exercise  the  powers 
he  is  invested  with  to  suppress  the  Indian  dis- 
turbances, ...--.  276 
March  "  A  Virginian,"  approving  the  conduct  of  Lord 

3,         E>unmore,(Note,) 277 

26,  Letter  from  Pittsburgh.  No  disturbances  with  the 
Indians  this  Winter.  More  to  be  dreaded  from 
the  Pennsylvanians  than  the  Indians,  (Note,)  -     277 

"Virginius"  to  Lord  Dunmore.  An  Indian  war 
inevitable.  Urges  the  Governour  to  make  pro- 
vision for  the  security  of  the  frontier  inhabi- 
tants, and  be  ready  to  meet  the  Indians,  (Note,)     277 

Connolly  will  be  at  Pittsburgh  till  the  middle  of 
June  to  dispose  of  lots  in  a  new  Town,  to  be 
laid  out,  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  (Note,)  -     278 


24, 


April 
7, 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

May  7,  Mr.  Tilghman  and  Mr.  Andrew  Allen  appointed 
Commissioners  to  treat  \vith  Virginia,  on  the 
Disturbances  in  Westmoreland  County,  -     277 

7,     Commission  to  Mr.   Tilghman  and  Mr.  Allen, 

Commissioners  to  Virginia,  ...  278 
7,  Instructions  to  the  Commissioners,  ...  279 
7,  Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Lord  Dimmore. 
Informs  him  of  the  appointment  of  the  Commis- 
sioners, and  expresses  his  hopes  that  tranquil- 
lity may  be  restored  between  the  Governments,  280 
1 8,  Letter  from  Doctor  Richard  Peters  to  Henry  Wil- 
mot,  London.  History  of  the  purchsise,  by 
Pennsylvania,  imderthe  Indian  Deed  of  1754, 
of  the  Lands  west  of  the  Delaware,  claimed 
by  Connecticut.  The  Pennsylvania  purchase 
made  openly  in  Council ;  the  Susquehannah 
purchase,  by  private  individuals,  from  Connec- 
ticut, made  secretly.  The  Indians,  in  Council, 
refused  to  sell  any  land  to  Connecticut,  and  re- 
fused to  sell  the  Wyomink  Country  to  either 
Pennsylvania  or  Connecticut.  Treaty  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  in  1768, 280 

April  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Carlisle,  to  Ben- 
28,  jamin  Chew.  Colonel  Stephens  censured  by 
the  Council  of  Virginia,  in  1 764,  for  sending 
the  Militia  out  of  that  Government,  when  he 
sent  relief  to  Fort  Pitt,  then  besieged  by  the 
Indians, 282 

May  5,  Letter  from  iEneas  Mackay,  Staunton,  to  Gov- 
ernour Penn.  Interview  with  Lord  Dunmore 
in  relation  to  the  claim  of  Virginia  to  Pitts- 
burgh, and  the  proceedings  of  Connolly.  Lord 
Dunmore  justified  Connolly,  who  acted  by  his 
authority.  Gave  Mr.  Mackay  a  Letter  to  the 
Sheriff  of  Augusta,  directuig  the  discharge  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Magistrates  imprisoned  by 
Connolly, 282 

April    Letter  from  Lord   Dunmore,  Williamsburg,  to 
26,         Daniel  Smith,  Sheriff  of  Augusta,  directing 

the  discharge  of  the  Pennsylvania  Magistrates,  283 
25,  Lord  Dunmore's  Proclamation — Directs  the  Mi- 
litia of  Pittsburgh,  and  its  dependencies,  to  be 
embodied  to  repel  any  attacks  from  Pennsylva- 
nia, or  the  Indians ;  and  orders  all  the  inhabi- 
tants to  pay  quit-rents,  and  all  publick  dues,  to 
Officers  appointed  by  Virginia,  -  -  -  283 
30,  Extract  of  a  Journal  of  the  United  Brethren's 
Mission,  on  Muskingum — Shawanese  Chief 
killed  by  the  Whites,  on  the  Ohio — Indian  war 
expected ;  Virginians,  on  the  Ohio,  threaten  to 
fall  on  the  Shawanese  settlements,  and  destroy 
their  Towns.  White  people  on  the  Ohio  had 
killed  nine  Mingoes.  At  Pittsburgh  it  is  not 
believed  this  was  done  by  authority  of  the  Gov- 
ernour of  Virginia.  Indian  Council  at  Geke- 
lemuckepuck:  Shawanese  and  Mingoes  left  it 
dissatisfied,  and  threatened  to  kill  all  the  White 
people  they  met.  Messenger  from  Mr.  Crogh- 
an,  at  Pittsburgh,  to  the  Delawares,  Shawa- 
nese, and  Mingoes,  advising  them  to  be  quiet. 
The  people  there  will  endeavour  to  apprehend 
the  Whites  who  committed  the  murder.  Hopes 
entertained  of  a  continuance  of  peace,  -     283 

May     Letter  from  a  Missionary — More  Traders  arriv- 
21,        cd, 284 


1774. 

Maij 

24, 

27, 


24, 


29, 


Litter  from  David  Zeisburgcr,  Missionary  at 
Schonbrunn.  Movements  of  the  Indians:  Pre- 
paration for  war  with  the  Whites,  -         -     285 

Letter  from  Mr.  Zeisburger.  Two  parties  of  the 
Shawanese  gone  against  the  settlements.  The 
Shawanese  at  Woaketameka,  only  want  war. 
Lower  Shawanese  peaceable  yet,  -         -     285 

Letter  from  the  Cosh,  alias  John  Bull.  Three 
Cherokees  have  killed  a  trader.  Mingoes  kil- 
led by  Virginians  under  Cresap,  at  the  mouth 
of  Yellow  Creek.  The  day  following  they 
killed  a  Shawanese  and  a  Delaware.  Same 
party  killed  a  Shawanese  woman,  and  a  Shaw- 
anese Chief;  soon  after  fled,  and  left  the  settlers 
victims  to  the  Indians.  Indian  Council  at 
Woaketameka — Delaware  Chief  informed  the 
Shawanese  and  Mingoes  that  the  Delawares 
would  not  assist  them,  ....     285 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernor  Penn.  The  Shawanese  inclined  to  peace 
with  the  Pennsylvanians.  The  Virginians 
have  struck  them  and  they  will  have  satisfac- 
tion. Met  several  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and 
the  Deputy  of  the  Six  Nations,  at  Pittsburgh; 
they  gave  assurances  of  their  desire  for  peace. 
Number  of  Indians  killed  by  Cresap  and  (Jreat- 
house,  thirteen.  Cresap  lately  at  Pittsburgh, 
with  intention  to  pursue  the  blow  he  had 
struck;  but  Connolly  forbid  his  attempting  any 
thing  against  the  Indians.  Cresap  declares 
what  he  did  before  was  by  Connolly's  orders. 
An  Indian  war,  if  not  a  Virginia  plan,  is  cer- 
tainly Connolly's  plan.  Country  about  Pitts- 
burgh harassed  by  the  Virginia  Militia.  Sev- 
eral at  Pittsburgh  have  associated  and  raised, 
and  pay  a  company  of  one  hundred  Rangers. 
Inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh  propose  to  stockade 
the  Town.  Delaware  Indian  killed  by  John 
Hinckson,  and  others,  ....     286 

Speech  of  the  Shawanese,  directed  to  Alexander 
McKee,  George  Croghan,  and  the  Comman. 
dant  at  Pittsburgh,  Captain  John  Connolly,     .     288 

Speech  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and  a  few 
of  the  Six  Nations,  by  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at 
Pittsburgh,  May,  1774,         .         -         .         .283 


MISCELLANEOUS  CORRESPONDENCE. 

May  Letter  from  General  Haldimand,  New- York,  to 
15,  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  The  accounts  receiv. 
ed,  had  made  known  the  plan  of  operation  in- 
tended to  bring  Boston  to  a  sense  of  order  and 
decency,  so  that  when  General  Gcage  arrives 
they  will  know  what  to  expect  if  they  prove 
refractory.  Many  believe  in  New. York,  that 
the  people  of  Boston  vnU.  acknowledge  their 
fault,  and  pay  for  the  Tea,  ... 

April    Extracts  of  private  Let  ers  from  London,  printed 


7, 


May 
16, 


on  the  back  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  circu- 
lated in  New- York,  on  the  1 4th  of  May,  en- 
closed to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  in  the  prece- 
ding Letter, 

A  "  British  American,"  New- York,  proposes  to 
raise  by  subscription  money  to  pay  for  the  Tea, 
ready  to  be  tendered  to  General  Gage,  on  his 
arrival.  Hostile  opposition  to  the  Naval  and 
Military  Force  coming  out  with  General  Gage, 
absurd,  (Note,) 


KEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 


May 
16, 

17, 

ir, 


19, 


289 


289 


289 


20, 


New- York  Committee  of  Correspondence,         -     293 

Committee  nominated  at  a  Publick  Meeting  at 
the  Exchange,  .... 

Meeting  called  for  the  19th,  to  approve  of  the 
Committee  nominated  on  the  1 6th, 

Express  from  Boston,  with  Letters  from  the  Com- 
nrittee  of  Correspondence  there,  suggesting  the 
suspension  of  all  Exports  to,  and  Imports  irom. 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  (Note,) 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  at  the  Coiiee  House, 

Address  of  Mr.  Low  to  the  meeting. 

The  nomination  of  the  fifty  gentlemen  for  a  Com- 
mittee, on  the  16th,  confirmed,  and  Francis 
Lewis  added,      ..---- 

Address  to  the  People,  urging  them  to  sustain 
Boston,  (Note,)  .... 

Dialogue  on  the  Boston  Port  Bill— Conduct  of 


.    293 
294 


293 

294 
294 


295 
-    295 


XXXI 


CONTENTS. 


XXXII 


1774. 


May 
23. 


23, 


24, 


30, 


30, 


31, 


31, 


June 
I, 
3. 


the  Bostonians  justified— Procerdings  of  the 
Ministry  condemned — Non-Importation  Agree- 
ment recommended,  f  Note,)  -         -         - 

Isaac  Low  chosen  Chairman  of  the  Committee ; 
John  Alsop  Deputy  Chairman,     -         -         - 

LeUer  from  Jonathan  Blake,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Mechanicks,  exprcssinsrtheir  con- 
currence in  the  appointment  of  the  Committee, 

Letters  from  Boston  Committee  of  the  13th,  and 
a  Letter  from  the  Philadelphia  Committee  read, 

Committee  appointed  to  prepare  an  Answer  to  the 
Boston  Letter,  and  to  report  this  evening. 

Letter  to  the  Boston  Committee  reported  and  ap- 
proved. EHfficult  to  determine  what  course 
ought  to  be  pursued.  Cannot  give  a  decisive 
opinion.  Congress  of  Deputies  from  all  the 
Colonies  ought  to  be  convened  without  delay. 
The  Committee  cannot  express  any  opinion  on 
the  exp.<lient  proposed  by  the  Boston  Com- 
mittee,        " 

Copy  of  this  Letter  ordered  to  be  sent  to  Philadel- 
phia, ackjiowledging  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of 
their  Letter  to  Boston,  and  approving  the  sen- 
timents contaim-d  in  it,        -        -         '       .* 

Letter  from  Mr.  Low,  Chairman,  to  Philadelphia 

Committee,        "        *        "         '         j        i' 
Rules  of  proceeding  for  the  Committee  adopted, 
Joseph  Allicocke  appointed  Secretary, 
Committee  appointed  to  write  a  Circular  Letter  to 
Supervisors  of  Counties,  recommending  the  ap- 
pointment of  persons  to  correspond  with  this 
Committee,         -         -         -         -         ■ 
Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Lon- 
don.    Many  of  the  principal  people  of  the  Co- 
lony are  sorry  for  embarking  in  the  cause  so 
far,  and  are  ready  to  join  the  friends  of  the 
Ministry.      The  Minister,  with  a  few  Ships-of- 
War,  could  carry  his  designs  into  execution, 

(Note,) 

Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Lon- 
don. General  Gage  hissed  at  a  publick  dinner 
in  Boston,  for  giving  Governour  Hutchinson  as 
a  toast.  Respect  shown  to  General  Gage  on 
his  landing,  all  hypocrisy.  The  Presbj-terian 
Junto,  or  self-constituted  Committee  of  Sons  of 
Liberty  of  New- York,  who  have  stood  ever 
since  the  Stamp  Act,  offered  the  assistance  of 
this  City  to  Boston,  in  resisting  the  Parliament ; 
in  consequence  of  this  Letter  the  gentlemen  of 
property  met  and  formed  the  new  Committee  of 
Fifty.  There  is  little  doubt  but  all  will  be 
quiet  in  the  Colonies  in  a  short  time ;  the  most 
bitter  pill  will  be  the  acknowledgement  of  the 
right  of  Taxation  in  the  Parliament.  The 
Presbyterians  are  to  blame  for  all  the  violent 
American  Proceedings.  The  Government  at 
home,  can  only  rely  upon  the  professors  of  the 
Church  of  Englandi.  The  Ministry  have  only 
to  put  an  entire  stop  to  smuggling,  and  make  an 
example  of  some  of  the  factious  ringleaders  in 
every  principal  city ;  then  America  will  give 
but  little  trouble,  (Note,)  ...  - 
Letter  received  from  Charles  Thomson,  Phila- 
delphia, in  behalf  of  the  several  Congregations 
in  that  city,  dated  May  29,  ... 

Copies  of   Mr.   Thomson's  Letter  furnished  to 
the  Clergymen  of  New- York,      .         -         - 
Letter  from  Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  to  Charles 
Thomson,  ...--. 

Letter  from  the  Committee  to  the  Supervisors  of 

the  Counties, 

Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Scot- 
land. The  power  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the 
Mob  at  the  Stamp  Act,  was  not  extinguished  by 
the  repeal  of  that  Act.  It  was  the  leaders  of 
the  Mob.  who  associated  to  prevent  the  landing 
of  the  Tea  here,  and  for  returning  it — which 
they  deliberately  effected.  The  Committee  of 
Fifty  was  elwAed  in  opposition  to  these  leaders, 
with  some  difficulty.  The  management  of 
affairs  is  now  in  the  hands  of  men  opposed  to 
precipitate  measures,  and  the  Ministry  will  meet 
with  little  opposition,  unless  the  Bill  for  the 
Administration  of  Justice  in  Massachusetts  Bay 
should  be  passed,  (Note,)  -  .  .  . 
Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Eng- 
land. The  pretensions  of  Great  Britain  will  be 
treated  with  resentment  and  disdain  throughout 


295 
295 

295 
295 
295 


-    297 


298 


298 
298 
299 


299 


299 


1774. 


June 
6, 
4. 


7, 


10, 
3, 


10, 
11, 


11, 

24, 


299 

300 
300 
300 
300 


20, 


27, 


29, 


Juhj 


302 


302 
302 

303 


303 

304 


304 
305 


305 
306 


the  Continent.  The  strongest  determination 
exists  through  all  America  to  maintain  and 
defend  their  rights,  (Note,)  .         .         - 

The  Committee  order  a  Letter  to  be  written  to 
the  Boston  Committee,  .         .         -         - 

Anniversary  of  his  Majesty's  birth-day.  Cele- 
brated by  the  King's  Officers.  Few  of  the 
people  participated  in  the  rejoicing,  (Note,)     - 

Letter  from  the  Committee  to  Boston  Committee 
of  Correspondence.  In  their  former  Letter  did 
not  propose  a  suspension  of  Trade.  Left  that 
and  every  other  resolution  for  the  discussion 
of  the  proposed  General  Congress — adhering 
to  that  measure  as  most  conducive  to  promote 
the  grand  system  of  politicks  we  all  have  in 
view.  Ready  to  meet  at  any  time  and  place  that 
may  be  appointed,  giving  sufficient  time  for 
Deputies  as  far  south  as  the  Carolinas  to  as- 
semble,    ..----- 

Letter  received  from  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence for  Connecticut,  dated  June  4,       - 

Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Connecticut  Commit- 
tee to  the  Boston  Committee,  enclosed  in  the 
preceding  Letter  to  New- York.  A  Congress 
absolutely  necessary — Should  meet  by  the  first 
week  in  August — New- York  a  convenient 
place,  but  prefer  Fairfield  or  Norwalk, 

Committee  direct  Letters  to  be  written  to  the 
Committee  at  Hartford,  and  to  the  Committee 
of  South  Carolina,     -         .         -         -         - 

Letter  to  the  Conunittce  of  Connecticut — Ap- 
prove of  the  Congress,  chosen  to  speak  the 
sentiments,  and  to  pledge  themselves  for  the 
conduct  of  the  Colonies  they  represent, 

I^etter  to  Mr.  Bernard  Lentot,  of  Branford, 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
the  Assembly  of  New- York,  to  the  Connecti- 
cut Committee.  A  Congress  the  best  means 
of  restoring  peace  and  harmony  with  Great 
Britain ;  but  this  Committee  have  no  power  to 
take  any  steps  in  relation  to  the  subject.  If  a 
Congress  should  meet  in  or  near  New- York, 
will  assist  with  their  advice,  .         .         - 

Appointment  of  the  Committee  by  the  Assem- 
bly of  New- York,  (Note)  -         -         -         - 

Mr.  Allicocke,  for  particular  reasons,  resigned, 
and  John  Blagge  appointed  Secretary  to  the 
Committee  in  his  place,        -         .         .         . 

Letters  received  from  Easthampton,  dated  June 
17;  from  Philadelphia,  dated  June  21;  and 
from  Boston,  dated  Jime  16,  ... 

Mr.  M'Dougall's  motion  on  the  most  eligible 
mode  of  appointing  Deputies  to  the  Congress, 
debated  and  postponed  to  the  29th, 

Letters  from  Tryon  County,  dated  June  22,  and 
from  Southampton,  dated  June  22,  received.    - 

Mr.  M'Dougall  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
Broome,  that  the  Committee  proceed  imme- 
diately to  nominate  five  Deputies  for  the  City 
and  County  of  New- York,  to  represent  them 
in  a  Convention  of  the  Colony,  or  in  the  Gen- 
eral Congress,  and  that  their  names  be  sent  to 
the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  for  their  concur- 
rence; to  be  proposed  to  the  Inhabitants  on 
Tuesday  next,  for  their  approbation, 

Postponed  to  Monday  next,  July  4,  '        • 

4,  Letters  from  Annapolis,  dated  June  26,  with  Re- 
solves ;  from  Shelter  Island,  dated  June  7,  with 
Resolves;  from  Suffolk  County,  dated  June 
25 ;  from  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  of 
New- York,  dated  July  4  ;  also  from  Dutchess 
County,  dated  June  '29,  received, 

Mr.  Booth's  motion,  seconded  by  Mr.  De  Lancey, 
for  the  Previous  Question  on  Mr.  M'Dougall's 
motion,  referring  the  nomination  of  Delegates 
to  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  for  their  con- 
currence, ...... 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  the  question,       ... 

Mr.  Bache  moved,  seconded  by  Mr.  De  Lancey, 
that  the  Committee  now  proceed  to  nominate 
five  persons  as  Delegates  to  meet  in  General 
Congress,  ......     308 

Captain  Sears  moved,  seconded  by  Mr.  P.  V.  B. 
Livingston,  that  Isaac  Low,  James  Duane, 
Philip  Livingston,  John  Morin  Scott,  and 
Alexander  M'Dougall,  be  nominated,     -         -     308 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  the  Previous  Question,  on 
Captain  Sears's  motion.       ....     308 


306 
306 

307 

307 

307 
307 


307 
307 


308 


308 
308 


xxxin 

1774. 

Jidyi,  Mr.  De  Lancey  moved,  seconded  by  Mr.  Booth, 
that  the  Committee  immediately  proceed  to 
nominate  five  persons  to  be  held  up  to  the  City 
and  County,  proper  to  serve  them  as  Delegates 
in  a  General  Congress,        ....     308 

Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  Isaac  Low,  James 
Duane,  and  John  Jay,  nominated,  -         -     308 

A  Publick  Meeting  ordered  to  be  called  at  the 
City  Hall,  on  the  7th,  to  concur  in  the  nomina- 
tion, or  to  choose  others  in  their  stead,  -     309 

5,  Address  to  the  Publick.     ©bjections  to  a  Con- 

gress— Advises  an  humble  Address  from  each 
General  Assembly  to  the  King,  for  permission 
to  send  some  of  their  own  bodies  to  England 
to  fi.x  upon  a  Constitution,  (Note,)         -         -     309 

Answer  to  the  foregoing  Address,  (Note,)  -     309 

7,     Letter  from  Jacob  Lansing,  dated  Albany,  June 

29,  received, 309 

Committee  appointed  to  meet  a  Committee  of  the 
Mechanicks  to-morrow,  to  take  the  vote  of  the 
City  on  the  five  Delegates  nominated  by  this 
Committee,  and  the  five  nominated  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Mechanicks,  ....     309 

Mr.  Thurman's  motion,  to  disavow  the  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Meeting  held  in  the  Fields,  yester- 
day, of  which  Mr.  M'Dougall  was  Chairman, 
as  evidently  calculated  to  throw  an  odium  on 
the  Committee,  and  to  create  jealousies  and 
suspicions  of  their  conduct,  -         -         -     310 

Mr.  M'Dougall  moves  for  the  Previous  Ques- 
tion on  Mr.  Thurman's  motion,    -         -         -     3 II 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  Mr.  M'Dougall's  motion,     -     311 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  Mr.  Thurman's  motion,        -     311 

Mr.  Lewis's  motion,  for  a  Committee  to  prepare 
Resolutions  to  be  submitted  to  the  People,      -     312 

Committee  appointed,     -         -         -         -         -     312 

Mr.  M'Evers's  motion,  for  the  publication  of  the 
Proceedings  on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Thurman,       312 

Yeas  and  Nays  on  this  question,       -         -         -     312 

6,  Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Meeting  in  the  Fields, 

referred  to  by  Mr.  Thurman.  1.  That  Boston 
is  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  the  Colo- 
nies. 2.  An  invasion  of  the  rights  of  one  Col- 
ony is  an  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  all.  3. 
The  shutting  up  an  American  Port,  to  exact  a 
submission  to  Parliamentary  Taxation,  is  un- 
constitutional. 4.  Suspension  of  Trade  with 
Great  Britain  till  the  Boston  Act  is  repealed, 
will  save  America.  5.  Delegates  from  New- 
York  to  the  General  Congress  instructed  to 
unite  in  a  Non- Importation  Agreement.  6. 
The  Meeting  will  support  every  measure  of 
the  Congress  for  securing  the  objects  mention- 
ed in  these  Resolutions.  7.  Provincial  Con- 
vention recommended  to  choose  Deputies  to  the 
Congress.  8.  That  Subscriptions  be  immedi- 
ately set  on  foot  for  the  relief  of  the  Poor  of 
Boston.  9.  The  City  Committee  instructed  to 
carry  these  Resolutions  into  execution,         -      312 

8,  Address  of  Francis  Lewis  and  other  Members  of 

the  Committee  to  the  Inhabitants — their  reasons 
for  opposing  Mr.  Thurman's  and  Mr.  M'Evers's 
motion.    Withdraw  from  the  Committee,        -     313 

9,  Answer  of  "  One  of  the  Committee"  to  the  fore- 

going Address — Defence  of  the  Committee,   -     314 

Mr.  M'Dougall  declines  a  nomination  to  the  Con- 
gress, (Note,) 315 

Publications  relative  to  these  Proceedings,(  Note,)     3 1 5 
13,     Committee,  appointed  on  the  7th  instant,  report 

Resolutions,       -         -         -         -         -         -315 

Ordered  to  be  printed  and  distributed  in  handbills 
for  the  consideration  of  the  Publick,  who  are 
requested  to  meet  at  the  Coffee-House  on  the 
19th,  to  express  their  opinion  on  them,  -     315 

The  five  Gentlemen  nominated  by  the  Committee 

as  Delegates  to  the  General  Congress,  to  be 

proposed  to  the  Citizens  for  their  approbation, 

at  the  same  time  and  place,  -         -         -     315 

19,      Letter  from  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  dated 

July  8,  with  Resolves,  received,    -         -         -     315 

At  the  Meeting  this  day  at  the  Coffee-House,  a 
small  portion  of  the  Citizens  only  attending, 
the  sentiments  of  the  majority  not  ascertained 
on  the  Resolutions,      -         -         -         -         -     315 

Committee  appointed  to  take  the  sense  of  the  Free- 
holders, Freemen,  and  Tax  Payers  in  each 
Ward,  on  the  Resolutions  and  the  nomination 
of  the  Delegates, 315 

FOUBTB  SeBIES. 


CONTENTS- 


XXXIV 


1774. 


July 
20. 


20. 


25, 


30. 
26. 


27. 


27. 


28. 


26, 


Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Committee:  1.  The 
King  of  Great  Britain  is  our  rightful  Sove- 
reign ;  it  is  our  duty  to  support  his  Crown  and 
dignity.  2.  All  Acts  of  Parliament  for  taxing 
the  Colonies,  unjust  and  unconstitutional,  par- 
ticularly the  Boston  Port  Act.  3.  Enforcing 
the  Taxation  in  the  Colonies,  the  true  motive 
and  main  design  of  that  Act.  4.  It  is  the 
duty  of  all  the  Colonies  to  assist  any  one  ao 
oppressed.  5.  The  meeting  of  the  proposed 
Congress  the  most  prudent  measure  in  this 
alarming  crisis.  6.  It  is  premature  for  one 
Colony  now  to  resolve  what  ought  to  be  done 
by  the  Congress,  who  should  be  left  free  to  de- 
cide on  what  they  think  best  7.  Nothing  but 
dire  necessity  can  justify  the  Colonies  in  uni- 
ting on  any  measure  that  may  injure  our 
brethren  in  Great  Britain.  8.  If  a  Non- Im- 
portation Agreement  should  be  adopted,  it 
ought  to  be  general,  and  faithfully  observed. 
9.  The  Delegates  to  Congress  should  be  so 
chosen  as  to  pledge  themselves  for  the  good 
conduct  of  the  People  they  represent,     -         -     315 

Mr.  Jay's  motion,  to  provide  for  the  distresses  of 
the  Poor  of  Boston. 316 

Committee  to  consider  of  the  means  for  their  re- 
lief and  to  report  with  all  convenient  speed,  -     317 

Committee  to  prepare  Answers  to  the  Letters  re- 
ceived,     -        -        -        -        -        -        -317 

Committee  appointed  to  request  the  Committee  of 
Mechanicks  to  appoint  persons  to  join  those 
appointed  by  this  Committee,  to  take  the  sense 
of  the  Inhabitants  on  the  Resolutions  and  the 
Delegates,  -         -         -         -         -         -317 

Address  of  Mr.  Alsop,  Mr.  Low,  and  Mr.  Jay, 
to  the  Publick.  The  sense  of  the  City  so  un- 
certain, that  they  do  not  consider  themselves, 
or  any  others,  duly  chosen  as  Delegates  to  the 
Congress,  - 317 

Address  of  Mr.  Moore,  Mr.  Low,  Mr.  Remsen, 
and  Mr.  Jay,  to  the  Publick.  After  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  Resolutions  offered  by  the  Commit- 
tee of  Correspondence  to  the  Meeting  at  the 
Coffee-House,  on  the  19th,  they  were  appoint- 
ed on  another  Committee  to  prepare  new  Re- 
solutions. Their  appointment  irregular,  and 
decline  serving.  They  approve,  with  few  ex- 
ceptions, of  the  rejected  Resolutions,     -         -     317 

Letter,  dated  Boston,  July,  1774,  received,  -     318 

Mr.  Remsen's  motion,  that  a  Poll  be  opened  in 
each  Ward,  on  the  28th,  for  the  election  of  five 
Deputies  to  the  Congress,    -        -        -        -     3 1 8 

Unanimously  agreed  to,  -        -        -        -     318 

Committee  to  carry  it  into  effect,      -        -        -     318 

Amendment  of  the  third  Resolve,     -        -        -     318 

Queries  from  Ulster  County,  (Note,)         -         -     318 

Note  from  the  Committee,  at  Mr.  Marriner's.  to 
the  Delegates  nominated,  desiring  a  pledge 
that  they  will  support  a  Non-Importation 
Agreement  in  the  Congress,  until  the  Ameri- 
can Grievances  are  redressed,       ...      319 

Reply  of  Mr.  Livingston,  Mr.  Low,  Mr.  Alsop, 
and  Mr.  Jay.  They  believe  a  general  Non- 
Importation  Agreement  would  prove  the  most 
efficacious  means  to  procure  a  redress  of  Grie- 
vances,    -        -        -        -        -        -        -319 

In  answer  to  this  Reply,  the  Committee,  at  Mr. 
Marriner's,  agree  to  support  the  nominated 
Delegates, 319 

Letter  from  Charles  Thomson,  Philadelphia, 
dated  July  25,  with  Resolves,  received,         -      320 

Publication  of  Proceedings  of  yesterday,  ordered, 
to  correct  a  mistake  in  Mr.  Holt's  Paper,     -      320 

The  Publication  of  Mr.  Holt,  referred  to  by  the 
Committee,  (Note,) 320 

Philip  Livingston,  Isiac  Low,  John  Jay,  John 
Alsop,  and  James  Duane,  mianimously  elected 
Delegates  to  the  Congress, 

Committee  on  the  distresses  of  the  Poor  in  Bos- 
ton will  report  at  next  meeting  of  the  Com- 
mittee,      .-.---- 

Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at 
Charlestown,  South  Carolina.  Resolutions  of 
South  Carolina  much  approved  of  Nothing 
but  a  strict  union  among  all  the  Colonies 
can  effect  a  restoration  of  the  just  rights  of 
America.  Will  concur  in  every  constitutional 
measure  for  obtaining  a  redress  of  Grievances. 


-     320 


320 


XX  XT 


CONTENTS. 


XXXVI 


1774, 

July 

28. 


23, 


29, 


Augt 
7, 


22. 


29, 


Sept. 
5, 


19, 


29, 
30. 

Oct. 

7 


Three  sets  of  Resolutions  published  in  New- 
York,  that  si|?n«l  by  ilie  Chairman,  adopt»>d. 
Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at 
Philadelphia.  After  various  contests  on  the 
appointment  of  Delegates,  regular  polls  have 
been  opened  in  each  Ward  in  the  Guy,  which 
has  given  imiversal  satisfaction.  Letters  sent 
to  the  several  Comities  of  the  Province  re- 
questing their  co-operation.  Resolves  and 
Instructions  of  the  Provincial  Committee  of 
Pennsylvania,  much  approved,  - 
Letter  to  Matthew  Tilghman,  Chairman  of  Com- 
mittee for  Maryland.  Resolutions  of  Mary- 
land much  approved.  The  1st  of  September 
proposed  by  Massachusetts  for  the  meeting  of 
Congress,  agreed  to  by  Eastern  Colonies, 
except  New- Hampshire,  from  whence  no  com- 
mmiication  has  been  received  on  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  .         .         -         -         - 

Letter  sent  to  the  Committee  or  Treasurer  of  the 
different  Counties  in  the  Province.  Suggests 
the  e.xpediency  of  electing  Delegates  to  Con- 
gress m  the  several  Counties  speedily ;  or  to 
express  their  confidence  in  the  Delegates  elect- 
ed in  the  City,  .  .  .  -  - 
Letter  from  Elizabethtovvn.  dated  August  5th. 

received,  .        .         .         -         - 

Conmiittee  appointed  to  answer  a  Letter  from 
Boston,  ancf  to  wait  on  the  Chairman  of  the 
Mechanicks'  Committee,  to  request  the  Boston 
Letter  to  them,  .         .         -         .         - 

Committee  appointed  to  procure  Collections  to 
relieve  the  poor  of  Boston ;  and  to  request  the 
assistance  of  the  Coumuttee  of  Mechanicks  in 
making  the  subscriptions,  ... 

Election  of  Delegates  in  Orange  and  Albany 
Counties,  (Note,)  .  -  -  -  - 
Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  of 
Boston.  Explain  the  cause  of  their  omission 
to  write,  and  express  their  regret  that  the  rec- 
titude of  their  intentions  are  doubted.  Appeal 
to  their  Acts,  Letters,  and  Resolves,  to  show 
their  attachment  to  the  general  cause.  Defend 
the  Merchants  against  the  charge  of  want  of 
patriotism,  made  against  them,  in  the  Letter  to 
the  Committee  of  the  Mechanicks.  Request 
to  be  furnished  with  copies  of  the  Letters  that 
have  given  rise  to  the  suspicions.  The  dis- 
tresses of  the  Poor  of  Boston  have  engaged 
the  earnest  attention  of  tlie  Committee, 
Letter  to  the  several  Counties  of  the  Province. 
Urges  them  to  contribute  for  the  relief  of  the 
Poor  of  Boston.  The  interest  and  welfare  of  a 
whole  Contment  requires  that  provision  should 
be  made  for  all  sufferers  in  the  common  cause. 
Letter  from  Suffolk  County,  dated  August  11, 
received.  Colonel  William  Floyd  elected  a 
Delegate  for  that  County,  - 
Busine.ss  of  the  ensuing  Congress  discussed,  in 

presence  of  the  Delegates,  (Note,) 
Letter  to   Zephaniah  Piatt,   Dutchess  Coimty. 

Delegates  chosen  in  the  City  approved. 
Letters  received  from   Kingston,  August,    19  ; 
New- Windsor,  August  26;  Bedford,  August  9; 
Mamaroneck,  August  7  ;  and  White  Plains, 
August  27  ;  approving  the  Delegates  chosen 

for  the  City, 

3.  Reported  attack  on  Boston,  on  the  2d,  (Note,) 

Letters  from  Albany,  August  27,  and  Pough- 

keepsie,  August  31,  approving  the  Resolves 

and  Delegates  for  New- York,     -         •         . 

Letter  from  Isaac  Low,  Philadelphia,  received. 

Committee  appointed  to  write  to  Richmond,  Kings, 

Q.uefns,  and  Tryon  Counties,  requesting  them 

to  send  Delegates  to  the  Congress  now  sitting, 

or  to  approve  of  those  now  tliere,  for  the 

Province  of  New- York,     -        -         .         . 

Representation  from  a  number  of   Inhabitants, 

signed  by  Joseph  Totten,  their  President, 
Conmiittee  call  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  at 
tlie  City- Hall,  this  day,  to  consider  Mr.  Tot- 
ten's  Representation,  -        -         -         . 
Conduct  of  the  persons  complained  of  in  the  Re- 
presentation, condemned,     - 
5,  Meeting  of  Importers  called  to  consider  advances 
upon  Goods  imported, 
ImportiTs  agree  not  to  put  unreasonable  advances 
on  Goods,  from  the  apprehension  of  a  Non 


320 


1774. 


-     321 


321 


-     322 


-     322 


Importation :  will  discourage  all  Engrossers; 
and  will  dtcline  dealing  with  all  who  attempt 
to  defeat  their  Resolutions,  .         .         - 

iVw.  7, Committee  appointed  to  inquire  what  progress 
has  been  made  in  Collections  for  the  Poor  of 
Boston,     -         -         -         -         -         - 

Meeting  of  the  Citizens  called  to  appoint  Com- 
mittees of  Inspection,  agreeably  to  the  Conti- 
nental Association,     .         -         -         -         - 

Committee  appointetl  to  write  to  the  several 
Counties,  recommending  the  appointment  of 
Committees  of  Inspection,  .         .         - 

14,  Letter  to  Daniel   Dmiscomb,  Chairman  of  the 

Committee  of  Mechanicks.  Requests  a  Con- 
ference with  that  Committee  on  the  appoint- 
ment of  Committees  of  Inspection, 
Contributors  for  the  Poor  of  Boston,  in  the  seve- 
ral Counties,  requested  to  transmit  their  Do- 
nations as  speedily  as  possible  to  New- York, 

15,  Committee,  after  their  Conference  with  the  Com- 

mittee of  Mechanicks,  consider  their  body  dis- 
solved on  the  election  of  a  Committee  under 
the  Association  of  Congress,        .         .         - 

Election  of  new  Committee  of  Sixty  ordered,  on 
the  22d  instant,  .         .         -         .         - 

The  new  Committee  of  Sixty  elected. 


322 


322 


322 


323 


323 


-     324 


-     324 


324 


325 
325 


326 
326 


326 


-     326 


326 


-     327 


-     328 


22, 


May 
10, 
13, 
13, 


14, 
16, 

17, 

18. 

17, 

18, 


19, 


17, 


18, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

The  Port  Bill  received  at  Boston,  (Note,) 

General  Gage  arrived  at  Boston,  (Note,) 

To\vn  Meeting  in  Boston — Advise  the  stoppage 
of  all  Imports  from,  and  all  Exports  to,  Great 
Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  till  the  Port  Bill 
is  repealed,         ...-.- 

This  vote  ordered  to  be  sent  to    11  the  Colonics, 

Committee  appointed  to  consider  what  measures 
are  proper  for  the  Town  to  adopt,  in  the  pre- 
sent emergency,  .         .         .         -         . 

Committee  appointed  to  consult  with  Salem  and 
Marblehead,       ...... 

Paul  Revere  despatched  with  Letters  to  the 
Southern  Colonies,  (Note,)  ... 

Election  of  Committee  of  Fifty  at  New- York,  to 
correspond  with  the  Colonies,  on  all  matters  of 
moment,  ...... 

General  Gtage  landed  in  Boston.  Sworn  into 
office  as  Governour,  and  invited  to  a  publick 
entertainment  at  Faneuil  Hall,  (Note,) 

Meeting  at  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  recommend 
to  the  People  patience,  fortitude,  and  a  firm 
trust  in  God,      - 

Votes  passed  at  this  Meeting,  ... 

Letter  received  in  Boston  from  Philadelphia. 
Boston  need  not  expect  general  support  from 
the  other  Colonics.  In  Pennsylvania  they 
will  find  none,  ..... 

Letter  from  Samuel  Adams,  Boston,  to  Arthur 
Lee,  London.  Injustice  and  barbarity  of  the 
Port  Bill.  The  Inhabitants  view  it  with  in- 
dignation. Have  resolved  upon  a  Non-Im- 
portation. Calmness,  courage,  and  unanimity 
prevail.  Suspect  studied  insult  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  General  Gage, 

Letter  from  General  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. Occurrences  at  Boston,  on  his  arrival. 
The  Committee  from  Boston  to  Salem  and 
Marblehead  received  little  encouragement. — 
The  Port  Bill  has  staggered  the  most  presump- 
tuous. The  Assembly  may  be  more  inclined 
to  comply  with  the  King's  expectation  at  Sa- 
lem, where  they  will  be  moved  after  the  first  of 
June,         --..... 

TowTi  Meeting  at  Providence,  Rhode- Island. — 
Will  unite  with  the  other  Colonies  in  measures 
for  protecting  and  securing  their  rights.  Re- 
commend a  Congress  of  all  the  Colonies  and 
Provinces,  for  establishing  the  firmest  union 
between  tliem.  All  the  English  American 
Colonies  equally  interested  in  the  Proceedings 
of  Parliament  against  Boston.  Recommend 
the  stoppage  of  all  Trade  with  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  Africa,  and  the  West  Indies,      - 

Meeting  at  Chestertown,  Maryland,  on  the  i»r- 
portation  of  Dutiable  Tea  in  the  Geddes.  No 
Taxes  or  Duties  can  be  constinitionally  im- 
posed without  our  consent.      The    Duty  on 


328 
328 
329 
329 

329 
329 

330 

330 
330 


331 
331 


331 
331 


331 
331 


331 


293 


331 


331 
332 


332 


332 


333 


333 


xxxni 


CONTENTS. 


XXXVIII 


1774. 

May 

18, 


19, 
19, 


19, 


20, 


20, 
21, 


20, 

20, 


20, 


20, 


21, 


337 


337 


Tea  unconstitutional.  Whoever  imports,  buys, 

or  sells  it,  stigmatized  as  enemies  to  America,      334 

Address  to  the  Freemen  of  America.  Conduct 
of  Great  Britain  towards  America,  a  system  of 
oppression.  Life,  liberty,  and  property,  are 
now  but  names  in  America.  New- York, 
Philadelphia,  and  Charlestown,  cannot  escape 
the  fate  of  Boston.  An  union  of  the  Colonies 
will  render  harmless  British  vengeance  and 
tyranny.  Virtue,  unanimity,  and  persever- 
ence,  are  invincible,  -         -         -         -     335 

Pablick  Meeting  at  Farmington,  Coimecticut. — 
Liberty  Pole  erected,  and  Boston  Port  Bill 
burnt  by  the  common  hangman,  -         -     336 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  at 
Westerly,  to  the  Committee  of  Boston.  Treat- 
ment of  Boston  by  Great  Britain  worse  than 
that  of  Carthage  by  Rome.  The  attack  upon 
Boston,  an  attempt  upon  the  whole  Continent. 
The  other  Colonies  will  unite  with  the  friends 
of  liberty,  in  Boston,  in  support  of  the  common 
cause,       .-.--.-     336 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Portsmouth,  New- 
Hampshire,  to  the  Boston  Committee.  The 
British  Ministry  are  endeavouring  to  disunite 
the  Colonies,  that  they  may  put  down  their  op- 
position. A  firm  union  of  all  the  Colonies 
will  prevent  the  cruel  effects  of  the  Port  Bill, 

Letter  to  Lord  North,  attributed  to  Edmund 
Burke.  The  rights  of  the  Crown,  and  the 
rights  of  the  Colonies,  under  various  Charters 
and  Grants,       ..-.-. 

Letter  from  a  Member  of  the  Virginia  Assembly, 
Williamsburg,  to  his  Correspondent  in  Lon- 
don. Resentment  in  Virginia,  on  account  of 
die  War  sent  to  Boston.  It  is  the  universal 
determination  to  stop  the  principal  Exports  to, 
and  all  the  Imports  from.  Great  Britain.  The 
Assembly,  now  in  session,  will  agree  on  mea- 
sures to  be  adopted,  before  they  adjourn,         -     340 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Philadelphia. — 
Committee  of  Correspondence  appoint^!,        -     340 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Philadelphia  to  the 
Boston  Committee.  It  is  difficult  to  collect  the 
sense  of  the  People,  or  to  advise  what  ought  to 
be  done,  on  this  crisis.  The  general  sense  of 
this  Province,  and  of  all  the  Colonies,  should 
be  obtained.  If  satisfying  the  East  India  Com- 
pany for  the  Tea  would  end  the  controversy, 
there  would  be  no  hesitation  on  what  ought  to 
be  done.  A  Congress  from  all  the  Colonies, 
preferred  by  the  People  of  Pennsylvania,  to  a 
Non-Importation  and  Non-Exportation  Agree- 
ment. Will  endeavour  to  collect  the  sense  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  neighbouring  Colonies, 
on  these  important  points,    -        -        -        -     341 

Cluestions  and  Answers,  on  paying  for  the  Tea, 
(Note,) 295 

Letter  from  Gouverneur  Morris,  New- York, 
to  Mr.  Penn,  Philadelphia.  Proceedings  in 
New- York,  on  the  appointment  of  the  Com- 
mittee. His  opinions  on  the  state  of  parties  in 
New- York.  A  safe  compact  for  re-union 
with  the  parent  state,  is  to  leave  internal  Tax- 
ation to  the  Colonics,  and  to  vest  the  regula- 
tion of  Trade  in  Great  Britain.  His  reasons 
for  this  as  the  only  possible  mode  of  re-union,      343 

To^^^l  Meeting  at  Newport,  Rhode- Island. — 
The  Boston  Port  Bill  subversive  of  American 
Liberty.  The  same  authority  may  destroy 
the  Trade  of  every  other  Colony.  Will  unite 
with  the  other  Colonies,  in  all  proper  mea- 
sures, to  place  the  rights  of  each  on  a  perma- 
nent foundation,  and  particularly  in  a  stoppage 
of  all  Trade  with  Great  Britain  and  the  West 
Indies, 343 

Company  at  Ne\vport  for  carrying  on  Woollen 
Manufactures  in  the  Colony.  Wool  enough 
raised  to  clothe  all  the  Inhabitants,  (Note,)     -     344 

Letter  from  General  Gage  to  Governour  Trum- 
bull. Informs  him  of  his  appointment  as 
Governour  of  Massachusetts,  and  expresses 
his  readiness  to  co-operate  for  the  good  of  his 
Majesty's  service,       .         -         -         .         .     344 

Letter  from  the  Boston  Committee,  in  reply  to 
one  from  sundry  Gentlemen  in  New- York. 
Thanks  for  their  unsolicited  offer  of  assistance. 
Letters  countermanding  orders  for  Goods  sent 


1774. 


May 
23, 


23. 


23, 


24, 


24, 


24, 


24, 

24, 


May 
24, 


26, 
27, 


29, 


30, 


by  a  vessel  yesterday  for  London.  The  friends 
of  Government,  in  Boston,  procuring  signers 
to  an  Address  to  Governour  Hutchinson,  and 
are  endeavouring  to  raise  money  to  pay  for 
the  Tea, 344 

Intelligence  received  at  Philadelphia  from  Pitts- 
burgh. On  the  26th  of  April,  two  Indians 
killed  on  the  Ohio,  near  Wheeling.  Michael 
Cresap  believed  to  be  concerned  in  the  murder. 
Cresap  had  previously  declared  he  would  kill 
every  Indian  he  met  on  the  River ;  and  if  he 
could  get  a  sufficient  number  of  men,  he  would 
mark  a  Village  on  Yellow  Creek.  Another 
party  of  Indians  attacked  by  Cresap.  Great- 
house  and  Baker  cut  off  a  party  at  Yellow 
Creek, 34.5 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  the 
Boston  Committee.  Advise  a  General  Con- 
gress of  all  the  Colonies,  to  be  assembled 
without  delay;  and  some  unanimous  resolution 
formed,  not  only  respecting  the  deplorable  cir- 
cumstances of  Boston,  but  for  the  security  of 
our  common  rights,  ....     297 

Address  of  the  Episcopal  Ministers  and  Wardens, 
in  Boston,  to  Governour  Hutchinson,  -     346 

Governour  Hutchinson's  Answer,  -         -     346 

Address  of  the  Justices  of  the  Court  of  General 
Sessions  of  the  Peace,  for  the  County  of  Suf- 
folk, Massachusetts,  to  Governour  Gage,       -     346 

The  Governour's  Answer,     -         -         -         .     347 

Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  the  Boston  Commit- 
tee. The  cause  of  Boston  the  cause  of  all  the 
Colonies.  Must  be  supported  against  the 
whole  strength  of  Great  Britain.  By  sea 
they  will  beat  us ;  by  land  they  will  not  at- 
tempt us.  We  must  suspend  all  Trade  with 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  and  with- 
hold Flax-seed  from  Ireland.  Stopping  our 
Ports  entirely,  contemplated.  We  shall  try  to 
convene  a  Congress  as  soon  as  possible,  -     347 

Meeting  at  Talbot  Court  House,  Maryland,  to 
consider  the  distresses  of  Boston.  Determined 
to  pursue  every  constitutional  measure  to  avert 
the  evils  threatened  by  the  Boston  Port  Bill ; 
to  support  the  common  rights  of  America,  and 
to  promote  union  and  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  Colonies,     ...         -     347 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  the 
Philadelphia  Committee,     -         .         -         .     298 

Letter  I,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colo- 
nies in  America,  on  the  present  disputes  with 
Great  Britain, 348 


HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Resolution  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virgi- 
nia, setting  apart  the  first  day  of  June  to  be  ob- 
served, by  the  Members  of  the  House,  as  a  day 
of  Fasting,  Humiliation,  and  Prayer,  -     350 

Assembly  of  Virginia  dissolved  by  Lord  Dun- 
more,        -         -     350 

Association  agreed  to  and  signed  by  eighty-nine 
Members  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses  of 
Virginia,  ......     350 

Members  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses  remain- 
ing in  Tovm  convened  by  Peyton  Randolph  ; 
who,  on  considering  the  important  Letters  re- 
ceived this  day,  by  express,  from  Boston,  Phil- 
adelphia, and  Annapolis,  ordered  the  other 
Members  near  the  City  to  be  called  together,       35 1 

Twenty-five  Members  met,  and  unanimously 
agreed  to  postpone  the  further  consideration  of 
the  subject  to  the  first  of  August ;  when  it  is 
expected  a  Non- Importation  Agreement  will 
be  entered  into,  and  Resolutions  to  suspend,  at 
some  future  day,  Exports  to  Great  Britain,  -  35 1 
Juru  1,  Divine  Service,  at  Williamsburg,  in  compliance 
with  the  Resolution  of  the  Burgesses,  of  the 
24th  of  May,  (Note,)  -         -         -         -     351 


May 
29, 


CORRESPONDENCE,    PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Letter  from  Lord  Dunmore,  Williamsburg,  to 
the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Resolution  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses  to  deny  and  oppose  the 
authority  of  Parliament  offered  by  Robert 
Carter  Nicholas,  Treasurer  of  the  Province. 
Dissolved  the  Assembly,  with  the  unanimous 


XXX IX 


1774. 


CONTENTS. 


XX. 


consent  of  the  Council.  Will  not  call  another 
till  he  hears  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Ma- 
ny of  the  dissolved  Members  state  that  if  the 
full  force  of  the  Resolution  had  been  adverted 
to,  it  would  have  met  with  strong  opposition,  352 
May    Meetiiip;  at  Annapolis,  Maryland.     The  suffer- 

26,  inp  of  Boston,  the  common  cause  of  America. 
A  stoppage  of  Trade  with  Great  Britain  will 
preserve  North  America  and  her  Liberties. 
Gentlemen  of  the  Law  in  the  Province  should 
bring  no  suit  for  the  recovery  of  a  debt  due  to 
Hn  Inhabitant  of  Great  Britain,  until  the  Boston 
Port  Act  be  repealed.  The  Inhabitants  of 
Annajiolis  will,  and  the  Province  ought,  im- 
mediately to  break  offall  Trade  with  the  Colo- 
ny or  Province  which  shall  refuse  to  adopt 
similar  Resolutions  with  a  majority  of  the 
Colonies.  Committee  appointed  to  unite  with 
others  of  the  Province,  to  effect  an  Association 

to  secure  American  Liberty,         .         .         -     352 
2G,     Objections  to  the  Proceedings  at  the  Meeting  at 

Annapolis,  on  the  24th,         ...         -     353 

27,  Another  Meeting,  held  at  Annapolis,  confirmed 

the  Resolutions  passed  on  the  24th,         -         -     353 
30,     Protest  of  a  number  of  Inhabitants  of  Annapolis 
against  the  Resolution  adopted  on  the  27th, 
asrainst  bringing  suits  for  debts  due  to  Persons 
residing  in  Great  Britain,     ...         -     353 

Letter  from  Daniel  Dulany,  Jim.,  Annapolis,  to 
Arthur  Lee.  Notice  of  the  Proceedings  on 
the  24th.  He  opposed  one  of  the  Resolutions. 
The  Resolutions  are  not  to  be  obligatory  until 
they  are  agreed  to  by  a  majority  of  the  Colo- 
nies, and  the  several  Counties  of  this  Province,     354 

Resolutions  adopted  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  English  Colony  of  Connecticut,  355 

1 .  The  King  of  Great  Britain  recognised  as  their 
lawful  Sovereign,        -         .         .         -        .     355 

2.  The  Lihabitants  of  the  Colony  have  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  Subjects  bom  within 

the  Realm  of  England,         ....     355 

3.  The  Assembly  of  the  Colony  the  only  lawful 
Representatives  thereof,        ....     356 

4.  It  is  the  right  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Col- 
ony to  be  governed  only  by  their  own  Assem- 
bly, in  Taxing  and  Internal  Police,       -        -    356 

5.  Admiralty  Courts,  with  extraordinary  powers, 
destructive  of  the  rights  of  the  People  of  the 
Colony, 356 

6.  Carrj-ing  Persons  beyond  the  Sea,  for  Trial, 
unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  the  rights 

of  the  Colony,     -.--..     356 

7.  A  Port  can  only  be  shut  up  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  the  Colony  in  which  it  is  situated,      -    356 

8.  Closing  the  Port  of  Boston,  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, inconsistent  with  the  rights  and  liberties 

of  the  Colonies  in  America,  ...     355 

9.  Whenever  his  Majesty's  service  shall  require 

the  aid  of  this  Colony,  it  wll  be  granted,       -    356 

10.  The  well-being  and  security  of  the  Colony 
depends  on  its  connection  with  Great  Britain,       356 

11.  It  is  our  duty,  by  all  lawful  means,  to  defend 

and  preserve  our  rights  and  liberties,      -         -     357 

25,  Meeting  of  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  -     357 
Counsellors  elected,        .....     357 

26,  Counsellors  rejected  by  the  Govemour,      -         -     357 
Govemour's  Speech  to  both  Houses.      Informs 

them  that  after  the  first  of  June,  in  compliance 
with  the  King's  particular  commands,  the  Gen- 
eral Court  will  be  held  at  Salem,  -         -     357 
25,     Address  presented  to  Govemour  Hutchinson,  by 

sundry  Gentlemen  of  Marblehead,  -         -     358 

Govemour  Hutchinson's  Answer,     -         -         -     358 
JuHC  3,  Declaration  of  Marblehead,  relative  to  the  Ad- 
dress from  sundry  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  to 
Govemour  Hutchinson;  unanimously  voted  at 
a  legal  Town  Meeting,        ....    359 


NEW-HAMPSHIRE    ASSEMBLY. 

May  Assembly  of  New-Hampshire  authorize  the  en- 
27,  listment  of  three  Men,  to  be  posted  at  his  Ma- 
jesty's Fort,  William  and  Mary,  under  the  com- 
mand of  one  Officer,  ....  ^qq 
Message  from  Govemour  Wentworth  to  the  As- 
sembly. He  does  not  think  it  safe  to  entrust  so 
important  a  Fortress  to  the  care  and  defence  of 
three  Men  and  one  Officer,  ,        .        .    350 


1774. 

May  Committee  appointed  by  the  Assembly  of  New- 
28,        Hampshire,  to  correspond  with  the  Committees 

in  the  other  Colonies,  -         -         -         -     361 

The  Speaker  directed  to  answer  such  Letters  as 
he  may  receive  from  the  other  Colonies  rela- 
tive to  the  Difficulties  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies,  and  to  assure  them  that  this 
Assembly  will  join  them  in  all  measures  for 
saving  the  rights  of  America,  -  -  -  361 
The  Govemour  authorized  to  enlist  five  Men  for 
Fort  William  and  Mary,      -         -         -         -     361 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

May   Address  of  Merchants  and  Traders  of  the  Town 

28,  of  Boston,  presented  to  Govemour  Hutchinson,     361 
Answer  of  Govemour  Hutchinson,  -         -     362 

24,  Protest  of  the  Merchants  and  Traders  of  the 
TowTi  of  Boston,  unanimously  votfd,  at  a  full 
Meeting,  against  a  Paper  called  an  Address 
to  Govemour  Hutchinson,  handed  about,  and 
signed,  in  a  private  manner,  -         -         -     362 

29,  Address  presented  to  Govemour  Hutchinson,  by 

several  Gentlemen  of  the  Law,     .         .         -     363 
Answer  of  Govemour  Hutchinson,  -         -     363 

30,  Letter  from  Bedford,  Pennsylvania.    Alarms  on 

the  Frontiers  on  account  of  the  Indians.  A  par- 
ty of  the  Shawanese  out,  it  is  supposed  to  at- 
tack some  part  of  Virginia,  ...     364 

30,  "Join  or  Die!"  An  Appeal  to  the  People  to  unite 
in  resisting  the  Parliament,  and  supporting  Bos- 
ton,   364 

30,     Address  from  the  Magistrates  of  Middlesex  Coun- 
ty, Massachusetts,  to  Govemour  Hutchinson,       364 
Mr.  Hutchinson's  Answer,       ....     365 

30,  A  Meeting  of  a  number  of  Persons  of  all  societies, 
in  Philadelphia,  determine  to  suspend  all  busi- 
ness on  the  first  of  June,  the  day  the  Boston 
Port  Bill  takes  effect,  (Note,)         -         -         -     365 

30,  Committee  of  the  Society  of  Quakers  inform  the 
Publick  that  no  person  was  authorized  to  repre- 
sent them  at  the  Meeting  for  suspending  busi- 
ness on  the  first  of  Jime,  ....  365 
June  1,  People  of  Philadelphia,  except  the  Friends,  sus- 
pend all  business ;  nine-tenths  shut  up  their 
houses.  The  Bells  were  rang  muffled;  and 
Vessels  in  the  Port  had  their  Colours  half 

hoisted,  (Note,) 365 

6,  Rector  of  Christ's  Church,  Philadelphia,  ac- 
quaints the  Publick  that  the  Bells  of  that 
Church  were  not  rang,  on  the  1st,  with  his 
knowledge  or  approbation:  he  specially  di- 
rected there  should  be  no  observance  of  that 
day  in  any  of  the  Churches  under  his  care, 

(Note,) 365 

May  Queen  Anne  County,  Maryland,  Resolutions.  The 

30,  cause  of  Boston,  the  common  cause  of  America ; 
all  legal  means  should  be  adopted  to  procure 
the  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  All  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  Great  Britain  should 
be  stopped  until  that  Act  is  repealed,  and  the 
right  assumed  by  Parliament,  for  taxing  Ame- 
rica, in  all  cases  whatsoever,  be  given  up.  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  and  Intercourse  ap- 
pointed,      366 

30,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Lon- 

don, (Note,) 299 

31,  Bakimore  County,  Maryland,  Resolutions.    The 

duty  of  every  Colony  in  America  to'  imite  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  This 
County  will  join  with  the  Province  to  stop 
Trade  with  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies. 
Provincial  Ccngress  recommended;  to  be  held 
at  Annapolis.  Maryland  should  break  offall 
intercourse  with  any  Colony  who  shall  refuse 
to  come  into  similar  Resolutions  with  a  ma- 
jority of  the  Colonies.  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence appointed,     365 

31,  Letter  from  Govemour  Perm  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  An  Express  despatched  to  Phil- 
adelphia, from  Boston,  with  a  proposal  to  stop 
all  "Tradi'  with  Great  Britain.  In  consequence 
of  this  a  Meeting  was  held,  where  the  matter 
was  considered  and  debated.  It  was  resolved 
to  petition  the  Govemour  to  convene  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  on  the  occasion.  Should  so  af- 
frontive  an  application  be  made,  will  treat  it  as 
it  deserves, 367 


xr.i 

1774. 

Miy  Letter  from  Governour  Franklin,  Burlington,  to 
31,  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Difficult  to  foresee 
what  will  be  the  consequences  of  the  Boston 
Port  Act.  The  Merchants  of  New- York  and 
Philadelphia,  though  inclined  to  co-operate 
with  Boston,  unwilling  to  enter  into  a  Gen- 
eral Non-Importation  and  Non-Exportation 
Agreement.  A  Congress  has  been  proposed, 
but  whether  it  will  take  place  is  uncertain,  -  368 
31,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Lon- 
don, (Note,)       299 

3 1 ,  Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. Doubtful  whether  the  other  Colonies 
will  give  Boston  any  thing  but  good  words. 
The  violent  seem  to  break,  and  the  People  to 
fall  off  from  them.  The  Assembly  hurrying 
through  their  business,  to  avoid  meeting  at 
Salem,  were  suddenly  adjourned  by  him  to  meet 
there  on  the  7th  of  June.  The  Officers  of 
the  Customs  leave  Boston  to-morrow,  and  the 
Admiral  has  stationed  his  Ships.  No  design 
has  yet  appeared  of  opposing  the  Act.  Many 
wish  for  the  arrival  of  the  Troops ;  People  will 
speak  openly  then,  which  they  now  dare  not 

do, 368 

31,  Letter  from  John  Scollay,  Boston,  to  Arthur  Lee. 
Injurious  effects  that  will  be  felt  by  the  whole 
Province  from  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  Although 
it  was  intended  to  ruin  the  Town,  yet  out  of 
this  management  of  Lord  North's,  instead  of 
despotism  and  tyranny  over  the  Colonies,  a 
foundation  for  peace  and  harmony  with  Great 
Britain  will  be  laid.  The  Colonies  do  not 
wish  for  Independence,  and  they  are  too  valu- 
able for  the  Crown  to  part  with,  -  -  369 
31,     Information   of  the   Boston  Port  Bill  received 

with  indignation  at  Charlestown,  S.  Carolina,  370 
31,  Letter  from  the  Norfolk,  Virginia,  Committee,  to 
the  Committee  at  Charlestown,  South  Carolina. 
The  time  has  come  when  the  closest  union  is 
necessary.  The  Boston  Port  Bill  is  an  attack 
upon  the  liberties  of  us  all.  We  look  to  Charles- 
town as  among  those  to  take  the  lead  in  the  gen- 
eral establishment  of  the  rights  of  the  Colonies. 
Fear  Boston  will  sink  under  the  weight  of 
their  misfortunes.  Approve  of  the  expediency 
of  a  Congress.  If,  after  all,  the  India  Com- 
pany must  be  reimbursed,  every  freeman  will 
cheerfully  join  in  the  general  expense,  -     370 

June  1,  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Colden,  New- 
York,  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  At  the 
time  the  Boston  Port  Bill  was  received  in 
New- York,  the  men  who  called  themselves  the 
Committee,  were,  many  of  them,  of  the  lower 
rank,  and  all  the  warmest  zealots  of  those  called 
the  Sons  of  Liberty.  The  principal  Inhabi- 
tants, at  a  meeting  held  after  the  Port  Act  was 
published,  dissolved  this  Committee  and  appoint- 
ed a  new  one,  of  the  prudent  people  of  the  city. 
No  Resolutions  have  yet  been  adopted  by  this 

Colony, 372 

1,  Letter  from  Major  General  Haldimand,  New- 
York,  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Since  the 
late  vigorous  measures  of  Parliament,  the  loyal 
Inhabitants  fear  not  to  disapprove  the  rash  pro- 
ceedings of  their  Countrymen.  This  has  pre- 
vented the  passage  of  Resolutions  to  stop  Trade 
with  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  -  373 
1,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Scot- 
land, (Note,)       - 302 

I,  Fredericksburg,  Virginia,  Resolutions.  Will 
concur  in  every  proper  measure  adopted  by 
the  Colonies  respecting  Boston.  Committee 
of  Correspondence  appointed,  -  .  .  373 
I,  Letter  II,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colo- 
nies in  America.  An  examination  of  the  Acts 
relating  to  America,     -         -         -         -         -     374 

1,  An  Address  to  all  the  English  Colonies  of  North 

America.  Effects  and  consequences  of  the 
Boston  Port  Bill, 377 

2,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Kent  County,  Ma- 

ryland. Committee  of  Correspondence  ap- 
pointed. Delegates  to  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress at  Annapolis,  chosen.  Collections  made 
for  the  suffering  Poor  of  Boston,  -         -     379 

2,  Letter  from  a  Member  of  the  Assembly  of  New- 
Jersey.  Meeting  of  a  Committee  at  New- 
Brunswick.     Will  do  whatever  may  be  gen- 


CONTENTS. 


XLII 


1774. 


erally  agreed  on.  Have  requested  the  Govern- 
our to  convene  the  Assembly  before  the  first  of 
August, 380 

June  2,  Letter  received  in  Philadelphia  from  a  Gentleman 
in  Boston.  Closing  the  Port.  Proposition  to 
pay  for  the  Tea.  General  Gage  ordered  the 
removal  of  the  Province  Money  from  Boston 
to  Salem.  Treasurer  refused  to  comply,  -  380 
2,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Eng- 
land,   302 

2,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Norfolk,  Virginia, 

to  the  Baltimore  Committee.  The  late  Acts  of 
Parliament  viewed  as  fatal  to  the  liberties  of 
the  Colonies,  and  as  a  publick  robbery  of  our 
rights.  The  policy  of  attacking  a  Town  or 
Province  singly,  will  never  so  delude,  as  to  dis- 
unite us  from  a  joint  and  universal  opposition 
of  all  British  America,         -         -         -         -     371 

3,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Norfolk,  Virginia, 

to  the  Boston  Committee.  Are  not  indifferent 
spectators  of  the  distresses  of  Boston,  under  the 
cruel  exertion  of  British  power.  Observed  the 
first  of  June  as  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer. 
Consider  Boston  as  suffering  in  the  common 
cause,  and  feel  bound  by  the  most  solemn  and 
sacred  ties  to  support  them  in  every  measure  to 
regain  their  rights  and  privileges,  -         -     371 

3,  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  General 
Gage.  Encloses  Acts  for  the  better  govern- 
ment of,  and  the  administration  of  Justice  in, 
Massachusetts  Bay.  The  King  has  nominated 
thirty-six  persons  for  the  Council  of  Massachu- 
setts. Mr.  Oliver,  of  Cambridge,  appointed 
Lieutenant  Governour.  Instructions.  Vio- 
lences must  be  resisted  with  firmness.  The  Acts 
of  Parliament  must  he  obeyed  throughout  the 
whole  Empire,  .....     38O 

3,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 

Connecticut  to  the  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence for  Boston.  The  Assembly  at  their  ses- 
sion, which  closed  this  day,  came  to  Resolu- 
tions relative  to  their  rights  and  privileges. 
Resolves  of  Colonies  will  have  more  weight 
than  those  of  the  Merchants  of  separate  Towns; 
and  measures  recommended  by  the  whole 
tmited  Colonies  will  have  still  greater  weight 
and  influence,  -         .         .         -         .         304 

4,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 

Connecticut  to  the  New. York  Committee,  en- 
closing a  copy  of  the  preceding  Letter,  which 
they  have  also  sent  to  Rhode-Island  and  New- 
Hampshire,        ......     304 

4,  The  King's  birth-day.  Not  a  house  illuminated 
at  Charlestown;  no  demonstrations  of  joy, 
(Note,) 382 

4,     Address  to  the  People  of  Charlestown,  South 

Carolina, 382 

4,  Anne  Arundel  County,  Maryland,  Resolutions. 
Duty  of  all  the  Colonies  to  unite  for  obtaining 
a  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  A  stoppage 
of  Trade  with  Great  Britain  and  the  West 
Indies  the  most  effectual  means  to  obtain  a 
repeal.  Provincial  Congress  recommended; 
Members  for  Anne  Arundel  County  appointed,  384 
Questions  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the 
Committee  for  Anne  Arundel  County,  (Note,)     385 

4,  Letter  received  at  New-York  from  a  Gentleman 
of  Philadelphia.  Some  of  the  friends  of  Bos- 
ton here  are  too  warm,  and  wish  to  push  all 
things  into  confusion.  Our  Letter,  (of  May 
21,)  moderate,  yet  warm  and  firm  enough,      -     386 

4,  Letter  from  Joseph  Johnson,  an  Indian  of  the 
Mohegan  Tribe,  to  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Gov- 
ernour of  Connecticut,  ....     386 

6,  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Williamsburg, 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Cannot  tell  to  what 
lengths  the  People  of  Virginia  will  be  indu. 
ced  to  proceed.  Members  of  the  late  House  of 
Burgesses,  after  the  arrival  of  the  Boston  mes- 
senger, called  a  meeting  of  the  People,  and  pro. 
posed  to  them  to  agree  to  the  violent  measures 
adopted  at  Annapolis,  which,  that  they  may  be 
more  solemnly  entered  into,  have  deferred  the 
execution  of  it  to  the  first  day  of  Aiigust, 
when  all  the  Members  of  the  late  House  of 
Burgesses  are  required  to  attend,  .         -     387 

G,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders,  Merchants  and 
other  Inhabitants  of   the  County  of   Prince 


XLIII 


CONTENTS. 


XLIV 


1774.       William,  and  Town  of  Dumfries,  in  the  Colony 
of  Virginia,        •*"■.'" 
June  6,  Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Gentlenwn  in  Bos- 
ton.    Reasons  why  Boston  should  not  pay  fof 
the  Tea,  --■■.•" 

6,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Township  of  Lower  Freehold,  in  the  County 
of  Monmouth,  in  New-Jersey,      .         -         - 

6,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Nor- 

wich, in  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  legally 
wamtxl  and  convened,  .... 

7,  Meeting  of  the   Inhabitants  of  Essex  County, 

New- Jersey,  called,    .        -         -         -        - 
7,      Letter  from  the  Committee  of  New- York  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  in  Boston, 

7,  Offer  by  the  Merchants  and  Traders  of  Marble- 

head,  of  their  Stores  and  Wharves,  to  their  op- 
pressed brethren  of  Boston,  during  the  opera- 
tion of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,         .         .         - 

8,  Petition  of  sundry  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of 

Pennsylvania  to  Governour  Penn,  to  call  to- 
gether the  Assembly,  on  occasion  of  the  late 
Act  of  Parliament  respecting  the  Town  of 
Boston,  ...  -  ■  ".  .* 
Answer  of  the  Governour.  Does  not  think  it 
expedient  or  consistent  with  his  duty,     - 

8,  Meetmg  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Frederick,  in  Virginia, 
and  Grentlemen  practising  at  the  Bar,  held  in 
Winchester,       ...--- 

8,  Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.  Took  pains  to  prerail  upon 
tlie  Assembly  not  to  enter  into  extra  Provincial 
measures ;  yet  Committees  of  Correspondence 
were  appointed.  They  were  adjourned  imme- 
diately, and,  since  then,  kept  under  short  ad- 
journments, in  hopes  to  obtain  a  suspension  of 
their  votes.     Dissolved  the  Assembly  this  day, 

8,  Message  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  As- 
sembly of  New-Hampshire.  Measures  en- 
tered into  by  the  House  inconsistent  with  his 
Majesty's  service.  His  duty  to  prevent  any 
detriment  that  might  arise  from  such  Proceed- 
ings ;  therefore  dissolves  the  Assembly, 

8,  Expressat  Williamsburg  from  Pittsburgh.  Shaw- 
anese  have  declared  war  against  the  Whites, 

8,  Letter  III,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Col- 
onies in  America,  ..... 
Letter  to  the  Author  of  the  Letters  to  the  Inhab- 
itants of  the  British  Colonies  in  America, 

8,      Address  of  the  Boston  Committee  sent  to  the  Peo- 
ple of  every  Town  in  the  Province,  with  the 
Covenant,  ...... 

Form  of  the  Covenant  sent  to  every  Town  in 
Massachusetts,  ..... 

8,      Address  of  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others,  of 
Boston,  presented  to  Governour  Gage,  at  Sa- 
lem, ....... 

CJovernour  Gage's  Answer,    .... 

8,  Resolutions  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 

Massachusetts.  Convening  the  General  As- 
sembly at  any  other  place  than  Boston,  uime- 
cessarily,  a  great  Grievance, 

9,  Answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the 

Speech  of  Governour  Gage,  at  the  opening  of 
the  Session,       ...... 

9,  Answer  of  the  Council  to  the  Governour's 
Speech,     ....... 

13,  Committee  of  the  Covuicil  presented  the  Address 
to  the  Governour.  The  Chairman  not  permit- 
ted to  read  it  through,  .... 

13,  Messageof  Governour  Gage  to  the  Coimcil.  His 
reason  for  refiising  to  receive  the  Address. 
Considers  it  an  insult  to  the  King,  and  an  af- 
front to  himself,  ..... 

1 1,      Address  of  Merchants  and  others,  Inhabitants  of 

Salem,  to  Governour  Gage,  ... 

Answer  of  the  Governour,       .... 

11,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Harford  County, 
Maryland,  ...... 

11,  Meeting  of  the  Freemen  in  the  lower  part  of 
Frederick  County,  Maryland,       ... 

11,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Essex,  New-Jersey, 

11,  Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Connecticut, 

1 1 ,  Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  Bernard 
Liutot.     The  hints  he  has  furnished  very  pro- 


388 


388 


390 


390 
-     391 


303 


391 


391 


-     391 


-     392 


393 


394 


394 
394 


395 


397 


397 


398 
399 


-     399 


400 


400 


401 


401 


1774. 


Jvne 
13. 


13, 
13, 
13, 


13, 
13, 

13, 

14. 

14, 
15, 
15, 
15. 


16, 

16, 
17. 

17, 


17, 
17, 


17. 
17. 


401 
402 

18, 

402 

18, 

403 

18, 

305 

18, 

18. 

per  for  the  consideration  of  a  General  Congress 
of  Deputies  from  the  different  Colonies  ;  what 
can  or  will  be  done,  must  be  submitted  to  the 
wisdom  of  their  united  Councils,  -         -      306 

Letter  from  Norwich,  in  England,  to  a  Gentleman 
in  New- York.  Distresses  of  Manufacturers 
in  England,  in  consequence  of  the  measures  of 
Parliament  towards  America,       ...     404 

Intelligence  at  W'illiamsburg,  Virginia.  War 
with  the  Indians, 405 

Meeting  of  Mechanicks  at  Philadelphia,  held  on 
Thursday  evening,  the  9th,  -         -         -     405 

Letter  from  George  Clymer,  Philadelphia,  to 
Josiah  Quincy,  Jim.  New- York  and  Penn- 
sylvania object  to  the  suspension  of  Tr.ide  pro- 
posed by  Boston.  Pennsylvania  appears  de- 
terminetl  on  the  Congress.  General  Subscrip- 
tion opened  for  relief  of  Boston,  -         -     406 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Parish  of 
Soutifi-Haven,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  New- 
York,       -         -         -         -         -         -         -     407 

Meeting  of  the  General  Committee,  Charlestown, 
South  Carolina.  General  Meeting  of  the  Col- 
ony called,  to  consider  of  the  steps  proper  to 
be  taken  in  consequence  of  the  late  hostile  Act 
of  the  British  i'arliament  against  Boston,       -     408 

Letter  from  CharlestowTi,  South  Carolina,  to  a 
Gentleman  of  New- York.  Merchants  now 
generally  in  favour  of  Non- Importation,        -     408 

Letter  from  Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  to  Phil- 
adelphia. Charlestown  will  join  in  whatever 
New-York  and  Philadelphia  may  adopt,         -     408 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Charles  County, 
Maryland, 409 

Letter  IV,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colo- 
nies in  America,  -         -         -         -         -     4 1 0 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Borough  of 
Lancaster,  Pennsylvania,     -         -        -         -     415 

Resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Eng- 
lish Colony  of  Rhode-Island  and  Providence 
Plantations.  Firm  and  inviolable  union  of  all 
the  Colonies  absolutely  necessary  for  the  pre- 
servation of  their  rights  and  liberties.  Dele- 
gates to  the  Continental  Congress  appointed — 
Instructions  to  the  Delegates,         ... 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Dunmore,  Virginia,     - 

The  British  American,  No.  4,  ... 

Writs  for  an  election  of  a  new  Assembly  ordered 
by  the  Governour  and  Council  of  Virginia,     - 

Address  to  the  Gentlemen,  Freeholders,  and 
others,  in  the  County  of  New-Castle,  upon 
Delaware.  Enumeration  of  Grievances.  Meet- 
ing of  the  Inliabitants  of  the  Coimty  recom- 
mended, ...... 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  East- 
Hampton,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  New- 
York,       ....... 

Resolutions  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Massachusetts.  A  Congress  highly  expedient 
and  necessary,  to  consult  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  Colonies.  Delegates  on  the  part 
of  the  Province  appointed.  Discontinuance 
of  the  use  of  India  Teas,  and  of  the  use  of  all 
Goods  and  Manufactures  imported  from  the 
East  Indies  and  Great  Britain,  recommended. 
Encouragement  of  American  Manufactures, 
recommended,  -        -         -         -         -     421 

The  General  Assembly  dissolved  by  Governour 
Gage,       .......     422 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  Town  of  Boston,         ...     423 

None  at  the  Meeting  in  fiivour  of  paying  for  the 
Tea,  (Note,) 423 

All  the  Colonies  in  motion.  Subscriptions  for 
support  of  Boston  Poor,  (Note,)  -        -     423 

Address  of  Merchants  and  Freeholders  of  Salem, 
to  Governour  Gage,  ....     424 

Answer  of  the  Governour,      ....     425 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Caroline  County, 

Maryland,  ......     425 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Freemen  of  the 
City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  -         -     426 

SpeecL  of  the  Reverend  William  Smith  at  the 
Meeting,  -  ....     407 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Chester,  Pennsyh-ania,     -         -     428 

Letter  from  Governour  Franklm,  Burlington,  to 


416 

417 
418 

419 


419 


420 


1774. 


CONTENTS. 


XLVI 


June 
19. 


19, 

20, 
20, 

20, 
20, 

20, 
21, 
21, 

22, 
22, 

22, 


22, 

22, 

22, 

23, 
23, 

23, 


24, 


24. 


the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  Transmits  a  copy 
of  the  Resolutions  adopted  at  the  Meeting  in 
Essex  County.  Has  refused  to  convene  the 
Assembly  in  August.  The  other  Counties  are 
expected  to  follow  the  example  of  Essex  ;  but 
it  is  doubtful  whether  they  will  agree  to  a  gen- 
eral Non-Importation.  Their  principal  aim 
seems  to  be  a  Congress,       .... 

Letter  from  Fort  Pitt  to  Philadelphia.  Connolly 
refused  protection  to  three  Shawanese  who  had 
escorted  the  Traders  in  with  their  Peltry; 
Sent  a  party  to  cut  them  off.  Logan  returned 
to  the  Shawanese  Towns  with  thirteen  Scalps, 

Letter  from   Boston  to  New- York.     Attempts 

to  procure  an  Agreement  to  pay  for  the  Tea, 

defeated,  ...... 

Address  to  the  Lrhabitants  of  the  Province  of 
South  Carolina,  .         .         .         .         - 

Letters  from  southern  parts  of  North  Carolina. 
Inhabitants  there,  recommend  that  Collections 
be  set  on  foot  throughout  the  Continent  for  re- 
lief of  the  most  distressed  in  Boston, 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Frederick  Coun- 
ty, iVIaryland,     -         .         .         -         - 

Letter  from  Jolm  Dickinson,  Fairhill,  to  Josiah 
Quincy,  Jun.  The  Colonies  very  unanimous 
in  favour  of  a  Congress,      .... 

"An  American."  On  the  means  of  obtaining 
relief,       ....... 

Letter  from  Cave  Cumberland.  Indian  War 
caused  by  Cresap  and  Greathouse, 

Meeting  of  the  Justices,  Gentlemen  of  the  Bar, 
and  principal  Inhabitants  of  Northampton 
County,  Pennsylvania,         .... 

Letter  from  England  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.     State  of  affairs  in  England, 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Westmoreland,  in  Vir- 
ginia,        

Maryland  Convention.  Delegates  to  the  Con- 
vention. Resolutions. — Duty  of  every  Colony 
to  unite  against  Boston  Port  Bill.  Should 
stop  Trade  with  Great  Britain  if  the  Act  is 
not  repealed.  Instructions  to  Deputies  to  the 
Congress.  Subscriptions  to  be  opened  in  the 
several  Counties  for  distressed  Inhabitants  of 
Boston.  Deputies  to  the  Congress  appointed. 
Will  break  off  Trade  with  the  Colony,  Prov- 
ince or  Tovra,  that  shall  refuse  to  unite  in  such 
measures  as  may  be  adopted  by  the  Congress, 

Reflections  on  appointing  Delegates  to  the  Gen- 
eral Congress.  Different  modes  of  appointing 
examined.  The  appointment  by  Provincial 
Conventions  recommended,  ... 

Letter  from  the  General  Association  of  Congre- 
gational Ministers  in  Connecticut,  to  the 
Clergymen  in  Boston,         .... 

Answer  to  the  preceding  Letter ;  prepared  but  not 
sent,  through  the  confusion  of  the  times. 

Address  of  the  Justices  of  the  County  of  Wor- 
cester, in  Massachusetts,  to  Governour  Gage, 

Answer  of  the  Governour,      .... 

Letters  from  Fort  Pitt.  White  Inhabitants  killed 
by  the  Indians, 

Extract  from  the  Proceedings  of  the  Town  of 
Windham,  in  Connecticut.  Addresses  to  Gov- 
ernour Hutchinson,  an  insult  to  the  Town  of 
Boston,     ....... 

Letter  from  Richard  Henry  Lee  to  Samuel 
Adams.  His  Resolutions  prepared  to  be  of- 
fered the  day  before  the  Assembly  was  dissolv- 
ed by  Lord  Dunmore.  After  the  dissolution, 
proposed  to  the  Members  the  plan  of  a  Con- 
gress. Indian  War  has  compelled  the  Govern- 
our to  call  a  new  Assembly.  When  they 
meet,  will  adopt  measures  for  redress  of  Griev- 
ances,   

Letter  from  Samuel  Adams  to  Richard  Henry 
Lee.  Inhabitants  of  Boston  encouraged  to 
persevere  by  intelligence  from  every  part  of 
the  Continent.  Lord  North  has  made  no  pre- 
paration for  the  effects  of  such  an  union. 
Address  to  the  Publick,  from  the  Committee  of 
Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  appointed  to  re- 
ceive and  forward  Donations  for  the  Poor  of 

Boston, 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
Spottsylvania  County,  Virginia,     - 


428 


428 


430 


430 


433 


-     433 


434 


434 


435 


435 


436 


437 


438 


441 


442 

443 

444 
445 

445 


445 


445 


447 


448 
448 


June 
27, 
17, 


May 
23, 
24, 

25, 

26, 

27, 

June 
28, 


28, 


28, 


May 
29, 


June  3 


449 


306 


450 


1774. 

June   Extracts  of  Letters  received  in  Philadelphia,  from 

24,  Pittsburgh.      Connolly's  proceedings  against 

tl»e  Pennsylvanians,  .... 

24,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 

appointed  by  the  Assembly  of  New- York,  to 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Connec- 
ticut, -        - 

25,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 

the  County  of  Bergen,  in  the  Province  of 
New-Jersey,      ---... 

26,  Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 

mouth. The  General  Court  dissolved  by  Proc- 
lamation outside  of  the  door.  Several  Gentle- 
men, encouraged  by  the  late  Resolutions  of 
Government,  are  endeavouring  to  procure  a 
compliance  with  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  Nei- 
ther New- York,  Philadelphia,  nor  Boston  will 
agree  to  a  Non-Importation,  though  a  Con- 
gress of  some  sort  may  be  obtained.  The  ar- 
ri\'al  of  Troops  has  given  spirits  to  the  friends 
of  Government,  ..... 

27,  Peace  Talk  from  the  Creek  Indians  sent  to  Au- 

gusta, Georgia.  General  Meeting  of  all  the 
Warriors  of  the  Creek  Nation  called.  The 
Cherokecs  have  engaged  to  join  the  Creeks 
in  case  of  War,  ..... 

27,     Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 

Norfolk  and  Portsmouth,  in  Virginia,  -     45 1 

27,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Morris,  in  the  Province  of  East 
New-Jersey,      -         .....     452 

27,  Letter  from  Huntington,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Enclosing  Resolutions  unanimously 
adopted  in  Tovvti  Meeting,  ...     453 

21,     General  Town  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of 

Huntington,  in  Suffolk  Coimty,  New- York,       453 

27,  Letter  from  Captain  John  Connolly,  Pittsburgh, 
to  a  Gentleman  in  Philadelphia.  Has  sent  a 
detachment  to  protect  the  Settlements  about 
Red  Stone  from  the  Shawanese,    -        -        -     454 


450 


451 


COUNCIL    OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Meeting  of  the  Council,  at  Philadelphia,  -    454 

Report  of  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Honourable 
John  Penn,  Esq.,  Governour  of  Pennsylvania, 
to  treat  with  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of 
Dunmore,  Governour  of  Virginia,  on  sundry 
publick  matters,  -        -         -         -         -     454 

Letter  from  James  Tilgliman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Williamsburg,  to  Lord  Dunmore,  -         -     455 

Letter  from  Lord  Dunmore,  Williamsburg,  to 
James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,  -     456 

Letter  from  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Williamsburg,  to  Lord  Dunmore,  -         -     457 

Letter  from  Lord  Dunmore,  Williamsburg,  to 
James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,     -         -     459 

Letter  from  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Williamsburg,  to  Lord  Dmimore,  -         -     461 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn,  Philadelphia,  to 
Sir  William  Johnson.  Requests  his  interposi- 
tion and  influence  to  induce  the  Six  Nations  to 
become  mediators  between  Pennsylvania  and 
the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,     -         -         -     461 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Lord  Dunmore. 
Danger  of  a  general  Indian  War,  unless  Peim- 
sylvania  and  Virginia  prevent  further  progress 
of  hostilities.  Conduct  of  Doctor  Connolly; 
his  Military  operations  dangerous  to  the  peace 
of  the  Colonies  in  general.  Hopes  Lord  Dun- 
more does  not  encourage  Connolly  in  the  out- 
rages laid  to  his  charge,        -         -         -         -     46 1 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Arthur  St.  Clair. 
Measures  should  be  taken  to  prevent  the  re- 
moval of  the  White  Inhabitants  from  the  Fron- 
tiers, and  to  induce  those  who  have  gone  to  re- 
turn. Has  convened  the  Assembly,  who  will 
adopt  measures  to  afford  effectual  relief;  in  the 
mean  time  he  will  send  further  supplies  of  Am- 
mmiition, 462 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernour Penn.  Alarm  among  the  People.  A 
company  of  one  hundred  Rangers  formed  for 
defence  of  Frontiers,  ....     453 

,  Letter  from  John  Montgomery,  Carlisle,  to  Gov- 
ernour Penn.    People  in  Westmoreland  Coun- 


JXVII 

1774. 


CONTENTS. 


XLVIII 


June 
3, 


5, 


10, 


12, 


12, 
10. 


14, 
16, 

19, 
20, 


22, 


-     4G3 


4G4 


464 


4G5 


465 


ty  in  great  conftision ;  in  want  of  Arms  and 
Ammunition;  unless  specxlily  furnished  they 
must  leave  the  Country,       *         "        '        . 

Letter  from  John  Montgomery,  Carlisle,  to  Wil- 
liam Allen.  Distresses  of  the  Country.  Dela- 
ware Indians  well  disposed,  but  Shawanese  de- 
ttrmint-d  on  war.  Chie  hundred  Men  raised  to 
ran^e  from  Fort  Pitt  to  Ligonicr.  Other  pre- 
parations for  Defence,  .  .  .  - 
Indian  Intellis'ence.  Traders  on  the  Muskingum 
safe ;  the  ShawTinese  had  taken  preat  pains  in 
protecting  them.  Shawanese  quiet.  A  party 
of  Mingoes  out;  gone  agamst  that  part  of 
Virginia  where  their  friends  were  killed, 

Letter'from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Liiurel  Hill,  to  Gov- 
ernour  Penn.  Has  hitherto  thought  there 
would  be  no  war,  now  thinks  otherwise, 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,to  Govem- 
our  Penn.  Encloses  Letter  from  Mr.  Crogh- 
an,  ..-.-.- 

Letter  from  George  Croghan  to  Arthur  St.  Clair. 
Employing  the  Rangers,  in  Pennsylvania,  has 
alanned  Connolly.  Measures  of  Connolly  to 
prevent  settlement  of  disputes,         ...     465 

Letter  from  Ale.xander  M'Kee,  Agent  for  Indian 
Affairs  at  Fort  Pitt.  Hostilities  between  In- 
dians and  Virginians.  Indians  have  given 
proof  of  their  pacifick  disposition.  Reason  to 
tear  the  war  will  become  general,  -         -     466 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernour  Penn.  Inhabitants  of  the  Frontiers 
alarmed,  and  retire  to  the  Forts,  or  leave  the 
Country.  In  the  Valley  they  still  make  a 
stand.  The  intention  of  the  Indians  will  soon 
be  known,         ......     466 

Letter  from  Devereux  Smith,  Pittsburgh,  to  Gov- 
ernour  Penn,      ......     467 

Letter  from  Devereux  Smith,  Pittsburgh,  to  Dr. 
Smith.  Extension  of  the  Virginia  Settlements 
the  cause  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians. 
Account  of  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  In- 
dian  hostilities.  Connolly  determined  on  a 
war  with  the  Indians.  His  violent  proceedings 
against  the  Pennsylvania  Magistrates,     -         -    467 

Letter  from  .(Eneas  Mackay,  Pittsburgh,  to  Gov- 
ernour  Penn.      -        -        -        -        •        -471 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 
A  further  account  of  the  proceedings  of  Con- 
nolly, and  of  the  Indian  War.  Delawares  still 
friendly  to  Pennsylvania,     -         -         .         -     47 1 

Letter  from  William  Thompson,  Cumberland 
County,  to  Governour  Penn,         ...     473 

Letter  from  Lord  Dunmore,  at  Williamsburg,  to 
Captain  John  Connolly.  Approves  his  build- 
ing a  Fort  at  Wheeling,  and  of  marching  into 
the  Shawanese  Towns.  Ad\nses  him  to  make 
prisoners  of  as  many  Women  and  Children  as 
he  can;  and  not  to  make  peace  mitil  the  Indians 
are  effectually  chastised,      ....     473 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernour Perm.     Two  of  the  principal  Traders 
arrived  safe  at  Pittsburgh,  under  protection  of 
Sliawanese  Chiefs.     Connolly  ordered  out  a 
party  to  make   prisoners  of  the  Shawanese 
Chiefs.  Those  about  Fort  Pitt,  (now  Fort  Dun- 
more,)  intent  on  a  war.  Has  had  a  meeting  with 
some  Six  Nations  and  some  Delawares,  and 
made  them  a  present,  in  the  name  of  the  Gov- 
ernour.    Logan  returned  with  thirteen  Scalps 
and  one  Prisoner,  and  says  he  will  now  listen 
to  the  Chiefs,       ......     473 

18,     Proclamation  by  John  Connolly,  at  Fort  Dun- 
more.     Prohibits  intercourse  with  the  Indians,     475 

Extracts  from  Mr.  M'Kee's  Journal  of  Indian 
Transactions,     .....      475-483 
JMay  1,  Message  to  King  Custologa,  Captains  White 
Eyes,  Pipe,  and  other  Chiefs, 

3,  Conference,  at  Colonel  Croghan's,  between  seve^ 

ral  Chiefs  and  Captain  Connolly,  and  others, 

4,  Arrival  of  several  Delaware  Chiefs, 
."i.     A  Condolence  held  with  the  Six  Nations,  Dela- 
wares, Shawanese,  Munsies,  Mohegans,  and 
Twightwees,      .... 

9,     Speech  delivered  by  several  Chiefs,  Six  Nations 
and  Delawares,  to  the  Governour  of  Viririnia, 

16,  Message  from  Custologa,  by  five  principal  Men 

of  the  Delawares,       .....     473 

17,  Answer  to  Custologa's  Message,       ...    473 


-    475 

475 
476 


-     476 


477 


1774. 

May 
21, 
21, 
25, 


Message  received  from  the  Delaware  Chiefs  at 
Newcomer's  Town,  .... 

Answer  to  the  Message  of  the  Delaware  Chiefs, 

Answer  of  the  Delawares  to  the  Condolence 
Speeches,  .         .         .         .         - 

Answer  of  the  Shawanese  to  the  Condolence 
Speeches,  ...... 

Speech  of  Arthur  St  Clair  to  the  Six  Nations 
and  Delawares,  .... 

Speech  to  the  Delawares,  on  receiving  their  An- 
swer to  the  Condolence  Speeches, 

Reply  of  Captain  White  Eyes,         .         .         - 
June  1,  Arrival  of  Moravian  Indians,  ... 

5,      Messengers  from  Newcomer,  with  intelligence. 

Answer  sent  by  the  Messengers,       ... 

Answer  of  Lord  Dunmore,  at  Williamsburg,  to 
the  Speech  of  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares, 
at  Pittsburgh,  May  9th, 
Ja-««  9,  Message  sent  with  Lord  Dunmore's  Speech  to 
the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares, 

Letter  from  William  Thompson,  in  Cumberland 
Coimty,  to  Governour  Penn,         ... 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernour Penn.  Connolly  has  sent  in  pursuit  of 
the  Shawanees  who  escorted  the  Traders, 

Memorial  from  the  Inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  !» 
Governour  Penn.  Request  relief  from  their 
sufferings  under  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of 
Doctor  Connolly,        .         .         .         .         - 

Statement  of  the  Grievances  of  the  People  of 
Pittsburgh,  occasioned  by  the  tyrarmical  con- 
duct of  Doctor  Connolly,  ... 


26, 
26, 


May 
29, 


22, 
26, 


25, 


25, 


478 
478 

-  479 
479 

-  480 

480 
481 
481 
481 

482 


482 


483 
483 


483 


483 


484 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

June   Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 

28,  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  to  the  Commit- 
tee of  Correspondence  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 
The  great  cause  of  American  Rights  should 
be  left  to  the  Representatives  in  every  Colony. 
Until  this  shall  be  fairly  tried  and  fail,  no  other 
mode  should  be  attempted.  A  Congress,  con- 
stitutionally chosen,  to  ascertain  our  rights,  and 
establish  a  political  union  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  the  Colonies,  would  effectually  secure 

to  Americans  their  future  rights  and  privileges,     485 
Remarks  on  the  preceding  Letter,  (Note,)  -     486 

27,      Address  to  the  People  of  Boston,  on  paying  for 

the  Tea, 487 

27,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  Town  of  Boston,  at  Faneuil  Hall. 
Correspondence  of  the  Committee  ordered  to  be 
produced  and  read.  Motion  to  censure  and  an- 
nihilate the  Committee.  Gentlemen  in  favour 
of  the  motion  patiently  heard ;  at  their  request 
the  Meeting  adjourned  tmtil  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. The  qtiestion  then  taken,  and  the  mo- 
tion rejected  by  a  vast  majority.  Conduct  of 
the  Committee  approved,      ....     439 

29,  Protest  against  the  Proceedings  of  the   Town 

Meeting  in  Boston,  held  on  the  27th  of  June; 
against  the  doings  of  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence, and  against  the  Solemn  League 
and  Covenant,  .....     499 

29,  Proclamation  by  Governour  Gage,  for  discour- 
aging of  certain  illegal  Combinations.  The 
League  and  Covenant  an  unlawful  instrument, 
and  the  Letter  of  the  Committee  accompany- 
ing it,  scandalous,  traitorous,  and  seditious. 
All  persons  cautioned  against  signing  the  Co- 
venant, -  -  -  -  .  -  -491 
Remarks  upon  the  Proclamation,  (Note,)  -     492 

29,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Freemen  of  the 

County  of  Richmond,  in  Virginia,         -         -     492 
Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
Prince  George's  County,  Virginia,         -         -     493 

30,  The  British  American,  No.  5,  ...     495 
July  1,  Letter  from  London,  received  in  Philadelphia. 

Men  in  power  in  England  wish  for  an  Indian 
war,  as  a  means  of  humbling  and  reducing  the 
rebellious  Colonies.  Policy  of  Great  Britain 
in  regard  to  the  Colonies,  is  to  divide  and  con- 
quer. Nothing  but  an  union  of  the  Colonics 
to  stop  Trade  will  save  America,  -         -     498 

1,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  James  City  Coun- 
ty, Virginia,       ---...     499 

1,  Tea,  at  Portsmouth,  in  New- Hampshire,  re-ship- 
ped by  order  of  the  Town,  -        .        ,     499 


XL  IX 


CONTENTS. 


1774. 

CONSTITCTIONAL  POST  omCB. 

Jvly  2,  Mr.  Goddard's  Proposal  for  establishing  an  Ame- 
rican Post  Office  has  been  warmly  patronized 
in  the  Eastern  Colonics,  and  preparations  have 
been  made  for  the  conveyance  of  the  Mail,  -  500 
Plan  for  the  establishing  a  new  American  Post 
Office, 500 

lU'ry  Letter  to  Lord  North.      Dismissing  Dr.  Frank- 
5,  lin  from  the  Post  Office  one  of  the  most  for- 

tunate events  for  America.  The  Americana 
will  set  up  a  Post  Office  of  their  own,  and  put 
aji  end  to  the  precedent,  so  often  referred  to,  for 
Taxing  them,  (Note,)  -         .         .         .     500 

28,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Bos- 

ton. Our  tame  submission  to  the  Post  Office 
Establishment  has  been  constantly  urged  as  a 
precedent  for  all  other  unconstitutional  Acts. 
If  we  oppose  it  now,  with  manly  firmness,  we 
cannot  fail  of  success.  Mr.  Goddard's  Plan  is 
well  calculated  to  save  the  cause  of  Liberty, 

«■      .,J^°'®') 500 

March  Mr.  Goddard  at  Boston.    He  has  received  the 

17,  greatest  encouragement  from  all  the  Colonies 
through  which  he  has  passed.  At  a  Meeting 
in  Boston,  it  was  determined  to  unite  with  the 
Southern  Colonies  in  support  of  this  measure 
for  the  recovery  of  American  Liberty,  (Note,)  500 
Heads  of  a  Subscription  Paper,  for  the  establish- 
ment of  an  American  Post  Office,  laid  before 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston, 
(Note,) 501 

29,  Mr.  Goddard  at  Salem,  on  the  subject  of  estab- 

lishing a  Post  Office  independent  of  the  un- 
constitutional Laws  of  a  British  Parliament, 

(Note,) 501 

April   Mr.  Goddard  at  Portsmouth :  At  a  Meeting  of 

15,         the  Committee  of  Merchants,    Traders,  and 

other  Inhabitants,  a  Subscription  to  support  the 

American   Post   Office,  unanimously  agreed 

upon,  (Note,)  502 

21,  Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Gentleman  at  Wil- 
liamsburg. The  Post  Office  as  established  is 
an  infringement  of  American  Liberties ;  but  the 
new  one  proposed  can  scarcely  succeed  under 
Mr,  Goddard.  The  Merchants  of  Philadel- 
phia have  preferred  Mr.  Bradford  for  the  pri- 
vate Post  set  up  between  that  place  and  Phil- 
adelphia, (Note,)         502 

21,     Mr.  Goddard  at  Boston,  with  Letters  from  To\vns 
to  the  Eastward,  expressing  their  concurrence 
in  the  establishment  of  a  Post  Office,  on  consti- 
tutional principles,  throughout  the  Continent. 
The  removal  of  Dr.  Franklin  from  the  Post 
Office  has  added  fresh  spirit  to  the  promoters 
of  this  salutary  plan,  (Note,)         ...     503 
May  5,  The  Subscription  for  establishing  an  American 
Post  Office  has  been  liberally  patronized. — 
Mr.  Goddard  will  return  homeward,  rejoicing 
in  the  great  success  which  has  attended  his  en. 
deavours  to  rescue  the  channel  of  publick  and 
private  intelligence  from  the  horrid  fangs  of 
Ministerial  despotism,  (Note,)        ...     503 
19,     The  report  that  the  Constitutional  Post  Rider 
between  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore,  with  a 
large  sum  of  money  entrusted  to  his  care,  had 
absconded,  is  untrue,  (Note,)         -         -         -     503 
June  2,  Mr.  Goddard  at  New- York,  with  important  de- 
spatches for  all  the  Southern  Colonies,  the  plan 
for  establishing  a  Constitutional  American  Post 
Office  having  met  with  the  greatest  success  in 
all  the  great  Commercial  Towns  ia  the  North- 
ern Colonics,  (Note,)  ....     503 
16,     Information  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Colonies  for 
the  establishment  of  an  American  Post  Office 
received  in  London.     When  General  Gage  ar- 
rives in  America,  he  will  stop  the  career  of  the 
new  Post  Riders  and  their  employers,  (Note,)      503 
July  6,  Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Gentleman  in  Wil. 
liamsburg.    Objections  to  Mr.  Goddard.    At  a 
Meeting  of  the  Mechanicks,  they  refused  to 
hear  read  Letters  relating  to  the  establishment 
of  the  Post  Office,  as  the  Americans  had  enough 
to  do  already,  (Note,)  ....     503 
16,     The  Deputy  Postmasters  General  of  North  Ame^ 
rica  alarmed  at  the  progress  making  to  establish 
a  new  Post  Office,  (Note,)  ...     504 
25,     Letter  from  Baltimore  to  a  Gentleman  in  Wil. 
liamsburg.      A  complete  plan  of  establishing  a 

FouETH  Series. 


1T74. 

new  American  Post  Office  has  been  executed 
throughout  the  New  England  Governments. 
Mr.  Goddard  will  leave  here  for  Williams- 
burg, to  lay  his  plan  before  the  Convention, 

(Note,) 504 

Aug.  Mr.  Goddard's  Plan  for  establishing  an  Ameri. 
1 1,  can  Post  Office  was  agitated  at  the  Convention 
in  Virginia,  \vho  considered  it  worthy  the  at- 
tention of  the  General  Congress,  and,  as  such, 
particularly  recommended  it  to  the  Delegates 
from  Virginia,  (Note,)         .        -        .        -504 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

July  3,  Letter  from  Boston,  received  in  New. York. 
Distresses  of  the  People  there ;  their  patience, 
resolution,  and  firmness.  The  League  and 
Covenant  very  generally  signed,  notwthstand- 
ing  the  Governour's  Proclamation,        -         .     505 

4,  Letter  from  Carlisle,  received  in  Philadelphia. 
Connolly's  attack  on  the  Shawanese,  who  pro. 
tected  the  Traders.  Letter  of  thanks  from 
Ijord  Dunmore  to  Cresap,  who  first  began  the 
quarrel  with  the  Indians,     ....     505 

4,     Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 

Orange  To\vn,  in  the  Province  of  New. York,     506 

4,  Opinions  in  London  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
Colonies.  The  faction  in  Boston  composed  of 
Smuggling  Companies,  Mechanicks,  Mer- 
chants indebted  in  England,  and  those  who 
are  fascinated  with  the  extravagant  notion  of 
Independency.  Seditious  Committees  appoint- 
ed to  influence  the  other  Colonies.  From  Let- 
ters and  other  intelligence,  it  is  evident  that  no 
permanent  or  vigorous  measures  of  resistance 
can  be  adopted  to  support  the  Boston  Rebels,        507 

4,  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of 
South  Carolina,  about  to  assemble  on  the  6th 
of  July, 508 

4,  Letter  from  Governour   Wentworth,  in   New- 

Hampshire,  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Twen- 
ty-seven chests  of  Tea  landed  and  stored  at  the 
Custom- House.  The  Consignee  agreed  with 
the  Committee  of  Portsmouth  to  re-ship  it. 
Mob  prevented  from  destroying  the  Tea.  Ves- 
sel with  the  twenty.seven  chests  sailed  for  Hali- 
fax, June  30,       512 

5,  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  London,  to  his  Cor- 

respondent  in  Philadelphia,  .         -         -     513 

5,  Letter  from  Governour  Penn,  Philadelphia,  to 
the  Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Temper  of  the  Peo- 
pie  very  warm.  They  consider  Boston  as  suf- 
fering in  the  common  cause, 
5,  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British  Colonies 
in  America,  (Note,)  -  -  .  -  . 
Reply  to  the  preceding  Address,  (Note,)     . 

5,  Letter  from  Governour  Grage,  at  Salem,  to  the 

Earl  of  Dartmouth.  A  number  attended  the 
late  Town  Meeting,  to  make  a  push  to  pay  for 
the  Tea,  and  annihilate  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence, but  were  out-voted  by  a  great 
majority  of  the  lower  class.  Has  done  all  in 
his  power  to  spirit  up  every  friend  to  Govern- 
ment ;  and  there  is  now  an  open  opposition  to 
the  faction.  The  terrour  of  Mobs  is  over,  and 
the  Press  is  becoming  free,  ... 

6,  Address  of  the  Justices  of  the  County  of  Ply. 

mouth,  to  Governour  Gage,  ... 

The  Governour's  Answer,       .... 

6,  Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  Went  with  the  Council  and  the 
Sheriff  and  dispersed  an  illegal  Meeting,  held 
for  the  purpose  of  appointing  Delegates  to  a 
General  American  Congress,        ... 

6,  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Golden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  After  a  continual  strug- 
gle  of  many  weeks  in  the  New.  York  Commit- 
tee, they  have  carried  the  nomination  of  Depu- 
ties to  the  Congress.  These  transactions  are 
dangerous  and  illegal,  but  cannot  be  prevented. 
The  Province  every  where,  except  in  the  City 
of  New- York,  perfectly  quiet,       -        -         -     517 

6,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  New- 
York,  convened  in  the  Fields,       -         -         -     312 

6,  Letter  from  Alexandria,  in  Virginia,  to  a  Gen- 
tleman in  Boston.  Subscriptions  for  the  relief 
of  the  Poor  in  Boston,         -        -        -        -     517 


-     514 

300 
399 


514 

515 
516 


516 


lA 

1774. 

July 

6. 

6. 


CONTENTS. 


Ui 


7, 
7. 

8, 

8. 
8. 
8, 
8. 


518 


Mminffofthe  Freeholders,  Merchants.  1  raders, 
and  other  U»habitants  of  the  County  and  Bo- 
rouffh  of  Norfolk,  in  Virginia,      -         - 
Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Governour 
Ponn      Requires  him  to  exert  every  power  the 
Constitution  has  placed  in  his  hands  to  defeat 
any  attempt  to  insult  the  authority  of  Great 
Britain,     -         •         -        ",',.' 
Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmftuth  to  Lieutenant 
Governour  Golden.  Hopre  the  People  of  IN  ew- 
York  will  not,  by  their  rash  proceedings,  ex- 
pose themselves  to  the  just  resentment  of  l^r- 
liament,     --•"""" 
The  British  American,  No.  6,  "  ,      -^. 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Culpepper,  in  Virginia,         - 
Proclamation  of  Lord  Dunmore.     Prorogues  the 
Assembly  from  August  U,  to  first  Ihursday 
in  November,     -         -        -        "         " 
Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson,  I^ndon,  to  a 
Friend  in  Boston.    Urges  the  payment  for  the 
Tea,  by  the  Town  of  Boston,         '     ,    '^     " 
Resolutions  unanimously  adopted  by  the  Free- 
holders and  Inhabitants  of  Hunterdon  County, 
in  the  Province  of  New-Jersey, 
Letter  from  Charlestown,  in  South  Carolina,  re- 
ceived in  New- York.     Account  of  the  Meet- 
ing held  in  Charlesto^vn,  on  the  6th,      -         - 
Resolutions  unanimously  entered  into  by  the  In- 
habitants of  South  Carolina,  at  a  CJeneral  Meet- 
ing held  at  Charlestown,  in  said  Colony,  on 
Wednesday,  Thursday,  and  Friday,  the  6th. 
7th,  and  8th  days  of  July,     -         -         -        ■ 
British  Subjects  in  America  owe  the  same  allegi- 
ance to  the  CrowTi,  and  are  entitled  to  the  same 
rights  with  Subjects  born  in  Great  Britain,     - 
No  Taxes  can  be  imposed  on  the  People,  but  by 
their  own  consent,       ""'"," 
It  is  a  fundamental  right  of  his  Majesty  s  Sub- 
jects, that  no  Man  shall  sufTer,  in  person  or  pro- 
perty, without  a  fair  trial,     -         -        '  .  ,  ." 
Sending  a  person  beyond  the  Sea  to  be  tried  is 
oppressive,  illegal,  and  highly  derogatory  to 
British  Subjects, .        -         -        -         " .    ,  " 
The  Statute  of  Thirty-fifth  of  Henry  Eighth,  for 
Trial  of  Treasons  committed  out  of  the  IGng's 
Dominions,  does  not  extend  to  the  Colonies,     - 
The  Boston  Port  Act,  and  the  Acts  relating  to 
the  Government  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  are  of 
the  most  alarming   nature  to   all   America, 
though  levelled  immediately  at  the  People  of 

Boston,     """""■] 

It  is  the  duty  of  all  the  Colonies  to  assist  and 

support  the  People  of  Boston,  by  all  lawful 

ways  in  their  power,  -         -         -         - 

Delegates  to  the   General  Congress  appointed, 

and  instructed,  .        .         .         -         - 

While  the  oppressive  Acts  relative  to  Boston  are 

enforced,  will  contribute  towards  their  relief. 
Will,  by  all  means,  endeavour  to  preserve  har- 
mony and  union  amongst  all  the  Colonies, 
Committee  of  Ninety-Nine  appointed,  as  a  Gene- 
ral Committee  of  Correspondence, 
Names  of  the  Committee  for  Charlestown, 
Address  of  Francis  Lewis,  and  other  Members  of 
the  Committee,  to  the  Inhabitants  of  tlie  City 
and  Coimty  of  New- York,           ... 
Reply  to  the  Address,  by  "  One  of  the  Commit- 
tee,"   - 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  Esaex  County,  in  Virginia,       .         -         . 
General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  Coun- 
ty of  Fauquier,  in  Virginia,  ... 
General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Liliabi- 
lants  of  the  County  of  Naiisemond,  iu  Virginia, 
Letter  from  Charlestown,  in  South  Carolina,  to  a 
Correspondent  in  Boston.    Proceedings  on  the 
Resolutions  adopted  in  Charlestown, 
Account  of  the  Meeting  held  in  Charlestown,  on 

the  6th.  7th,  and  8th  days  of  July,  (Note,) 
Death  of  Sir  William  Jolmson,  (Note,)  - 
Letter  from  MiUs  Brewton,  Charlestown,  South 
Carolina,  to  Josiali  Q,uincy,  Jun.  Massachu- 
setts will  not  fall  for  want  of  friends ;  if  Boston 
does  but  persevere,  her  sisters  will  work  out 
her  salvation  without  the  Musket.  A  Sloop 
load  of  Rice  sent  to  Boston,  and  will  soon  send 
more,        ....... 


1774. 
July 

U'. 

12. 

13. 


519 

510 
519 

522 
523 
524 
524 
525 

525 

525 
525 

525 

525 

525 

526 

526 
526 
526 
526 


526 
5'26 


8, 

9. 
9. 
9, 
II, 
11, 


11, 
12, 


313 

314 
527 
528 
529 

531 

531 

645 


14, 

14, 
14, 
14, 
14, 


Committee  of  Inspection  appointed  at  Portsmouth, 

in  New-Hampshire,  ",',,■  *         7 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and   Inhabitants  ol 

the  County  of  New-K.nt,  in  Virginia  - 

Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  ii-arl 
of  Dartmouth.  The  Meeting  of  Representa- 
tives at  Portsmouth,  dispersed.  At  a  private 
meeting  a  Convention  cnlled  to  meet  at  Exeter, 
on  the  21st,  to  appoint  Delegates  to  the  Con- 
gress,       -  -  ■  T,     .',,■"  *r 

Express  at  Williamsburg,  with  intelligence  of 
skirmishes  with  the  Indians.  Militia  ordered 
out  by  the  Governour,         -         -       ," ,    , . ' 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders,  and  others,  Inhabit- 
ants of  Chesterfield  County,  Virginia,  - 

General  and  full  Meiting  of  the  Inhabitants  ol 
Gloucester  County,  Virginia,       -         '         ' 

General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabit 
ants  of  Caroline  County,  Virginia, 

The  British  American,  No.  7,  -        •        ' 

COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 


.     534 


535 


536 


536 

537 

-     538 

539 
541 


545 


545 


546 


546 

546 


July 
14      Meeting  of  the  Council  at  Philadelphia, 

June  Letters  laid  before  the  Board,  containing  favour- 

29,  able  accounts  of  the  disposition  of  the  Indians, 
Conclusion  of  Extract  from  Mr.  M'Kee's  Journal 

of  Indian  AfUiirs,  (see  page  483.)  Conference 
with  the  Indians  at  Pittsburgh.  Address  from 
the  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares.  Speech  of  Cap- 
tain White  Eyes, 

30,  Letter  from  John  Montgomery,  at   Carlisle,  to 

Governour  Penn.     Shawanese  seem  well  dis- 
posed.    Logan  returned  with  thirteen  scalps. 
Says  he  is  now  satisfied,  and  will  set  still  until 
he  hears  what  the  Long  Knife  will  say, 
July  2,  Letter  from  Richard  Lee,  President  of  the  Mary- 
land Council,  to  Governour  Penn, 
4,     Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at  Ligonier,  to  Gov- 
ernour Penn.      Large  body  of  Virginians  m 
motion.     Colonel   Henry  Lewis  ordered  to 
Kenhawa;    Major   M' Donald  to  Wheeling; 
Cresap.  and  three  others,  to  raise  Ranging 
Companies,       ''"''', 
8,     Letter  from  .^neas  Mackay,  Joseph  Spear,  and 
Devereux   Smith,    at   Pittsburgh,   to  Joseph 
Shippen,  Junior.     Captain  White  Eyes  has 
returned,  with  assurances  of  friendship  from 
the   Shawanese,  Delawares,  Wyandots,   and 
Cherokees.     Dr.  Connolly  continues  his  au- 
thority.    The  persons  of  the  Magistrates  are 
daily  insulted,  their  property  forcibly  taken, 
and  their  lives  threatened.     Various  instances 
of  his  outrages,  ....         -     547 

12,     Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at  Hanna's  Town, 

to  Governour  Penn, 548 

17,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  at  Ligonier,  to 
Governour  Penn.  Virginians  determined  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  Indian  Trade  with  Virginia. 
Connolly  and  two  others  have  an  exclusive 
privilege  to  carry  it  on,  on  the  Frontiers  of 
Virginia.  The  laying  out  of  a  new  Town 
proposed.  ...... 


547 


549 


534 


July 
14, 

14, 

15, 

15, 

15, 

15, 

15, 


15, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of 
Georgia  called,  to  be  held  at  the  Liberty  Pole, 
at  Savannah,  on  the  27th,  .         .         - 

Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  on  their  way  to  hold  a 
Congress  with  Sir  William  Johnson, 

Meeting  of  the  loyal  and  patriotick  People  of  the 
County  of  Henrico,  in  Virginia, 


^""••"j  —  *- --, -, , 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Mid- 
dlesex, in  Virginia, 


Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Din 
widdie,  in  Virginia,     .         -         .         - 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
County  of  Middlesex,  in  New-Jersey,     . 

Delegates  to  the  General  Congress  of  Commis- 
sioners of  the  English  American  Colonies,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
ConiKclicut,        ...... 

Three  of  the  Delegates  having  resigned,  others 
appointed  on  the  3d  August,  ( Note,) 

Proclamation  by  General  Gage.  Deserters  who 
return  by  the  10th  of  August,  to  be  pardoned  ; 
on  failure  of  so  doing,  to  expect  no  mercy, 


549 


550 


550 


551 


-     552 


55J 


.     554 


554 


555 


LIII 

1774. 

July   Provincial  Meeting  of  Deputies,  chosen  by  the 

15,  several  Counties  in  Pennsylvania,  held  at  Phil- 
adelphia, July  15,  and  continued,  by  adjourn- 
ments, to  the  21st, 

List  of  the  Members,       ..... 

Letters  from  Boston,  of  May  13th,  read  and  con- 
sidered,    .--..-- 

Alleg-iance  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  acknow- 
ledged,     ------- 

Unconstitutional  Independence  on  the  parent  state 
is  abhorrent  to  our  principles ;  and  our  desire 
is,  that  harmony  may  be  restored. 

Inhabitants  of  the  Colonics  entitled  to  the  same 
rights  that  British  born  Subjects  are. 

The  power  assumed  by  Parliament  to  bind  the 
Colonies,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  imconstitu- 
tional,        -...-. 

The  Acts  of  Parliament  relating  to  Massachu- 
setts, unconstitutional,  oppressive,  and  danger- 
ous :  and  the  People  of  Boston  are  suffering 
in  the  common  cause,  .         .         .         - 

A  Congress  should  immediately  assemble,  to 
form  a  general  plan  of  conduct  for  all  the 
Colonies,  -..-.. 

Suspension  of  Trade  will  be  agreed  to  by  this 
Province  ;  but  a  statement  of  Grievances  and 
claim  for  Redress,  in  the  first  place,  would  be 
preferred,  ...... 

If  any  proceedings  of  Parliament  shall,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Congress,  render  other  steps 
necessary,  this  Province  will  adopt  and  carry 
them  into  execution,  .         -         -         . 

Venders  of  Merchandise  ought  not  to  take  advan- 
tage of  a  Non- Importation ;  but  sell  for  the 
same  prices  as  heretofore,     -         -         -         - 

People  of  this  Province  will  break  03*311  dealing 
of  any  kind  with  any  Colony  that  shall  not 
adopt  such  general  plan  as  may  be  agreed  to 
in  Congress,      --...- 

Subscriptions  for  the  distressed   Inhabitants  of 
Boston  to  be  set  on  foot  throughout  the  Prov- 
ince, ....... 

Thanks  to  Mr.  Dickinson,       -         .         .         - 

Mr.  Dickinson's  Reply,  (Note,)        -         -         - 

Instructions  from  the  Convention  to  the  Repre- 
sentatives in  Assembly,        -         -         .         - 

Argumentative  part  of  the  Instructions, 

16,  Meeting  of  a  respectable  body  of  the  Freeholders 

and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Surry, 

in  Virginia, 

16,  Contributions  from  Maryland,  for  the  relief  of 
Boston, -         - 

1 5,  Meeting  of  a  number  of  Freeholders  and  Inhabit- 

ants of  the  County  of  Sussex,  in  New-Jersey, 

16,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Boston  to  the  Com- 

mittee of  Baltimore,  -         -         .         . 

1 8,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  York  County,  in  Virginia,        -         -         - 

IS,  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other 
Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Fairfax,  in  Vir- 
ginia,       ....... 

PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

July  Assembly,  convened  by  the  Governour,  met  this 

18,  day, - 

Message  from  the  Governour.      State  of  Indian 

affairs,       -.-.... 

19,  Committee   of    Correspondence   lay  before  the 

House     Letters     from     Massachusetts    Bay, 

Rhode-Island,  and  Virginia,       .         .         - 
Letters  to  be  considered  on  the  21st, 
The  Convention  now  sitting,  may  be  admitted,  to 

hear  the  debates  of  the  House,  on  that  day,     - 
Petition  from  Northumberland  County, 
Ninth  Resolution  of  the  Convention  laid  before 

the  House,  ------ 

Governour's  Message  considered,     .         -         - 

20,  Letters  from    Benjamin    Franklin,    with   some 

papers  on  publick  affairs,  communicated  to  the 
House  by  the  Speaker,         -         ..        -         - 
Payment  of  the  Rangers  raised  by  the  Magis- 
trates of  Westmoreland  County,  authorized, 

21,  The  Convention  waited  on  the  House,  and  sub- 

mitted their  Resolves  and  Instructions, 

22,  Letters  from  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode- Island, 

and  Virginia,  considered  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole, 


CONTENTS. 


555 
555 

555 

555 

555 
556 

-     556 
550 


556 

556 
556 

557 


557 
557 
557 

558 
564 


593 
593 
594 
594 
595 

597 

602 
602 


603 
604 

604 
604 

605 
605 


605 
605 
606 

606 


1774. 

July 

22, 


21, 


23, 


July 
19, 
19, 


19, 

19, 

20. 
20. 


20, 


21, 


21, 
21, 


Resolution,  that  there  is  an  absolute  necessity  for 
a  General  Congress,  to  consult  together  on  the 
state  of  the  Colonies,  unanimously  adopted. 

Delegates  to  the  Congress  appointed. 

Committee  to  prepare  Instructions  for  the  Dele- 
gates,       -...--- 

Paper  signed  "  a  Freeman,"  handed  about  among 
the  Members  of  the  House  on  the  21st,  against 
the  appointment  and  proceedings  of  the  Con- 
vention, (Note,)  .         .        .        - 

Letter  received  from  Major  Hamilton,  command 
ing  officer  of  the  Barracks,  -        .        - 

Committee  to  examine  the  Barracks, 

Instructions  to  the  Delegates  appointed  to  attend 
the  Congress,     --.--. 

Letter  to  the  Speakers  of  the  several  Assemblies 
of  the  Colonies,  .         .         .        .        . 

Answer  to  the  Governour's  Message, 

Adjourned  to  Monday,  the  19th  September, 


LIV 


606 
607 

607 


-    607 

607 
608 

608 

609 
609 
610 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Resolutions  adopted  and  published  by  the  New- 
York  Committee,        -         -         -         -         -     315 

Meeting  of  a  majority  of  the  Committees  from 
the  several  Townships  in  the  County  of  Mon- 
mouth, of  the  Colony  of  New- Jersey,  -     610 

Address  of  the  Justices  of  the  County  of  Suffolk, 
in  Massachusetts,  to  Governour  Gage,  -     613 

The  Governour's  Answer,       -         -         -         -     613 

Address  of  the  Freeholders  and  Tradesmen  of 
Easton,  in  the  County  of  Bristol,  to  Govern- 
our Gage,  ------    613 

The  Governour's  Answer,       -         -         -         -     614 

Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  Bristol,  England,  to 
his  friend  in  Philadelphia.  Publick  opinion 
in  England  strong  against  America.  No- 
thing but  firmness  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans will  ensure  them  the  victory,         -         -     614 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  Merchants  have  not  repeated 
their  attempts  to  comply  with  the  Port  Bill, 
with  the  spirit  he  hopal  for.  Some  disaffected 
persons  in  Charlestown,  have  sent  some  Rice 
for  the  support  of  Boston ;  and  a  few  Sheep 
have  been  sent  from  some  other  places.  When 
the  Congress  assembles,  the  Boston  Faction  .  . 
will  probably  pay  the  other  Colonies  the  com- 
pliment of  taking  their  advice.  The  virulent 
party  at  New- York  is  routed.  Philadelphia 
is  moderate.  The  Fast  Day  appointed  by  the 
Faction  was  kept  as  generally  in  Boston,  as  if 
it  had  been  appointed  by  authority,      -         -     615 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Hanover  County, 
Virginia,  -....-     615 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  Stafford  County,  Virginia,        -         -         -     617 

General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Dis- 
trict of  Wilmington,  in  the  Province  of  North 
Carolina,  -         -         -         -         -         -618 

Circular  Letter  from  the  Wilmington  Committee 
to  the  Freeholders  of  the  several  Counties  of 
the  Province  of  North  Carolina,  -         -     619 

The  British  American,  No.  8,  -         -         -     620 

General  Meeting  of  the  Committees  of  the  several 
Counties  in  the  Province  of  New-Jersey,  at 
New-Brunswick,  on  the  21st,  22d,  and  23d 
days  of  July,      -.-..-     624 

The  Inhabitants  of  New-Jersey  are  firm  and 
unshaken  in  their  loyalty  to  the  King,  and 
detest  all  thoughts  of  an  Independence  on  the 
Crown,  --....     624 

The  claim  of  the  Parliament  to  make  Laws  to 
bind  the  King's  American  Subjects  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  unconstitutional,  and  oppressive, 
and  we  are  bound  to  oppose  it  by  all  constitu- 
tional means,      ------     624 

The  late  Acts  of  Parliament  relative  to  Massa- 
chusetts, subversive  of  the  rights  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's American  Subjects,  -         .        -     624 

The  most  eligible  method  to  procure  a  redress  of 
Grievances,  is  to  appoint  a  Congress  from  all 
the  Colonies,  empowered  to  pledge,  each  to  the 
rest,  the  honour  and  faith  of  their  constituents, 
inviolably  to  adhere  to  the  determinations  of  the 
Congress,  --..--     624 

General  Non- Importation  and  Non-Exportation 
Agreement  recommended,  ...     624 


LV 

1774. 

July 

21. 


21, 

21, 
23, 

23, 


20, 
20, 

5, 


10. 


July 
25, 


25. 
25, 
26, 

26, 

26, 

27, 
27, 

27, 
27, 
27, 


CONTENTS. 


LVI 


27. 


Collections  to  be  made  throughout  the  Proriuce, 
for  relief  of  Boston,  ...         -     625 

Delegates  to  the  General  Continental  Congress 
appointed,  and  instructed,     ...         -     626 

Proclamation  by  Governour  Gage,  for  the  en- 
couragement of  Pirty  and  Virtue,  and  for  pre- 
venting and  punishing  Vice,  Profanity,  and 
Inamoraliiy,       ------     625 

Address  to  the  worthy  Inhabitants  of  the  Town 
of  Boston,         -..---    626 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Philadel- 
piiia.  The  storm  against  Doctor  Franklin 
much  abated.  Opinions  in  England  on  the 
late  measures  against  America.  Many  per- 
sons in  favour  of  the  Colonies.  Granville 
Sharp  warmly  on  their  side,         ...    G28 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  Governour 
Trumbull.  Encloses  him  affidavits  relating 
to  the  treatment  of  Mr.  Green.  Expects  tlie 
accused  persons  will  be  apprehended  and 
brought  to  trial, 629 

Affidavit  of  Caleb  Scott,  -         -         -         -     629 

Affidavit  of  Francis  Green,     -         -         •         -    630 

Representation  of  Hezekiah  Bissell,  Benjamin 
Lothrop,  Timothy  Liirrabee,  and  Ebenezer 
Backus,  to  Governour  Trumbull,  of  the  treat- 
ment of  Mr.  Green,  -        -        -        -    631 

Letter  from  Governour  Trumbull  to  Governour 
Ghige.  Has  inquired  into  Mr.  Green's  com- 
plaint and  finds  others  put  a  very  different  face 
upon  the  transaction.  Full  provision  is  made 
by  Law  for  such  offences,  and  Mr.  Green  may 
obtain  the  satisfaction  his  cause  may  merit,     -   633 

Letter  from  Governour  Sir  James  Wright  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Carolina  in  great  wrath 
about  the  Acts  of  Parliament  relative  to  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay;  and  have  come  to  some  very 
indecent  Resolutions.  There  are  in  Georgia 
some  malecontents  and  Liberty  People,  whose 
conduct  he  cannot  answer  for,       .         -         .     633 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Elizabeth  City,  and 
To\vn  of  Hampton,  in  Virginia,  -         -     634 

Reflections  on  the  measures  proper  to  be  adopted 
by  the  Congress ;  and  suggestions  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Delegates,         .        .        -    634 

Town  Meeting  in  Boston.  Circular  Letter  to 
the  Tovms  relative  to  the  Bills  for  vacating 
the  Charter  of  Massachusetts,      -         -         -     637 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  County  of 
Albemarle,  in  Virginia,       .         .         -         .     637 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee,  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence,  at  Charlesto  wn. 
South  Carolina. 320 

Letter  from  Governour  Grage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth,       638 

General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Georgia, 
held  in  Savannah,       .         .        -        .         .     638 

Account  of  the  Meeting,  (Note,)     -         .         .     639 

Paper  by  Josiah  Martin,  in  behalf  of  the  Sugar 
Colonies,  (Note,) 639 

Meeting  of  a  very  respectable  body  of  the  Free- 
holders and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  County 
of  Accomack,  in  Virginia,  ...     639 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Princess  Aime,  in  Vir- 
ginia,      - 640 

Letter  received  in  Philadelphia  from  London. 
Resolutions  of  Philadelphia,  Maryland,  and 
Virginia,  esteemed  very  inoffensive,  and  as  the 
mere  ebullitions  of  a  set  of  angry  men.  Mr. 
Hutchinson  is  much  courted  by  the  Adminis- 
tration. Americans,  both  at  Court  and  in  Lon- 
don, daily  ridiculed.  The  Congress  must 
agree  not  to  purchase  or  use  the  Manufac- 
tures of  Great  Britain  until  the  Acts  are  re- 
pealed, as  the  only  means  of  preserving  the 
Liberty  of  the  Coimtry,     -  .         .         -     64 1 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  New-Jersey.  De- 
fence of  the  measures  of  Parliament,  a  denial 
of  the  authority  of  Great  Britain  to  impose  a 
Duty  on  Tea,  absurd.  Cautions  the  People 
against  the  madness  of  some  men,  who  are 
inflaming  their  minds  and  hurrying  them  into 
an  open  rupture  with  the  Mother  Comitry; 
when,  involved  in  the  horrours  of  a  Civil  War 
to  the  ruin  of  their  liberty,  they  may  be  com- 
pelled to  submit  by  force,    ....     Q42 


1774. 

July 

28, 

28, 
22, 


Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Buckingham,  in  Vii' 


28, 

28, 
28, 


28, 


28, 
28. 

28, 
28, 
29, 

30, 
30, 


30, 


30, 
31, 


gmia, 


-     643 


AU!^. 


Proclamation  of  the  Governour  of  Pennsylvania, 
for  the  apprehension  of  John  Hinckson  and 
James  Cooper,       -         .         .         - 

Letter  from  Guy  Johnson  to  Governour  Penn. 
Death  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  Has  had  a 
Conference  with  the  Si.x  Nations,  who  will  send 
Deputies  to  the  southward  to  accommodate 
matters,     ....--- 

Account  of  the  death  of  Sir  William  Johnson, 
on  the  11th  instant,  (Note,)  -         -         - 

Governour  Penn  advisinl  by  the  Council  to  write 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  and  inform  him  of 
all  the  late  proceedings  in  Pennsylvania,  by 
the  Committees  and  the  Assembly, 

Letter  from  Boston,  received  in  New- York. — 
Firmness  of  the  People  there.  Encouraged  to 
persevere  from  all  the  Colonies,     -         -         - 

Address  to  the  Gentlemen  of  the  General  Con- 
vention of  Virginia.  Stoppage  of  Trade  with 
Great  Britain  will  not  procure  a  redress  of 
Grievances.  It  is  better  to  throw  aside  all  tem- 
porizing methods.  Let  the  Congress  demand 
a  ratification  of  our  claims  from  the  King  and 
Parliament.  If  denied,  we  shall  be  prepared 
for  the  ahernative.  With  the  Sword  our  fore- 
fathers obtained  their  rights — by  the  Sword  it 
is  our  duty  to  defend  them,  .         .         - 

The  British  American,  No.  9.  If  Great  Britain 
should  attempt  to  enforce  the  legislation  of  Par- 
liament in  America,  the  Americans  must  draw 
their  Swords  in  a  just  cause,  and  rely  on  that 
God  who  assists  the  righteous.  Thomson  Ma- 
son avows  himself  the  author  of  these  Letters, 

Address  to  the  People  of  Pennsylvania.  Rea- 
sons why  the  Tea  should  not  be  paid  for. 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  of 
New-Jersey,  to  the  Committee  of  Boston, 

A  Brief  Examination  of  American  Grievances : 
being  the  heads  of  a  Speech  at  the  General 
Meeting  at  Lewestown,  on  Delaware,    - 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  New- York  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Philadel))hia, 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  Mat- 
thew Tilghman,  Chairman  for  Maryland, 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee,  to  the 
Committee  or  Treasurer  of  the  different  Coim- 
ties,  -.---.. 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  The  Resolutions  of  the  Assem- 
bly rather  a  check,  than  an  encouragement,  to 
the  Proceedings  of  the  Convention, 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  The  prevailing  opinion  in  England  is, 
that  the  Colonies  mean  nothing — they  must 
be  divided  by  the  arts  of  the  Administration. 
Their  opposition  should  be  early  and  vigor- 
ous, .-..-. 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Fears  there  will  be  a  want  of  union 
among  the  Colonies.  Without  this,  any  expe- 
dients they  may  adopt  will  avail  little, 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  A  general  suspension  of  Commerce, 
until  our  grievances  are  redressed,  is  the  only 
safe  and  sure  measure.  I'he  Ministry  believe 
that  the  terror  of  their  measures  will  make  all 
America  silent  and  submissive,      .         .         - 

Queries  relatitig  to  the  Resolutions  of  some 
Gentlemen,  styling  themselves  a  Committee 
of  the  City  of  New- York,  (Note,) 

Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Bull  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  An  universal  spirit  of 
jealousy  is  raised  against  Great  Britain.  Ex- 
emption from  Taxation  is  claimed,  but  by  their 
own  Representatives.  This  spirit  of  opposi- 
tion to  Taxation  so  violent  and  universal,  that 
it  will  not  be  soon  or  easily  appeased,  - 
1 ,  Convention  of  the  Representatives  of  the  Freemen 
of  the  Government  of  the  Counties  of  New-Cas- 
tle, Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  meet  at 
New-Castle,       ---... 

List  of  the  Members,      .         -         .         .         , 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  General  Meeting  of  the 
Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of 
New-Castle,  on  Delaware,  on  the  29th  of  June, 


-     644 


645 
645 


645 


646 


647 


648 
654 


657 


658 


321 


321 


322 


661 


-     661 


661 


662 


318 


663 


663 
663 


664 


LVIt 

1774. 

July 

20. 


CONTENTS. 


LVIII 


1, 
2, 


2. 


3, 


Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Free- 
holders and  other  Inhabitants  of  Kent  County, 
on  Delaware,  on  the  2()th  of  June, 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  General  Meetings  of  the 
Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  Coun- 
ty of  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  on  the  23d  of  July, 

Letters  from  the  Committees  of  Correspondence 
of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  the 
Dominion  of  Virg^inia,  the  Colonies  of  Rhode- 
Island,  South  Carolina,  and  Maryland,  read, 

Grievances  of  the  Colonies,  under  the  Acts  of 
Parliament,        ...--. 

Deputies  to  the  Cong-ress  appointed, 

Instructions  to  the  Deputies,  .  .  -  - 
Aug.  1,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Act  of  Parliament  prohibiting  the 
shipping  of  Utensils  used  in  the  manufacture 
of  Cotton,  Wool,  or  Silk,     -         -         -         . 

Condition  of  the  Town  of  Boston,      -         -         . 

Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Golden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  The  Deputies  from  New- 
York,  to  the  General  Congress,  moderate  men. 
Though  great  pains  have  been  taken  in  the 
several  Colonies  to  uiduce  the  People  to  enter 
into  Resolves,  they  have  succeeded  only  in  Suf- 
folk Coimty,       ----- 

Letter  from  Wilmington,  in  North  Corolina,  to  a 
Gentleman  in  Boston.  Subscriptions  for  the 
relief  of  Boston.  At  a  meeting  of  six  Counties 
in  Wilmington,  it  was  unanimously  resolved 
to  assist  Massachusetts  by  every  legal  mea- 
sure, .....-- 

Letter  from  Wilmington,  in  North  Carolina,  to  a 
Gentleman  in  Boston.  Two  thousand  Pounds 
subscribed  for  Boston :  very  considerable  will 
be  contributed  at  Newbem  and  Edenton;  Sub- 
scriptions on  foot  in  every  County.  The  Ves- 
sel, with  a  load  of  Provisions  for  Boston,  goes 
freight  free,  and  the  Master  and  Mariners  navi- 
gate her  without  receiving  one  farthing  wages. 

South  Carolina  Assembly  meet  at  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  .         .         .         .         - 

Ratify  and  confirm  the  Proceedings  of  the  Gene- 
ral Meeting  of  Inhabitants  on  the  6th,  7th,  and 
8th  of  July, 

Message  from  the  Assembly  to  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernour Bull.  Request  him  to  distribute  among 
the  poor  Settlers.  Arms  and  Ammunition  to 
protect  them  against  the  Indians, 

Assembly  prorogued  by  the  Lieutenant  Govern- 
our at  half  past  eight  o'clock,        -         -         . 

Notice  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Assembly  at  the 
Session  held  yesterday,         .         -         -         . 

Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Bull  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  The  Assembly  met  pri- 
vately and  punctually  at  eight  yesterday  morn- 
ing. I  immediately  went  fo  the  Council  Cham- 
ber and  prorogued  them  to  September  6,  but 
they  had,  previously,  passed  their  Resolutions, 

Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieuten- 
ant Governour  Colden.  Encloses  an  Order 
in  Council  disallowing  certain  Acts, 

Representation  of  the  Board  of  Trade  to  the 
King,  of  the  12th  of  May,  with  reasons  for  dis- 
allowing certain  Acts  passed  by  the  Assembly 
of  New- York, 

Order  in  Council,  of  the  6th  of  July,  declaring 
the  Acts  void,  and  of  no  efiijct, 


-  664 


665 


666 

667 
667 
667 


668 
669 


-  669 


2, 


3, 
3, 


3, 


COUNCIL  OP  PENNSYLVANIA. 


670 


670 
671 


-     671 


671 


672 


672 


672 


-     672 


673 


-     673 


Aug.  Letters  and  Papers  submitted  to  the  Council,  by 
4,         the  Governour,            .....     (374 
New  Town  to  be  laid  out  at  Kittaning,  for  accom- 
modation of  Traders  and  Inhabitants  of  Pitts- 
burgh,        674 

6,      Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Arthur  St.  Clair,     674 
Message  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Chiefs  and 

Warriors  of  the  Shawanese  Indians,      -         -     675 
Message  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Chiefs  and 
Warriors  of  the  Delaware  Indians,        -         -     676 
July    Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 
22,  Friends  of  Pennsylvania  determined  to  abandon 

Pittsburgh.     Kittaning  most  suitable  place  for 
a  new  Town,      --.-..     677 
13,      Deposition  of  William  Wilson,  a  Trader,  taken 

by  one  of  Connolly's  parties,         ...     (577 
19,     Letter  from  John  Connolly  to  Arthur  St.  Clair, 


1774. 


Complains  of  the  depredations  of  the  Indians. 
Will  no  longer  be  a  dupe  to  their  amicable  pro- 
fessions, but  will  pursue  every  measure  to  offend 

them, 678 

July    Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  John  Connolly. 

22,  Ample  reparation  ought  to  be  made  to  the  In- 
dians, and  an  honest  intercourse  established 
with  them ;  this  would  be  a  more  cheap  and 
easy  manner  of  re-establishing  peace  than  any 
offensive  operations  whatever,       -        .         .     078 

26,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 

Further  account  of  Indian  affairs.  No  pros- 
pect of  accommodation  between  the  Shawa- 
nese and  the  Virginians,      .         .         -        .     679 

24,  Deposition    of    David    Griffey.      Indians  near 

Hanna's  Town, 680 

23,  Speech  of  the  Delawares  to  Mr.  Croghan,  -  680 
Intelligence  from  Captain  White  Eyes,  -  -  681 
Address  from  Mr.  Croghan  to  Captain  White 

Eyes, 681 

Answer  of  Captain  White  Eyes  to  Col.  Croghan,     68 1 

25,  Letter  from  iEneas  Mackay  to  Arthur  St.  Clair,     682 
Aug.%,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 

Favourable  accounts  from  the  Indian  Nations 
about  the  Lakes.  Most  of  them  disposed  to 
continue  in  friendship  with  the  English,  -     682 

25,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 
It  is  impossible  to  tell  what  will  be  the  conse- 
quence of  the  Virginia  operations.  Lord  Dun- 
more  must  soon  see  the  necessity  of  a  peace. 
Goods  seized  by  Connolly's  orders,  and  per- 
sons confined  in  the  common  Guard-House,         683 

27,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 

Mr.  Butler  was  not  only  made  a  prisoner,  but 
treated  with  insult  and  abuse.  I'his  has  been 
done  by  Mr.  Campbell,  Connolly  having  gone 
to  meet  Lord  Dunmore,       -         -         -         -     685 


CORRESPONDENCE,   PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Aug.  Address  to  the  People  of  Virginia.     Urged  to 
4,  unite  their  utmost  endeavours,  by  all  means  in 

their  power,  to  prevent  the  ruin  they  are  threat- 
ened with,  ......     685 

I,  Convention  of  Delegates  from  the  different  Coun- 
ties in  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia, 
begun  at  Williamsburg,  on  the  1st  day  of  Au- 
gust, and  continued,  by  adjournments,  to  the 
6th, 686-690 

After  the  first  day  of  November,  will  import  no 
Goods,  Wares,  or  Merchandise,  from  Great 
Britain,  nor  British  Manufactures  from  any 
other  place;  nor  purchase  any  that  may  be 
imported,  ......     637 

Will  neither  import  any  Slave,  nor  purchase  any 
that  may  be  imported  after  the  1st  November       687 

No  Tea  to  be  imported  hereafter  ;  and  that  which 
is  on  hand,  not  permitted  to  be  used,       -         -     687 

No  Tobacco  to  be  exported  after  the  10th  of 
August  next,  unless  American  Grievances  are 
sooner  redressed ;  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
Colony  advised  to  refrain  from  the  cultivation 
of  it, 687 

The  breed  of  Sheep  to  be  improved,  and  their 
number  increased,  to  the  utmost  extent,  -     687 

Merchants  are  not  to  take  advantage  of  the  scarci- 
ty of  Goods,  but  to  sell  at  the  present  prices,        688 

No  Merchant  or  Trader  to  be  dealt  with,  after 
the  first  of  November  ne.xt,  who  will  not  sign 
this  Association,  -         -         -         .         .     688 

If  any  person  shall,  after  the  10th  of  August 
next,  export  Tobacco,  contrary  to  this  Asso- 
ciation, he  shall  be  considered  an  approver  of 
American  Grievances,  ....     688 

All  alterations  of  these  Resolutions  that  may  be 
made  by  the  General  Congress,  with  the  con- 
sent of  the  Delegates  for  Virginia,  shall  be 
binding  upon  the  Colony,  ...     688 

The  Inhabitants  of  the  Colony  requested  to  make 
liberal  Contributions  for  the  relief  of  the  dis- 
tressed in  Boston,        .....    688 

Instructions  for  the  Deputies  appointed  to  meet  in 
General  Congress  on  the  part  of  the  Colony  of 
Virginia,  ......     689 

A  Summary  View  of  the  Rights  of  British  Ame- 
rica, set  forth  in  some  Resolutions  intended  for 
the  inspection  of  the  present  Delegates  of  the 
People  of  Virginia,  now  in  Convention,         -     690 


1774. 

Aug. 

5. 


9. 

9. 

10, 


CONTENTS. 


m> 


10, 


10, 

10, 
10, 

11, 

12, 
12, 

13, 

13, 

13, 

14, 


14, 


16, 


Proclamation  by  Governour  Sir  James  Wright, 
doclaring  the  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of 
Georgia,  proposed  to  be  held  at  Savannah,  on 
the  lOlh  inst,  under  the  pretence  of  consulting 
together  for  redress  of  grievances,  or  imaginary 
grie^-anccs,  unconstitutional,  illegal,  and  pun- 
ishable by  law, 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  the 
Boston  Committee  of  Correspondence, 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Conunittee  to  several 
Counties  of  the  Province,     -         -         -         - 

Resolutions  enterwl  into  at  Savannah,  in  Georgia, 
at  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the 
Province,  assinibled  to  consider  the  state  of  the 
Colonies  in  America,  .         .         .         - 

His  Majesty's  Subjects  in  America  owe  the  same 
allegiance,  and  are  entitled  to  the  same  rights, 
with  their  ft^Uow-subjects  in  Great  Britain,     - 

As  protection  and  allegiance  are  reciprocal,  the 
Americans  have  an  indisputable  right  to  peti- 
tion the  Throne  on  every  emergency. 

The  Boston  Port  Act  is  unconstitutional. 

The  Act  for  abolishing  the  Charter  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  is  subversive  of  American  Rights, 

The  British  Parliament  has  not  the  right  to  Tax 
his  Majesty's  American  Subjects, 

It  is  contrary  to  the  Law  of  the  Land  to  take  any 
person  to  Great  Britain,  to  be  tried  for  an  of- 
fence committfxl  in  any  of  the  Colonies, 

Will  concur  with  the  other  Colonies  in  every 
constitutional  measure  to  obtain  a  redress  of 
Grievances,        ...--- 

Committee  of  Correspondence  appointed. 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Boston. 
The  Ministry,  by  their  emissaries,  will  try  to 
bring  about  disunion  when  the  Congress  meets. 
It  is  not  prudent  to  rely  on  any  support  in 
England ;  the  Colonies  must  depend  on  their 
o\\n»  unanimity  and  steadiness.  Massachusetts 
should  not  enter  into  any  violent  measures 
without  concert  with  other  Colonies,  particu- 
larly Maryland,  Virginia,  and  the  Carolinas, 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
Poughkeepsie  Precinct,  in  Dutchess  County, 
New- York.  Refijse  to  comply  with  the  re- 
quest of  the  New- York  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, to  elect  Delegates,  .         .         - 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Township  of  Rye,  in  West-Chester  Comity, 
New- York, 

Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Charles  County, 
Maryland.  Tea  shipped  in  the  Mary  and  Jane, 
Captain  George  Chapman,  now  lying  in  St. 
Mary's  River,  to  be  returned  to  London, 

Meeting  of  the  Committee  for  Frederick  County, 
in  Maryland.  Resolutions  in  relation  to  the 
Tea  stripped  in  the  Mary  and  Jane, 

Town  Meeting  at  Providence,  in  Rhode-Island. 
Instructions  to  the  Deputies  from  the  Town  in 
the  General  Assembly,         .... 

Comicil  of  North  Carolina.  Address  of  Govern- 
our Martin.  Considers  it  his  duty  to  advise 
with  the  Coimcil  on  the  measures  to  be  taken 
to  prevent  the  assembhesof  the  People, 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Martin.  Requires 
all  persons,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  to  prevent  the 
meeting  of  certain  Deputies,  appointed  to  be 
held  at  Newbern,  on  the  '25th,       ... 

Letter  from  Colonel  William  Preston,  atFincastle, 
in  Virginia.  Incursions  of  the  Indians.  A 
number  of  the  Inhabitants  on  the  Frontiers 
killed, 

Letter  from  Governour  Sir  James  Wright  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Two  meetings  of  the  Li- 
berty Folks  have  been  held  in  Savannah.  Ho 
will  transmit  all  the  particulars, 

Letti'r  from  a  Gentleman,  in  London,  to  his  Cor- 
respondent  in  Williamsburg.  Policy  of  the 
Ministry  to  attack  one  Colony  at  a  time.  Ame- 
rica has  no  friends  in  Great  Britain.  Nothing 
but  an  Association  strictly  observed  and  enfor- 
ced, to  stop  Exports  and  Imports,  will  procure 
a  repeal  of  the  Acts,    -         .         .         -         . 

John  Hancock,  Colonel  of  the  Company  of  Cadets, 
having  been  dismissed  by  Governour  Gage, 
tlie  Company  agreed  to  return  their  Standard 
to  the  Governour  and  disband  themselves, 

Letter  from  Silas  Deane  to  Governour  Trumbull, 


699 
323 
323 

700 


701 

702 
703 

-  703 
704 
705 

705 

70G 

707 

708 


1774. 

Aug. 

14, 

18, 


15, 
Oct. 

13. 

Nov.  3, 


Oct.  1, 


700 

Nor. 
29, 
Dec.  6 

700 
700 

Aug. 
17, 

700 
700 

18, 

700 

18, 

701 
701 

20, 

20, 


708 


709 
710 


20, 

20, 

22, 

22, 
23, 


23, 
25, 

24, 


-    711 

712 
713 
714 

714 
715 

715 


716 
716 

717 

-    718 

722 

724 

.     724 


The  Rev.  Samuel  Peters  of  Hebron,  Connecticut. 
Account  of  an  attack  on  him  by  the  Sons  of 
Liberty,  ..... 

Statement  of  Mr.  Peters's  affair,  by  the  Bolton 
Committee,         ...... 

Resolves  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Peters, 

Mr.  Peters's  Declaration,  .         .         .        - 

Letter  from  Thaddeus  Burr,  in  Boston,  to  Govern- 
our Trumbull,  ..... 

Further  account  of  Mr.  Peters,         "        ."         ' 

Letter  from  the  Reverend  Samuel  Peters,  in  Bos- 
ton, to  his  mother,  in  Hebron,        "        ."         " 

Letter  from  the  Reverend  Samuel  Peters,  in  Bos- 
ton, to  the  Reverend  Doctor  Auclimuty,  at 
New- York, 

Saul  Aylford  and  others,  to  Governour  Trumbull, 
on  Mr.  Peters's  affair,  .... 

Hezekiah  Huntington  and  others,  to  Governour 
Trumbull,  on  Mr.  Peters's  affair, 

Address  to  the  People  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
opposition  in  the  Colonies  to  the  measures  of 
Parliament  condemned.  The  principal  diffi- 
culties have  been  caused  by  the  influence  of  the 
Smuggling  interest  in  the  Colonies, 

Letter  from  a  Gentleman,  at  Red  Stone,  to  Wil- 
liamsburg. Wagatomica  and  five  other  Shaw- 
anese  Towns  on  the  Muskingum,  destroyed  in 
July,  by  four  hundred  Virginia  Troops,  under 
the  command  of  Major  M'Donald, 

Courts  at  Great  Barrington  prevented  from  pro- 
ceeding with  business,  .         .         .         - 

Letter  from  Matthew  Griswold  to  Governour 
Trumbull.  Account  of  an  attack  on  Mr.  In- 
gersoU,  of  Great  Barrington, 

Letter  from  Josiah  Quincy,  Jun.,  to  John  Dick- 
inson. Defends  Massachusetts  on  the  charge 
of  breaking  the  line  of  opposition.  At  the  re- 
quest  of  many  warm  friends  to  the  country,  he 
will  soon  embark  for  England,  in  the  hope  that 
he  may  do  some  good  the  ensuing  Winter,  at 
the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  ... 

Letter  from  John  Dickinson  to  Arthur  Lee.  The 
Colonists  now  know  what  is  designed  against 
them.  All  classes  arc  united  in  sentiment.  The 
People  in  general  look  forward  to  extremes 
with  resolution,  .         .         -         .         - 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Borough  Town  of  West-Chester,  in  New. 
York,        -         -         -         -         -         -         - 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Norfolk,  Virginia, 
on  information  received  that  nine  chests  of  Tea 
were  imported  in  the  Mary  and  Jane, 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
Boston,  to  the  Committee  for  New- Jersey, 

Address  to  the  inhabitants  of  New-Jersey.  This 
Country  was  settled  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
Trade ;  and  an  absolute  submission  to  the  Laws 
of  the  Mother  Country  was  one  of  the  terms 
under  which  our  forefathers  settled.  Under 
these  terms  they  lived  and  prospered;  and  we 
have  grown  rich  and  lived  happily.  Should 
the  Congress  listen  to  the  folly  of  the  times, 
and  think  the  Colonies  were  not  planted  nor 
protected  for  the  extension  of  Commerce,  but 
for  a  new  Empire,  then  will  our  Country  be- 
come a  scene  of  blood  and  distraction;  we  can 
have  no  recourse  but  in  Arms,     ... 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Gage,  to  prohibit  all 
persons  from  attending  a  Town  Meeting  at 
Salem,  on  the  2.5th, 

Town  Melting  at  Salem.  Governour  Gage  or- 
ders the  Meeting  to  be  dispersed,  and  brings 
Troops  to  the  Town.  Members  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  arrested,  for  calling 
the  Meeting  without  the  permission  of  the  Gov- 
ernour,          . 

Letter  from  Governour  Sir  James  Wright  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Every  thing  was  done 
that  could  be  thought  of  to  frustrate  the  at. 
tempt  of  the  Liberty  People  in  Georgia,  but 
could  not  totally  prevent  it.  If  the  meetings 
are  suffered,  there  will  be  nothing  but  cabals 
and  combinations  in  the  Province.  The  Ex- 
ecutive power  is  too  weak  to  rectify  such 
abuses.  Prosecutions  would  only  be  laughed 
at.  No  Grand  Jury  would  find  a  Bill  of  In. 
dictment  ;  and  persons  attempting  it  would, 
probably,  be  insulted  and  abused,  -         .731 


725 

726 

726 

727 
728 


728 
729 


7,30 


Lxr 

1774. 
Aug. 

25, 


24, 


25, 


CONTENTS. 


24, 


25, 


26, 


Abijah  Willard,  one  of  the  Mandamus  Counsel- 
lors for  Massachusetts,  compelled  to  resign,     -     731 

List  of  the  Mandamus  Counsellors  appointed  by 
the  King,  (Note,)        -         -         -         -         -     731 

Letter  from  Taunton,  in  Massachusetts.  Daniel 
Leonard,  a  Mandamus  Counsellor,  fled  to 
avoid  the  friendly  cautions  of  his  incensed 
neighbours,        ......     732 

Letter  from  Taunton,  in  Massachusetts.  Two  or 
three  thousand  person*  will  be  assemblixl  to- 
morrow to  request  Colonel  Gilbert  not  to  ac- 
cept the  office  of  High  Sheriff,  under  the  new 
Act ;  and  to  desire  Brigadier  Ruggles,  a  Man- 
damus Counsellor,  to  quit  the  Coimty  imme- 
diately. It  is  more  dangerous  being  a  Tory 
here  than  in  Boston,  -         -         -         -     732 

Proceedings  of  the  first  Provincial  Convention  of 
North  Carolina,  held  at  Newbern,  -     733-737 

List  of  the  Delegates  to  the  Convention,  -     733 

Letters  from  the  Committees  in  the  other  Colo- 
nies, with  the  Answers,  presented  by  Mr. 
Hewes,  and  considered  by  the  Convention,     -     733 

Three  Delegates  to  General  Congress  to  be  ap- 
pointed,    -------     733 

Allegiance  is  due  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain, 
as  the  rightful  Sovereign  of  this  Province,      -     734 

We  claim  no  more  than  the  rights  of  English- 
men, and  it  is  our  duty  to  maintain  those 
rights, 734 

To  be  taxed  without  our  own  consent,  is  a  gross 
violation  of  the  Grand  Charter  of  our  Liber- 
ties,   734 

As  the  British  Subjects  in  North  America  cannot 
be  represented  in  Parliament,  any  Act  of  Par- 
liament to  Tax  them  is  illegal,     -         -         -     734 

Duties  imposed  by  Act  of  Parliament  for  raising 
a  Revenue,  illegal  and  oppressive,  -         -     734 

The  cause  in  which  the  Inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts now  suffer,  is  the  cause  of  every  honest 
American,  -...--    734 

The  Boston  Port  Act  is  a  cruel  infringement  of 
the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  People  of  Bos- 
ton,   734 

The  Act  of  Parliament  for  regulating  the  Police 
of  Massachusetts,  is  an  infringement  of  the 
Charter  of  that  Province,  .         -         .     735 

Trial  by  Juries  of  the  vicinity,  is  the  only  lawful 
Inquest  that  can  pass  upon  the  life  of  a  British 
Subject, 735 

No  British  or  East  India  Goods  permitted  to  be 
imported  after  the  first  of  January,  1775.  No 
Slaves  to  be  imported  after  the  first  of  Novem- 
ber next ;  and  no  East  India  Tea  to  be  used 
after  the  10th  of  September  next,  -         -     735 

No  Tobacco,  Pitch,  Tar,  Turpentine,  or  any 
other  article,  to  be  exported  to  Great  Britain, 
after  the  first  of  October,  1775,  unless  Ameri- 
can Grievances  are  redressed  before  that  time,     735 

Venders  of  Merchandise  are  not  to  raise  the 
prices  of  their  Goods  in  consequence  of  their 
Resolves  for  Non-Importation,      -         -         .     735 

The  People  of  North  Carolina  will  break  off  all 
Trade  with  any  Colony  on  the  Continent, 
which  shall  refuse  to  adopt  and  carry  into  ex- 
ecution such  general  plan  as  may  be  agreed 
to  in  the  Continental  Congress,     -         -         -,.  735 

Deputies  to  the  Congress  appointed,  -         -     735 

The  attempts  made  by  the  Minister  upon  the 
Town  of  Boston,  a  prelude  to  a  general  attack 
upon  the  rights  of  the  other  Colonies,  -     736 

Committees  to  be  appointed  in  the  several  Coun- 
ties, to  see  that  the  Resolutions  of  this  Conven- 
tion are  properly  observed,  -         -         -     73(3 

Instructions  to  the  Deputies  appointed  to  meet  in 
General  Congress  on  the  part  of  North  Caro- 
lina,   736 

Proceedings  signed  by  the  Members  of  the  Con- 
vention,      737 

E.tpressat  Williamsburg,  from  Pittsylvania  Coun- 
ty. Lidian  Intelligence.  Lord  Dunmore,  with 
fifteen  himdr(;d  Men  ;  and  Colonel  Lewis  and 
Colonel  Preston,  with  twelve  hundred,  against 
the  Indians, 737 

Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Govemour 
Penn.  Directs  him  to  desist  from  extending 
the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania  up  to  the  new 
Maryland  line,  during  the  minority  of  the  Heir 
of  Lord  Baltimore,     ,        -        -        .        .    733 


1774. 

May 

16, 


21. 


Sept. 
26, 


Aug. 
26, 


27, 


27, 
27, 


29, 
29, 


27, 
29, 

30, 


31, 
30, 

30, 


30, 


30, 


31, 


LXII 

Letter  from  Govemour  Penn  to  Governour  Eden. 
Mr.  Harford's  Guardians  have  refused  to  give 
any  instructions  on  the  subject  of  the  Boundary 
run  and  marked  by  the  Commissioners;  he 
will,  therefore,  issue  a  Proclamation  himself, 
extending  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania,     -     738 

Letter  from  Governour  Eden  to  Governour  Penn. 
The  Guardians  of  the  Proprietor  of  Maryland 
having  declined  signing  the  Return  of  the 
Commissioners,  can  do  nothing  in  relation  to  it,     738 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Richard  Lee. 
Has  made  official  notification  of  the  lines  run 
by  Mason  and  Dixon:  and  the  jurisdiction  of 
Pennsylvania  will  be  extended  to  those  lines,       739 

Letter  from  General  Brattle,  at  Cambridge,  to 
General  Giage.  Military  preparations  in  the 
Province.  Minute  Companies.  Medford  Pow- 
der removed  from  the  Arsenal,     -         .         -     739 

Letter  from  Colonel  Adam  Stephen  to  Richard 
Henry  Lee.  Ordered  to  the  Ohio,  by  Lord 
Dunmore,  which  prevents  his  attending  the 
General  Congress.  Procuring  a  supply  of 
Arms  and  Ammunition  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance.— This  should  be  privately  considered 
by  the  Congress, 739 

Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Pala- 
tine District,  Tryon  County,  New- York,        -     740 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  The  whole  Province  in  commo- 
tion ;  popular  fury  never  greater  than  at  pre- 
sent. In  Worcester  they  keep  no  terms,  and 
openly  threaten  resistance,  -         -         -     741 

An  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Donations 
for  the  support  of  the  Poor  of  Boston  has  been 
applitd,     --..--.     743 

Letter  from  Boston.  The  new  Counsellors 
driven  into  Boston.  The  Judges  at  Great 
Barrington  turned  off  the  Bench.  The  Pro- 
testers and  Addressers  to  Mr.  Hutchinson  have 
fled  to  Boston  for  refuge.  The  Province  will 
soon  be  declared  in  open  rebellion,  and  the 
King's  Standard  hoisted,      -         -         -         .     744 

Timothy  Paine,  a  Mandamus  Counsellor,  com- 
pelled to  resign, 745 

Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.  Delegates  to  the  Congress, 
from  New- Hampshire,  elected.  State  of  affairs 
in  the  Province, 745 

Town  Meeting  at  Providence,  in  Rhode-Islandl 
Arms  for  the  County  to  be  made  fit  for  use. 
Providence  ought  not  to  become  an  asylum  for 
persons  who  have  made  themselves  obnoxious 
to  the  people  in  any  other  part  of  America. — 
The  Town  Council  requested  to  remove  and 
eject  all  such  persons,  .         -         -         -     745 

Town  Meeting  at  Providence,  in  Rhode- Island. 
Magistrates  required  to  preserve  the  Peace  of 
the  Town, 747 

County  Court,  at  Springfield,  sign  an  engagement 
not  to  do  any  thing  whatsoever,  under  any  au- 
thority, derived  or  pretended,  by  the  Act  of  Par- 
liament, for  the  better  regulating  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,         747 

On  the  meeting  of  the  Superiour  Court  at  Bos- 
ton, Chief  Justice  Peter  Oliver  on  the  Bench, 
the  Jurors  refuse  to  be  sworn,       -         -         -     747 

Reasons  of  the  Grand  Jurors  for  refusing  to  be 
sworn,       ...-.-.     748 

Reasons  of  the  Petit  Jurors  for  refusing  to  be 
sworn,       ..-.-..     749 

Meeting  of  the  Committees  from  every  Town  and 
District,  in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  and  Prov- 
ince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  -         -         -     750 

Committee  appointed  to  consider  the  Act  for  the 
better  regulating  the  Government  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  ...     7.50 

Report  of  the  Committee,         -         -         .         -     750 

Adopted  by  the  Meeting,  -         -         .        -     752 

Towns  in  the  County  recommended  to  elect  Dele- 
gates to  a  Provincial  Congress,  to  meet  at  Con- 
cord, on  the  second  Tuesday  in  October,        -     752 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania. — 
Petitions  and  Remonstrances  to  the  King  and 
Parliament  will  have  no  effect.  We  should 
not  implore,  but  demand  our  liberty,       -         -     754 

Address  to  the  Delegates  appointed  to  meet  in 
the  General  Congress,  -         -         .         .     754 

Queries  proposed  to  the  People  of  America,       -    755 


liXin 

1774. 
Sept. 
1, 


CONTENTS. 


LXIV 


1, 
2, 
2, 


7, 
2, 


5, 


759 


761 
762 
763 

763 

764 
764 


S. 


Address  to  the  People  of  America.     Considera- 
tions on — 1st,  A  Petition  to  Parliament,  with 
a  firm  declaration  of  the  rights  of  Americans. 
2d,  A  suspension  of  Trade  with  Great  Britain, 
till  the  Acts  be  repealed.     3d,  A  suspension  of 
all  our  Trade  with  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and 
the  West  Indiis,  till  the  Acts  be  repealed, ^    -     756 
Letter  from  a  Virginian  to  the  Members  of  Con- 
gress at   Philadelphia.      The  Colonics  have 
advanced  from  one  extravagant  claim  to  ano- 
ther. Their  most  zealous  advocates  are  asham- 
ed to  plead  a  cause  which  all  others  condemn. 
Parliament  has  a  right  to  Tax  the  Colonies, 
and  cannot  depend  upon  the  uncertain  mode  of 
Requisition,        ------ 

Letter  from  Governour  Martin  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.      The  People  of  North  Carolina 
have  followed  the  rest  of  the  Continent  in  ca- 
balling and  forming  Resolutions  upon  the  late 
measures  of  Government      Docs  not  know 
what  the  Committees  have  done,  but  whatever 
measures  may  have  been  taken,  the  combina- 
tion is  assuredly,  at  least,  indecent  and  inglo- 
rious,       -         -        -         -        "         "     .    " 

Powder  taken  from  the  Charlestown  Magazine, 

by  order  of  General  Gage,  .         .         - 

Judge   Danforth    and  Judge    Lee,    Mandamijs 

Counsellors,  compelled  to  resign. 
Colonel  Phips,  the  High  Sheriff  of  the  County, 
gives  a  pledge  not  to  execute  any  precept  un- 
der the  new  Acts  of  Parliament  for  altering 
the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Lieutenant  Governour,  Thomas  Oliver,  compel- 
led to  resign  his  seat  as  a  Mandamus  Counsel- 
lor,   

Mr.  Oliver's  statement  of  the  circumstances  un- 
der which  he  resigned,        -         -         -         - 

Letter  from  St.  John's  Parish,  in  Georgia.      Ac- 
count of  the  Meeting  at  Savannah,  on  the  10th 
of  August.      Contributions  from  St.   John's 
Parish  for  the  Sufferers  at  Boston,         -         -     766 
Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth.    State  of  the  Colonies  much  changed 
since  Mr.  Hutchinson  left  America.     Several 
of  the  Counsellors  have  been  obliged  to  seek 
protection  under  the  Troops  in  Boston.     Some 
have  been  maltreated;  many  have  resigned. 
He  intended  to  send  Troops  to  Worcester,  to 
protect  the  Superiour   Court  and  the  Coun- 
sellors, but  ascertained  that  no  Court  could 
proceed  on  business  there.      In  Boston  the 
Judges  met,  but  could  get  no  Juries.      The 
Counsellors  were  afraid  to  proceed  to  Salem ; 
he  was,  therefore,  compelled  to  assemble  them 
in  Boston.     Proposes  to  send  to  New- York, 
Philadelphia,  and  Quebeck,  for  the  Troops 
there.     Civil  Government  is  near  its  end. — 
He  will  avoid  any  bloody  crisis  as  long  as 
possible,  ------     767 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart 

mouth, 769 

Letter  from  a  Member  of  Parliament  to  Colonel 

Charles  Lee,  .--...  769 
Letter  from  a  Gentleman,  in  London,  to  his  Cor- 
resjwndent  in  New- York.  Disputes  of  the 
New- York  Committee  published  in  all  the 
London  papers,  and  have  been  disadvantageous 
to  tlie  cause  of  the  Colonies.  The  Ministry 
are  waiting  anxiously  to  hear  the  result  of  the 
Congress;  they  still  expect  the  Colonies  will 

beg  for  mercy, 771 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Corrospondcnt  in  Bos- 
ton. The  measures  of  the  Colonies  should  be 
calm  and  temperate.  None  of  their  Resolves 
should  contain  reflections  on  Great  Britain. — 
The  East  India  Company  should  be  indemni- 
fied by  the  Bostonians,  and  submission  made 
for  tlie  insult  offiTcd  to  Govemmrnt,  -  -  772 
Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. The  Congress  met  this  morning. 
The  detcnnination  to  oppose  the  Boston  Acts, 
and  the  power  of  Parliament  to  Tax  America, 
universal  throughout  the  Colonies ;  there  is, 
however,  great  diversity  of  opinions  as  to  the 
proper  modes  of  opposition,  -  .  .  773 
Rpport  of  an  attack  on  Boston,  by  the  Men-of- 
War  and  Troops,  on  the  2d,  received  in  New- 
York  by  express, 325 


1774. 

Sept. 

7, 


8, 


8, 


5, 


C, 
9, 


10, 
10, 


9, 
15, 
10, 


11, 

7, 

12, 


13, 


Letter  from  Georgia  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Those  in  favour  of  an  immediate  Non- 
Importation  Agreement  there,  are  far  in  the 
minority.  As  the  Colony  is  situated,  it  would 
be  highly  ungenerous  for  Georgia  to  meddle 
with  the  disputes  in  which  the  rest  of  the  Col- 
onies are  engaged,  -----  773 
Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Colden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  The  populace  are  now 
directed  by  men  ofoproperty,  and  the  former 
demagogues  have  lost  their  influence.  Men 
now  speak  in  favour  of  Government  with 
greater  freedom  than  for  years  past,  -  -  773 
Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Govern- 
our Penn.  The  appointment  of  Deputies,  by 
the  different  Colonies,  to  meet  in  General  Con- 
gress, has  given  the  King  great  concern.  An 
humble  representation  to  the  King  from  each 
Colony  would  have  greater  weight  than  one 

from  the  Congress, 774 

Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dunmore.      E.xpresses  the  King-'s  dissatis- 
faction at  the  ill  treatment  of  the  Indians  on 
the  Ohio  by  the  People  of  Virginia,  and  of  the 
proceedings  of  Connolly,  under  a  commission 
from  the  Government  of  Virginia,  -         -     774 

The  County   Courts,  in  Virginia,   will  do   no 
business  previous  to  a  Session  of  the  General 
Assembly.      At  the  next  General  Court  there 
will  be  no  Trials,  except  in  Criminal  Cases,  -     775 
The  Selectmen  of  Boston  inform  General  Gage 
of  the  alarm  of  the  People  at  his  preparing  to 
erect  a  Fortification  on  the  Neck,  -         -     775 

Address  of  the  Selectmen  of  Boston  to  General 
Gage,   on  his  fortifying  the  entrance  to  the 
Town,  and  the  abuse  and  assaulting  of  the  Peo- 
ple passing  in  and  out  of  the  Town,  by  the 
Guards,    -------      775 

Answer  of  the  Governour,  -  -  -  .  775 
Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Dele- 
gates of  every  Town  and  District  in  the 
County  of  Suffolk,  in  Massachusetts,  -  -  776 
Committee  appointed  by  the  Delegates  in  Suffolk 
County,  to  wait  on  Governour  Gage,  and  in- 
form him  of  the  alarm  of  the  People  at  the 
Fortifications  making  on  Boston  Neck,  -     779 

Address  of  the  Committee  to  Governour  Gage,       779 
Answer  of  the  Governour  to  the  Committee,      -     779 
The  Answer  of  the  Governour  not  satisfactory. 
Another  Address  unanimously  voted  to  his  Ex- 
cellency, ...--.     780 
The  Governour  declined  receiving  the  second 

Address, 781 

Thanks  to  the  Merchants  of  New- York  for  re- 
refusing  to  let  their  Vessels  transport  Troops 
and  Ammunition  to  Boston,  -         .         -     782 

Thanks  to  Mechanicks  of  New- York,  for  refus- 
ing to  make  Chests  for  transportation  of  Arms, 
or  to  contract  for  building  Barracks  at  Boston,  782 
Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieutenant 
Governour  Colden.  The  Contraband  Trade 
between  New- York  and  Holland  deserves  his 
particular  attention.  The  number  of  Vessels 
from  Holland  for  that  Province  is  evidence  of 
the  extent  of  that  illicit  Commerce;  which  is 
now  particularly  alarming,  in  consequence  of 
the  large  quantities  of  Gunpowder  shipped 
there  for  New- York,  .         .         -         -     782 

Letter  from  Israel  Putnam  to  Captain  Trumbull. 
Tea  arrivetl  at  Salem,  ...         -     783 

Letter  from  William  Cooper  to  Israel  Putnam, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
for  Brooklyn,  in  Connecticut,  -  -  -  783 
Letter  from  William  Cooper,  in  Boston,  to  a 
Gentleman  in  New- York.  Explaining  the 
manner  in  which  the  Donations  made  for  the 
Poor  of  Boston  are  applied,  .         .         -     784 

Committee  appointed  by  the  Town  of  Boston  to 
receive  the  Etenations  and  employ  the  Poor 
Sufferers  by  the  Port  Bill,  -         -         -     785 

Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.  Proceedings  at  Portsmouth, 
in  New-Hampshire  on  the  arrival  of  thirty 
chests  of  Tea  there,  on  the  8th  inst.  Vessel 
sailed  with  the  Tea  for  Halifax,  on  the  1 1th. 
I'hough  this  Province  has  so  far  been  moderate, 
yet  the  union  of  the  Colonies,  in  sentiment,  is 
not  divided  or  lost  in  New-Hampshire,  -     736 


LXV 

1774. 

Sept. 

14, 


14, 


CONTENTS. 


LXVI 


15, 
15, 

15, 
17, 
17, 

17, 

19, 

19, 


Sept. 
19, 

20, 

21, 
26. 


28, 
29, 


Sept. 
20. 


21. 

21, 
21. 


Letter  from  Fredericksburg,  in  Virginia.  Fur- 
ther Indian  Intelligence.  Liberal  contribu- 
tions made  in  Fredericksburg,  for  relief  of  the 
Poor  in  Boston,  .         -         .         -         . 

Letter  from  Joseph  Spencer  to  Grovernour  Trum- 
bull. Doctor  Beebe,  a  Tory,  tarred  and 
feathered  by  the  friends  of  Liberty,  in  East 
Haddam,  has  applied  to  him  for  a  surety  of  the 
peace  against  some  of  those  concerned  in  it. — 
He  has  declined,  and  asks  the  Governour's  ad- 
vice on  the  subject.  He  believes  if  one  should 
be  granted  it  would  not  be  executed  to  advan 
tage, 

An  Army  of  Observation  for  the  Colonies  pro- 
posed in  Connecticut,  .         .         .         . 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  Delegates 
from  the  Towns  in  the  Counties  of  Hartford, 
New- London,  and  Windham,  and  a  part  of  the 
County  of  Litchfield,  in  Connecticut, 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Penn,  establishing 
the  Lines  of  Jurisdiction  between  the  Prov- 
ince of  Maryland  and  the  Province  of  Peim- 
sylvania,  and  Counties  of  NeAV-Castle,  Kent, 
and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  ... 

Proclamation  of  Lord  Dunmore,  requiring  all  his 
Majesty's  Subjects,  west  of  Laurel  Hill,  to  pay 
entire  obedience  to  the  Laws  of  Virginia,  and 
forbidding  the  exercise  of  any  authority  there, 
by  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 

General  Carleton  arrived  at  Q.uebeck, 

Address  of  the  Clergy  to  Guy  Carleton,  Govern- 
our of  Gluebeck,         ..... 

Address  of  his  Majesty's  Subjects,  in  the  City  of 
Quebeck,  to  Governour  Carleton, 

Letter  from  Caesar  Rodney  to  Captain  Thomas 
Rodney.  Action  of  the  Congress  on  the  Re- 
solves of  Suffolk  County,  Massachusetts, 

Letter  from  Samuel  Adams  to  Dr.  Chauncy. 
The  Suffolk  County  Resolves  read  in  Con- 
gress with  great  applause.  America  will  sus- 
tain Boston  to  the  utmost,  ... 

Letter  from  Caesar  Rodney  to  Captain  Thomas 
Rodney.  On  the  late  false  report  of  the  attack 
upon  the  Town  of  Boston,  by  the  British  Ships 
in  the  Harbour,  fifty  thousand  Men,  from  Con- 
necticut and  Massachusetts,  well  armed,  were 
on  the  march  for  the  relief  of  the  Town, 


PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

The  Assembly  met,  pursuant  to  their  adjourn- 
ment, on  the  23d  of  July,     .... 

Letter  from  Dr.  Franklin,  dated  London,  May  7, 
laid  before  the  House,  .... 

Governour  has  no  business  to  lay  before  the  House, 

Message  from  the  Governour.  The  Indian  Dis- 
turbances not  yet  at  an  end.  The  Governour 
of  Virginia  is  still  prosecuting  an  Expedition 
against  the  Shawanese.  The  Troops  on  the 
Frontiers  should  be  continued  in  pay. 

One  hundred  Rangers  to  be  kept  in  pay  until  the 
14th  of  October,  ..... 

The  Treasurer  ordered  to  pay  the  Overseers  of 
the  Poor  of  Philadelphia,  one  hundred  Pounds 
for  tlie  support  of  the  French  Neutrals, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. The  Country  People  are  exercising 
in  Arms,  in  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Rhode- Island,  and  threaten  to  attack  the 
Troops  in  Boston,  to  which  place  the  friends 
of  Government  are  daily  resorting  for  proteo 
tion.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Customs 
afraid  to  remain  in  Salem,  have  come  to  Bos- 
ton, where  the  Governour  is  also  obliged  to 
reside,       .---... 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Convention  of  Commit- 
tees for  the  County  of  Worcester,  Massachu- 
setts, held  by  adjournment  on  the  29th  of  Au- 
gust, and  continued,  by  adjournments,  to  the 
ii  1st  of  September,       .... 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  in  Boston.  Instructions 
to  Delegates  in  Provincial  Congress, 

Convention  of  the  several  Towns  of  the  County 
of  Cumberland,  in  Massachusetts, 

Sheriff  of  the  County  required  to  attend  the  Con- 
vention,    --..--- 


787 


-     787 


787 


1774. 

Sept. 

21. 


788 


789 


790 
791 

791 

792 


792 


793 


793 


794 

794 
794 


794 
794 


795 


795 


-  795 
798 
798 
799 


He  subscribes  a  Declaration  that  he  has  not  acted 
under  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament ;  and  that        ^ 
he  will  not,  without  the  general  consent  of  the 

County, 799 

Committee  appointed  to  draw  up  the  sentiments 
of  the  Convention,       -        .        .        .        .     799 

22,  Report  presented  by  the  Committee,  and  unani- 
mously accepted,  -        -        .        .     799-802 

24,  Meeting  of  the  Selectmen  and  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence of  Boston.  Consider  it  inexpe- 
dient for  the  Mechanicks,  or  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  Town,  to  assist  the  Troops,  by  furnish- 
ing them  with  Artificers,  Labourers,  or  mate- 
rials of  any  kind  to  build  Barracks,       -         -     802 

24,  Letter  from  J.  Warren  to  the  Publick,  with  an 
E.xtract  of  a  Letter  from  Samuel  Adams,  dated 
September  9th.  Gentlemen  of  the  establish- 
ed Church  of  England,  among  the  most  reso- 
lute defenders  of  the  rights  of  the  People  of  the 
Continent, 802 

24,  Declaration  of  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
To^\Ti  of  Rye,  in  West- Chester  County,  New- 
York.  They  have  not  been  concerned  in  any 
Resolutions  entered  into  in  regard  to  the  dis- 
putes with  the  Mother  Country.  Disapprove  of 
the  hot  and  furious  proceedings,  in  consequence 
of  the  disputes,  and  declare  they  will  live  and 
die  peaceable  Subjects  of  George  the  Third,  803 
Apology  of  Abraham  Miller  and  others,  for  sign- 
ing the  above  Declaration,  ...  803 
Apology  of  Timothy  Wetmore,  another  sub- 
scriber, (Note,) 803 

Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  of  Bos- 
ton, dated  September  8th,  to  the  Committee  of 
Mechanicks  of  New- York,  -        -        -     803 

24,  Resolutions  of  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  of 

New- York,  on  receiving  the  foregoing  Letter,     804 

25,  Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 

mouth. The  Carpenters  in  New- York  refuse 
to  come  to  Boston  to  build  the  Barracks,  but 
the  Boston  Artificers  have  undertaken  the 
work.  Nothing  but  e.xtravagances  and  milita- 
ry preparations  heard  of  from  Boston  to  New- 
York.  The  support  Massachusetts  receives 
from  the  other  Colonies,  is  beyond  conception. 
The  disease  is  now  so  universal  that  there  is 
no  knowing  where  to  apply  a  remedy,  -     805 

26,  Accoimt  of  the  transactions  at  a  Meeting  of  the 

Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  in 

England, 805 

Engagement  signed  by  John  Wilkes  and  John 
Glynn,  at  tlie  Middlesex  Meeting,  -        -     806 

26,  Inhabitants  of  Worcester,  in  MassachuseUs,  from 

the  age  of  sixteen  to  seventy,  form  themselves 
into  Military  Companies,  and  choose  Officers,     806 
27      Application  of  Doctor  Warren  to  General  GSage, 
for  information  as  to  his  intentions  in  erecting 
Fortifications  and  purchasing  Military  Stores,     806 
Answer  of  General  Gage  to  Doctor  Warren,     -     806 

27,  Meeting  of  the  Committees  of  Boston  and  the 

neighbouring  Towns.  Resolve  that  any  person 
who  may  supply  the  Troops  at  Boston  with 
any  thing  for  the  annoyance  of  the  Inhabitants, 
shall  be  deemed  an  inveterate  enemy  of  the 
People, 807 

27,  Letter  from  the  Joint  Committees  of  Boston  and 

the  neighbouring  Towns,  to  every  Town  and 
District  in  the  Province,       ....     807 

28,  Letter  from  Colonel  William  Preston,  at  Fincas- 

tle,  in  Virginia.      March  of  Virginia  TrOops 
to  meet  Lord  Dunmore  at  the  Great  Kenhawa.       ; 
Attacks  of  the   Lidians  on  the  White  settle- 
ments,      .......     808 

28,     Letter  from  Maryland  to  a  Gentleman  in  Lon- 
don,   809 

28,      Handbill  published  at  New- York.     Supply  of 

the  British  Troops, 809        ;|i 

28,  Proclamation  by  Governour  Gage.      In  conse- 

quence of  the  disordered  state  of  the  Province, 
will  not  meet  the  General  Court  at  Salem,  on 
the  5th  of  October,  and  discharges  all  persons 
elected  as  Representatives  from  giving  their 
attendance,  ..-.--     809 

29,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 

Boston,  to  the  Continental  Congress.  Account 
of  the  attack  upon  the  House  of  Joseph  Sco«, 
upon  the  discovery  of  his  selling  Cannon  to 
General  Gage, 810 


FocBTH  Series. 


LXVII 

1774. 
Sept. 
29, 

Oct  1, 

1, 

3, 


CONTENTS. 


l.SVIIl 


3, 


3. 


5, 

6, 

7, 

7, 
8. 

8, 


Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  New- York,  con- 
vent by  the  Committee,  at  the  request  of  Jo- 
seph Totten,       -        -        -        "       , "  „    " 
Proclamation  by  the  King,  for  dissolving  the  Par- 
liament, and  calling  another,         "         '.        ' 
(Considerations  on  the   propriety   of  adopting  a 
general  Non-RemitUince,  as  one  of  tli<>  means 
of  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  Boston  Bills, 
Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth.   The  other  Colonics  have  espoused  the 
cause  of  Massachusetts  with  great  viohnce, 
though  some  arc  more  moderate  than  others. 
The  Congress  is  still  sitting,  but  much  good  is 
not  to  be  expected   from   their  deliberations. 
The  Boston  Artificers  have  refused  to  work  on 
the  Barracks.      A  Provincial  Congress  will 
soon  meet,  when  it  is  supposed  measures  will 
be  taken  for  the  government  of  the  Province, 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. The  Congress  is  siuing,  but  as  they 
have  agreed  to  keep  their  Proceedings  secret, 
he  can  furnish  no  account  but  what  is  found  in 
the  Newspapers,  .... 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  The  opinions  of  the  People  have  be- 
come more  favourable  to  tlie  Americans.  As 
the  issue  of  the  Congress  would  probably  re- 
quire \'igorous  measures,  the  Parliament  has 
been  dissolved,  and  a  new  one  ordered. 

Proceedings  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Livery  of  Lon- 
don, at  Guildhall.  The  Candidates  pledged, 
if  elected  to  Parliament,  to  endeavour  to  pro- 
cure a  repeal  of  the  American  Acts, 

Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Colden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  Several  of  the  Counties 
in  the  Province  refused  to  unite  with  the  New- 
York  Committee  in  sending  Delegates  to  the 
Congress.  Almost  the  whole  of  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  Counties  wish  for  moderate  measures. 
At  a  meeting  held  last  week  the  conduct  of 
the  persons  who  attempted  to  prevent  the  Mer- 
chants from  sending  Supplies  to  Boston,  was 
highly  disapproved,     .         -         -         -         - 

Handbill  received  at  New- York  from  Boston, 

Memorandums  for  a  Report,  on  providing  perma- 
nent Barracks  for  the  Troops  at  Boston, 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  New- York, 

Meeting  of  Importers  of  Goods  from  Great  Bri- 
tain, in  the  City  of  New- York, 

Meeting  of  the  Lihabitants  of  the  Town  of  Stam- 
ford, in  Connecticut,  -         -  i      - 

Letter  from  London.  Reasons  why  the  Ameri- 
cans should  persevere,  and  oppose  with  vigor- 
ous measures  the  Tyranny  of  the  British  Go- 
vernment, ...... 

Letter  from  James  Lovell  to  Josiah  Cluincy,  Jim., 


PttOVINCIAL  CONGRESS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Oct.  5,  Members  elected  to  serve  in  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  Massachusetts,  meet  at  Salem, 
7,      Their  Resolutions  on  the  refusal  of  the  Govern- 
our to  admit  them  to  the  usual  oaths. 
Provincial  Congress  formed,  ... 

Names  of  the  Delegates  from  the  several  Towns, 
Adjourn  to  meet  at  Concord,  ... 

1 1,  The  Provincial  Congress  meets  at  Concord, 
■■  John  Hancock  electwl  President,  and  Benjamin 

Lincohi  Secretary, 

12,  Committee  appointwi  to  take  into  consideration 

the  state  of  the  Province, 

13,  Address  to  tho  Governour  reported  by  the  Com. 

mittee,  read  and  accepted,  with  one  dissenting 
voice  only,  ...... 

Committee  to  present  Address  to  the  Governour, 

1 4,  Constables,  Collectors  of  Taxes,  Deputy  Sheriffs, 

and  Sheriffs,  directed  not  to  pay  over  Money  ; 
but  to  retain  it  in  their  hands,  subject  to  the 
order  of  the  Towns,  Provincial  Congress,  or 
General  Assembly,  ..... 
17,  Answer  of  Governour  Gage  to  the  Address  of 
the  Provincial  Congress,  -  -  *  . 
Referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  state  of  the 

Province,  ..... 

iietters  said  to  be  wTote  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Peters, 
referred  to  the  same  Coinmittoe,     ... 
18,     The  Galleries  ordered  to  be  cleared,   and  the 
doors  of  the  House  to  be  kept  shut  during  the 
IXbattg  in  tile  Congrvss,     .         ,        .         , 


327 
810 


811 


814 


-     815 


1774. 
Oct. 

18, 
19, 


20, 


21, 


815 


817 


819 
820 

821 
821 

328 

827 


828 
948 


829 

829 
830 
830 
834 
834 

834 

-     834 


835 
83G 


836 
837 


-     837 


837 


22, 


24, 


25, 


26, 


27, 


837 


28. 


838 

838 
838 
838 
838 

-     839 


A  Reply  to  be  made  to  the  Answer  of  the  Gov- 
ernour,     ....-•- 
Reply  to  the  Governour  reported,  read,  and  re- 
committed;    reported   again,   considered,  and 
laid  on  the  table,         -         -         -         -         - 
Report  from  the  Committee  appointed  to  inquire 

into  the  state  and  operations  of  the  Army, 
Committee  to  consider  what  is  necessary  for  the 

defence  and  safety  of  the  Province, 
Report  relative  to  Pa\-ment  and  Collecting  of  out- 
standing Rates  and  Taxes,  ... 

Resolution  relative  to  the  Counsellors  and  others, 
who  have  acted  in  obedience  to  the  late  Act  of 
Parliament,  for  altering  the  Government  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  .... 
Committee  to  publish  the  names  of  the  Mr.ndaraus 
Counsellors  and  others,  who  have  acted  under 
commissions  derived  from  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment,       ..-...-     839 

Committee  to  report  a  Non-Consumption  Agree- 
ment relative  to  British  and  India  Goods,        -     839 

Committee  to  examine  Rivington's  Newspaper,        840 

Resolution  adopted,  recommending  the  total  dis- 
use of  India  Tea,         -         -         -         -         -     840 

Report  of  Committee,  on  Defence  of  the  Province, 
read,  and  deferred, 840 

Consideration  of  the  Report  resumed,  and  recom- 
mitted,              -        -     840 

Consideration  of  the  propriety  of  sending  Agents 
to  Canada,  referred  to  the  next  meeting  of  the 
Congress,  - 840 

Day  of  Publick  Thanksgiving  throughout  the 
Province  recommended,       ....     840 

Report  on  the  Safety  and  Defence  of  the  Province, 
amended,  and  recommitted  for  further  amend- 
ment,       -        -        -        -         -        -        -841 

Committee  to  consider  of  the  most  proper  time  to 
provide  a  stock  of  Powder,  Ordnance,  and  Ord- 
nance Stores  for  the  Province,       -         -         -     841 

Committee  on  Non-Consumption  Agreement  di- 
rected to  report  forthwith,  -         -         -     841 

Debates  of  the  Congress  to  be  kept  secret,  tmtil 
leave  shall  be  given  to  disclose  the  same,        -     841 

Committee  report  that  now  is  the  proper  time  to 
provide  a  stock  of  Powder,  Ordnance,  and 
Ordnance  Stores,         -         -         -         -         -     841 

Committee  to  determine  what  Quantity  shall  be 
provided,  and  an  Estimate  of  the  expense,         -     841 

Consideration  of  Report  on  the  Safety  and  De- 
fence of  the  Province  resumed,  and  recommit- 
ted for  further  amendments,  -         -         -     84 1 

Committee  on  Non-Consumption  Agreement  or- 
dered to  sit  forthwith,  ....     842 

Committee  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  Stores 
in  the  Commissary  General's  Office,      -         -     842 

Report  on  the  quantity  of  Powder  and  Ordnance 
Stores  necessary  for  the  Province,  -         -     842 

All  matters  which  shall  come  under  the  consi- 
deration of  the  Congress,  to  be  kept  secret,     -     842 

Report  on  the  Safety  and  Defence  of  the  Prov- 
ince, 842 

Report  considered  and  adopted,  ...     843 

Committee  to  consider  what  Military  Exercise 
will  be  best  for  the  People  of  the  Province  to 
adopt, 845 

Committee  of  Safety  appointed,  ...     845 

Five  Commissaries  appointed,  ...     845 

Three  General  Officers  appointed,  -         -     845 

Committee,  to  sit  during  the  recess  of  the  Con- 
gress, appointed,  .....     845 

Receiver  General  to  be  appointed  to.morrow ; 
and  Members  particularly  enjoined  to  attend,        845 

Reply  to  the  Governour's  Answer  recommitted 
for  amendments,  .         ,         ,         .         .     845 

Receiver  General  appointed,  ...     846 

Report  of  Coinraittee  on  the  state  of  the  Prov- 
ince, relative  to  the  removal  of  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  ToOTi  of  Boston  from  thence,  read,  and 
recommitted,      ......     846 

Report  relative  to  Collecting  and  Paying  out- 
standing Tuxes,  read,  and  adopted,  -         -     846 

Committee  to  report  a  Resolve  relative  to  a  Non- 
Consumption  Agreement,  ...     847. 

Committee  to  report  on  an  equal  Representation 
of  the  Province  in  Congress,  at  tlie  next  meet- 
ing,   848 

Constitutional  Coimscllors  invited  to  attend  Con- 
gress at  the  ne.\t  meeting,     ,         ,         .         .     848 


LXIX 

1774. 
Oct. 

28. 


CONTENTS. 


liXX 


29. 


The  Resolve  for  a  Non-Consumption  Agreement, 
presented  and  adopted,  .         -         .         .     848 

Report  on  the  Warlike  Stores  in  the  Commissa- 
ry General's  Office,  ....     848 

Report  on  a  System  of  Military  Exercise  for  the 
Province,  ......     848 

Consideration  of  the  state  of  the  Executive  Courts 
of  the  Province,  referred  to  the  next  meeting 
of  the  Congress,  .        .        .        -         -     849 

Committee  of  Safety  directed  to  write  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  showing  the  grounds  and 
reasons  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Congress,         849 

Reply  to  the  Governour's  Answer  agreed  to, 
unanimously,  and  a  Committee  appointed  to 
present  it,  ...-.-     849 

Committee  to  publish  certain  parts  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress,  passed  on  the  26th 
and  28th,  ...... 

Two  Members  added  to  tlie  Committee  of  Safety, 

Adjourned  to  the  23d  of  November, 

CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Oct.  9,  Letter  from  Montreal,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.     Opinions  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada 
relative  to  the  Quebeck  Act,         ... 
General  Meeting  of  the  English  Inhabitants  of 
Montreal, 

10,  Letter  from  Eliphalet  Dyer,   Roger  Sherman, 

and  Silas  Deane,  to  Governour  Trumbull. — 
Proceedings  of  the  Congress,       ... 

1 1,  Account  of  the  arrest  and  imprisonment  of  Sam- 

uel Dyre,  of  Boston,  .        .        .        - 

12,  Proclamation  of  Governour  Penn.     Inhabitants 

and  Magistrates  of  the  country  west  of  Lau- 
rel Hill  required  to  pay  due  obedience  to  the 
Laws  of  Pennsylvania,  without  the  least  re- 
gard to  the  Proclamation  of  Lord  Dunmore, 

12,  General  Committee  of  South  Carolina  recom- 

mend the  non-importation  of  India  Tea,  and 
the  non-exportation  of  any  Arms  or  Ammu- 
nition whatsoever,      -         -         .         .         . 

13,  Letter  from  Sir  James  Wright  to  the  Earl  of 

Dartmouth.  Protests  and  Dissents  of  the 
People  in  different  parts  of  the  Province,  show 
that  they  are  against  any  Resolutions;  and 
that  those  attempted  by  a  few  in  Savannah,  are 
held  in  contempt,        ..... 

14,  Address  from  the  County  of  Worcester,  in  Mas- 

sachusetts, to  Governour  Gage, 
AnsTier  of  the  Governour,       .... 


851 
853 
853 


853 
853 


854 


855 


856 


857 


867 

868 
869 


OrA. 

13, 


CONNECTICUT  ASSEMBLY. 

Meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Eng- 
lish Colony  of  Connecticut,  .        .        . 

To«Tis  in  the  Colony  ordered  to  provide  double 
the  quantity  of  Powder,  Balls,  and  Flints,  they 
were  before  obliged  by  Law  to  provide. 

Cannon  at  New-London  to  be  mounted,  and  kept 
fit  for  service,  with  a  proper  supply  of  Pow- 
der  and  Balls,  .... 

Fifteen  thousand  Pounds,  in  Bills  of  Credit,  to 
be  bsued,  ...... 

Ta.xes  levied  on  the  Polls  and  rateable  Estates  in 
the  Colony,        ...... 

Instructions  and  Regulations  to  the  Overseers  ap- 
pointed by  the  Assembly  for  the  Mohegan  In. 
Qiaiis,        ....... 

Memorial  of  Zebulon  Butler  and  Joseph  Sluman, 
Agents  for  the  Town  of  Westmoreland, 

Memorial  of  Ebenezer  Hazard,  of  New. York, 


858 


-     858 


-     858 
858 


858 


859 

859 
861 


PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

OcM4,  New  Assembly  meets,             ....  869 

List  of  Members, 860 

Edward  Biddle  chosen  Speaker,       ...  869 
Approved  by  the  Governour,            ...  870 
15,     John  Dickinson  added  to  the  Deputies  from  Penn- 
sylvania to  the  General  Congress,  now  sitting,  870 
Entertainment  to  be  provided  for  the  Members  of 
the  Congress,  on  Thursday  next,            -         -  870 
17,     Message  from  the   Governour.     Recommends 

keeping  the  Rangers  a  longer  time  in  Service,  87 1 
19,      The  Rangers  to  be  kept  in  Pay  until  the  first  of 

November,         ......  871 

Answer  to  the  Governour's  Message,         •         .871 

21,     Adjourn  to  the  5th  of  December,       ...  371 


1774. 

Oct. 
14, 


16, 


16, 
18, 


17, 


17, 


19, 
19, 

20, 

20, 
20, 


20, 
20, 

21, 

22, 

24, 
24, 

24, 

25, 
26, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Express  from  Lord   Dunmore  arrived  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, with  the  Speeches  at  his  Conference 
with  the  Indians,         ..... 

Speech  of  Captain  White  Eyes, 
Answer  of  Lord  Dunmore  to  the  Delawares  and 
Six  Nation  Chiefs,       ..... 

Intelligence  from  Captain  Pipe,  at  a  Conference 
with  several  Delaware  and  Mohawk  Chiefs,   - 
Speech  of  the  Mohegans  to  the  Shawanese, 
Answer  of  the  Shawanese,       .... 

Reply  of  the  Mohawk  and  Delaware  Chiefs  to 
Lord  Dunmore,  ..... 

Speech  of  the  Big  Apple  Tree,  a  Mohawk  Chief, 
Answer  of  Lord  Dunmore,      .... 

Reply  of  the  Delawares,  .... 

Speech  of  Edmund  Burke,  on  offering  himself  a 
Candidate  to  represent  the  City  of  Bristol  in 
Parliament,        ...... 

Letter  from  Dr.  Samuel  Cooper  to  John  Adams, 
Proclamation  of  Governour  Penn.     Officers  of 
the  Customs  prevented  by  a  Mob  from  seizing 
a  quantity  of  foreign  Sugar  that  had  not  been 
entered  at  the  Custom  House,  nor  the  Duties 
paid.     All  Civil  Officers  required  to  bring  the 
Offenders  to  justice,      ..... 

Letter  from  Captain  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Joseph 
Shippen,  Jun.,     ...... 

Speech  from  Captain  Pipe  to  the  Governour,  in 
answer  to  his  Messages  sent  to  the  Shawanese 
and  the  Delawares,     .... 

Letter   from   Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.    Additional  Troops  expected  from 
Quebeck,    New. York,    and    Newfoundland. 
Despairs  of  any  overtures  for  paying  for  the 
Tea,  unless  recommended  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  ...... 

Circular  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to 

the  Governours  of  the  Colonies, 
Order  of  the  King,  in  Coimcil,  prohibiting  the 
exportation   of  Gunpowder,   or    any  sort  of 
Arms  or  Ammunition  from  Great  Britain, 
General  Committee  of  South  Carolina  recom. 
mend  Merchants  and  others,  as  they  prize  the 
tranquillity  and  happiness  of  America,  not  to 
take  advantage  of  the  publick  distresses  by  rais- 
ing the  prices  of  imported  Goods, 
Address  to  the  People  of   Halifax  County,  in 
Virginia,  ..... 

Tea  at  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  imported  in  the 
Brig  Peggy  Stewart,  from  London.  Acknow- 
ledgement of  the  Owners  of  the  Tea,  that  they 
had  committed  a  Inost  daring  insult,  and  an 
act  of  the  most  pernicious  tendency  to  the  Li- 
berties of  America ;   they  ask  pardon  of  the 
People,  and  voluntarily  burn  the  Vessel  with 
all  her  Sails  and  Colours  flying,    - 
Thanks  to  the  Merchants  of  New- York,  who 
assisted  in  providing  Barracks  for  the  Troops 
at  Boston,  ...... 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  New. York.     Rea- 
sons for  their  paying  obedience  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  the  advantages  they  will  derive  from 
submission,         ...... 

Resolutions  of  sundry   Inhabitants  of  Frances 
Town,  in  New-Hampshire,  ... 

Letter  from  Silas  Deane,  at  Philadelphia,  to  Go- 
vernour Trumbull.     The  greatest  unanimity 
has  prevailed  through  the  whole  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress,    -         -         .         . 
Proclamation  of  Governour  Wright.     Grants  of 
Land  in  Georgia,        ..... 

Proclamation   of   Governour   Wright.     Treaty 

with  the  Creek  Indians,  at  Savannah,  on  the 

20th  inst.     Trade  with  the  Indians  renewed. 

Letter  from  Quebeck  to  a  Gentleman  in  Boston, 

Instructions  to  the  English   Gentlemen  of  the 

Committee  of  Montreal,  from  the   Canadian 

Farmers,  -     '    - 

Association  signed  by  the  Ladies  of  Edenton,  in 

North  Carolina, 

Letter  from  Joseph  Reed,  at  Philadelphia,  to 
Josiah  Quincy,  Jun.,  London.  Instead  of  divi- 
ded counsels  and  feeble  measures  in  the  Colo- 
nies, all  now  is  union  and  firmness.  The  Mem- 
bers of  the  Congress  part  with  each  other  on 
terms  of  the  utmost  friendship, 


871 

872 

872 

874 
874 
874 

875 
875 
875 
876 


876 

878 


878 


879 


-     879 


880 
881 


-     881 


-     882 


885 


886 


886 
888 


888 
889 


1137 
891 


891 


891 


-     892 


LXXI 

1774. 

Sept. 
5. 


CONTENTS.  LXXii 


12, 
14, 


17, 


19, 
22, 


24, 


26, 


27, 


28, 


CONTINENTAL   CONGRESS. 

Meeting  of  ihe  Delegates  chosen  and  appointed 
by  ihli  several  Colonies  and  Provinces,  in  North 
America,  to  hold  a  Congress  at  Philadelphia, 
Members  present  from  the  several  Colonies, 
Peyton  Randolph  elected  President, 
Credentials  read  and  approved,  .         -         - 

For  New-Hampshire,  .         .         -         - 

Massachusetts, 

Rhode-Island, 

Connecticut, 

New- York, 

New-Jersey, 

Permsylvauia,      .         -        -         -         - 
EKdaware,  .         .         -        -         - 

Maryland, 

Virginia, 

South  Carolina,  .        .         .         - 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  from  Virginia,  attended,     - 
Rules  of  Order  adopted,  -        -        -        - 

Reverend  Mr.  Duchd  requested  to  open  the  Con- 
gress with  Prayers,     -         -         -         -         - 

Thomas  Jolmson,  Jim.,  from  Maryland  attended. 
Committee  appointed  to  state  the  Rights  of  the 
Colonies,  the  instances  in  which  they  are  vio- 
lated, and  the  means  most  proper  to  obtain  a 
restoration  of  them,     -        -        -        -        - 

Committee  appointed  to  examine  and  report  the 
several  Statutes  which  affect  the  Trade  and 
Manufactures  of  the  Colonies,      -        -        - 
President  authorized  to  adjourn,  from  day  to  day, 
when  there  is  no  business,  ... 

Matthew  Tilghman,  a  Delegate  from  Maryland, 
attended,    ------- 

William  Hooper  and  Joseph  Hewes,  from  North 
Carolina,  attended,      -        .        -        -        - 
Henry  Wisner,  from  Orange  County,  in  New- 
York,  attended,  .         .         -         -         - 
George  Ross,  from  Pennsylvania,  and  John  Al- 

sop,  from  New- York,  attended,     - 
Delegates  from  Massachusetts  presented  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Joint  Committees  of  the  Towns 
in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  at  Concord,  on 
the  30th  and  3 1st  of  August,        ... 
Richard  Caswell,  from  North  Carolina,  attended, 
Resolutions  of  the  County  of  Suffolk,  Massachu- 
setts, on  the  6th  inst,  laid  before  the  Congress, 
Resolution  of  the  Congress,  approving  of  the 
Suffolk  County  Resolutions,  ... 

Contributions  from  all  the  Colonies  for  supplying 
the  Sufferers  in  Boston,  should  be  continued,  - 
Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  examine 

the  Statutes,  brought  inJand  laid  on  the  table. 
Referred  to  the  Conamittee  appointed  to  state  tlie 
Rights  of  the  Colonies,         .... 

Merchants  and  others  in  the  several  Colonies  re- 
quested not  to  send  to  Great  Britain  any  orders 
for  Goods,  .        .        -        .        - 

Report  of  Committee  on  the  Rights  of  the  Colo- 
nies, brought  in  and  read,    -        .        .        . 
Copy  of  the  Report  made  out  for  each  Colony,   - 
The  Report  considered,  .... 

Congress  will  now  consider  only  such  Rights  as 
have  been  infringed  since   1763,   postponing 
the  consideration  of  the  General  Rights  of 
America  to  a  future  day,       .... 

Conmjittee  appointed  to  state  the  Rights,  brought 
in  a  Report  of  the  Infringements  and  Viola- 
tions of  American  Rights, 
Consideration  of  the  Report  deferred, 
Congress,  in  the  meanwhile,  to  deliberate  on  the 
Means  to  be  pursued  for  a  restoration  of  our 

Rights, 

John  Herring,  from  Orange  County,  New- York, 
attended,  ...... 

Consideration  of  the  Means  for  restoring  Rights, 
resiune'd,  ...... 

Further  considered,  ..... 

Importation  of  all  Goods,  Wares,  and  Merchan- 
dise, whatsoever,  from  Great  Britain,  or  Ire- 
land, prohibited  after  first  of  December  next, 
None  exported  from  Great  Britain,  or  Ireland, 
after  that  day,  shall  be  used  or  purchased  in 
the  Colonies,     ...... 

Resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Galloway,  declaring 
the  Colonics  hold  in  abhorrence  the  idea  of 
being  considered  Independent  Communities,    - 


893 
893 
893 
893 
893 
894 
894 
893 
896 
896 
896 
897 
897 
897 
898 
898 
898 

899 
899 


899 

900 
900 
900 
900 
901 
901 

901 
901 

901 

904 

904 

904 

904 

-    904 

904 
904 
905 

905 


905 
905 


905 

905 

905 
905 

905 

905 

905 


1774. 

Sept. 

28, 

29, 

80, 


Oct.l, 


3, 


4, 
5. 


7, 

8. 


10. 


Mr.  Galloway's  Plan  for  a  proposed  union  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  -     905 
Meansof  restoring  the  Rights,  considered,          -     906 
Further  considered,         .....     906 
Further  considered,         .....     906 
Exportation  of  all  Merchandise  whatsoever,  from 
the  Colonies  to  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the 
West  Indies,  prohibited  after  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember, 1775,  unless  American  Grievances  are 
redressed  before  that  time,              ...     906 
Committee  to  prepare  a  Plan  to  carry  into  effect 
the  Non- Importation,  Non-Consumption,  and 
Non-Exportation  resolved  on,       -         -         -     906 
Simon  Boerum,  from  King's  County,  New- York, 

attended, ^06 

Means  of  restoring  the  Rights,  further  considered,     906 
Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  to  the  King, 

requesting  a  Redress  of  Grievances,      -         -     907 
Instructions  to  the  Committee  on  the  Address,     -     907 
Matters  proper  to  be  contained  in  the  Address 
considered,  ...---     907 

Further  considered, 907 

Further  considered,        -         -        -         -        -     907 
Instruction  to  the  Committee  on  the  Address,     -    907 
Address  from  William  Goddard  received,          -     907 
Means  for  restoration  of  American  Rights  fur- 
ther considered, 907 

Letter  from  the  Boston  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence laid  before  Congress,  ...     907 
Letter  to  be  considered  to-morrow,  -        -     908 
Consideration  of  means  for  restoration  of  Rights, 
resumed,            -        -        -        -        -        -908 

Instruction  to  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  the 
form  of  an  Association,         ....     908 

Letter  from  Boston  Committee  considered,  -     908 

Committee  to  prepare  a  Letter  to  General  Gage,  908 
Letter  from  Boston  further  considered,  -  -  908 
Opposition  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  to 
late  Acts  of  Parliament  approved  by  Congress. 
If  the  Acts  are  attempted  to  be  enforced  by 
Arms,  all  America  ought  to  support  them  in 
their  opposition,  -         ...         -     908 

Letter  from  Boston  further  considered,       .        -     908 
Removal  of  the  People  from  Boston,  so  impor- 
tant in  its  consequences  as  to  require  the  utmost 
deliberation.     If   absolutely    necessary,  they 
should  be  recompensed  by  all  America,  -    90S 

People  of  Massachusetts  advised  to  submit  to 
a  suspension  of  the  administration  of  justice, 
where  it  cannot  be  procured  under  the  Charter,  909 
Any  Person  who  shall  act  under  any  authority 
derived  from  the  Act  of  Parliament,  altering 
the  Government  of  Massachusetts,  to  be  held 
in  detestation,  as  a  wcked  tool  of  the  despo- 
tism, which  is  preparing  to  destroy  the  Rights 
of  America,        ......     909 

11,  Letter  from  the  Congress  to  General  Gage,        -     909 
People  of  Boston  advised  to  conduct  themselves 

peaceably  towards    General    Gage   and  the 

Troops, 909 

Committee  to  prepare  a  Memorial  to  the  People 
of  British  America;  and  an  Address  to  the 
People  of  Great  Britain,      -         -         -         -     910 

12,  Plan  for  carrying  into  effect  the  Non-Importa- 

tion, Non-Consumption,  and  Non-Exportation 
Agreement,  reported  by  the  Committee,  -     910 

Consideration  of  the  Rights  and  Grievances  of  the 
Colonies  resumed,       -         -         -         -         -     910 

13,  Further  considered, 910 

14,  Further  considered,         -         -         -         -         -910 
Resolutions  declaring  the  Rights  and  Grievances 

of  the  Colonies, 910 

Letter  from  several  Gentlemen,  in  Georgia,  read,    912 

15,  Plan  of  Association  further  considered,      -         -     912 

17,  John  Dickinson,  from  Pennsylvania,  attended,         913 
Plan  of  Association  further  considered,      -         -     913 

1 8,  Plan  further  considered,  amended,  and  ordered  to 

be  transcribed,  to  be  signed  by  the  Members,      913 
Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain  reported,     913 

19,  The  Address  considered,  amended,  and  recom- 

mitted,        913 

Memorial  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  re- 
ported,       913 

20,  The  Association  read  and  signed,      -         -         -    9 1 3 
Fac  simile  of  the  Signatures  to  the  Asssocia- 

tion,           -         -         .         .         .      Opposite    916 
Memorial  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  fur- 
ther considered, 916 


LXXIII 

1774. 

Ckt.2l,  Address  to  the  People  of  Great  Britain,     -        -    917 
Memorial  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Colonics,      -     921 
Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  to  the  People 
of  Q,uebeck,  and  Letters  to  the  Colonies  of  St. 
John's,  Nova-Scotia,  Georgia,  and  East  and 

West  Florida, 928 

Committee  to  revise  the  Minutes  of  Congress,  928 

Address  to  the  King  considered,   recommitted, 

and  Mr.  Dickinson  added  to  the  Committee,         928 
The  seizing  a  Person,  in  America,  to  transport 
him  beyond  the  Sea,  for  Trial,  declared  to  be 
against  the  Lavsr,  and  ought  to  meet  with  re- 
sistance and  reprisal,  ....     928 
22,     Peyton  Randolph  unable  to  attend  the  Congress, 

Henry  Middleton  chosen  President,       -         -     928 
Address  from  Christopher  TuUy  received,          -     928 
Journal  ordered  to  be  printed,            ...     928 
A  Congress  to  be  held  on  the  10th  of  May  next, 
unless  redress  of  Grievances  should  be  sooner 
obtained,  recommended,        ....     928 
Letter  from  Congress  to  the  Colonies  of  St. 
John's,  &c., 929 

24,  Address  to  the  People  of  Q,uebeck  reported,  con- 

sidered, and  recommitted,      ....     929 
Address  to  the  King  reported,  ...     929 

25,  Address  considered,  approved,  and  ordered  to  be 

engrossed,  ......    929 

To  be  sent  to  the  Colony  Agents,  to  be  presented 
to  his  Majesty ;  and  the  Agents  requested  to 
call  in  the  aid  of  such  Noblemen  and  Gentle- 
men as  are  firm  friends  to  American  Liberty,  929 
Committee  to  prepare  a  Letter  to  the  Agents,  -  929 
Thanks  of  Congress  to  the  patriotick  Advocates  of 
Civil  and  Religious  Liberty  who  have  espoused 
the  cause  of  America,  both  in  and  out  of  Par- 
liament,      929 

26,  Letter  to  the  Colony  Agents,  -        -        -     929 
Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of 

Quebeck, 930 

Address  to  the  King,      .....  934 

List  of  the  Colony  Agents,       ....  933 

List  of  the  Delegates  who  attended  the  Congress,  938 

CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Oct.    Letter  from  Govemour  CJage  to  Peyton  Ran- 
20,        dolph,  in  reply  to  the  Letter  from  the  Con- 
gress, of  the  10th  of  October,         ... 

Letter  to  Peyton  Randolph,  late  President  of 
the  American  Continental  Congress,  from  an 
Inhabitant  of  Massachusetts,  against  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress,  and  defending  the 
conduct  of  General  Gage,  ... 

Letter  to  General  Gage,  from  Williamsburg,  in 
Virginia,  ...... 

Letter  from  John  Dickinson  to  Arthur  Lee.  The 
Colonies  have  taken  such  grounds  that  Great 
Britain  must  relax,  or  involve  herself  in  a  Civil 
War.  A  determined  and  unanimous  resolu- 
tion animates  the  Continent, 

Letter  from  John  Dickinson  to  Josiah  Quincy, 
Jun.  The  most  peaceable  Provinces  are  now 
animated ;  and  a  Civil  War  is  inevitable,  unless 
there  be  a  quick  change  of  British  measures. 

Letter  from  Colonel  Charles  Lee  to  the  Duke 
of  — .  All  orders  of  men,  throughout  the  Col- 
onies, are  enthusiastick  in  the  cause  of  Free- 
dom. The  People  have  Arms,  and  are  expert 
in  their  use,        ...... 

Letter  from  Govemour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. The  Provincial  Congress,  it  is  report- 
ed, had  in  agitation  the  embodying  of  fifteen 
thousand  Men,  to  be  ready,  at  a  moment's  warn- 
ing, and  to  be  supported  by  the  neighbouring 
Provinces.  It  is  the  intention  of  the  Congress 
to  assemble  the  old  Council  at  the  next  meet- 
ing, to  form  as  complete  a  Government  as  pos- 
sible for  the  Province,  .... 

Letter  from  Josiah  Quincy  to  Josiah  Gluincy,  Jun., 

Letter  from  Govemour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth,      ....... 

NavA,  Address  of  the  Grand  Jury  for  the  County  of  Es- 
sex, in  New-Jersey,  to  Frederick  Smith,  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Province,         .... 

Letter  from  a  Gentleman,  at  Bladensburg,  Mary- 
land, to  his  brother,  in  Glasgow.  Virginia  is 
raising  a  Company  of  Men  in  every  County. 
Maryland  has  begun  to  raise  Men  in  every 


CONTENTS. 


27, 
27, 


28, 


29, 


30, 


989 


939 
945 


-     947 


947 


949 


31, 
31, 


1. 


950 
951 

952 


967 


1774. 


Nov. 
2, 


2, 

3, 

2, 
2. 

2, 


2, 


3, 


4, 
5, 


5, 

6, 
6, 


LXXIV 

County  also.  To  the  Northward  they  have 
large  Bodies  ready  for  the  field.  Regulation 
of  prices  of  imported  Goods,  ...     953 

Circular  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to 
the  Governours  of  the  Colonies.  Requires 
Returns  every  three  months  of  the  state  of 
their  respective  Councils,     ....     953 

Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieutenant 
Governour  Coldcn.  Requires  him  to  be  par- 
ticularly attentive  to  prevent  the  importation  of 
Gunpowder ;  he  has  every  day  intelligence  of 
the  Americans  purchasing  large  quantities  of 
Arms  and  Ammunition  in  the  different  Ports 
of  Europe, 953 

Council  of  Pennsylvania  authorize  the  laying  out 
a  King's  Highway,  from  the  Wind  Gap,  on  the 
North  side  of  the  Blue  Mountain,  to  Wyoming,     954 

Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Governour 
Penn,  dated  August  26.  Requires  him  to  de- 
sist from  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  the  line  run  by  the  Commissioners  of 
that  Province  and  Maryland,         ...     954 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Penn,  requiring  Ma- 
gistrates and  others  to  desist  from  exercising 
jurisdiction  beyond  those  places  where  it  has 
been  heretofore  exercised,  until  his  Majesty's 
pleasure  shall  be  known  in  the  premises,         -     955 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. Explanation  of  his  motives  for  issuing 
the  Proclamation  for  extending  the  jurisdic- 
tion,   955 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 
Report  of  the  Battle  between  the  Indians  and 
Colonel  Lewis,  .....     955 

Address  of  the  Committee  to  the  Freeholders  and 
Electors  of  the  City  and  County  of  Philadel- 
phia. Recommend  the  election  of  a  new 
Conwnittee,  under  the  Association  of  the  Con- 
gress,       - 956 

Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Golden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  The  Congress  broke  up 
last  week.  Their  measures  do  not  meet  with 
applause  in  New- York ;  on  the  contrary,  the 
City  is  rather  dissatisfied.  The  Merchants 
dislike  the  Non-Importation,  and  the  Farmers 
will  not  bear  the  Non-Exportation.  A  great 
majority  in  the  Province  disapprove  of  the 
dangerous  measures  of  the  New  England  Go- 
vernments,       ......     957 

Letter  from  an  Officer  at  Boston,  to  his  friend  in 
Edinburgh.  The  Faction  at  Boston  is  very 
low.  All  ranks  of  People  are  heartily  tired 
of  disorder ;  and  as  soon  as  the  determination 
of  Great  Britain  to  despise  their  Resolves  and 
Petitions,  is  known,  all  will  be  quiet,     -         -     957 

Letter  from  Doctor  Chauncy  to  Josiah  Gluincy, 
Jun.,  London.  The  Colonies  are  united  in 
their  resolution  to  defend  their  Liberties.  All 
wish  for  a  restoration  of  harmony,  and  dread  a 
bloody  conflict;  yet  this  they  will  universally  c' 
go  into,  rather  than  submit  to  the  tyrannical 
measures  imposed  on  them,  ...    953 

Letter  from  Governour  Perm  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth,       958 

Charge  of  William  Henry  Drayton,  one  of  the 
Judges  of  the  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace, 
for  the  Districts  of  Camden  and  Cheraws,  in 
South  Carolina,  on  his  Circuit,  the  fifth  and  fif- 
teenth days  of  November,  to  the  several  Grand 
Juries,       ...--..    959 
Presentments  of  the  Grand  Jury  for  the  District 
of  Camden,        -        -        -        -        -        -961 

Presentments  of  the  Grand  Jury  for  the  Cheraws 

District, %2 

Address  of  the  Petit  Jury  of  Cheraws  District,  to 
Judge  Drayton,  .....     962 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Officers 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Dunmore,  con- 
vened at  Fort  Gower,  ....     962 

Sheep  not  permitted  to  be  sent  from  New- York 

to  the  West  Indies, 963 

Letter  from  Joseph  Reed  to  Josiah  Gluincy,  Jun. 
The  Quakers  have  directed  their  members  not 
to  serve  on  the  Committee  for  carrying  into 
effect  the  Association  of  Congress ;  yet,  in  Phil- 
adelphia, there  is  no  fear  that  any  discontented 
spirit  dares  oppose  the  measures  necessary  for 
the  publick  safety.      There  is  more  fear  for 


1774. 

Ntm. 
7, 


7, 
7. 


CONTENTS. 


1.XXVI 


7. 
7, 

7. 


8, 


8, 
9. 


10. 

10, 
11, 

11. 

12, 

12, 
14, 

14, 
15, 
15. 

15, 

15, 


15. 


16, 

16, 


New- York,  where  there  has  been  a  strange 
delinquency  the  whole  Summer, 
Meeting  of  tlie  Inhabitants  of  York,  in  Virginia, 
and  Procec-ding-s  of  the  County  Committee,  on 
the  arrival  of  Tea,      -         :,',,',. 
Meeting  of  the  Committee  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  Gloucester,  in  Virginia,  on  the  arrival  of  Tea, 
Concession  of  John  Prentiss  to   the  York  and 
Gloucester  Committees,  for  importing  Tea,     - 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Phila- 
delphia, to  make  arrangements  for  electing  a 
Committee,         -         -         -         ■         "      .   " 
New- York  Committee  recommend  the  election 
of  a  Committee  of  Inspection,  for  the  purposes 
expressixi  in  the  Association  of  Congress, 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Boston, 
Leuer  'from  New- York  to  a  Correspondent  m 
London,  -         •         -         "         '         * 

Meeting  at  Marblehead,  in  Massachusetts.      Ap- 
pointed a  Committee  to  execute  the  Associa- 
tion ;  and  fixed  a  day  for  choosing  Militia  Of- 
ficers,       -         -         -         -         "         ■         * 

Meeting  of  the    Committee  for   Westmoreland 
County,  in  Virginia.      Resolutions  relative  to 
David  Wardrobe,         .         .         -         ■ 
Letter  from  David  Wardrobe  to  Archibald  Pro- 
van,  of  Glasgow,  dated  June  30, 
Proclamation  of  Governour  Eden, 
Meeting  of  the   Inhabitants  of    Anne  Arundel 
County,  and  the  City  of  Annapolis.      Com- 
mittee of  Observation  and  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence appointed,         .         -         -         - 
Address  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others,  of 
Williamsburg,  to  Pej-ton  Randolph  and  the 
other  Delegates,  .         -         -         -         - 

Answer  to  the  Address,  -        -        ■ 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Gage,  against  the 

Resolves  of  the  Provincial  Congress, 
Treaty  of  Peace,   Friendship,  and   Commerce, 
concluded  on  the  20th  of  October,  between 
Georgia  and  the  Creek  Indians, 
Concession  of  Nicholas  Austin,  to  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence  of  Rochester,    in   New- 
Hampshire,        ..---- 

Proclamation    of   Lieutenant   Governour  Bull. 

Trade  opened  with  the  Creek  and  Cherokee 

Indians.     Revokes  all  Indian  Trade  Licenses, 

and  requires  new  ones  to  be  taken  out. 

Committee  of  Observation  for  Baltimore  County, 

in  Maryland,  appointed,       .         .         .         - 

Political  Observations,  without  order,  addressed  to 

the  People  of  America.        .         -         -         - 

Reply  to  the  foregoing.  .         .         -         . 

Another  Reply.    -        -        -        -        -        - 

Letter  from  the  New- York  Committee  to  Daniel 
Dunscomb.  Chairman  of  the  Committee   of 
Mechanicks.      .        .        -        - 
New- York  Committee  having  agreed  to  dissolve, 
appoint  a  day  for  the  election  of  a  new  Com- 
mittee,      ....--- 

Letter  from  a  Gentleman  at   Amsterdam,  to  a 
friend  in  Philadelphia.      A  Vessel  there  load- 
ing with  Ammunition  and  Arms,  stopped  by  a 
Cutter  sent  from  Dover,       .         -         .         . 
Letter  from  Nathaniel  Appleton  to  Josiah  Quin- 
cy,  Jun.     It  is  the  universal  voice  of  the  Peo- 
ple, that  they  will  sacredly  observe  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  Grand  Congress, 
Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth.     The  Proceedings  of  the  Continental 
Congress  astonish  and  terrify  all  considerate 
men.    Though  many  of  their  Resolves  neither 
can  nor  will  be  observed,  it  is  to  be  feared  they 
will  be  generally  received.      Barracks  have 
been  provided  for  the  Troops ;  and  by  various 
means.  Provisions  for  six  months  have  been 
obtained,  ...... 

Letter  from  Grovcmour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.      Violent  proceedings  in  some 
parts  of  New-Hampshire.      No   hopes  of  a 
legal  establishment  of  the  powers  of  Govern- 
ment in  the  Province,  until  they  are  efTectually 
restored  in  Massachusetts,     -         .         .         . 
Proclamation  by  the  King.    Copper  Coins  for 
Virginia,  ..... 

Meeting  of  Inhabitants  of  Calvert  County,  Ma 
ryland.  Committees  of  Observation  and  Cor 
respondence  appointed,        .        .        .        , 


9G3 


9G4 
9G5 


965 


-    965 


967 
908 

969 


970 


.    970 

971 
972 


972 


973 
973 

-    973 


974 


974 


975 

-    975 

976 
977 
978 


-     329 


330 


-    979 


980 


1771. 

Nor. 
16, 
17, 


18. 

18, 

18, 

19, 

21. 
21 


981 


-  981 
r 

-  982 


982 


21, 

22, 
22, 

22, 


23, 
23, 


983 


985 


985 


-    986 


987 
987 


987 


989 


Rt-^olutions  of  the  County  Congress  of  the  County 

of  York,  in  Massachusetts, 
Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Henrico  County, 
Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation  appoint- 
ed, .....-- 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Charles  County, 
Maryland.      Committees  of  Observation  and 
Correspondence,  and  Delegates  to  the  Conven- 
tion appointed,  .         .         .         .         - 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Frederick  County, 
Mainland.      Committees  of  Observation  and 
Correspondence,  and  Delegates  to  the  Conven- 
tion appointed,  ..... 
Address  of  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks,  of  New- 
York,  to  the  Delegates  who  represented  the 
City  in  the  General  Congress,       .         .         - 
Answer  of  the  Delegates,         .         .         .         - 
Address  to  the  People  of  New- Jersey.  Condemns 
the  Resolutions  of  the  Congress.     There  are 
no  instances  of  Laws  so  severe,  or  any  regula- 
tions so  inimical  to  Liberty,  as  their  Resolves, 
Tomi  Meeting  at  Providence,  in  Rhode-Island. 
One  hundred  and  twenty-five  Pounds  voted  for 
the  distressed  Inhabitants  of  Boston, 
Letter  from  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  to  Josiah  Quin- 
cy,  Jun.     It  is  the  united  voice  of  America, 
to  preserve  their  Freedom,  or  lose  their  lives 
in  defence  of  it.     The  Resolutions  of  the  Con- 
gress are  not  the  effect  of  inconsiderate  rash- 
ness, but  the  sound  result  of  sober  inquiry  and 
deliberation.     If  the  Acts  of  Parliament  are 
not  repealed  the  wisest  step  for  both  Countries 
is  to  sejiarate,  and  not  spend  their  blood  and 
treasure  in  destroying  each  other, 
Maryland  Convention,     -         .         .         -         - 
Several  Counties  not  being  represented  the  Con- 
vention adjourned  to  the  8th  of  December, 
Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Elizabeth  City 
County,  Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation 
appointed. 
Letter  from  an  -Officer  in  the  Army  at  Boston. 
As  to  the  Colonists  taking  Arms  to  resist  the 
Force  of  England,  it  is  mere  bullying.     Any 
two  Regiments  here  ought  to  be  decimated,  if 
they  did  not  beat  in  the  field  the  whole  Force 
of  the  Massachusetts  Province,     ... 
Committee  of  Sixty   Persons  elected   in  New- 
York,  for  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the  Asso- 
ciation of  Congress,     ..... 
Address  of  the  Magistrates  of  Frederick  County, 
Maryland,  to  the  Deputies  from  the  Province 
to  the  late  Continental  Congress, 
Address  of  the  Grand  Jury  of  Frederick  County, 

Maryland,  to  their  Deputies  in  the  Congress, 
Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Bull  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth,  .... 

Committee  of  Observation,  for  Warwick  County, 
Virffinia,  ......     994 


Nov. 
23, 


24, 


990 
991 

-    991 


-    991 


991 


-     992 


992 
993 


993 


993 

993 

993 

993 
993 


25, 
26, 

28, 


MASSACHUSETTS    PROVINCIAL    CONGRESS. 

The  Provincial  Congress  meets,  agreeably  to 
their  adjournment,  on  the  29th  of  October,     - 

Walter  Spooner,  one  of  his  Majesty's  Constitu- 
tional Council,  desired  to  attend  the  Congress, 

John  Adams  and  Robert  Treat  Paine,  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  desired  to  attend. 

Members  of  the  Continental  Congress  required 
to  report  their  Proceedings,  ... 

Dr.  Appleton  appointed  Chaplain,    ... 

Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  reported, 
read,  and  committed,  ....     993 

Petition  from  Officers  of  the  Minute  Men,  in  the 
Northwest  part  of  Worcester  County,  read 
and  committed,  .....     994 

Commiuee  to  prepare  a  Plan  for  the  Defence  and 
Safety  of  the  Government,  required  to  set  forth- 
with,          994 

Committee  to  publish  a  list  of  the  Mandamus 
CoiiiiselloMkand  others  now  in  the  Town  of 
Boston,  fortnwith  to  prepare  a  Report,   -         -     994 

Committee  to  ascertain  the  number  of  Constitu- 
tional Counsellors  now  in  To\\ti,  -         -     994 

Committee  to  devise  means  of  keeping  up  a  Cor- 
respondence with  Montreal  and  Quebeck,      -     995 

Committee  to  prepare  Form  of  an  Order  with 
respect  to  the  Treasurer's  Bond.  -         -     995 

Committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of 


Lxxvn 


CONTENTS. 


LXXVIII 


1774. 

Nov. 
29, 


the  Manufactures,  and  how  they  may  be  im- 
proved in  the  Province,        .         .         -         . 

Committee  to  make  an  estimate  of  the  loss  and 
damage  of  every  kind,  occasioned  by  the  Acts 
of  Parliament  since  the  operation  of  the  Port 
Bill, - 

Committee  to  state  the  amount  of  the  Sums  which 
have  been  extorted  from  us  since  17G3,  under 
certain  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament, 
30,  Members  to  attend  the  Continental  Congress 
on  the  10th  of  May  next,  to  be  appointed  to- 
morrow, ...... 

Letters  from  Doctor  Franklin  to  Mr.  Gushing, 
read  and  referred  to  the  Provincial  Committee 
of  Correspondence,  .  .  .  .  - 
Dec.  1,  Report  of  Committee  on  Proceedings  of  Conti- 
nental Congress,  read,  considered,  and  recom- 
mitted,      ....... 

Thanks  of  the  Congress  to  the  other  Colonies,  for 
their  Donations  to  the  Town  of  Boston, 

Committee  to  call  upon  the  Secretary  for  a  list 
of  the  Mandamus  Counsellors,     .         .         . 

2,  Report  of  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Prov- 

ince, ....... 

Members  to  represent  the  Province  in  Continental 
Congress,  chosen,        ..... 

3,  Report  of  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Prov- 

ince, considered,  ..... 

5,  Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  to  tlie  Clergy, 

desiring  them  to  exhort  the  People  to  sustain 

the  Congress,     ..-.-- 

Report  on  the  Proceedings  of  the  Continental 

Congress  adopted,        ..... 

6,  Committee  to  correspond  with  the  Inhabitants  of 

Canada  appointed,  .  .  .  .  - 
Brief  to  be  circulated  through  the  Province,  to 

promote  Donations  for  the  Sufferers  in  Boston 

ajid  Charlestown,  .  .  .  .  - 
Address  to  the  Clergy,  .  .... 

Mandamus  Counsellors  who  have  published  a 

renunciation  of  their  Commissions, 

7,  Committee  to  prepare  a  true  state  of  the  number 

of  Inhabitants,  and  of  the  Exports  and  Imports 
of  the  Colony,  ..... 

8,  Resolutions  reconmiending  the  encouragement  of 

Manufactures  in  the  Province,  .  .  ^ 
Two  General  Officers  chosen,  ... 

9,  Committee  on  an  Address  from  the  Baptists  to 

the  Congress,     ...... 

Report  of  Committee  relative  to  Publick  Moneys 
in  the  hands  of  Constables  and  others,  adopted. 

Committee  on  a  Plan  of  Military  Exercise  pro- 
posed by  Captain  Pickering,  ... 

Report  of  Committee  on  Address  from  the  Bap- 
tists, adopted,      ...... 

Committee  on  Letter  from  the  Town  of  Hard- 
wick,        ....... 

10,      Report  on  Letter  from  Hard  wick, 

Address  to  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  Towns  and  Districts  of  Massachusetts 
Bay, 

Report  of  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Province 
relative  to  assuming  Civil  Government,  consi 
dered,  and  laid  on  the  table, 

Returns  of  the  Officers  and  Men,  of  the  Minute 
Men,  and  the  Militia  to  be  made. 

Report  of  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Province, 

E.xpense  of  transmitting  the  Address  to  the  Cana. 
dians  to  be  paid  by  this  Government, 

The  Congress  dissolved,  .... 


Nov. 
25, 

25, 


26, 

28, 


30, 


995 

995 

995 

996 

996 

996 
996 
997 
997 
997 
997 

997 
997 
999 


999 
1000 

.  1000 


1001 

1001 
1002 

1003 

1003 

1004 

1004 

1004 
1004 

.  1005 
e 

.  1006 


OORUESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Meeting  of  a  great  number  of  the  Freeholders  of 
Chesterfield  County,  Virginia.  County  Com- 
mittee appointed,         ..... 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  James  City  County, 
Virginia.  Committee  of  Observation  appoint, 
cd. 

Committee  for  the  upper  part  of  Frederick  Coun- 
ty, Maryland.     Punishment  of  John  Parks, 

Address  of  Committee  of  Correspondence  to  the 
Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Essex,  in  the 
Province  of  New- Jersey,     -         -         .         . 

Addrr-ss  of  the  Committee  of  Philadelphia  to  the 
Publick,  ...... 

Committee  of  Observation  for  Philadelphia  Coun- 
ty.   


1774. 

Nov. 
30, 


Dec.  1, 

2, 


1008 


1009 


1009 


1010 


1010 


4, 


4, 


5, 


5, 
5, 

5, 


Queries  addressed  to  the  Committees  of  Observ- 
ation, on  the  Pamphlet,  "  A  Friendly  Address 
to  all  Reasonable  Americans,"      -         .         .1011 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Prince  George's  Coun. 
ty,  Maryland.  Committees  of  Observation  and 
Correspondence,  and  Delegates  to  the  Conven- 
tion appointed,  .         .         .         .         -1012 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Elizabethtown,  Essex 
County,  New- Jersey.  Committees  of  Observ. 
ation  and  Correspondence  appointed,     .         .1012 

Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth.  The  measures  recommended 
by  the  Continental  Congress  received,  impli. 
citly,  by  the  People,  as  matters  of  obedience. 
Exportation  of  Sheep  prevented,  by  order  of 
the  Committee,  .         -         .         .         .1013 

Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn. 
Attempt  of  Mr.  Connolly  to  enforce  the  juris, 
diction  of  Virginia,  at  Pittsburgh.  Mr.  Scott, 
a  Pennsylvania  Magistrate,  arrested  by  Con- 
nolly, on  the  12th  of  November,  and  brought 
before  Lord  Dunmore,  at  Fort  Burd,     -         -   1013 

Lord  Dunmore  arrived  at  Williamsburg,  from  his 
expedition  against  the  Indians,  having  brought 
them  to  terms,  and  made  a  Treaty  with  them,    1014 

Letter  from  Red  Stone.  Causes  of  the  Indian  War 
traced  from  the  Treaty  made  by  Colonel  Bou- 
quet, with  the  Shawanese,  in  1764,  to  the  at- 
tack of  Captain  Michael  Cresap  upon  a  party 
of  Indians,  in  April,  1774,  .         .         .1015 

Letter  from  the  Camp,  on  Point  Pleasant,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kenhawa,  dated  October 
17th.  Account  of  the  Battle  at  that  place,  on 
the  10th, 1016 

Letter  from  Staunton,  in  Virginia,  of  November 
4th.     A  further  account  of  the  same  Battle,       1017 

List  of  killed  and  wounded  Virginians  in  the  Bat. 
tie  at  Point  Pleasant,  on  the  10th  of  October, 
(Note,) 1018 

Message   from  Logan,   an   Indian  Warrior,  to 

Lord  Dunmore, 1020 

Speech  of  Logan,  a  Shawanese  Chief,  to  Lord 

Dunmore,  (Note,)       .....  io2C 

Address  of  the  City  of  Williamsburg  to  Lord 

Dunmore,  ......   1019 

Answer  to  the  Address,  .         .         .         -  1019 

Address  of  the  President  and  Professors  of  Wil- 
liam and  Mary  College  to  Lord  Dunmore,     .  1019 

Address  of  the  Borough  of  Norfolk  to  Lord  Dun- 
more,        1019 

Answer  to  the  Address,  ....  1020 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Richmond  County, 
Virginia.    Committee  of  Inspection  appointed,  1021 

Committee  of  New.Castle  County,  Etelaware. 
Approve  the  Continental  Association.  Recom. 
mend  to  the  Inhabitants,  from  si.xteen  to  fifty 
years  of  age,  to  form  themselves  into  Military 
Companies,        ......  1022 

Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Reading,  in  Berks 
County,  Pennsylvania.  Committee  of  Obser. 
vation  appointed,        ...  .  io23 


1006 

8, 

1007 

9, 

1008 

10, 

1008 

15, 

20, 

1007 

23, 

ASSEMBLY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Dec.  5,  The  Assembly  meets, 1023 

Report  from  the  Members  deputed,  in  behalf  of 
this  Province,  to  attend  the  General  Congress, 

Resolutions  of  the  Congress  considered,     . 

Further  considered,  and  unanimously  approved. 

Deputies  to  the  Congress,  to  meet  on  the  1 0th  of 
May  next,  appointed,  .... 

Committee  to  prepare  Instructions  to  the  Depu. 
ties  appointed,  ..... 

Message  from  the  Governour.    Recommends  re- 
pair of  Barracks  in  the  Northern  Liberties, 

Answer  to  the  Governour's  Message.  The  House 
does  not  think  expedient  to  repair  the  Bar^ 
racks,       ...... 

24,  Instructions  to  the  Deputies  considered,  and  the 
further  consideration  postponed  to  the  next 
Session,  ...... 

Adjourned  to  the  20th  of  February  next,    - 


1023 
1023 
1023 

1023 

1024 

1024 


.  1024 


1024 
1025 


CORRESPONDENCE,    PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Dec.  6,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  ^ew. 
York.  First  information  of  the  Resolves  of 
the  Congress  of  the  States  of  America,  -  1025 


■a 


LXXIX 

1774. 

Dec. 

6. 


CONTENTS. 


I.XXX 


6, 


7, 


Mcetino'  of  the  Freeholders  of  Essex  County,  Vir- 
ginia.   Committee  of  Obserration  appointed, 
Committee  of  Isle  of  Wight  County,  Virgmia, 
6       Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Princess  Anne  Coun- 
ty, Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation  ap- 
pointed,    -        -        -        -•        ",    ," 

C      Re-^ulations,  for  the  sale  of  Goods  imported  after 
The  first  day  of  December,  adopted  by  the 
Philadelphia  Committee,     -        "    ,    ,  y^    " 
6,     Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth.   Philadelphia  and  several  of  the  Coun- 
ties have  appointed  Committees  to  enforce  the 
Association,       --■"■' 
Meeting  of  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of 
Jamaica,  in  Queen's  County,  New- York.  Ap- 
prove the  Resolutions  of  tKe  Congress.    Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  and  Observation  ap- 
pointed,   -        -        -        -        "     ,    "        " 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Ne^rark,  m  Esses 
Countj',  New-Jersey.   Committee  of  Observa- 
tion appointed,  -         -         '  ,      "      -■ 
Address  of  the  Committee  to  the  Delegates  for 
New-Jersev,  in  the  Continental  Congress,      - 
dueries  of  the'  Committee  relative  to  Rivington's 
Newspaper,      -        -        -        "  ,,    "      ,  ' 
T,      Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Colden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.     Proceedings  in  New- 
York  on  the  Resolutions  of  Congress.     Dis- 
pute between  the  smugglers  and  fair  traders 
will  probably  defeat  the  Association.    Men  op- 
posed to  the  Congress  on  the  Committee  ;  they 
at  present  support  the  measures  of  the  Con- 
gress, to  prevent  dangerous  men  from  taking 
the  lead,             ..---- 

8.      Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Caroline  County, 
Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation  appoint- 
ed, ■"""""         1 
8,      Meeting  of  the  Deputies  appointed  by  the  several 
Counties  of  the  Province  of  Maryland,  at  the 
City  of  Annapolis,  by  adjournment,  on  the  8th 
of  December,  and  continued  till  the  12th, 
Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  unani- 
mously approved,       .         .         -         •         - 
Woollen,  Linen,  and  Cotton  Manufactures  recom- 
mended, ....-- 

Advances  on  the  prime  cost  of  Goods  regulated. 
Suits  not  to  be  brought  in  any  case  for  any  Per- 
son who  violates  the  Continental  Association, 
None  but  Members  of  Committees  to  meddle  with, 
or  determine,  any  question  under  the  Associa- 
tion, .        -        -        -        - 

Will  support,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  any 
Colony  where  an  attempt  shall  be  made  to 
carry  into  execution,  by  force,  the  assumed 
power  of  Parliament  to  Tax  the  Colonies, 
Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  from  sixteen  to  fifty 
years  of  age,  to  form  themselves  into  Military 
Companies,        ...... 

Ten  thousand  Pounds  to  be  raised  by  the  Coun- 
ties for  the  purchase  of  Arms  and  Ammuni- 
,  tion,  .....-- 

Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  Province 
empowered  to  call  a  Meeting  of  the  Conven- 
tion on  the  24th  of  April  next,     - 
Contributions  for  the  Suffering  Poor  of  Boston  to 
be  continued,     ------ 

Committee  of  Correspondence  appointed. 
Delegates  to  the  next  Continental  Congress  ap- 
pointed,   ------- 

Colonies  and  Provinces  generally  requested  to 
enter  into  such    Resolutions  as   have    been 
adopted  by  this  Province,  for  mutual  defence 
and  protection,  ..... 

9,      Letter  from  Savannah,  to  a  Gentleman  of  Phila- 
delphia.     Meeting  at  Savannah,  on  the  8th. 
Georgia  will  unite  with  the  other  Colonies. 
Large  Donations  made  for  Sufferers  in  Boston, 
9,      Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Prince  William 
County,  Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation 
electee.     Resolutions  adopted  on  tire  21st  to 
enforce  the  Continental  Association, 
10,      Circular  from  the  Earl  of   Dartmouth  to  the 
Governours  of  the  several   Colonics.      The 
Resolution  of  Parliament  to  sustain  the  King 
in  carrying  into  execution  the  Laws  of  tho 
-fast  Session,  will  put  an  end  to  the  expecta- 
tions of  the  Colonies  of  receiving  support  in 
their  unwarrantable  pretensions, 


1026 
1026 

1774. 

Dec 

10, 

1026 

1026 

10. 

1027 

10. 

10, 

1027 


-  1028 
r 

-  1029 


-  1029 


-  1030 


-  1030 


1031 

1031 

1031 
1031 

1032 


-  1032 


-  1032 


1032 


1032 


1033 

1033 
1033 

1033 


1033 


1033 


1034 


12, 


12, 


12. 


12, 


12, 


13. 


13. 
14, 


14, 


1034 


14, 


16, 


16, 


Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieuten- 
ant Governour  Colden.  Does  not  think  the 
assistance  of  the  King's  Troops  to  quell^  the 
disturbances  at  Bennington,  under  the  Ne\y- 
Hampshire  Grants,  ought  to  be  called  for  until 
every  other  effort  has  been  foimd  insufficient; 
and  hopes  these  disputes  may  be  settled  without 
the  risk  of  bloodshed,  .... 
Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Ne\vtown,  in  Queen's 
County,  New- York.  Committee  of  Observa 
tion  appointed,  .  .  .  - 
Letter  from  London,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Advantages  to  the  Colonies  from  an 
union  with  England.  Parliament  cannot 
make  the  first  advances  towards  reconcilia- 
tion,   ■        " 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.     The  American  writers,  by  their  pro- 
tensions  to  Independence,  and  their  claims  to 
exemption  from  Taxation,  have    ruined  the 
cause,       ....--- 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  King  and  Queen 
County,  Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation 
appointed,  -         -         -         -         -         - 

Meeting  of  Henrico  County,  Virginia,  Commit- 
tee. The  Resolutions  of  Congress  to  be  con- 
sidered by  the  Committee  as  the  sole  rule  of 
their  conduct,  respecting  their  present  engage- 
ments. Committee  of  Correspondence  appoint- 
ed, ...-.-- 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Dan- 
bury,  in  Connecticut.  Resolutions  to  support 
the  Congress.  Committee  of  Observation  ap- 
pointed. The  Inhabitants  requested  to  contri- 
bute liberally.  Money  or  Provisions  for  Boston 

Sufferers, 

Letter  from  Boston  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- York. 
It  was  moved  on  the  10th  instant,  in  the  Pro- 
\incial  Congress,  that  Arms  be  immediately 
taken  up  against  the  King's  Troops;  a  Mem- 
ber stated  such  a  move  was  infamous,  as  the 
Members  knew  that  neither  Connecticut,  nor 
any  of  the  Southern  Colonies,  meant  to  op- 
pose his  Majesty's  Arms.     At  PljTiiouth  they 
are  now  beating  up  for  Volunteers  to  attack 
the  Troops,       ..---. 
Letter  from  Captain  Wallace  to  Vice  Admiral 
Graves,  dated  on  board  his  Majesty's  Ship 
Rose,  at  Newport,  Rhode- Island.    The  King's 
Cannon  upon  Fort- Island  carried  off  by  the 
Inhabitants,        ...--- 
Letter  from  Sir  James  Wright  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.   Attempt  to  raise  a  flame  again  in 
Georgia,  since  the  return  of  the  Carolina  Dele- 
gates from  the  Congress,  whose  Resolutions 
and  Proceedings  have  sanctioned  Rebellion, 
Letter  from  Arthur  Lee  to  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Letter  from  Newport,  in  Rhode- Island,  to  a  Gen- 
tleman in  New- York.     The   People  there 
have  declared  themselves  openly  against  Gov- 
ernment.   The  Publick  Authorities  have  dis- 
mantled the  King's  Fort,  and  moved  the  Can- 
non and  Stores  to  Providence,      -         -         . 
Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  Governour 
Gage.      This  day  about  four  hundred  Men 
proceeded  to  his  Majesty's  Castle,  William  and 
Mary,  and  carried  off  by  violence  one  hundred 
barrels  of  Powder,  belonging  to  the  King ;  to- 
morrow, it  is  expected,  they  will  carry  off  the 
Cannon  and  Arms.    Tho  persons  who  took  the 
lead  in  this  enormity  are  well  kno\Mi, 
Letter    from  Captain  Cochran,  Commander   of 
Fort  William  and  Mary,  to  Governour  Went- 
worth.     Informs  him  of  the  storming  of  the 
Fort,  and  the  seizure  and  removal  of  the  Pow- 
der,   -        " 

Letter  from  Governour  Wentworth  to  Governour 
Gage.  Last  night  many  Cannon,  and  about 
sixty  Muskets,  were  taken  from  the  Fort. 
Portsmouth  is  full  of  armed  Men,  who  appear 
determined  to  dismantle  the  Fort  entirely. 
Letters  from  Portsmouth,  in  New- Hampshire,  to 
a  Gentleman  in  New- York.  Further  ac- 
counts of  the  seizure  of  the  Powder  and  Can- 
non at  Fort  William  and  Mary, 
Address  of  the  Council  of  Virginia  to  Govern- 
our Dunmore,  ... 
The  Govemour's  Answer,       -        -   - 


-  1035 


-  1035 


1035 


-  1036 


1037 


1037 


1038 


1039 


1039 


1040 
1040 


1041 


1041 


1042 


1042 


-  1043 

1043 
1044 


K 


1774. 

2>fc.  13,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Northampton 
County,  Virginia.  Committee  of  Observation 
appointed.  The  Association  to  be  considered 
the  sole  rule  of  the  Committee's  conduct  in 
every  emergency,        ....         -  1044 

Letter  from  the  People  of  Northampton  County, 
Virginia,  of  the  30th  August,  to  the  Coimnit- 
tee  of  Donations,  at  Boston,         ...  1044 

Reply  from  David  Jeffries,  of  the  Committee  of 
Donations,  Boston,  of  the  30th  of  September, 
to  John  Harmanson,  and  others,  of  Northamp. 
ton,  Virginia,      ......  1045 

15,  Letter  from   Governour   Gage  to  the  Earl  of 

Dartmouth, 1046 

16,  Committee  for  Caroline  County,  Virginia.      Re- 

commend to  the  People  of  the  County,  as  they 
would  avoid  being  considered  enemies  to  Ame- 
rican Liberty,  not  to  have  any  dealings  with 
certain  Merchants,  charged  with  violating  the 
Association,        -.-...  1047 

16,  Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  York  County,  Penn- 

sylvania. Committee  of  Observation  ap- 
pointed,      1048 

17,  Meeting  of  the    Freeholders  of  Charles   City 

County,  Virginia.    Committee  of  Observation 

appointed, 1049 

17,     Town  Meeting  at  Providence,  in  Rhode-Island. 

Committee  of  Correspondence  appointed,       -  1049 

17,  Letter   received  in    London  from  an  Officer  in 

Boston.  It  is  beheved,  from  certain  circum- 
stances, that  General  Gage  means  to  strike 
some  stroke  of  importance  soon,  which  the 
Americans  are  little  aware  of,       -         -         -  1049 

18,  Letter  from  Arthur  St.  Clair  to  Governour  Penn,  1050 

19,  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour  Bull  to  the 

Earl  of  Dartmouth,  ....  105O 

19,  Philadelphia  Committee  order  the  Association  of 
the  Butchers,  in  the  City  and  Suburbs  of  Phil- 
adelphia, to  be  printed,  ....  1050 
19,  Meeting  of  Committee  for  Fairfax  County,  Vir. 
ginia.  Irish  Linens  imported  in  the  Ship 
Hope,  from  Belfast,  directed  to  be  sold  agree, 
ably  to  the  Tenth  Article  of  Association,  -  1051 
19,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Observation,  for 
Gloucester  County,  Virginia.  Committee  of 
Correspondence  appoint^,  -         .         t  1051 

19,  Committee   of   Observation  for   Elizabethtovm, 

in  New-Jersey.  Resolution  relative  to  Riv- 
ington's  Gazette,         .....   1052 

20,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  of  New- 

York.  Efforts  of  the  Ministry  to  accomplish 
their  designs  on  the  Colonies,        ...  1052 

20,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Chester  Comity, 
Pennsylvania.  Committee  of  Observation  ap- 
pointed.     Provincial  Congress  recommended,   1052 

20t     United  Colonies  extremely  active  and  zealous  in 

the  common  cause,      .....  1053 

20,  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  Boston  to  Mr.  Riv- 

ington.  Account  of  the  proceedings  at  Ports- 
mouth, in  New. Hampshire,  and  the  capture  of 
Fort  William  and  Mary,      ....   1053 

21,  Meeting  of  Committee  for  Halifax  County,  North 

Carolina.  No  dealings  permitted  with  An- 
drew Miller,  who  has  refused  to  sign  the  Asso- 
ciation,       1055 

21,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  for  Prince  George's 

County,  Maryland.  Eight  hundred  and  thir- 
ty-three Pounds  to  be  raised  by  subscription, 
and  ten  Companies  to  be  enrolled  in  the  Coun- 
ty,   1056 

22,  Meeting  of  Freeholders  of  Orange  County,  Vir- 

ginia.   Committee  of  Observation  elected,      -  1056 

23,  Circular  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Corres- 

pondence of  Philadelphia,  to  the  Committee  of 
Inspection  of  the  several  Counties  in  Pennsyl- 
vania,       .--....  1056 
22,     Letter  from  Timothy  Ruggles  to  the  Printers  of 

the  Boston  Newspapers,      ....  1057 
Association  proposed  by  Mr.  Ruggles,  to  be  sign, 
ed  by  the  People  of  Massachusetts,  to  oppose 
the  Congress,  and  support  the  King,     -         -   1057 

22,  Letter  from  Arthur  Lee  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,   1058 

23,  Meeting  of  Inhabitants  of  Williamsburg,  in  Vir- 

ginia.    Committee  of  Observation  appointed,    1059 
23,     Meetmg  of  Freeholders  of  Accomack  County, 
in  Virginia.      Committee  of  Observation  ap- 
pointed,   1059 

23,     Meeting  of  Gentlemen,  Freeholders,  and  others, 

FOCETH  SeEIES. 


CONTENTS. 


LXXXII 


1774. 


of  St.  Mary's  County,  Maryland.      Commit- 
tees of  Observation  and  Correspondence,  and 
Delegates  to  the  Convention,  appointed,          -   1060 
Dec.23,  Meeting  of  Committee  for  Anne  Arundel  Coun- 
ty, Maryland, 1060 

24,  Committee  for  Anne  Arundel  County,  Maryland. 
Resolution  relating  to  Thomas  Charles  Wil- 
liams, and  Mr.  Williams's  acknowledgement,   1061 

24,  Letter  from  Governour  Dunmore  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  Every  County  in  Virginia  has 
its  Committee,  and  is,  besides,  raising  an  Inde- 
pendent Company,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of 
being  employed  against  Government,  if  occa- 
sion requires.  There  is  not  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace  in  Virginia  that  acts,  except  as  a  Com- 
mittee-man. The  Association  will  defeat  it- 
self The  Non-Exportation  Agreement  will 
produce  distress ;  and  Manufactures  cannot, 
advantageously,  be  carried  on  in  Virginia,     -  1062 

24,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  King's  District, 
Albany  County,  New- York.  Will,  at  the 
risk  of  their  lives,  suppress  every  Meeting, 
Association,  or  Combination,  which  may,  in 
any  wise,  obstruct  the  due  Administration  of 
Justice,  under  the  King,  in  the  Province,       -  1063 

24,  Address  from  "  A  Watchman,"  to  the  Inhabit- 
ants of  British  America,      -         .         -         .   1063 

24,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York,       1065 

24,  Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Member  of  the 
British  Parliament.  A  Manufactory  of  Gun- 
powder begun  in  Pennsylvania,  where  there 
are  Gunsmiths  enough  to  make  one  hundred 
thousand  Stand  of  Arms  in  a  year,        -         -   1066 

26,  Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Member  of  the 
British  Parliament.  The  Ministry  who  be- 
lieve the  military  preparations  in  the  Colonies 
have  been  recommended  and  taught  by  Gene- 
ral Lee,  are  entirely  mistaken.  The  Ameri- 
cans were  determined  to  seal  their  love  of  Li- 
berty with  their  blood,  long  before  they  heard 
the  name  of  that  Officer,     ....   1066 

26,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Vir- 
ginia. The  Petition  of  the  Congress  favour- 
ably received  in  England.  Lord  Chatham 
commends  both  the  Petition  and  the  other  Pro- 
ceedings in  the  highest  terms,      -         -         -  1 067 

26,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Virginia. 
The  universal  approbation  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Congress  meets  with  in  England,  has  dis- 
concerted the  Ministry,  who  appear  unwilling 
to  retract,  and  unable  to  proceed,  -         -   1067 

26,     Letter  from  Arthur  Lee  to  Richard  Henry  Lee,  1068 

26,  Letter  from  an  Officer  in  the  Army,  at  Boston,  to 
a  Gentleman  in  Edinburgh.  The  Army  is 
in  high  spirits,  and  the  Town  is  quiet.  "The 
back  settlements,  in  general,  disapprove  of  the 
Non-Importation  Resolves,  ...  1068 

26,     Letter  from  Governour  GSage  to  the   Earl  of 

Dartmouth, 1069 

26,  Proclamation  of  Governour  Wentworth,  for  ap- 

prehending and  bringing  to  condign  punish, 
ment  those  who  were  guilty  of  the  treason- 
able insults  and  outrages  at  his  Majesty's  Cas- 
tle, William  and  Mary,  on  the  14th  and  15th 
of  this  month,  .....   1069 

27,  Account  of  the  seizure  of  Powder  and  Arms,  at 

New.  York, 1070 

28,  Humble  Petition  and  Memorial  of  the  Assembly 

of  Jamaica,  to  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Ma- 
jesty, in  Council, 1072 

28,  Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  North  America,  in 

general,  and  those  of  the  Province  of  New- 
York,  in  particular,  in  defence  of  the  Con- 
gress,         1074 

29,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Fair-- 

field,  in  Connecticut.  Approve  the  Associa- 
tion, and  appoint  Committee  of  Observation. 
Committee  to  attend  a  County  Congress,  and  a 
Committee  of  Correspondence,  appointed,         -  1 075 

30,  Letter    from  Governour  Eden   to  the  Earl  of 

Dartmouth.  The  People  of  Maryland  will 
undergo  any  hardship,  rather  than  submit  to 
the  Tax  on  Tea ;  and  will  support  the  Asso- 
ciation, even  if  it  causes  the  total  ruin  of  their 

Trade, 1076 

30,  Meeting  at  Oyster  Bay,  in  Queen's  County, 
New- York,  called  to  choose  a  Committee. — 


UCXXIII 

1774. 


CONTENTS. 


LXXXIV 


The  Meeting  determined  to  be  illegal,  and  ad- 
joumed  without  transacting  any  business,        -   lOTo 
De«.30,  Letter    from  Joseph   Trumbull   to   Govemour 
Trumbull.     A  supply  of  Ammunition  should 
be  procured,  at  tlie  Colony's  expense,  as  early 
as  possible,         •         -         -         ■         "         "' 
30,     Mectijig  of  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of 
Boston.     Report  on  the  Letter  from  General 
Gage  to  Peyton  Randolph,  President  of  the 
Congress,  adopted,  and  to  be  forwarded  to  Mr. 
Randolph.     Thanks  to  the  Colonies,  for  their 
liberal  Donations.    Delegates  to  the  Provmcial 
Congress  appointed,  -         -         -         -   10/7 

30,  Letter  from  Thomas  Gushing  to  Josiah  Qumcy, 

Junior, ."   '0^0 

31,  Letter  from  a  Mercantile  House  at  Yorkshire,^  m 

England,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- York.  The 
Resolves  of  the  Congress  will  have  no  effect  in 
England.  Parliament  cannot  take  notice  of 
them.  Manidactures  in  England  in  a  flour- 
ishing condition,  and  Trade  scarcely  ever  so 
goodVfore, '080 

3 1 ,  Letter  from  Govemour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. A  general  disposition  every  where  to 
adhere  to  the  Resolutions  of  the  Congress.  In 
Philadelphia  the  Committees  have  undertaken 
to  regulate  the  disposition  of  all  British  Goods 
imported  since  the  first  of  December,     -         -   1081 

3 1 .  Lihabitants  of  Maryland  forming  Military  Com- 
panies,      ...•'•.•■-  1081 

1775.  ^  ^ 

Jan.  2,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Richmond  Coun- 
ty, Virginia.  Delegates  to  the  Colony  Con- 
gress appointed.    Instructions  to  the  Delegates,  1021 

2,  Meeting  of  Inhabitants  of  Charles  County,  Mary- 

land. Delegates  to  the  Convention,  and  Com- 
irdttees  for  general  Subscription  in  each  Coun- 
ty, appointed.  Members  added  to  the  Commit- 
tee of  Observation,       -         -         -         -         -  1081 

3,  Meeting  of  the  West  India  Merchants,  in  Lon- 

don.     Letter  from   the   Planters.       General 
Meeting  of  Merchants  and  Planters  called,     -   1082 
3,      Letter  from   London   to  a   Merchant  in  New- 
York.      Proceedings    of  the    Congress  has 
alarmed  Lord  North,         ...        -  1083 

3.  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Middlesex  Coun- 

ty, New-Jersey.      Committees  of  Observation, 
for  the  several  Districts  of  the  County,  ap- 
pointed, -        -        -        -        -        -  1083 

16,  Meeting  of  the  General  Committee  of  Observa- 
tion for  Middlesex  County,  New- Jersey.  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  Congress  approved.  Commit- 
tee of  Correspondence  appointed.  Ministerial 
writers  endeavouring  to  effect  a  disunion  of  the 
Colonies,  condemned,  ....   1083 

4,  Circular  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to 

the  Governours  of  the  several  Colonies,  direct- 
ing them  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  pre- 
vent the  appointment  of  Deputies  to  the  Con- 
gress, in  May  next,      ....         -   1085 

4,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  The  Manufacturing  Counties  begin  to 
suffer,       ,....-.  1085 

4,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Virginia. 
Meetings  of  Merchants  and  Planters.  The 
West  India  Planters  fear  ruin,  if  the  American 
Acts  are  not  repealed,  ....   1085 

4,  Meeting  of  the  Merchants  and  others  concerned 
in  the  American  Commerce,  at  the  King's 
Arms  Tavern,  London,  ....  1086 
Speech  intended  to  have  been  spoken  at  the 
Meeting  of  the  North  American  Merchants, 
at  the  King's  Arms  Tavern,         ...   1087 

6,  Letter  from  London.  Account  of  the  Meeting  of 
the  Amciican  Merchants,  at  the  King's  Arms 
Tavern,     -- 1087 

9,  Letter  from  Leeds  to  the  Printer  of  the  London 
Evening  Post,  contradicting  the  representa- 
tions in  a  Letter  from  Leeds,  referred  to  by  Mr. 
Barclay,  at  the  Meeting,  on  the  4th,       -         -   1088 

16,  Letter  from  David  Barclay,  enclosing  the  Letter 
from  Leeds,  referred  to  by  him  at  the  Meeting, 
on  the  4th,         ,...,.  1089 

21,  Letter  from  Samuel  Elam,  at  Leeds,  avowing 
himself  the  writer  of  the  Letter  to  Mr.  Bar- 
clay, and  sustaining  the  representations  there 
made,  of  the  effects  of  the  American  Associa- 
tion on  British  Manufactures,        .        ,        ,  ^089 


'^''''  Letter  from  Manchester  to  a  Merchant  in  London, 
enclosing  a  copy  of  a  Letter  from  a  Merchant 
in  New- York,  countermanding  orders  for 
Goods, -        -  1091 

Jan.  4,  Meeting  of  Committee  for  Charles  City  County, 
Virginia.      Direct  the  sale  of  Goods  recently 
imported,  ......   1091 

4,  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Govemour  Golden  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth.  If  he  finds  there  is  not 
a  majority  of  the  Assembly,  which  meets  on  the 
1 1th,  in  favour  of  prudent  measures,  will  pro- 
rogue them.  There  is  still  a  majority  of  the 
respectable  people  in  the  City,  who  promote 
peace  and  discountenance  violence,         -         -   1092 

4,  Town  Meeting  at  Barnstable,  in  Massachusetts. 

Refuse  to  purchase  Arms  or  Ammunition,  en- 
courage Minute  Men,  or  send  Delegates  to  the 
Provincial  Congress,  ....   1092 

5,  An  Epistle  from  the  Meeting  of  Sufferings  of  the 

Quakers,  held  in  Philadelphia,  for  Pennsylva- 
nia and  New- Jersey,  ....   1093 

5,  Address  from  a  FreehoWer  of  Essex,  in  New- 
Jersey,  to  the  Committee  of  Essex  County, 
condemning  the  Resolutions  of  Congress,       -   1094 

5,      Reply  to  the  Address  to  the  People  of  New- Jer- 
sey, dated  November  19th,  -         -         -   1096 
Address  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
Albany,  in  New- York,  to  the  Publick,  -  1097 

5,  Letter  from  the  Albany  to  the  New- York  Dele- 
gates in  the  Continental  Congress,         -         -  1098 

5,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  at 

Newport,  in  Rhode- Island,  to  the  Philadelphia 
Committee.  The  Association  strictly  adhered 
to  by  the  Merchants  of  the  Colony,       -         -   1098 

6,  Letters  at  CharlcstowTi,  from  West  Florida,  with 

information  of  the  state  of  Indian  affairs  there,   1099 
6,      Meeting  of  Freeholders   of  several    Towns  in 
Ulster  County,  New- York.    Approve  the  As- 
sociation, and  all  the  other  measures,  of  the  late 
Congress,  -        -        -        -        -        .1100 

6,  Letter  from  the  Boston  Committee  of  Donations, 
to  the  Philadelphia  Committee,     -         -         -  1 100 

7,  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieutenant 
Govemour  Coldcn.  The  affairs  of  the  Colo- 
nies have  come  to  a  crisis,  and  will  be  taken 
up  by  Parliament  immediately  after  the  holi- 
days,   1101 

Memorial  of  Colonel  Thomas  Ord,  for  a  location 
of  five  thousand  acres  of  Land  in  New- York, 
for  his  services,  enclosed  in  the  foregoing 
Letter,       - 1101 

7,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  The  Resolves  of  Congress  have  pushed 
matters  to  an  extremity,  and  render  a  complete 
decision  of  the  dispute  inevitable.  The  ques- 
tion now  is.  Whether  America  shall  be  inde- 
pendent of,  or  subordinate  to,  the  Parliament,  1101 

7,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Woodbridge,  in 
Middlesex  County,  New- Jersey.  Committee 
of  Observation  appointed.  Determination  to 
carry  into  effect  the  Association,  -         -   1102 

9,  Letter  from  a  Merchant  in  London  to  a  friend  in  '  • 
Virginia.  There  is  no  disposition  in  the  Cabi- 
net to  give  America  any  redress.  The  Colo- 
nies should  preserve  their  union,  and  provide 
themselves  with  Manufactures,  Arms,  and  Am- 
munition, for  it  is  more  than  probable  they  will 
have  occasion  for  them,        -         .         -         -   1104 

9,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Epsom,  in  New- 
Hampshire.  Pedlars  to  be  tarred  and  feather- 
ed, and  forfeit  their  Goods,  ...     1105 

2,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Exeter,  in  New- 
Hampshire.  Unanimously  adopt  the  Associa- 
tion, appoint  Committee  of  Observation,  and 
Delegates  to  the  Convention,  to  meet  on  the 
25th,  -         -         -    -    -         -         -         -   1105 

9,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Morris  County, 
New- Jersey.  Unanimously  agree  to  abide  by 
the  Association.  Order  the  election  of  Commit- 
tees of  Observation  by  each  Township  of  the 
County,  and  elect  a  new  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence. Rivington  declared  an  enemy  to 
tlie  Country,  and  his  Newspaper  to  be  discoun- 
tenanced for  the  future,         -         -         -         -  11 06 

9,  Letter  from  Samuel  Adams  to  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed in  New- York  to  receive  and  transmit 
Donations  for  the  relief  of  the  sufferers  in  Bos- 
toijj  -        •        -.        -        -        -        -  1105 


LXXXV    I 

1775. 

Jan.  1 1,  Meeting  of  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others,  con- 
cerned in  the  American  Commerce,  at  the 
King's  Arms  Tavern,  London.  Petitions  to 
Parliament  adopted,  and  ordered  to  be  pre- 
sented, .-.---. 
A  circumstantial  account  of  the  Proceedings  of 
the  North  American  Merchants,  held  at  the 
King's  Arms  Tavern,  Cornhill,  London, 


CONTENTS, 


LXXXVI 


1775. 


1107 


-  1107 


PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS  OF  SOCTH  CAROLINA. 

Jan.  1 1,  List  of  the  Members  of  the  Congress, 

Charles  Pinckney  chosen  President, 

American  Bill  of  Rights,  as  declared  by  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  approved. 

Reasons  assigned  for  not  stating  all  the  Griev- 
ances, (NotP,)     ------ 

The  Association  approved,       -         -         -         . 

Debates  on  agreeing  to  the  Association,  (Note,) 

Thanks  to  the  Continental  Congress,  for  their 
wise  and  spirited  exertions  in  behalf  of  Ameri- 
can Liberty,       ...... 

No  action  for  any  Debt  to  be  commenced,  except 
in  certain  cases,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Committee  of  the  District  where  the  defendant 
resides,  until  it  shall  be  otherwise  ordered  by 
the  Provincial  Congress,      .         .         -         . 

Committees  for  the  several  Districts  and  Parish- 
es, for  carrying  into  execution  the  Association, 
and  for  determining  upon  applications  relative 
to  law  processes,  ..... 

Regulations  in  relation  to  Rice,  if  the  exporta- 
tion shall  be  continued  after  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber next,  ...... 

Committees  for  exchanging  Rice  for  other  com. 
modifies,  ...... 

The  raising  of  Cotton,  Hemp,  Flour,  Wool,  Bar 
ley,  and  Hops,  reconrniended, 

Publick  Storekeepers  to  be  appointed  to  receive 
and  sell  Wool,  and  the  Linen,  Woollen,  and 
Cotton  Manufactures  of  the  Colony, 

The  present  Provincial  Congress  to  continue  un- 
til the  next  General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants, ....... 

The  Parochial  and  District  Committees  requested 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  obtain  liberal 
Donations  for  the  relief  of  the  suffering  People 
of  Boston,  ...... 

Deputies  to  the  American  Congress,  to  meet  on 
the  10th  of  May  next,  appointed, 

Address  to  Lieutenant  Governour  Bull,  complain- 
ing of  the  long  and  still  continued  disuse  of 
General  Assemblies,  .... 

Answer  of  the  Lieutenant  Governour, 

Inhabitants  of  the  Colony  recommended  to  be 
diligently  attentive  in  learning  the  use  of 
Arms,        ...... 

Friday,  the  17th  of  February,  set  apart  as  a  day 
of  Fasting,  Humiliation,  and  Prayer,  and  Min. 
isters  of  the  Gospel  throughout  the  Colony 
requested  to  deliver  suitable  Discourses  on  the 
occasion,  ..... 


1109 
1110 

-  1110 

1111 
1111 
1111 


1112 


1113 


1113 


1114 
1116 


-  IIIG 


-  IllG 


GENERAL  ASSEMBLY  OF  NEW-JERSEY. 

/aw.  11,  Meeting  of  the  Council, 
13, 


The    Governour    delivered    a   Speech   to   both 
Houses,     ...... 

18,     Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  in  answer  to 
the  Governour's  Speech,      .         .         .         . 

24,     Address  reported,  amended,  and  agreed  to, 
26,     Address  presented  to  the  Governour, 

Governour's  Answer,     .         -         -         .         . 
JFkJ.  10,  Proceedings  on  the  case  of  a  Challenge  from 
James  Murdock  to  Lord  Stirling, 
13,     Adjourned  to  March  14th,       .        .        .        . 


1116 


1116 
1116 


1117 
1118 


-   1118 


■  1118 


1117 

-  1117 

1117 
1118 
1119 
1119 


1120 
1121 


/an.  11,  The  Assembly  meets,     -        -        .        .        .  1121 
List  of  the  Representatives,     -         .         -         .1121 
Speech  of  the  Governour  to  the  Council  and 

Assembly,          ......  1121 

Governour's  Speech  read  and  committed  to  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  House,          ...  1123 
House  in  Committee  on  the  Governour's  Speech,  1123 
Speech  further  considered  in  Committee,             -  1123 
Further  considered,          .....  1123 

Further  considered, 1123 

Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  in  answer  to 

the  Speech, 1124 


13, 

16, 

17, 
20, 
21, 
23, 


Committee  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  the  Support  of 
Government,      ...... 

/a«.24.  Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress,  com 
municated  to  the  House  by  the  Delegates, 

Proceedings  of  the  Congress  unanimously  ap- 
proved,     ---.... 

Delegates  to  the  Congress  to  meet  in  May  next, 
appointed,  ---... 

The  Delegates  instructed  to  Disagree  to  any  Pro- 
position in  the  Congress  to  give  some  Colonies 
more  Votes  in  the  determination  of  Questions 
to  bind  the  whole,  than  to  others, 
25,  Governour's  Speech  further  considered  in  Com- 
mittee,      ----... 

Committee  to  prepare  a  Petition  to  the  King, 
praying  a  redress  of  Grievances, 
27,     Bill  for  Support  of  Government,  read,  and  second 
reading  ordered,  .... 

30,  Address  to  the  Governour  read,  and  second  read' 

ing  ordered,        .         .         .         .         .    ^    . 

31,  Message  from  the  Governour,  wth  a  Letter  from 

Colonel  Robertson,  requesting  to  be  allowed 
for  Sheets  furnished  the  King's  Troops, 

Address  to  the  Governour  read  a  second  time,  con- 
sidered in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  amended, 
and  agreed  to,  - 
Feb.  3,  Petition  from  a  number  of  Inhabitants  of  Not- 
tingham, in  Burlington  County,  praying  some 
measures  may  be  taken  to  settle  the  Disputes 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies, 

Address  of  the  House  presented  to  the  Govern- 
our, ....... 

Answer  of  the  Governour,      .... 

6,  Proceedings  on  the  Bill  for  the  Support  of  Gov. 

ernment,  ...... 

7,  Governour's  Message,  received  on  the   31st  of 

January,  considered.  Refuse  to  allow  Colo- 
nel Robertson's  charge  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty-four  Pounds,  seven  Shillings  and  six 
Pence,  for  Sheets  furnished  the  King's  Troops 
in  this  Colony,  ,;.... 

8,  Petition  from  the  Inhabitants  of  Nottingham  re. 

ferred  to  the  Committee  appointed  to  prepare 
an  Address  to  the  King,       .... 

10,  Proceedings  in  regard  to  James  Murdock,  for 

Challenging  a  Member  of  the  House, 

11,  Petition  to  the  King  reported  and  considered  in 

Committee,         *».»». 
13,     Further  considered  in  Committee,  agreed  to,  and 

ordered  to  be  signed  by  the  Speaker, 
Speaker  permitted  to  enter  his  Dissent  to  the  Peti^ 

tion,  on  the  Journals  of  the  House, 
Adjourned  to  March  14th,  then  to  meet  at  Bur^ 

lington,     ....... 


1124 


-  1124 


-  1124 
1124 


1124 


1124 


-  1125 
d 

-  1125 


1125 


-  1125 


-  1125 


-  1126 

1126 
1127 

1127 


1129 


1130 
1131 


1131 


-  1132 
1134 


1134 


CORRESPONDENCE, 


PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Jaw.  11,  Letter  from  Connecticut  to  a  Gentleman  at  New- 
port, in  Rhode-Island.  The  whole  Militia  of 
the  Colony  ordered  to  train,  and  a  quantity  of 
Powder  and  Lead  to  be  provided.  The  time 
is  near  when  we  must  gird  on  our  Swords ;  the 
united  Forces  of  America  will  be  able  to 
withstand  all  the  Troops  England  can  spare,      1 134 

12,  Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Committee  of  Darien, 

in  Georgia,         ......  1135 

Association  of  the  Freemen,  Freeholders,  and  In- 
habitants of  the  Province  of  Georgia,  -  1136 

13,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Charlotte  County, 

Virginia.  Committee  of  Observation  appointed. 
Proceedings  of  the  Committee,  -  -  -  II 38 
13,  Letter  from  Hartford,  in  Connecticut,  to  a  Gen- 
tleman at  New- York.  The  Governour  and 
Council  met  on  the  4th,  and  have  ordered  Pow- 
der and  Lead  to  be  purchased  at  the  publick 
expense ;  and  the  Militia  is  mustered  every 
week.  Nothing  but  a  spirit  of  Independence 
would  suffer  matters  to  be  carried  to  such  ex- 
tremities, ..... 

15,  Letter  from  Bristol,  in  England,  to  a  Gentleman 

in  New- York,  ..... 

16,  Meeting  of  the   Inhabitants  of  Anne  Arundel 

County,  Maryland,  Committee  of  Observa- 
tion appointed.  The  Committee  authorized  to 
elect  Delegates  for  the  County  to  the  Provin- 
cial Congress,  and  to  nominate  a  Committee 
of  Correspondence.  Every  person  in  the 
County  who  shall  refuse  to  contribute  for  the 


-   1139 


1139 


LXXXVII 


1775. 


CONTENTS. 


LXXXVIII 


-  1140 


1141 


purchase  of  Arms  and  Ammunition,  shall  be 
considered  an  enemy  to  America, 

Objections  to  the  Proceedings  of  this  Meeting, 

(Note,) -         - 

/«».16,Meeting  of  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of 
Prince  George's  County,  Maryland.  Mem- 
bers added  to  the  Committee  of  Inspection,  and 
to  the  Committee  of  Corrrspondt nee.  Dele- 
gates to  the  Provincial  Congress  appointetl,  - 
16,  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Baltimore  County, 
Maryland.  Proceedings  of  the  late  Provin- 
cial Convention,  approved. 

Delegates  to  the  next  Provincial  Congress  ap- 
pointed,    -        -        -        -        -        -        ■ 

Members  added  to  the  Committee  of  Observation, 

Name  of  every  person  refusing  to  subscribe  for 
the  purchase  of  Arms  and  Ammmiition  to  be 
returned  to  the  Committee,  -         -         - 

Forming  the  Inhabitants  into  Military  Companies, 
and  resisting  with  force,  illegal  attempts  upon 
their  Property,  not  repugnant  to  the  Oaths  of 
Allegiance,         ------ 

Subscriptions  to  be  opened  throughout  the  County 
to  supply  the  necessities  of  the  Suflerers  at 
Boston,     ------- 

Committee  to  purchase  Powder  and  Lead, 
16,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Bucks  County, 
Pennsylvania.  Approve  the  Proceedings  of 
the  Congress.  Agree  to  support  the  Associa- 
tion. Recommend  raising  Money  for  sup- 
port of  Poor  Inhabitants  of  Boston ;  and  ap- 
point Committee  of  Correspondence, 

16,  Committee  of  Berks  County,  in  Pennsylvania. 

Recommend  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County  not 
to  sell  Sheep  to  Butchers,  preserving  the  Wool, 
being  of  the  greatest  consequence, 

17,  Meeting  of  the  Supporters  of  the  Bill  of  Rights, 

in  London.      Members  of   the  Society  who 
have  seats  in  Parliament,  requested  to  exert 
themselves  in  bringing  to  justice  the  advisers 
of   the  measures  for  establishing   Arbitrary 
Government  in  the  Colonies,        -        -        -  1145 
17,      Meeting  of  the  Committee  for  Fairfax  County, 
Virginia.   Ammunition  should  be  immediately 
provided;  and  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County 
requested  to  form  themselves  into   Military 
Companies,        ------  1145 

Association  proposed  for  the  Inhabitants  of  Fair- 
fax Coimty,        ------  1145 

Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Observation  for  Bal- 
timore County,  Maryland.  Charges  against 
the  Rev.  William  Edmiston,  -  -  -  1146 
Meeting  of  the  West  India  Merchants  and  Plan- 
ters, in  London,  assembled  to  deliberate  on  the 
measures  necessary  to  be  pursued  on  this  very 
unportant  crisis, 1147 


1142 


-  1142 

1143 
1143 


1143 


1143 


1143 
1143 


1144 


1144 


17, 


18, 


GENERAL  ASSEMBLY  OF  GEORGIA. 

Ja».18,  Meeting  of  the  Assembly,        -        .        -        .  1152 
Speech  of  Giovernour  Wright  to  both  Houses,       1 152 
Alessage  from  the  Upper  House  to  the  Commons,  1 153 
20,      Address  of  the  Upper  House  of  Assembly  to  the 

Governour,        -        -        -        -        -        -1154 

Answer  of  the  Governour,      -        -        -        -  1155 

Address  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly  to 
the  Giovernour,  -         .         .         .         .   II55 

Governour's  Answer,     -----   1156 

Resolutions  Declaratory  of  the  Rights  of  the 
Colonies,  ------  1156 

.(Association  entered  into  by  the  Provincial  Con- 
gress of  Georgia,  assembled  in  Savannah,  on 
the  1 8th  of  January,  and  subscribed  by  forty- 
five  Deputies,  on  the  23d,  \vhen  they  chose 
Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  Archibald  Bullock, 
and  John  Houston,  Delegates  to  represent  that 
Colony  in  the  Continental  Congress  to  be  held 

in  May  next, 1158 

Letter  from  Georgia,  datetl  February  18th,  to  a 
Gentleman  in  New- York.  Proceedings  of  the 
Assembly,  and  of  the  Continental  Congress,  1160 
Committee  for  St.  John's  Parish,  Georgia,  at 
Charlestown,  on  the  23d  of  February,  to  wait 
on  the  General  Committee  there,  -         -   1161 

Letter  from  Lyman  Hall,  Chairman  of  a  Meet- 
ing held  in  St.  John's  Parish,  Georgia,  dated 
February  9,  to  the  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence of  Charlestown,  in  South  Carolina,         -   1161 


1775. 

Jan:20.  Message  from  the  Committee  of  St.  John's  Pa- 
rish, to  the  Committes  of  the  several  Parishes 
of  Georgia,  in  Congress,  on  the  18th  of  Janua- 
ry,   

Another  Message  to  the  Committees  of  the  seve- 
ral Parishes  in  Congress  met,  on  the  20th, 

Answer  of  the  Parishes  met  in  Congress  to  the 
St.  John's  Committee,  .         .         -         . 

Resolutions  of  the  St.  John's  Committee, 

Resolution  of  the  General  Committee  at  Charles- 
town,  South  Carolina,  of  February  8th.  Will 
have  no  Trade,  Commerce,  Dealings,  or  In- 
tercourse, with  the  Colony  of  Georgia, 

Chairman  of  the  General  Committee  at  Charles- 
town  directed,  on  the  24th  of  February,  to 
write  to  the  Committee  of  the  Parish  of  St. 
John,  in  reply  to  their  Letter  of  the  9th  inst., 
that  they  cannot  trade  with  them ;  and  refer 
them  to  the  Continental  Congress, 


1162 

1162 

1162 
1162 


1163 


-  1163 


19. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  ETC. 

Jan.  18,  Meeting  of  the  several  Township  Committees  of 
Hunterdon  County,  New-Jersey.  Approve 
the  Association  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
and  appoint  a  Committee  of  Correspondence, 

Association  signed  by  a  number  of  the  Inhabit- 
ants of  Dutchess  County,  New- York.  No 
leg;al  authority  in  America,  but  what  is  derived 
from  the  King.  They  will  defend  themselves 
whenever  attacked  on  any  pretence  not  war- 
ranted by  the  Laws  of  the  Land :  They  will  on 
all  occasions  exercise  all  their  rights  under  the 
Laws  of  the  Land,  notwithstanding  the  Asso- 
ciation of  the  Continental  Congress ;  and  will 
enforce  obedience  to  the  authority  of  the  King, 
whenever  called  upon  to  do  so,      - 

Letter  from  Montreal.     Parties  in  Canada, 

Letter  from  Shrewsbury,  New- Jersey,  to  a  Gen- 
tleman in  New- York.  At  a  meeting  of  Free- 
holders, on  the  17th,  it  was  determined  that  the 
appointment  of  a  Committee  was  not  only  use- 
less, but  would  disturb  the  peace  and  quiet  of 
the  Township,  .         .         .         - 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Fincastle  Coun- 
ty, Virginia.  The  Association  of  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  approved  and  subscribed,  and 
a  Committee  of  Observation  appointed. 

Address  of  the  People  of  Fincastle  County,  Vir- 
ginia, to  the  Delegates  from  that  Colony,  who 
attended  the  Continental  Congress, 

Address  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  Jamaica,  in  Queen's  County,  to  the  Dele- 
gates who  represented  New- York  in  the  late 
Continental  Congress,  .... 

Answer  of  the  Delegates,         -         -         -         - 

Letter  from  Massachusetts  Bay  to  a  Gentleman 
in  London.  The  Colonies  will  submit  to  no 
terms  without  a  restoration  of  their  rights ; 
England  cannot  dragoon  them  out  of  their  Li- 
berties. The  Congress  have  drawn  a  constitu- 
tional line  :  they  have  claimed  exclusive  juris- 
diction over  all  internal  concerns,  and  have  left 
Great  Britain  the  sovereignty  of  the  Ocean, 

Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Charles  County, 
Maryland.  No  further  restraints  to  be  laid  uj)- 
on  the  bringing  of  suits  at  law,  than  is  done 
by  the  last  Provincial  Convention, 

Proclamation  of  Governour  Dunmore.  Peace 
with  the  Shawancse,  who  have  agreed  not  to 
hunt  on  this  side  the  Ohio,  nor  to  molest  pas- 
sengers on  that  River,  -         -         . 

Proceedings  of  the  Convention  for  the  Province 
of  Pennsylvania,  held  at  Philadelphia,  Janua- 
ry 23d,  and  continued  by  adjournments,  until 
the  2Sth,  

List  of  the  Members,      -         -         -         -         - 

The  City  Committee  and  each  Coimty  Commit- 
tee to  have  one  vote  in  determining  every  ques- 
tion, ....... 

Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  ap- 
proved,     --..--- 

Members  of  the  Assembly  to  be  instructed  to 
procure  a  Law  prohibiting  the  importation  of 
Slaves  into  tlie  Province,      .         .         , 

In  case  the  Trade  of  Philadelphia  shall  be  sus- 
pended, in  the  present  struggle,  assistance  to  be 
given  to  the  Inhabitants  of  die  City, 


18. 
i8. 


20, 


20, 


19, 


21, 


21, 


23, 


23, 


1163 


1164 
11G4 


-  1165 


1163 


-  1165 


1166 
1167 


1167 


11G3 


-   1169 


1169 
1169 


1170 


1170 


-   1170 


1170 


LXXXIX 


CONTENTS. 


1775. 

/fflzi.23,  In  case  of  opposition  to  any  of  the  Committees, 
in  carrying  the  Continental  Association  into 
effect,  to  be  assisted  by  other  Committees,  -  1 170 
If  the  British  Government  shall  determine  to  ef- 
fect a  submission  to  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament 
by  force,  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  the  Peo- 
ple to  resist,  and  at  every  hazard,  to  defend  the 
Rights  and  Liberties  of  America,  -         -  1171 

After  the  first  of  March  next,  no  Sheep  under 

four  years  old,  to  be  killed,  -         -         -  1171 

Betting  up  of  Woollen  Manufactures,  in  as  many 

different  branches  as  possible,  recommended,       1171 
Raising  and  manufacturing  of  Madder,  Woad, 
and  other   Dye  Stuffs,  necessary  in  Woollen 
Manufactures,  recommended,         -         -         -  1171 
Extended  cultivation  of  Flax  and  Hemp,  recom- 
mended,      1171 

Making  Salt,  Saltpetre,  and  Gunpowder,  recom- 
mended,      1171 

Manufacturing  of  Copper,  Tin,  and  Iron,  and 
making  Steel,  Paper,  Glass,  and  Wool  Combs, 
recommended,  .....  1171 

Printing  Types  made  at  Germantown,  recom- 
mended to  be  used  by  the  Printers,  in  prefer- 
ence to  imported  Types,        -         -         -         -   1 172 

Cultivation  of  Barley  for  Malt  Liquors  recom- 
mended, to  render  less  necessary  the  consump- 
of  Foreign  Liquors,  ....   1172 

American  Manufactures  to  be  used  in  prefer- 
ence to  all  others,        -         -         -         -         -  1 172 

Societies  to  be  established,  and  Premiums  award- 
ed, for  the  encouragement  of  Manufactures,    -   1 172 
Any  Manufacturer  or  Vender  of  Goods,  who  shall 
sell  at  extravagant  prices,  to  be  advertised  as 
an  enemy  to  his  Country,     -         -         -         -  1 172 

Committee  of  Philadelpliia  appointed  a  Standing 
Committee  of  Correspondence,     -         -         -  1172 
20,     Letter  from  Samuel  Adams,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  to  receive  Donations  for  the  Suf- 
ferers in  Boston,         -        -        -        -         -  1172 

24,     Letter  from  Connecticut  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.     People  are  preparing  for  the  worst ; 
a  Park  of  forty  pieces  of  Cannon  may  be  form- 
ed in  the  Spring,  and  our  Army  will  be  pretty 
expert  in  most  of  the  manceuvres,  -         -  1173 

24,     Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Frederick  County, 
Maryland.     Association  and  Resolves  of  the 
Congress,  and  Proceedings  of  Convention  ap- 
proved. Committees  of  Observation  and  of  Cor- 
respondence appointed.     Committees  through- 
out the  County  appointed  to  receive  contribu- 
tions for  purchase  of  Arms  and  Ammunition, 
and  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  author- 
ized to  contract  for  any  quantity  of  Powder 
and  Lead,  -         -         -         -         -         -1173 

24,  The  Testimony  of  the  Quakers,  given  forth  by  a 
Meeting  of  the  Representatives  of  said  People, 
in   Pennsylvania  and   New-Jersey,  held   at 

Philadelphia, 1176 

24,  Letter  from  Connecticut  to  a  Gentleman  of  New- 
York.  Preparations  of  the  Governour  and 
Council  to  supply  the  Colony  with  Ammuni- 
tion and  Arms,  -         .         -         .         .   1177 

24,  Letter  from  Marshfield  to  a  Gentleman  in  Bos- 

ton. Troops  sent  by  General  Gage  to  Marsh- 
field,  to  preserve  the  peace,  at  the  request  of  the 
Loyalists  of  that  place,  7  -  -  -  1177 
26,  Letter  from  Boston  to  a  Gentleman  of  New- York. 
A  number  of  the  principal  Inhabitants  of 
Marshfield  having  signed  General  lluggles's 
Association  against  the  Liberty  Plan,  the  Fac- 
tion at  Plymouth  threatened  to  make  them 
recant,  or  drive  them  off  their  Farms :  General 
Gage  sent  Troops  to  protect  them,  and  there 
has  yet  been  no  appearance  of  the  Plymouth 
Rebels,     ------ 

25,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Northumberland 

County,  Virginia.  Persons  published  in  the 
Gazette  for  Gambling,  in  violation  of  the  Ame- 
rican Continental  Association,  ... 
Ja7s.25,  Meeting  of  the  Council  of  Pennsylvania, 

Affidavit  of  Samuel  Whitcsill,  Keeper  of  the  Jail 
of  Westmoreland  County.  Jail  attacked,  and 
Prisoners  released  by  Major  Cormolly,  on  the 
24th  of  December, 1179 

Proclamation  of  John  Connolly,  dated  Fort  Dun- 
more,  December  30.  Forbids  the  payment  of 
Ta.xes  to  Collectors  appointed  by  Pennsylva- 


-  1178 


1170 
1179 


1775. 
Jan.25, 

25, 


1179 
-  1180 


nia,  and  authorizes  the  seizure  of  all  persons 
who  may  attempt  to  enforce  the  collection,     - 

William  Crawford,  President  of  the  Court,  in 
Westmoreland  County,  superseded  by  the 
Governour  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
joining  with  the  Government  of  Virginia,  in 
opposing  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania,  in 
that  County,      --.... 

Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Gentleman  in 
New- York.  The  Addresses  to  Governour  Col- 
den  has  had  a  great  effect  in  Pennsylvania  : 
the  New- York  Assembly  is  revered  there  by 
all  sensible  men,  for  their  undaunted  resolu- 
tion in  first  making  a  stand  against  lawless 
usurpers  of  Power,  and  violators  of  Liberty. 
The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  will,  it  is 
hoped,  rescind  their  approbation  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  Congress,  -         -         -         -  1180 

25,  Convention  of  Deputies  appointed  by  the  several 

Towns  in  the  Province  of  New-Hampshire, 

held  at  Exeter, 1180 

Approve  the  Proceedings  of  Congress,      -         -  1180 
Appoint  Delegates  to  represent  the  Province  in 
the  Continental  Congress,  to  be  held  in  May 

next, 1181 

Committee  to  call  a  Provincial  Convention  of 

Deputies  when  they  shall  think  it  expedient,     1181 
Committee  of  Correspondence  appointed,  -  1181 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,         -  1 181 

26,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Pittsylvania  Coun- 

ty, Virginia.  Committee  for  enforcing  and 
putting  in  execution  the  Continental  Associa- 
tion, appointed,  -         -         .         -         -  1 182 

26,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  Precinct  of  Shawangunk,  in  Ulster  Coun- 
ty, New- York.  Approve  of  the  Continental 
Association.  The  Pamphlet,  "  Free  Thoughts 
on  the  Resolves  of  the  Congress,"  burnt,         -  1183 

26,  Address  to  the  People  of  America.  The  leaders 
in  the  Colonies  aim  at  Lidependence.  The 
consequences  of  their  obtaining  an  Indepen- 
dent Republick  considered,  .         .         .  1 1 83 

26,  Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  An- 

napolis.     A  motion  made  in  the  Assembly  of 

New- York,  this  day,  for  examining  the  Pro- 

_      ceedings  of  the  Congress,  was  thrown  out,     -   1188 

T.Hemarks  on  the  vote  in  the  Assembly  of  New- 

o8jI   --      York,  against  taking  into  consideration  the 

;,.,     Proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress,       -  1188 

27,  Letter  from  Baltimore  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 

York.  From  the  late  conduct  of  the  Council 
and  Assembly  of  New- York,  the  happiest  con- 
sequences to  the  country  are  anticipated. — 
Some  persons  in  Baltimore  have  had  the  im- 
becility to  approve  of  the  frantick  proceedings 
of  certain  Men,  who  lately  styled  themselves 
Delegates  to  a  Provincial  Congress,      -         -  1 190 

27,     Letter  from  New- York  to  a  Gentleman  in  Bos-     \ 
ton.     Notwithstanding  the  late  vote  of  the  As- 
sembly, there  is  no  cause  to  fear  New- York 
will  depart  from  the  Association.     The  As- 
sembly has  existed  since  1 769 ;  and  many  of 
the  Members,  having  long  since  forfeited  the 
esteem  of  their  constituents,  are  looking  for 
favours  from  the  Crown  for  themselves  and 
families,  ...... 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  Precinct  of 
Hanover,  in  Ulster  County,  New- York.  The 
Association  unanimously  approved.  The 
Pamphlet,  "  Free  Thoughts  on  the  Resolves 
of  the  Congress,"  publickly  burnt, 
Declaration  of  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Township  of  Jamaica,  in  Queen's  County, 
New- York.  Never  gave  any  consent  to 
choose  a  Committee,  or  pass  any  Resolves. 
Utterly  disapprove  of  all  unlawful  meetings 
and  tyrannical  proceedings.  Will  continue 
faithful  Subjects  to  the  King;  and  acknow- 
ledge no  Representatives  but  the  Assembly  of 
the  Province,     -         -         -         -         -         -  1 19 1 

27,  Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth. The  Towns  in  Massachusetts  have 
become  more  divided,  notwithstanding  the  en- 
deavours to  keep  up  their  enthusiasm.  A  de- 
tachment sent  for  the  protection  of  Marshfield 
and  Scituate,  upon  their  application.  This  is 
the  first  instance  the  assistance  of  Government 
has  been  requested, 1698 


27, 


27, 


1191 


1191 


XCI 

1775. 
Ja».27, 


28. 


CONTENTS.  xcii 


30, 

30, 

30, 

30, 
30, 


30, 
30, 


31, 


Feb. 


Feb. 


Feb.  1 
1. 


Votes  and  Resolves  passed  at  a  Convention  of 
Committees  for  the  County  of  Worcester,  in 
Massachusetts,  .         .         -         -         - 

Letter  from  a  Merchant  in  Annapolis,  to  a  Gen- 
tleman in  Philadelphia.  They  have  defeated 
an  insolent  plan  of  levying  Money  upon  his 
Majesty's  faithful  Subjects  in  Anne  Arundel 
County,  to  raise  a  fund  for  the  express  purpose 
of  purchasing  Arms  and  Ammimition,  to  join 
the  treasonable  purpose  projected  by  Adams 
and  the  Eastern  Republicans,  to  carry  on  a 
formal  Rebellion  in  the  Colonies, 

Answer  of  the  Governour  of  his  Majesty's  Prov- 
ince of  Pennsylvania,  in  America,  to  the  seve- 
ral heads  of  Inquiry,  relative  to  the  present 
state  and  condition  of  the  said  Province,  trans- 
mitted by  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  in  his  Letter  of  July  5,  1773, 

Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,       .         .         -         -         - 

Meeting  of  Freeholders  in  the  Precinct  of  Wall- 
kill,  Ulster  County,  New- York.  Approve  of 
the  Association  of  the  General  Congress. — 
"  Free  Thoughts  on  the  Resolves  of  the  Con- 
gress," burnt,     ------ 

Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  of  New- 
York.  Commission  sent  to  General  Gage,  to 
try  and  execute  certain  persons  in  the  Colo- 
nies,        ...---- 

To\vn  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Ridgefield, 
in  Cormecticut.  Refuse  to  adopt  or  conform 
to  the  Association  of  the  Continental  Congress; 
and  protest  against  the  Congress  and  their 
measures,  as  unconstitutional,  and  as  counte- 
nancing licentiousness.  Acknowledge  the 
King  as  the  rightful  Sovereign,  and  the  King 
and  Parliament  as  the  rightful  Government  of 
the  whole  British  Empire,  ... 

New- York  Committee  appoint  Sub-Committee, 
to  observe  the  conduct  of  all  Vessels  that  arrive 
after  the  first  day  of  February,      -         .         - 

Letter  from  New- York,  to  a  Gentleman  in  Bos- 
ton. There  is  now  no  chance  of  the  Assem- 
bly's aiding  or  abetting  the  Congress.  The 
friends  of  Government  are  open-mouthed 
against  the  Proceedings  of  the  Congress ;  and 
no  one  dares,  among  gentlemen,  to  support 
them,        ....... 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Westmoreland 
County,  Virginia.  Delegates  to  the  Conven- 
tion elected.  Instructions  to  the  Delegates. — 
Committee  of  Observation  appointed. 

Letter  to  Lord  North.  Proposes  settling  the  dif- 
ferences with  the  Colonies,  without  subjuga- 
ting the  Americans  on  the  one  hand,  or  impair- 
ing the  supreme  authority  of  the  Parliament  on 
the  other,  ..... 

Letter  from  Thomas  Cushing  to  Arthur  Lee. — 
The  People  are  not  dismayed  at  the  King's 
Speech  ;  and  if  an  attempt  is  made  to  carry  the 
Acts  of  Parliament  into  execution,  by  a  Mili- 
tary Force,  the  People  of  America  wU  make 
the  last  appeal.  They  are  determined  Life 
and  Liberty  shall  go  together,       ... 

Letter  from  Annapolis,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Thousands  in  Maryland  would  return 
to  their  duty  and  allegiance,  but  for  the  cun- 
ning of  their  leaders,  which  has  rendered  re- 
treat so  difficult.  Every  man  in  private  must 
think  the  Congressmen,  and  their  sattelites  the 
Committce-Men,  the  truest,  though  absurdcst, 
tyrants,  that  any  country  ever  had  cause  to 
complain  of,       -        -         ...         . 

,  Letter  from  Colonel  Adam  Stephen  to  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  ---... 
Letter  from  Boston,  to  a  Gentleman  in  Philadel- 
phia. The  report  that  the  Gluakcrs  in  Boston 
opened  their  Shops,  on  the  day  of  Publick 
Thanksgiving,  is  without  foundation,  and  pro- 
pagated for  the  most  vile  and  malevolent  pur- 
poses,     ---.... 

Letter  from  Governour  Franklin  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth.  Had  hopes  that  the  Assembly 
would  not  approve  the  Proceedings  of  the 
General  Congress;  but,  by  the  artful  manage- 
ment of  those  who  espoused  the  measure,  it 
was  carried  through  the  morning  it  was  pro- 
posed,         


1192 


-  1194 


1194 

-  1698 


1201 


1202 


1775. 
Feb.  2, 


1202 


1203 


1203 


-  1203 


-  1204 


-  1208 


1208 


1209 


1210 


-  1697 


Declaration  of  sundry  Inhabitants  of  Ridgebury, 
in  the  Town  of  Ridgefield,  that,  at  the  Meeting 
on  the  30th  of  January,  they  did  not  vote  with 
the  majority  against  adopting  the  Association 
of  the  Continental  Congress,         -         -         -   12lt) 

4,  Letter  from  London,  to  a  Gentleman  in  Philadel- 
phia. Does  not  know  how  soon  communica- 
tion with  the  Colonies  may  be  cut  off  by  hos- 
tilities. The  Americans  have  many  enemies 
in  England,        ......   121 1 

4,  Letter  from  Philadelphia,  to  James  Rivington, 
New- York.  May  assure  his  readers  that  Mr. 
Dickinson  has  declared  that  "  he  was  really 
alarmed  at  the  proceedings  of  the  Committee. ' 
He  formerly  took  the  lead ;  at  the  late  Provin- 
cial Congress  he  did  not  speak  at  all.  In  spite 
of  the  arts  of  the  fiery  Republicans,  Associa- 
tions are  concerting  to  counteract  the  authority 
of  unconstitutional  Congresses  and  Committees 
of  all  sorts, 1211 

4,  Address  to  the  Americans.  It  is  the  duty  and  the 
interest  of  the  People  to  of5<;r  terms  of  reconci- 
liation to  the  Parent  State.  The  Congress  have 
adopted  such  irritating  measures,  as  disqualify 
them  for  offering  terms  of  accommodation,      -   1211 

Q,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Lancaster  County, 
Virginia.  Committee  to  carry  into  effect  the 
American  Association,  elected.  Delegates  to 
the  Convention  appointed  and  instructed,         -  1213 

6,  Letter  received  in  New- York,  from  London. — 
Nothing  can  be  more  false  than  the  represent- 
ations of  hostile  intentions  against  America, 
formed  by  the  present  Administration.  The 
Americans  should  make  the  first  advances  to- 
wards a  reconciliation.  A  Petition  from  the 
Assemblies  will  be  attended  with  success,  if 
their  claims  are  accurately  limited  and  defined,   1214 

6,  Letter  from  Philadelphia,  to  a  Gentleman  in 
New- York.  A  faithful  adherence  to  the  As- 
sociation in  New- York,  will  go  far  to  remove 
the  infamy  which  will  fall  upon  that  Province, 
whose  defection  may  tend  to  defeat  the  virtu- 
ous struggles  in  which  we  are  engaged,  -  1215 

6,  Meeting  of  the  Freemen  and  Inhabitants  of  New- 
towTi,  in  Connecticut.  Refuse  to  adopt  or  con- 
form to  the  Association,  and  protest  against  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  their  measures,  as 
unconstitutional,  and  tending  to  licentiousness,  1215 

6,  Town  Meeting  at  Danbury,  in  Connecticut. — 
Refuse  to  appoint  Delegates  to  meet  the  Coun- 
ty Congress,  to  be  held  at  Fairfield,  on  the  1 4th 
instant,  and  rescind  the  vote  appointing  a  Com- 
mittee of  Inspection,  -  -  -  -  1216 
6,  Handbill  distributed  through  Boston.  Let  us 
seize  our  seducers,  make  peace  with  the  Mo- 
ther Country,  and  save  ourselves,  -         -   1216 

6,  Letter  from  Boston,  to  a  Gentleman  in  Philadel- 

phia. The  Tories  are  perpetually  holding  up 
to  view  the  terrifick  consequences  of  Treason 
and  Rebellion  ;  but  they  bellow  to  the  winds. 
So  generally  are  the  principles  of  Liberty  dis- 
seminated among  the  People,  that  nothing  but 
Arms  can  suppress  it,  -         -         -         -   1216 

7,  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  of  Obser^iition  for 

the  Borough  of  Norfolk,  in  Virginia,  on  a 
complaint  against  Dr.  Gordon,     ...   1217 

7,     Address  presented  to  General   Gage,  from  Six 

Towns  in  Plymouth  County,  Massachusetts,      1218 

6,  Meeting  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others, 
in  London,  concerned  in  the  American  Com- 
merce. Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to 
present  the  second  Petition  to  the  House  of 
Commons,  ......  i219 

7,  Meeting  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others, 

in  London,  concerned  in  American  Commerce. 
Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  present 
the  Petition  to  the  House  of  Lords,        -         -   1220 

8,  Address  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  Manufac- 

turers, of  Birmingham,  concerned  in  the  Trade 

to  America,  to  Mr.  Edmund  Burke,       -         -   1221 

8,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  for  Westmoreland 
County,  Virginia.  Pedlars  required  to  pro- 
duce proof  to  the  Committee  that  their  Goods 
were  imported  before  the  1st  of  February,      -   1222 

8,  Letter  from  Doctor  John  Connolly  to  Colonel 
George  Washington.  Wishes  to  nave  informa- 
tion how  he  is  to  proceed  with  the  Mingoe 
Prisoners,  ......   1222 


XCIII 

1775. 
Feb.  9, 


CONTENTS. 


3ECIV 


Meeting  of  the  Conunittee  of  Correspondence  of 
Brentwood,  in  New-Hampshire.  Will  abide 
by  the  advice  of  the  Continental  Congress. 
Pedlars  not  permitted  to  sell,  and  persons  who 
trade  with  them,  or  entertain  them,  to  be  treated 
as  enemies  to  the  Country,  -         -         -   1222 

10,  Committee  of  Portsmouth,  New- Hampshire,  for 
carrying  the  Association  of  the  Continental 
Congress  into  execution,  discountenance  Ga- 
ming,          1223 

10,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  Virginia. 
Parliament  have  declared  Massachusetts  in  re- 
bellion. Americans  must  now  look  firmly 
forward.  Submission  and  Chains,  or.  Resist- 
ance and  Liberty,  is  the  alternative,       -         -   1223 

10,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  Determination  of  the  King,  and  pre- 
parations in  England,  to  make  the  Colonies 
submit, 1224 

10,  Letter  from  London  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York.  All  hopes  of  conciliation  between 
England  and  her  Colonies,  are  entirely  at  an 
aid.  The  King  and  Parliament  have  pro- 
nounced their  destruction.  Fleets  and  Armies 
are  preparing  with  the  utmost  diligence  for 
that  purpose,       ......  1225 

10,      Information  received  at  Williamsburg,  from  the 

Indian  Frontiers,  and  from  Pittsburgh,  -  1226 

10,  Premiums  offered  by  the  Committee  of  Bedford, 
in  Pennsylvania,  for  the  encouragement  of  In- 
du.stry  and  Manufactures,     ....  1226 

10,  Address  of  the  Grand  Jury  to  his  Majesty's  Jus- 
tices, assembled  at  the  General  Quarter  Ses- 
sions of  the  Peace,  for  the  City  and  County  of 
New- York, 1227 

10,  Letter  from  Connecticut  to  Mr.  Rivington.  A 
Presbyterian  Minister,  near  North- Haven,  has 
declared  he  had  practised  the  Military  Exercise, 
with  the  intention  of  going  to  Boston  against 
the  King's  Troops, 1227 

10,  Letter  from   Massachusetts  to  a  Gentleman  in 

London, -         -  1227 

11,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 

Bedford  County,  Pennsylvania,  to  Joseph  Read. 
Approve  of  the  Resolves  of  the  Convention, 
and  bound  by  them,  .-..■«  1229 
1 1,  The  Royal  Standard  erected  on  a  mast  seventy- 
five  feet  high,  at  Shawangunk,  in  Ulster  Coun- 
ty, New- York,  by  a  respectable  number  of  his 
Majesty's  loyal  Subjects  -  .  .  .  1230 
11,     Letter  from  Kent  County,  in  Delaware,  published 

in  the  Pennsylvania  Ledger,         -         -         -  1230 

Letter  from  the  Committee  for  Kent  County,  Del- 
aware, February  15,  to  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence for  Philadelphia,  in  relation  to  the 
Letter  published  in  the  Ledger,  of  the  1 1th  in- 
stant,   1231 

Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  Mr.  Rivington,  Feb- 
ruary 16.  Tyranny  of  the  Committee — they 
are  aiming  at  a  general  Revolution,  and  pro- 
mote every  measure  to  overthrow  the  Consti- 
tution,        1231 

Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 
York,  February  20,  Proceedings  in  regard 
to  the  Letter  said  to  be  from  Kent  County,  in 

Delaware, 1233 

13,  Thanks  of  the  Common  Council  of  London  to 
Lord  Chatham,  for  offering  his  Plan  for  con- 
ciliating the  differences  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies,         ..... 

Answer  of  Lord  Chatham  to  the  Common  Coun- 
cil of  London,  ..... 
13,  Letter  from  London.  Nothing  will  move  the 
King  and  his  Ministers,  but  absolute  submis- 
sion or  a  successful  resistance.  The  Ministry 
affect  to  believe  there  will  be  no  resistance, 
and  assure  themselves  of  the  defection  of  New. 
York, 

13,  Committee  of  Elizabethtown,  in  New- Jersey,  di- 

rect the  suspension  of  all  Trade  and  Inter- 
course whatsoever,  with  Staton  Island,  in  New- 
York,        

1 4,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  York  County,  Penn- 

sylvania. Recommend  the  collection  and  pre- 
servation of  Gunpowder;  encourage  Military 
Associations;  direct  the  transmission  of  Con- 
tributions to  Boston ;  and  appoint  Delegates  to 
the  next  Convention,  .        .        ,        ,  1235 


1235 
1236 

1236 

1239 
1239 


1233 
1233 


-  1234 


-  1234 


1775. 
Jt!&  14,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  City  and  County  of  Burlington,  in  New- 
Jersey.  Association  of  the  General  American 
Congress,  read  and  approved,  and  Committee 
of  Observation  appointed,     .... 

14,  Two  Inhabitants  of  Ridgofield  not  permitted  to 
remain  for  the  night  in  Wethersfield,  but  sent 
back  to  Ridgefield,  under  an  escort, 

14,      Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Meeting  of  the  Delegates 
from  the  several  Toutis  in  the  County  of  Fair- 
field, in  Connecticut,  .... 
Association  of  the  Liberty  Men  of  Ridgebury,  in 
Fairfield  County,  Connecticut,      ... 

14,  Letter  from  Samuel  Adams  to  Arthur  Lee, 

15,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Observation  for  the 

Township  of  Hanover,  Morris  County,  New- 
Jersey.  Will  enforce  and  comply  with  every 
Article  of  the  Association  of  the  General  Con- 
tinental Congress;  will  have  no  dealings  with 
James  Rivington,  and  will  discountenance  any 
Post-Rider,  or  Carrier,  who  shall  bring  his 
Pamphlets  or  Paper  into  the  County,  -  1240 

16,  The  Governour  of  Pennsylvania  presents  to  the 

Council  the  complaint  of  Mr.  Waterhouse,  In- 
spector of  his  Majesty's  Customs,  that  the  Ma- 
gistrates and  Sheriff  of   Chester  County  had 
refused  their  aid  in  preventing  the  rescue  of  a 
Vessel  seized  on  the  Delaware,  with  contra- 
band Goods,       -         -         -         -         -         -  1241 

Letter  from  Francis  Welch,  a  Tide- Waiter,  dated 
February  8th,  communicating  a  statement  of 
the  facts  in  the  case  complained  of  by  Mr. 
Waterhouse,       ......  1241 

•i^'he  Council  are  of  opinion  the  Magistrates  and 

'SiA  -      Sheriff  could  not  legally  afibrd  the  assistance 

that  was  required  of  them,  -         -  1242 

16,  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
Philadelphia,  to  the  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence of  New- York.  The  frequent  publica- 
tions in  New- York,  of  dissensions  in  Philadel- 
phia, are  false  representations.  The  Commit- 
tee have  not  met  with  the  least  impedunent  in 
carrying  into  execution  the  Association.  The 
Inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  continue  immove- 
ably  firm  to  the  cause  of  Liberty,  and  will,  \vith 
inviolable  faith,  observe  the  conduct  prescribed 
by  the  Continental  Congress,         ... 

16,  A  Ship  at  New- York,  from  Glasgow,   with  a 

cargo  of  Dry  Goods,  which  did  not  arrive 
within  the  time  prescribed  in  the  Association, 
not  permitted  to  land  her  cargo, 

17,  Letter  from  Adam  Stephen  to  Richard  Henry 

Lee,  -        -        -        -        -        - 

17,      Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth.     The  King's  Speech  has  cast  a  damp 
upon  the  Faction ;  but  they  still  entertain  hopes 
that  the  Resolves  of  Congress  will  work  in 
their  favour.      The  loyalty  in  the  New- York 
Assembly  has  had  a  very  good  effect,  and  it  is 
said  they  are  changing  their  sentiments  at  Phil- 
adelphia, ...... 

17,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  Tovm  of  Ply- 
mouth, in  New-Hampshire.  Instructions  to 
John  Fenton,  Representative  of  the  Town  in 
the  Assembly,  .         ,         .         -         . 

17,  Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 

mouth,     ...---- 

18,  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Cumberland  Cotm- 

ty,  Virginia.  Premium  for  the  manufacture  of 
Gunpowder,  ...--- 
Address  of  the  Committee  of  Cumberland  County, 
to  the  Delegates  who  represented  Virginia  in 
tlie  late  Continental  Congress,       ... 

19,  Letter  from  Boston,  to  a  Gentleman  in  New- 

York.  The  Provincial  Congress,  distracted 
and  divided  in  opinion,  separated  without  do- 
ing any  thing  more  than  is  in  their  published 
Resolves  ;  the  principal  object  of  their  meeting 
was  to  cajole  the  men  of  property,  but  no  im- 
pression could  be  made  on  them.  Their  dupes 
drop  from  them  very  fast,  and  it  is  expected  the 
few  Demagogues  will  soon  be  left  alone, 

20,  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Hanover  County, 

Virginia.  Delegates  to  the  Convention  chosen, 
andlnstructed  to  consent  to  the  imposition  of 
any  Tax  the  Convention  may  judge  proper  for 
defraying  the  expense  of  any  measure  neces- 
sarily adopted  for  securing  American  Liberty, 


1243 

1243 
1244 


-  1244 

1245 

1708 

1247 
1247 


-  1248 


1248 


xcv 

1775. 
JrtJi.20, 


CONTENTS. 


XCVI 


20, 
20, 

20, 

20. 
21, 

21. 

22. 
22. 


1249 


-  1249 


1249 

1250 
1251 

1251 
1251 

1709 
1252 


1252 


Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Observation  for  the 
Township  of  Woodbridge,  in  New-Jers'y. 
Suspend  ail  Trade  and  intercourse  with  the 
Inhabitants  of  Staten  Island,  except  such  of 
ihem  as  have  openly  approved  the  Association, 
20,  TowTi  Meeting  at  Marshlield,  in  Massachusetts. 
Refuse  to  adopt  the  Resolves  and  Recommend- 
ations of  the  Continental  or  Provincial  Con- 
gresses, or  any  illegal  assemblies  whatsoever. 
Vote  the  Thanks  of  the  Town  to  General 
Gage  and  Admiral  Graves  for  theix  assistance 
and  protection,  -        -        "      , T,     ■" 

Protest  of  sixty-four  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Marsh- 
field,  against  the  Proceedmgs  of  the  Town 
Meeting  held  tliere  on  the  20th  of  February, 

Address  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Marshfield,  assem- 
bled in  Towni  Meeting,  to  General  Gage, 

Answer  to  the  Address,  -         -         - 

Address  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Marshfield,  assem- 
bled in  Town  Meeting,  to  Admiral  Graves, 

Answer  of  Admiral  Graves,  -         "         " 

Letter  from  Governour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,       ------ 

Letter  from  Joseph  Warren  to  Arthur  Lee, 

Resolutions  adopted  at  a  Court  of  Common 
Council,  held  at  Guildhall,  in  London.  The 
Americans  are  justified  in  their  opposition  to 
the  late  Acts  of  Parliament  affecting  the  Colo- 
nies, .         -         -         -         -         '.       e 

Proclamation  of  the  Governour  of  Georgia,  of- 
fermg  a  reward  to  any  person  who  will  give 
information  against  one  or  more  of  the  persons 
%vho  rescued  certain  Goods  seized  by  the  Cus- 
tom House  Officers  at  Savannah,  and  tarred 
and  feathered  a  Tide-Waiter,        -         -         -  1253 

Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Augusta  County, 
Virginia.  Delegates  to  the  Convention  chos- 
en.     Instructions  to  the  Delegates,        -         -1253 

Address  of  the  Freeholders  of  Augusta  County, 
to  the  Delegates  from  Virginia,  in  the  late 
Continental  Congress,  ....  1255 

Answer  to  the  Address,  ....  1255 

Address  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Botetourt,  to  the  Delegates  from 
Virginia  in  the  late  Continental  Congress,      -  1255 

22,  Plan  of  an  American  Manufactory,  -         -  1256 

23,  Pilots  at  New- York  ordered  not  to  bring  up 

the  Ship  Beulah,  and  Sub-Committee  of  Ob- 
servation appointed  to  observe  her  conduct 
Soon  as  she  receives  Supplies,  is  to  be  de- 
spatched without  being  permitted  to  enter  the 
Harbour, 1257 

23,  Proceedings  at  a  meeting  of  the  Coinmittees  of 
Observation  of  several  Towns  in  Suffolk 
County,  New- York,  ....  1257 

23.  Association  signed  by  one  hundred  and  forty-one 
Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the  To^vn  of 
Reading,  in  Fairfield  County,  Connecticut 
Will  defend,  maintain,  and  preserve,  at  the 
risk  of  their  lives  and  properties,  the  preroga- 
tive of  the  Crown,  and  the  privileges  of  the 
Subject,  from  all  attacks  of  any  rebellious  body 
of  Men,  and  any  Conmiittees  of  Inspection,  or 
Correspondence,  .         .         -         .         .  1258 

Names  of  seventy-four  of  the  signers  of  the  As- 
sociation, published  by  order  of  the  Committee 
of  Observation,  for  the  Town  of  Reading,  -  1259 
List  of  all  the  Signers  to  the  Reading  Associa- 
tion, communicated  to  Mr.  Ri\'ington,  by  John 
Lyon,  one  of  the  subscribers,        ...  1260 

23,  Address  to  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. Enumeration  of  some  of  the  in- 
stances of  cruelties,  insults,  and  indignities 
inflicted  on  the  quiet  and  peaceable  Subjects  of 
the  King,  in  Massachusetts,  ...  1260 

22,  Instructions  of  General  Gage  to  Captain  Brown 
and  Ensign  DBemicre,  to  go  through  the 
Counties  of  Suffolk  and  Worcester,  and  make 
sketches  of  the  Roads,  Rivers,  Towns,  and 
places  for  Encampment,  and  to  ascertain,  what 
Forage  and  Pro\isions  the  Counties  could  sup- 
ply,   1263 

Narrative  of  Ensign  DBemicre  of  the  Examina- 
tion of  the  Coimtry,  under  General  Gage's  In- 
structions, ......  1263 

26,  Regiment  of  British  Troops  under  the  command 
of  Colonel  Leslie,  land  at  Marblehead,  and 
march  to  Salem, 1268 


-  12G9 


1269 


27. 


Jan.il,  Goods,  under  the  Tenth  Article  of  the  Association, 
thrown  overboard  at  Cliarlestown,  by  order 
of  the  Committee  of  Observation, 
27  Philadelphia  Committee.  Recommend  the  total 
disuse  of  East  India  Tea,  in  compliance  A\ith 
the  Third  Article  of  the  Association, 
Meeting  of  a  number  of  the  Freeholders  and  In- 
habitonlsof  the  Townof  New-Milford,  in  Litch- 
field County,  Connecticut  Protest  against 
the  Towi  of  New-Milford's  adopting  the  Re- 
solves of  the  Continental  Congress.  Acknow- 
ledge the  King  and  Parliament  as  the  Consti- 
tutional Government  over  every  part  of  the 
British  Empire,  .         .         .         - 

Letter  from  Philadelphia,  to  a  Gentleman  in 
New- York.  A  motion  in  the  Assembly,  to 
petition  the  I^ng,  strenuously  opposed.  Mr. 
Dickinson  acquired  fresh  laurels  in  the  De- 
bate. The  motion  will  be  rejected  by  a  great 
majority,  .... 

Letter  from  Philadelphia  to  Mr.  Rivington.  The 
opposition  to  the  Congress  has  done  some  good 
in  the  Assembly.  Should  the  Assembly  agree 
to  petition,  it  will  be  done  in  a  very  dutiful  style,  1270 


27, 


28, 


1270 


-  1270 


1271 


COUNCIL   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Jan.25,  The  Governour  submits  information  of  further 
violences  committed  by  the  People  of  Virginia, 

in  Westmoreland, 1271 

Letter  from  Robert  Haima  to  the  Governour. 
Attack  on  the  Jail  of  Westmoreland  County 
by  the  Militia  and  People  of  Virginia, 
8,  Letter  from  John  Carnaghan  to  Governour  Penn, 
with  four  Depositions  respecting  the  attack  on 
the  Jail  of  Westmoreland  County,         -         -  1271 

13,  Letter  from  Robert  Hanna,  and  others,  to  Gov- 

ernour Penn,  on  the  same  subject,         -         -   1273 

14,  Letter  from  Devereux  Smith  to  Governour  Penn. 

Complains  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Virgi- 
nians, and  encloses  Depositions,  ... 
March  Letter  from  Governour  Penn  to  Lord  Dunmore. 
1 ,  Remonstrates  against  his  proceedings  in  relation 
to  Westmoreland  County.  Will  forbear  to 
take  any  steps  in  the  affair  fill  he  has  an  an- 
swer to  this  Letter,  which  he  expects  by  the 
return  of  the  Express,         .... 


1274 


1276 


PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

FcJ.20,  The  House  met  pursuant  to  their  adjournment. 

Speaker  communicated  a  Letter  from  the  Speaker 
of  House  of  Assembly  of  New-Jersey,  with 
Resolves,  approving  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  .... 

Instructions  to  the  Delegates  to  the  Continental 
Congress  considered,  .... 

Message  from  the  Governour,  recommending  a 
Petition  to  the  King  for  the  redress  of  any 
Grievances  which  the  People  apprehend  they 
have  reason  to  complain  of,  ... 

The  Governour's  Message  considered. 

Further  considered  and  postponed, 

Consideration  will  be  resumed  on  the  8th  of 
March  next,       ...... 

March  Motion  that  the  Doors  be  opened  on  the  8th,  for 


21, 


23, 

24, 
25, 


4, 
7, 


9. 


13. 


15, 


the  Inhabitants  to  hear  the  Debates, 
Message  from  the  Governour,  requesting  pro'vi- 
sion  to  be  made  for  a  number  of  Indians,  re- 
cently arrived  at  Pliiladelphia, 
Representation  and  Petition  from  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  .         .         .         . 

Consideration  of  the  Governour's  Message  re- 
sumed, and  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  an 
Answer,  ...... 

Answer  to  Governour's  Message  considered, 
Motion  to  Recommit  rejected,  .         .         . 

Ordered  to  be  Transcribed  and  sent  to  the  Gov- 


1275 


1273 
1277 


1277 
1277 
1277 

1277 

1278 


-  1278 
1278 


1280 
1280 
1280 


ernour,      .         .         - 
Answer  of  the  House  to 
sage. 


the  Governour's  Mes- 


-  1280 


1280 


The  Speaker  laid  before  the  House  a  Letter, 
datetl  the  24th  of  December  last,  from  William 
Bollan,  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  Arthur  Lee, 

William  Morton  chosen  Speaker  in  place  of  Ed- 
ward Biddle,  who  is  prevented,  by  sickness, 
from  attending  the  House,  ... 

Adjourned  to  the  first  of  May  next, 


1281 


1282 

1282 


XCVll 


1775. 


CONTENTS. 


XCVIII 


1775. 


NEW-YORK  ASSEMBLY. 


/ftw.lO,  Meeting  of  the  Assembly,       .         -         -         - 
13,     Speech  of  Lieutenant  Governour  Golden  to  the 
Council  and  Assembly-   Advises  them  to  peti- 
tion the  King  for  redress  of  Grievances, 

Committee  appointed  to  prepare  an  Address,  in 
answer  to  the  Speech,  ... 

Consideration  of  the  Speech  referred  to  a  Com- 
mittee  of  the  Whole  House, 

Committee  appointed  to  correspond  with  Ed- 
mund Burke,  Agent  of  this  Colony  at  the 
Court  of  Great  Britain,  laid  before  the  House 
several  Letters  received  from  him, 
17,  The  Speaker,  from  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, laid  before  the  House  several  Letters 
and  other  Papers,  .... 
18,  Address  of  the  Council,  in  answer  to  the  Lieu, 
tenant  Governour's  Speech, 

Answer  to  the  Council,  .... 

20,     Address  of   the  Assembly,   in  answer  to  the 
Lieutenant  Governour's  Speech, 

Answer  of  the  Lieutenant  Grovernour, 
26,     Message  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour.  Boim- 
dary  of  New- York  and  Pennsylvania, 

Motion  by  Colonel  Ten  Broeck,  that  the  House 
take  into  consideration  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  ... 

Colonel  Philips's  motion  for  the  Previous  Ques- 
tion, ....... 

Message  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour, 

The  Speaker  laid  before  the  House  a  Letter  from 
ihe  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  of  New- Jersey, 
enclosing  simdry  Resolutions  passed  by  that 
House, 

On  the  motion  of  Colonel  Livingston,  the  House 
agreed  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of 
the  Colony ;  to  enter  such  Resolutions  as  they 
may  agree  to  on  their  Journals,  and  to  prepare 
a  Petition  to  the  King,  ... 

On  motion  of  Mr.  De  Lancey,  the  House  agreed 
to  send  with  the  Petition  to  his  Majesty,  a  Me- 
morial to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  a  Repre- 
sentation and  Remonstrance  to  the  Commons, 

Committee  appointed  to  prepare  a  state  of  the 
Grievances  of  the  Colony, 
Ftb.  2,  House  in  Committee  on  the  Lieutenant  Govern- 
our's Speech,      ...... 

7,     Message  from  the  Lieutenemt  Governour, 

Speech  further  considered  in  Committee, 

16,  Colonel  Schuyler's  motion  that  certain  Letters 

be  published ;  Rejected,       .... 

1 7,  Colonel  Woodhull's  motion  for  a  Vote  of  Thanks 

to  the  Delegates  from  New- York  in  the  late 
Continental  Congress ;  Rejected, 
21,  Colonel  P.  Livingston's  motion  for  a  Vote  of 
Thanks  to  the  Merchants  and  Inhabitants  for 
their  firm  adherence  to  the  Association  of  the 
Grand  Continental  Congress;  Rejected, 
23,  Report  from  the  Committee  to  prepare  a  state  of 
the  Grievances,  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the 
Whole  House,  .... 

Mr.  Thomas's  motion  for  taking  into  considera- 
tion the  necessity  of  appointing  Delegates  to 
meet  the  General  Congress  on  the  10th  of 
May  next ;  Rejected,  .         .         .         . 

Speech  of  Mr.  Brush,  of  Cumberland  County,  on 
this  question,      ...... 

Speech  of  Mr.  Wilkins,  of  Westchester  County, 
March  The  House  in  Committee  on  the  state  of  Griev- 


27, 

28, 


31, 


1281 


1283 

-  1283 


-  1283 


-  1283 


-  1284 

1284 
1285 

1285 
1286 

-  1286 


-  1286 

1287 
1287 


1287 


-  1288 


1288 

-  1288 

1288 
1288 
1289 

1289 


-  1289 


-  1290 


-  1290 


1290 

1290 
1293 


March,  Resolutions  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  pro- 


1 


16, 
23, 

24, 


25, 


28, 


31, 


31, 


1304 
1307 

-  1308 

1309 
1312 

1813 

1313 


1316 
1318 


1321 
1321 

-  1321 


1322 

1323 

1323 
1324 
1324 


9, 


11, 
13, 


ances  of  the  Colony,  ....  1297 

State  of  Grievances  further  considered  in  Com- 
mittee, 

Proceedings  and  Votes  on  the  Report  on  the 
Grievances  of  the  Colony, 

Committee  appointed  to  prepare  a  set  of  Resolu- 
tions agreeable  to  Colonel  P.  Livingston's  mo- 
tion of  January  31,     ..... 

Report  of  the  Committee ;  Resolutions  agreed  to,  1302 

Committees  appointed  to  prepare  a  Petition  to  the 
King,  a  Memorial  to  the  Lords,  and  a  Repre- 
sentation and  Remonstrance  to  the  Commons, 

Letter  from  Edmund  Burke,  laid  before  the  House 
by  the  Committee,        ..... 

Letter  from  William  BoUan,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
and  Arthur  Lee,  dated  December  24,  laid  be- 
fore the  House  by  the  Speaker,     ... 

Message  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour, 

Fourth  Series. 


-  1297 


-  1297 


1302 


1303 
1304 


1304 
1304 


viding  for  the  support  of  the  Government  in 
the  Colony  for  the  year,       .... 

Petition,  Memorial,  and  Remonstrance,  reported, 

Message  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour.  Dis- 
turbances in  Cumberland  County, 

Proceedings  and  Votes  on  the  Petition  to  the 
King, 

Votes  on  the  Memorial  to  the  House  of  Lords, 

Proceedings  on  the  Representation  and  Remon- 
strance to  the  House  of  Commons, 

The  humble  Petition  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Colony  of  New- York,  to  the  King, 

The  Memorial  of  his  Majesty's  faithful  Subjects 
the  Representatives  of  the  Colony  of  New- 
York,  in  General  Assembly  convened,  to  the 
House  of  Lords,  ..... 

The  Representation  and  Remonstrance  of  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of  New- 
York  to  the  House  of  Commons, 

The  Petition,  Memorial,  and  Remonstrance,  di- 
rected to  be  forwarded  with  all  convenient  speed 
to  Edmund  Burke,      ..... 

Message  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour, 

Proceedings  and  Votes  in  regard  to  the  Cum- 
berland Riots,    -        -        -        . 

The  Speaker  directed  to  transmit  to  the  Speakers 
of  the  several  Houses  of  Assembly,  on  the 
Continent,  copies  of  the  List  of  Grievances, 
and  the  Resolutions  thereof,  in  consequence ; 
and  the  Petition,  Memorial,  and  Remonstrance, 

Proceedings  and  Votes  in  relation  to  Riots  in  Al- 
bany and  Charlotte  Counties,         ... 

Reward  for  the  apprehension  of  Ethan  Allen, 
Seth  Warner,  and  others,     .... 
Apr.  1,  Committee  of  Correspondence  appointed, 

3,      Adjourned  to  May  3, 

PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 

Feb.  1,  List  of  the  Members, 1323 

John  Hancock  chosen  President,      ...  i328 

Committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  state  and 
circumstances  of  the  Province,     ...  1328 

The  Reverend  Dr.  Appleton  appointed  Chaplain,  1328 

Monitors  appointed,         .....  1328 

Committee  appointed  to  consider  the  Resolutions 
of  several  Committees  respecting  the  working 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  Boston  for  the  Troops, 

Debates  and  Resolutions  of  the  Congress  to  be 
kept  secret,        ...... 

Committee  to  publish  in  a  Pamphlet  some  of  the 
doings  of  the  late  Congress, 

Committee  to  prepare  an  Address  to  the  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  Province, 

Delegates  to  the  Congress  in  May  next,  to  con- 
tinue to  the  31st  day  of  December,  and  no 
longer, 

Troop  of  Horse  raised  by  John  Sawyer  and 
others,  of  Rowley,      -         .         . 

The  Secretary  empowered  to  adjourn  the  Con- 
gress in  the  absence  of  the  President,     - 

Inhabitants  recommended  not  to  supply  the 
Troops  with  any  thing  that  may  enable  them 
to  annoy  the  People;  all  who  do  so  to  be 
deemed  inveterate  enemies  to  America, 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  reported,  considered, 
and  recommitted, 

Again  reported,  considered,  and  recommitted. 

Committee  to  prepare  a  Resolution  recommend- 
ing the  saving  of  Linen  Rags,      .         -         - 

Committee  of  Safety  appointed,  with  power  to 
muster  as  many  of  the  Militia  of  the  Province 
as  they  shall  deem  proper,  completely  armed 
and  accoutred,  to  oppose  any  attempt  that  may 
be  made  to  carry  into  execution  the  late  Acts 
of  Parliament,  ... 

General  Officers  appointed  to  act  imder  the  au- 
thority of  the  Committee  of  Safety, 

A  number  of  Letters,  said  to  be  from  England, 
read  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  state 
of  the  Province,  -         -         -        -        - 

Address  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  again 
reported,  amended,  and  agreed  to. 

Address  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  Scituate,  in  relation  to  a  number  of  British 
Troops  now  stationed  in  Marshfield,  read  and 
referred,  .... 


2, 
3, 


4. 


6, 


7, 


9, 


1328 


1329 


-  1329 
it- 

-  1329 


1329 


-  1329 
1329 


1330 

1330 
1330 

1330 


-  1332 
1332 


1332 
-  1332 


-  1334 


% 


CONTENTS. 


xcix 

1775. 
Feb.  9,  Committee  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  empowering 
the  Committee  of  Safety  to  take  possession  of 
the  Warlike  Stores  of  the  Province, 

Committee  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  directing  how 
the  Ordnance  in  the  Province  shall  be  used, 

Committee  to  make  a  return  of  the  Officers  and 
number  of  the  Militia,  and  Minute  Men,  to 
report,  as  soon  as  possible. 

Committee  to  prepare  for  publication  the  Names 
of  the  Mandamus  Counsellors  who  have  refused 
to  resign,  ...--- 

Inhabitants  of  the  Province  requested  to  preserve 
all  their  Linen  and  Cotton  Rags,  to  aid  an  Es- 
tablishment for  making  Paper,      -         -         - 

10,  Committee  to  observe  the  motion  of  the  Troops 

said  to  be  on  their  road  to  Cambridge, 

Committee  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  the  Congress, 
with  power  to  regulate  the  Constitutional  Army 
wiiich  may  be  raised  in  the  Province, 

Committee  to  revise  the  Commission  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety,  '        '        '         '        'r 

The  Secretary  directed  to  publish  the  Names  of 
the  Mandamus  Counsellors  now  in  Boston, 

Petition  from  the  Delegatesof  the  several  Tow-ns 
in  the  Counties  of  Hampshire  and  Berkshire, 

11,  Committee  of  Siifety  authorized  to  appoint  a 

Commissary  to  deliver  Warlike  Stores  to 
the  Constitutional  Army  when  they  take  the 
field,  ..-'.--- 

Committee  of  Safety  requested  to  possess  them- 
selves of  all  Bayonets  and  other  implements  of 
war,  purchased  at  the  expense  of  the  Province, 
and  not  now  in  their  possession,    - 

Committee  appointed  to  report  a  Resolve,  ex- 
pressing the  determination  of  the  People,  coolly 
and  resolutely,  to  support  their  Rights  and  Pri- 
vileges, at  all  hazards, 

1 3,  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  state  of 

the  Militia,         ..... 
Committee  to  inquire  what  is  necessary  to  en 
courage  the  making  of  Saltpetre, 

14,  Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Mi- 

litia,   -        - 

15,  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  Boston  directed 

to  open  and  establish  an  intimate  correspond- 
ence and  connection  with  the  Inhabitants  of 
Q,uebeck,  ....-- 

Resolutions  for  the  encouragement  of  the  manu- 
facture of  Saltpetre  in  the  Province, 

Conunittee  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  holding  up  to 
the  People  the  imminent  danger  they  are  in 
from  the  present  disposition  of  the  British  Min- 
istry,        ....... 

Inhabitants  of  the  Province  requested  not  to  trade 
with  Pedlars,     .-.--. 

John  Whitcomb  elected  a  General  Officer, 

Militia  and  Minute  Men  earnestly  requested  to 
spare  neither  time,  pains,  nor  expense,  in  per- 
fecting themselves,  forthwith,  in  Military  Dis- 
cipline,     ..-...- 

Conduct  of  the  Committees  of  Correspondence 
of  Plymouth,  and  other  Towns,  approved,     - 

Conference  with  a  Committee  from  Connecticut, 
IG,      Committee  appointed  to  correspond    with    the 
neighbouring  Governments, 

Day  of  Fasting  and  Prayer  throughout  the  Prov- 
ince appointed,  -         -         -         -         -  1 342 

Injunction  of  Secrecy  on  the  Members  removed,  1343 

Adjourned  to  March  22d,  to  meet  at  Concord,     -  1343 
March  Met  conformable  to  adjournment,  and  the  Rev. 


-  1334 
1334 


-  1334 


1334 


1334 
-  1334 


1335 
1335 
1335 
1336 


1337 


-  1337 


-  1337 


-  1337 


-  1337 
1338 


1339 
-  1339 


1339 

1340 
1340 


1340 

1341 
1341 

-  1342 


1775. 

March 

30, 


April 
I, 


3, 


6, 


6, 


22, 


■24, 


27, 

28. 
29, 

30, 


Mr.  Emerson  appointed  Chaplain,         -         -  1343 

Debates  and  Resolutions  to  be  kept  an  entire 
secret, 

Committee  to  receive  the  Returns  of  the  Officers 
of  the  Militia,  ..... 

Any  relaxation  in  putting  the  Colony  in  a  com- 
plete state  of  Defence  will  be  attended  \vith  the 
-r.'.  utmost  danger  to  the  Liberties  of  the  Colony, 
and  of  all  America, 

Rules  and  Regulations  for  a  Constitutional  Army 
reported,  ...... 

Considered  and  recommitted,  ... 

Consideration  resumed;  recommitted  for  addi- 
tions,        -.--... 

Report  from  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Prov- 
ince relative  to  what  movement  of  the  Troops 
should  make  it  fit  to  call  the  Militia  together 
to  act  on  the  defensive,         ....  1345 


1344 


1344 


1344 

1345 
1345 

1345 


7, 


10, 
11, 


12, 


13, 


On  notice  for  assembling  the  Forces  of  the  Col- 
ony, the  Members  of  this  Congress  to  repair 
without  delay  to  the  place  to  which  they  shall 
be  adjourned,      ...---  1345 

Committees  to  sit  immediately,  that  the  Congress 
may  adjourn  to-morrow,      ...         -  1345 

Mandamus  Counsellors  who  have  refused  to  pub- 
lish a  renunciation  of  their  Commissions,       -  1346 

Report  of  Committee  appointed  to  receive  Returns 
from  the  several  Colonies,  recommitted,  -  1346 

Constables  and  Collectors  required  to  pay  Pub- 
lick  Moneys  immediately  to  the  Receiver  Gen- 
eral,   1346 

Committee  appointed  to  prepare  Rules  for  the 
Provincial  Army,  report.  Report  passed,  and 
afterwards  recommitted,       ....  1347 

Address  to  the  Stockbridge  Indians  who  have  en- 
listed as  Minute  Men,  ....  1347 

The  Towns  and  Districts  requested  to  choose 
Delegates  to  a  Provincial  Congress,  to  meet 
on  the  last  Wednesday  of  May,  if  Precepts  are 
not  issued  by  General  Gage,  calling  a  General 
Assembly  to  meet  on  that  day,       ...  1348 

Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Province  to  col- 
lect the  late  intelligence  from  Great  Britain, 
relative  to  sending  reinforcements  to  General 
Gage,  and  report  to  the  Congress  what  is  best 
to  be  done,  ......  1348 

Immediate  attendance  of  all  absent  Members  re- 
quired,     ....---  1348 

Letter  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Kirkland,  with  an  Ad- 
dress to  the  Mohawks,         ....  1349 

Rules  and  Regulations  for  the  Massachusetts 
Army,      -        - 1350 

Committee  on  the  application  of  the  Committee 
from  Boston,  and  others,  report  that  the  Papers 
lie  for  further  consideration  at  some  future 
day, 1356 

Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Inspection  of  the 
County  of  Bristol,  advising  them  to  keep  the 
Militia,  and  especially  the  Minute  Men,  in  the 
best  posture  of  defence ;  but  that  they  act  on  the 
defensive  only,  until  the  further  direction  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  ....  1356 

Application  from  Billerica,  and  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Boston,  again  committed,         -         -  1357 

Conference  with  Governour  Hopkins,  on  the  pre- 
sent state  of  Pubiick  Affairs,         ...  1357 

Letter  to  the  Selectmen  of  Billerica.  Approve 
their  conduct  in  relation  to  the  assault  on 
Thomas  Ditson, 1357 

Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 
Boston  and  other  Towns.  Request  that  the 
Militia  and  Minute  Men  act  only  on  the  defen- 
sive, until  the  further  order  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  ......  1357 

Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Province  report 
relative  to  raising  and  establishing  an  Army ; 
and  that  Committees  repair  to   Connecticut, 
Rhode-Island,  and  New-Hampshire,  to  desire 
their  co-operation,       .....  1358 

Conmiittec  to  draught  a  Letter  to  each  of  the  Col- 
onies,       .......  135S 

Committee  to  consider  what  number  of  Men 
should  be  raised  by  the  four  New-England 
Governments,  for  their  general  defence,  -  1358 

Letter  to  the  Colonies  of  Connecticut,  Rhode- 
Island,  and  New- Hampshire,        -         -         -  1 359 

Instructions  to  the  Delegates  appointed  to  repair 

to  the  neighbouring  Governments,  -         -  1359 

Committee  to  take  into  consideration  the  particu- 
lar state  of  the  Town  of  Boston,  appointed,  after 
a  long  debate  on  the  propriety  of  advising  the 
Inhabitants  to  be  moved  from  thence,     -         -  1360 

County  Committees  appointed  to  report  a  true  state 
of  their  respective  Towns  and  Districts,  with 
respect  to  their  having  observed  the  Resolu- 
tions of  the  Continental  and  Provincial  Con- 
gresses, .....--  1361 
Report  of  the  Committee  on  the  state  of  the  Prov- 
ince, relative  to  exercising  the  Minute  Men  in 
Battalions,  and  paying  them  for  the  time  they 
spend  in  that  service ;  after  long  debate,  re- 
jected,         1361 

Committee  of  Safety  directed  to  form  six  Compa- 
nies of  Artillery,  to  be  in  readiness  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Colony  when  the  Army  shall  be 
raised, 1362 


CI 

1-75. 
April  Report  from  the  Committee  to  consider  the  pro 

13,  priety  of  removing  the  Inhabitants  from  Bos- 
ton; after  long  debate,  recommitted,       -         -  1362 

1 4,  Committee  of  Donations  of  Boston  recommended  to 

afford  to  any  poor  persons  desirous  of  removing 
from  Boston,  such  assistance  as  may  enable 

them  to  do  it, 1362 

Committee  of  Safety  directed  to  apply  to  a  suit- 
able number  of  persons  to  be  in  readiness  to 
enter  the  service  of  the  Colony  as  Field  Offi- 
cers, when  an  Army  shall  be  raised,       -         -   1363 

15,  Day  of  Humiliation,  Fasting,  and  Prayer,  ap- 

pointed,    .-.--.-  1363 
The  Members,  on  their  return  to  their  respective 
Towns,  ordered  to  use  their  influence  to  pro- 
mote the  Military  Discipline,         ...  1364 
Adjourn  to  Wednesday,  the  10th  of  May  next,  to 
me«t  at  Concord,         .....  1364 


CONTENTS. 


CII 


1775. 


COMMITTEE  OF  SAFETY  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. 
1774. 

Nov.  2,  Committee  of  Supplies  requested  to  procure  and 
deposits  Provisions  at  Worcester  and  Con- 
cord,          1365 

8,  Committee  of  Supplies  requested  to  procure  all 
the  Arms  and  Ammunition  they  can,  in  the 
neighbouring  Provinces  on  the  Continent,  -  1365 
15,  Committee  to  get  seven  large  pieces  of  Cannon  out 
of  Boston,  to  some  place  in  the  country,  in 
such  manner  as  they  may  think  most  prudent,  1365 
Vec.     Committee  of  Supplies  to  procure  certain  Mihtary 

20,  Stores, 1366 

Committee  to  examine  the  Commissary's  Store  in 

Boston,  and  report  what  Surgeons'  Stores,  and 
Stores  of  other  kinds,  are  there,  -        -  1366 

1775. 

Jan.  5,  Eteacon  Cheever  authorized  to  receive  Cannon 

and  Mortars,       -.--.-  1366 
25,      All  the  Cannon,  Mortars,  Cannon  Ball,  and  Shells, 
to  be  deposited  in  Worcester  and  Concord,  in 
the  same  proportion  as  the  Provisions,  -  1366 

Feb.  3,  Committee  of  Supplies  directed  to  report  to  the 
Provincial  Congress  their  transactions  since 
their  appointment,       .         .         -         .         .  1367 

13,  Committee  of  Supplies  desired  to  purchase  all 

the  Powder  they  can,  ...         -  1367 

Committee  to  receive  from  Colonel  Robinson  four 
brass  Field-Pieces,  and  four  brass  Mortars, 
which,  in  case  of  a  rupture  with  the  Troops, 
shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Artillery  Companies 
of  Boston  and  Dorchester,  ...   1367 

21,  Committee  of  Supplies  directed  to  procure  tea 

tons  of  Brimstone,  and  all  kinds  of  Warlike 
Stores,  sufficient  for  an  Army  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand Men  to  take  the  field,            ...  1357 
The  Powder  now  at  Concord,  to  be  removed  to 
Leicester, 1368 

22,  Committee  of  Supplies  directed  to  procure  one 

hundred  Bell  Tents  for  Arms,  one  thousand 
Field  Tents  for  Soldiers,  ten  tons  of  Lead  Balls, 
and  to  have  thirty  rounds  of  Cartridges  for  fif- 
teen thousand  Men,  made,  ...  1368 

On  arrival  of  more  Troops,  the  Province  Arms, 
at  Cambridge,  to  be  removed  to  Worcester,      1368 

On  intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  more  Troops,  the 
Provincial  Congress  to  be  assembled  imme- 
diately,       1368 

23,  Committee  to  direct  the  Commanding  Officers  of 

the  Militia  and  the  Minute  Men,  throughout 
die  Province,  to  assemble  one  fourth  part  of  the 
Militia  forthwith, 1368 

24,  Hospital  Stores  to  be  procured  and  sent  to  Con- 

cord,          1369 

March  Receiver  General  to  pay  to  Doctor  Warren  and 
7,         Doctor  Church,  five  hundred  Pounds,  for  the 
purchase  of  such  articles  for  the  Provincial 
Chests  of  Medicine,  as  cannot  be  got  on  credit,  1370 

14,  Watch  to  be  constantly  kept  at  the  places  where 

the  Provincial  Magazines  are  stored,     -         -  ]  370 
Watch  to  be  kept  at  Charlestown,  Cambridge, 
and  Roxbury,  and  Couriers  to  be  forwarded  to 
the  Towns  where  the  Magazines  are  placed, 
when  sallies  are  made  from  the  Army  by  night,  1370 
23,      Ton  of  Musket  Bullets  now  arrived  at  Concord, 

to  be  lodged  with  Colonel  Barrett,         -        .  1370 
April    The  Stores  at  Concord  and  elsewhere,  not  to  be 
1,         removed  without  written  orders  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety, 1370 


Considerations  on  the  Measures  carrying  on  with 
respect  to  the  British  Colonies  in  North  Ame- 
rica,   1369 

Address  of  the  People  of  Great  Britain  to  the 
Inhabitants  of  America,       -         .         .         -  1413 

Taxation  no  Tyranny.  An  Answer  to  the  Re- 
solutions and  Address  of  the  American  Con- 


gress, 


-  1431 


An  Answer  to  a  Pamphlet,  entitled  "  Taxation  no 
Tyranny;"  addressed  to  the  Author,  and  to 
persons  in  power,         .....  1449 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  PARLIAMENT  ON  THE  ADDRESS  OF  THANKS 
TO  THE  KINO. 

1774.                              Howe  of  Lords. 
Nov.QQ,  Meeting  of  the  Fourteenth  Parliament,             -  1461 
State  of  Parties  in  England  in  relation  to  Ame- 
rica, (Note,) 1461 

House  of  Commons  required  to  attend  immedi- 
ately,           1461 

Lord  Chancellor's  Speech  to  both  Houses.  Com- 
mons directed  to  choose  a  Speaker,         -         -  1462 
30,     Sir  Fletcher  Norton  presented  to  the  King  as 

Speaker,  by  the  House  of  Commons,     -         -  1464 
Informed  by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  that  the  King 

approves  the  choice  made  by  the  Commons,     -  1464 
Address  of  the  Speaker,  claiming  the  Privileges 

of  the  Commons,         .....  1464 
Reply  of  the  Lord  Chancellor,  in  the  name  of  the 

King.     Allows  them  all  their  Privileges,      -  1465 
King's  Speech  to  both  Houses.     Informs  them 
that  a  most  daring  spirit  of  resistance  and  dis- 
obedience to  the  law,  still  prevails  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,     -         -         -  1465 
Address  of  Thanks  to  the  King,  moved  by  the 

Earl  of  Hillsborough,         ....  1466 

Amendment  offered  by  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  1466 

Opposed  by  Lord  Lyttelton,  -         -         -  1 466 

Supported  by  Lord  Camden,  -        -  1467 

Amendment  rejected,  ....  1467 

Protest  on  rejection  of  the  amendment,  -  1467 

Earl  of  Hillsborough's  motion  agreed  to,  -  1468 

Committee  to  prepare  the  Address,  -        -  1468 

Address  reported  and  agreed  to,        -         -         -  1468 

Dec.  1,  Address  presented  to  the  King,  at  his  Palace,  at 

St.  James's, 1469 

The  King's  Answer,      .....  1469 

6,    Address  and  Answer  ordered  to  be  published,     -  1469 
House  of  Commons. 

iV(n).29,House  formed, 1469 

Sir  Fletcher  Norton  chosen  Speaker,        -        -  1470 
Dec.  5,  The  King's  Speech,  reported  to  the  House,  by  the 

Speaker, 1471 

Address  of  Thanks  to  the  ffing,  moved  by  Lord 
Beauchamp,      -        -        -        -        -        -1471 

Amendment  offered  by  Lord  John  Cavendish,    -  1472 

Debate— Lord  North, 1473 

Mr.  F.  Montague,     -        -        -        -  1473 

Go  vernour  Johnstone,         ...  1473 

Mr,  Charles  J.  Fox,  -         -         -  1473 

Mr.  Hartley,  ....  1473 

Colonel  Barre,  ....  1473 

Sir  George  Macartney,      ...  1473 

Lord  Carmarthen,     ....  I473 

Sir  William  Mayne,  -         -         -  1473 

General  Smith,  -         -         -         -  1473 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  -        -        -  1474 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  -        -        -  1474 

Mr.  Van, 1474 

Mr.  Wedderburn,      .        -        -        -  1474 

Amendment  rejected,      .....  I474 

Lord  Beauchamp's  motion  agreed  to,         -         -  1474 

Committee  to  draw  up  the  Address,  -         -  1474 

6,  Address  reported  and  agreed  to,        -         -         -  1474 

7,  Presented  to  the  King,             ....  1476 
King's  Answer  to  the  Address,        ...  1476 


ON  SUPPLIES  FOR  THE  YEAR  1775. 

House  of  Commons. 
Dec.  7,  The  King's  Speech  considered,        ...  1475 

8,  House  in  Committee  on  the  motion  to  grant  a 

Supply  to  his  Majesty,         -         -         -         -  1475 

9,  Committee  of  the  Whole  report  that  a  Supply  be 

granted,  1476 

12,     House  in  Committee  to  consider  of  the  Supply 

granted  to  his  Majesty,        ....  1475 


CONTENTS. 


CIV 


cm 

1774 

Dec.  1-2,  Mr.  Buller's  motion  that  16,000  Men  be  employ- 
ed for  the  Sea  Service,  for  the  year  1775,        -  U76 
Debate— Mr.  T.  TowTishcnd,  -         -         -  1476 

Mr.  BuUer, '476 

Mr.  Lmtrell, }477 

Colonel  Barr6,  ...        -  1477 

Mr.  Hartley,  -        -        -        -  1477 

Mr.  Duller,"     -         -         -  -  1477 

Mr.  Luttrell, {477 

Mr.  Buller's  motion  agreed  to,  ■        '  ,  ,  " 

13,  Resolutions  reported  from  the  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  for  the  employment  and  pay  of  16,000 
Seamen,  and  airreed  to  by  the  House,  -  1477 

Debate— Lord  John  Cavendish,  -  -  "  j478 
Lord  Beauchamp,  -  -  -  •  \^'° 
Mr.  Cornwall,  -        -        "        '  }f;° 

Mr.  Burke, jf^° 

Sir  William  Mayne,  -        -        '  \%i 

Mr.  Hartley,  -         -         -         "  j^'.S 

Lord  Beauchamp,  •  -  -  -  147  J 
Lord  John  Cavendish,  -  •  -  1479 
Lord  Beauchamp,  -  -  -  ■  J  479 
Captain  Luttrell,  -  -  -  "  1479 
Mr.  Rose  Fuller,      -         -         -         *  14"9 

16,  House  in  Committee  to  consider  further  of  the 

Supply  granted  to  his  Majesty,     -         -        -  1479 

Lord   Barrington's  motion,  that   17,547   Men, 

Commission  and  Non-Commission  Officers 

included,  be  employed  for  the  year  1775,       -  1479 

Debate— Mr.  Rose  Fuller,      .        -        -        -  1479 

Lord  Barrington,      -        -        -        -  1479 

Mr.  Fuller, 1479 

Lord  North, 1479 

Mr.  T.  Tow-nshend,  -        -        -  1479 

Lord  North, 1479 

Go  vernour  Johnstone,        -        -        -  1479 

Mr.  Fox, 1482 

Lord  Clare, 1482 

Mr.  Rigby, 1482 

Mr.  Cruger, 1482 

Sir  William  Mayne,  -        -        -  1484 

Lord  North, 1484 

Mr.  Hartley,  ....  1484 

Lord  Barrington's  motion  agreed  to,         -        -  1484 

17,  Resolutions  reported  from  the  Committee  of  the 

Whole  read  and  agreed  to,  ...  1484 

19,  Resolution  for  providing  Ways  and  Means  for 
raising  the  Supply  granted  to  his  Majesty,  re- 
ported to  the  House  from  the  Committee  of  the 

Whole, 1485 

Debate— Lord  North, 1485 

Mr.  Hartley,  ....  1485 

Mr.  Rose  Fuller,  ....  I486 
Mr.  T.  Townshend,  -        -        -  1486 

Mr.  Rigby, 1486 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  -  -  -  1486 
Sir  William  Meredith,       -        -        -  1487 

Mr.  Burke, 1488 

Mr.  Cornwall,  ....  1488 

Resolution  providing  Ways  and  Means,  agreed  to,  1488 
Inesolution  of  the  Cabinet,  (Note,)  -        -  1488 

22,    Parliament  adjourned  to  the  19th  day  of  January 

next, 1488 


1775. 
ON  THE  BILL  FOR  SETTLING  THE  TROUBLES  IN  AMERICA. 

House  of  Commons. 
Feb.  1,  Provisional  Act  for  settling  the  Troubles  in  Ame- 
rica, and  for  asserting  the  Supreme  Legislative 
authority  and  superintending  power  of  Great 
Britain  over  the  Colonies,  presented  by  Lord 

Chatham, -  1503 

Lord  Chatham's  Speech  on  presenting  the  Bill,  1503 
Earl  of  Dartmouth's  Reply,  -  -  -  -  1504 
Bill  read  the  first  time,  ....  1504 

Objections  to  the  Bill  in  America,  (Note,)  -  1505 

Motion  by  the  Earl  of  Sandwch  "  That  the  Bill 

be  rejected," 1507 

Debate — Lord  Lyttelton,         ....  1507 
Earl  of  Shelburne,  -         -         -  1508 

Duke  of  Grafton,     -        -        -        -  1508 
Earl  Gower,  ....  1509 

Lord  Chatham,  ....  1509 

Earl  Gower,  -        -        -        -  1510 

Lord  Camden,  ....  1510 

Earl  of  Chatham,     ...        -  1510 
Earl  Gower,  -         -         -         -  1511 

Earl  of  Hillsborough,        -         -         -1511 
Duke  of  Richmond,  -        -        -  1512 

Duke  of  Manchester,  -        -        -  1513 

Earl  Temple,  -        -        -        -  1513 

Question  on  the  motion  of  the  Earl  of  Sandwich 

taken,  and  the  Bill  rejected,          ...  1514 
List  of  the  Minority, 1514 


Jan. 
19, 


23, 


ON  LORD  CHATHAM  S  MOTION  TO  RECALL  THE  TROOPS 
FROM  BOSTON. 

1775.  House  of  Lords. 

Jan.    Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  North 
20,        America,  presented  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth, 

by  his  Majesty's  command,  ...  1489 

Lord  Chatham's  motion  to  recall  the  Troops 
from  Boston,      ......  1498 

Debate— Lord  Chatham,         ....  1493 

Earl  of  Suffolk,        ....  1498 

Earl  of  Shelburne,  -        -        -  1499 

Lord  Lyttelton,         ....  1500 

Lord  Camden,  -        -        -        -  1501 

Lord  Chatham,         -        -        -        -  1501 

Lord  Townshend,     ....  1502 

Earl  of  Rochford,     -         -         -         -  1502 

Earl  Gower,  -         -         -         -  1502 

Marquis  of  Rockingham,  -         -  1502 

Duke  of  Richmond,  -         -         -  1503 

Earl  of  Rochford,  •         -         -  1503 

Lord  Weymouth,      ....  1504 

Lord  Chatham's  motion  rejected,       ...  1504 
List  of  the  Minority,       -         -  -        -  1504 

Energy  of  the  Cabinet,  (Note,)        -        -        -  1499 


24. 


25, 


ON  THE  PETITIONS  RELATING  TO  AMERICA. 

House  of  Commons. 

Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  North 

America,  presented  by  Lord  North,  -  -  1513 
Lord  North's  Explanations  relative  to  the  Papers,  1513 
Papers  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the  Whole 

House,     .        -        .        -        - 
Petition  from  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others, 
of  the  City  of  London,  concerned  in  the  Com- 
merce of  North  America,  presented, 
Mr.  Alderman  Hayley's  motion,  that  the  Petition 
be  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole 
House,  to  whom  the  Papers  from  North  Ame- 
rica had  been  referred,         .... 
Sir  William  Meredith's  motion  to  amend,  so  as  to 

refer  to  a  separate  Committee, 
Debate — Mr.  Burke, 

Sir  Gilbert  Elliot,     - 
Mr.  T.  Townshend, 
Lord  Clare,      ... 
Mr.  Fox,         ... 
Lord  John  Cavendish, 
Lord  North,     - 
Sir  George  Macartney, 
Captain  Luttrell, 
Lord  Stanley, 
Motion  to  amend  agreed  to. 
The   Petition  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the 
Whole  House,  ..... 

Petition  of  the  Master,  Wardens,  and  Commonalty 
of  the  Society  of  Merchants  and  Venturers  of 
the  City  of  Bristol,  presented  by  Mr.  Burke, 
Motion  to  refer  it  to  the  Committtee  of  the  Whole 
House,  to  whom  has  been  referred  the  Papers 
from  America,  ..... 

Debate — Lord  North, 

Mr.  Burke, 

Lord  North, 

Governour  Johnstone,        ... 
Motion  amended,  and  the  Petition  referred  to  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole  House,  to  whom  the 
Petition  of  the  Merchants  of  London  is  referred, 
Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  Manu- 
facturers of  the  City  of  Bristol,  presented  by 
Mr.  Cruger,      ...... 

Petition  of  the  Merchants  and  Traders  of  the 
City  of  Glasgow,  presented,  ... 

Statements  of  the  Value  of  Exports  from  Great 
Britain  to  the  Colonies,  from  1772  to  1774,  or- 
dered to  be  laid  before  the  House, 
Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Manufacturers,  and 
Traders,  and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of 
Norwich,  presented. 
Petition  of  the  Merchants  and  Mantifacturers  re- 
siding in  the  Town  and  Neighbourhood  of 
Dudley,  in  the  County  of  Worcester,  present 


-  1513 


1513 


1515 

1515 
1516 
1516 
1517 
1517 
1517 
1517 
1517 
1517 
1517 
1518 
1518 

1519 


1519 


1520 
1520 
1520 
1520 

1520 


1521 


1521 
1522 


-  1522 


-  1523 


ed. 


1523 


3, 


6. 


ev  CONTENTS. 

1775. 
Jan.25,  Petition  from  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  and 

Neighbourhood  of  Birmingham,  -         -  1524 

Sir  George  Savile  offers  to  present  a  Petition 
from  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Lee,  and  Mr.  Bollan, 
requesting  to  be  heard  before  the  House,  on  the 
Petition  from  the  Congress  to  the  King,  -   1524 

26,  Stotemcnts  of  the  Value  of  Exports  and  Imports 

to  and  from  North  America,  and  the  West  In- 
dies, from  the  year  17G2,  ordered  to  be  laid  be- 
fore the  House,  -         -         -         -         -   1 525 
Second  Petition  from  the  Merchants,  Traders, 
and  others,  of  the  City  of  London,  concerned 
in  the  Commerce  of  North  America,  present- 
ed by  Alderman  Hay  ley,     .         .         -         .  1525 
Motion,  by  Mr.  Hayley,  for  discharging  the  Order 
of  Monday  last,  for  referring  the  Petition  of  the 
Merchants,  and  others,  of  London,  to  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  House,  ...  1526 
Debate— Mr.  Hayley,              -         -        -         -1526 
Mr.  Hotham,             -         -         -         -  1526 
Mr.  Hans  Stanley,  -        -         -  1526 
Mr.  Hayley,              ....   1527 
Mr.  T.  Tovvnshend,          -        -        -  1527 

Mr.  Lewis, 1527 

Mr.  Jenkinson,  ....  1527 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  .        -         •  1527 

Mr.  Fox, 1529 

Colonel  Barrd,  -        -         -         -  1529 

Mr.  Wedderburn,     ...        -  1529 

Lord  North, 1529 

Lord  George  Germain,     ...  1530 

Mr.  Fox, 1530 

Lord  North, 1530 

Mr.  Hayley's  motion  rejected,  ...  1530 

Petition  referred  to  same  Committee  with  the 

others, 1530 

Petition  of  the  Merchants  and  Manufacturers  of 

the  Town  of  Manchester,  presented,       -         -  1530 
Petition  from  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  Manu- 
facturers of  Wolverhampton,  in  the  County  of 
Stafford,  presented,      -         -         -         -         -1531 
Petition  of  the  Merchants  and  Tradesmen  of  the 

Port  of  Liverpool,  presented,         -         -         -  1531 
Petition  of  William  Bollan,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
and  Arthur  Lee,  requesting  they  may  be  heard 
at  the  Bar  of  the  House,  on  the  Petition  from 
America,  offered  by  Sir  George  Savile,  -  1532 

Motion  for  receiving  the  Petition  rejected,  -  1532 

Notice  of  the  Debate  on  this  Question,  (Note,)       1532 
House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,      1533 

27,  Statements  of  Exports  from  England  to  the  Colo- 

nies in  North  America,  in  1773,  presented,     -  1533 

Petition  of  sundry  Merchants,  Factors,  and 
Manufacturers,  of  Birmingham,  in  the  County 
of  Warwick,  presented,        ....  1533 

House  in  Committee,  on  the  Petition  from  the 
Merchants,  and  others,  of  London,  concerned 
in  the  Commerce  of  North  America,     .         -  1533 

Reasons  of  the  Merchants,  for  declining  to  be 
heard  at  the  Bar  of  the  House,     -         -         -  1534 

House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,      1534 
31,     Papers  presented  by  Lord  North,     ...  1534 

Statements  of  Imports  and  Exports  of  British 
Plantation  Tobacco,  ordered  to  be  laid  before 
the  House, 1535 

Petition  of  the  Manufacturers  of  Felt  Hats,  and 
Dealers  therein;  as  also,  of  the  Shoemakers,  in 
the  Town  of  New-Castle,  in  the  County  of  Staf- 
ford, presented,  .....  I535 

Petition  of  the  Manufacturers  and  Traders  in 
Earthen  Ware,  residing  in  Burslem,  Tunstall, 
Colridge,  Shelton,  Hanly,  Stoke-Lane,  Dclf- 
Lane-End,  and  places  adjacent,  in  the  County 
of  Stafford,  presented,  ....  I535 

Mr.  Burke's  motion  for  an  Inquiry  into  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  Petition  from  Birmingham, 
presented  on  the  25th,  was  procured,     -        -  1536 

Debate  on  the  motion,     -         .        -        .         .  1536 

Mr.  Burke's  motion  rejected,  ...  I537 

House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,      1537 
Feb.  1,  Petition  of  the  Mayor,  Recorder,  Aldermen,  and 
Assistants,  of  the  Borough  of  Leeds,  in  the 
County  of  York,  presented,  -         -         .  1537 

Petition  of  the  Merchants  of  Leeds,  trading  to  the 
North  American  Colonies,  or  having  property 
there,  presented,  .....  I538 

Papers  presented  by  Lord  North,     ...  I539 

House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,     1539 


CVI 

1775. 
Feb.  2,  Petition  of  the  Planters  of  his  Majesty's  Sugar 
Colonies,  residing  in  Great  Britain,  and  of  the 
Merchants  of  London,  trading  to  the  said  Colo- 
nies, presented,  -        .        .        .        -1540 


ON  A  JOINT  ADDRESS  OF  THE  TWO  HOUSES  TO  THE  KING. 

House  of  Commons. 

Feb.  2,  House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,  1541 
Motion  of  Lord  North,  for  an  Address  to  the 
King,  declaring  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 

Bay  in  actual  rebellion,       .         -         .         .  1542 

Debate — Mr.  Dunning,  ....  I542 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow,         -  1543 

Colonel  Grant,  ....  I543 

Amendment  proposed  by  Mr.  Fox,  -         -  1543 

Debate — Mr.  Grenville,  .        .        .        .1544 

Mr.  Cruger, 1544 

Captain  Luttrell,       ....  I544 

Mr.  Cosmo  Gordon,  .        -        -  1547 

Mr.  Burke, 1547 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderburn,     -  1547 

Amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Fox,  rejected,  -  1547 

Lord  North's  motion  for  an  Address,  adopted,     -  1547 
Statements  of  the  Imports  and  Exports  of  the 
Sugar  Colonies,  ordered  to  be  laid  before  the 

House, 1547 

Accounts  of  Imports  and  Exports  presented,         -  1548 
Report  from  Committee  of  the  Whole,  on  the 

American  Papers.     Address  to  the  King,      -  1548 
Motion,  by  Lord  John  Cavendish,  that  the  Report 

be  recommitted,  .         -         -         .         .  I549 

Debate — Lord  John  Cavendish,       ...  I549 

Lord  Lumley,  -         -         .         .  I549 

Mr.  Wilkes,  (the  Lord  Mayor,)  -  1549 

Captain  Harvey,       ....  I552 

Sir  William  Mayne,  ...  I554 

Mr.  T.  Tovvnshend,  .        -        -  1556 

Mr.  Joliffe, 1556 

Mr.  Hans  Stanley,    ....  1556 

Lord  Irnham,  .         -         .         .  1556 

Mr.  William  Adam,         -        -        -  1559 

Mr.  Scott, 1559 

Governour  Johnstone,         ...  I559 

Sir  Robert  Smythe,  -         -         -  1564 

Mr.  Burke, 1564 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderburn,     .  1565 

Colonel  Barre,  ...         -  1565 

Lord  North, 1565 

Mr.  Mackworth,      ....  1565 

Mr.  Sawbridge,         ....  1565 

Motion  to  recommit  the  Report  rejected,    -        -  1565 

Amendment  proposed  and  rejected,  -        -  1565 

Resolution  reported  by  Committee  of  the  Whole 

agreed  to,  ......  1566 

Committee  to  draw  up  an  Address,            -        -  1566 
Address  reported  and  agreed  to,        .         -         -  1566 
To  be  communicated  to  the  Lords,  at  a  Confer- 
ence,   1566 

Conference  with  the  Lords  requested,        -        -  1566 
House  in  Committee,  on  the  American  Papers,  1566 
The  Address  presented  to  the  Lords  in  Confer- 
ence,        ..-..--  1567 
Managers  of  the  two  Houses  in  Conference  on 
the  Address.     The  Lords  agree  to  make  it  a 
Joint  Address,             .....  1567 
The  King  has  appointed  to-morrow  to  receive 

the  Address, 1567 

Petition  of  the  Manufacturing  Hosiers,  of  the 

Town  and  County  of  Nottingham,  presented,  1567 
Lord  North's  motion,  to  postpone  the  further  con- 

sideration  of  the  American  Papers  to  the  10th,  1568 

Debate— Mr.  Fox, 1568 

Lord  North, 1568 

Consideration  of  Petitions  postponed  to  the  15th, 

and  of  American  Papers  to  the  1 0th,      -         -  1568 
The  King's  Answer  to  the  Joint  Address  of  the 

two  Houses,  presented  yesterday,  -        -  1569 

Hoiise  of  Lords. 
Feb.  2,  Papers  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  America, 
considered,         .--.-- 
Further  considered,         "         "         "        "         ' 
Message  from  the  Commons,  desiring  a  Confer- 
ence with  this  House,  upon  the  state  of  his 
Majesty's  Colonies  in  America, 
Managers  of  the  Conference  appointed,      - 
The  two  Houses  in  Conference, 


7, 


10, 


3, 
7, 


1569 
1569 


1569 
1569 
1570 


-  1570 

0 

-  1571 

1571 
1571 

1572 
1572 
1572 
1572 
1573 
1574 
1575 
1576 
1576 
1577 
1578 
1578 
1578 
1579 
1579 
1579 
1580 
1581 
1581 
1582 
1583 
1584 
1584 
1584 
1584 
1584 
1584 

1585 
1585 
1585 

1586 
1586 


1587 


1588 
1589 


1590 
1590 


1621 
1589 


1589 
1589 
1590 
1591 
1591 
1591 
1591 
1591 
1592 
1595 
1595 
1595 


cvii  CONTENTS. 

1775. 

Feb.  7,  Address  delivered  at  the  Conference,  reported  by 
the  Lord  President,    .        .        .        - 
Motion,  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  to  agree  to 
the  Address,       .        .        .        .        - 

Marquis  of  Rockingham's  motion  for  the  Previ^ 
ous  Question,     --.--• 
Debate — Marquis  of  Rockingham, 

Earl  of  Pomfret,        .... 

Earl  of  Denbigh,      .... 

Earl  Gower.  .... 

Lord  Mansfield,        .... 

Lord  Camden,  .... 

Duke  of  Grafton,      .... 

Lord  Mansfield,        .... 

Lord  Lyttelton,         .... 

Duke  of  Richmond, 

Lord  Mansfield,        .... 

Lord  Lyttelton,         .... 

Earl  of  Rochford,     .... 

Earl  of  Shelburne, 

Lord  Mansfield,        .... 

Earl  of  Shelburne, 

Duke  of  Richmond,  -         -         - 

Earl  of  Sandwich,     .... 

Duke  of  Richmond, 

Earl  of  Sandwich,     .... 

Bishop  of  Peterborough, 
Duke  of  Richmond,  ... 

Duke  of  Manchester,         ... 
Lord  Ljntelton,         .... 

Lord  Mansfield,        .... 

Lord  Camden,  .... 

Earl  of  Dartmouth,  ... 

Notice  of  the  Debate,  (Note,)  ... 

Previous  Question  put,  and  resolved  in  the  Af- 
firmative, ...... 

List  of  the  Minority,  (Note,)  ... 

Protest, 

The  Main  Question,  on  agreeing  to  the  Address 
put,  and  resolved  in  the  Affirmative, 

Protest, 

Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others, 
concerned  in  the  American  Commerce,  read, 
and  laid  on  the  table,  .... 

Petition  of  tlie  Planters  of  his  Majesty's  Sugar 
Colonies,  residing  in  Great  Britain,  and  of  the 
Merchants  of  London,  trading  to  the  said  Colo- 
nies, read,  and  laid  on  the  table. 
Statements  of  Imports  and  Exports,  ordered  to  be 
laid  before  the  House,  .... 

8,  The  Lords  informed  the  King  will  receive  the 
Joint  Address  of  the  two  Houses  to-morrow, 
at  his  Palace  of  St.  James,  -        .        . 

10,     The  King's  Answer  to  the  Address  presented 
yesterday,  ...... 

ON  ADDITIONAL  SUPPLIES  FOR  THE  YEAR  1775. 

House  of  Commons. 
FeA.  10,  Message  from  the  King,  requesting  additional 
Forces  by  Sea  and  Land,     .... 

13,  House  in  Committee,  to  consider  further  of  the 

Supply  granted  to  his  Majesty,     - 
Mr.  Buller's  motion,  that  an  additional  number, 
of  2,000  Men,  be  allowed  for  the  Sea  Service, 
for  the  year  1775,       •        .         .         .         1 

Debate — Lord  North, 

Governour  Johnstone,        ... 

Lord  North, 

Lord  John  Cavendish, 
Mr.  Cornwall,  .... 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,     .... 
Captain  Walsingham,        ... 
Mr.  Temple  Luttrell, 
Mr.  Sawbridge,         .... 
Mr.  Buller's  motion  agreed  to,  ... 

14,  House  in  Committee, 

Lord  Barrington's  motion,  to  augment  the  Land 

Forces  with  4,383  Men,  Officers  and  Non- 
Commission  Officers  included,      . 
After  Debate,  agreed  to,  ... 


1596 
1590 


ON  LORD  north's  RESOLUTION  FOR  RECONCILIATION. 

House  of  Commons. 

rd>.20,House  in  Committee,  on  American  Papers,        -  1597 

Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Resolution,      -'        .  I598 
Remarks  on  the  introduction  of  this  Resolution. 

(Note-) -  1598 


CVIU 

1775. 

Feb.2Q,  Debate— Lord  North, 1597 

Governour  Pownall,  ...  1600 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,  ....  1605 
Mr.  Jenkinson,  ....  1606 

Mr.  Welbore  Ellis,  -         .         .  1606 

JNIr.  Adam, 1606 

Mr.  Cornwall,  ....  1607 

Mr.  Ackland,  ....  1607 

Mr.  Dundas,  ....  1607 

Sir  Gilbert  Elliot,  ....  1607 
Colonel  Barre,  ....  1607 

Lord  North, 1608 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  -        .        -  1608 

Mr.  Dunning,  ....  1610 

Question  taken,  and  resolved  in  the  Affirmative,  1610 
To  be  reported  to  the  House  on  Friday  morning 

next, 1610 

Authentick  Speech  of  Lord  North,  on  introdu- 
cing the  Resolution,  (Note,)          ...  1599 
Circumstantial  account  of  the  Debates  in  the 
American  Committee,  on  Lord  North's  mo- 
tion, (Note,) 1600 

Lord   North's  explanation  of   his    Resolution, 

(Note,) 1602 

24,     Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole  deferred  to 

Monday  next,     ---...  1610 
27,    Resolution  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  re- 
ported to  the  House,  ....  I6II 
Lord  North's  motion  to  agree  to  the  Resolution,  1611 

Debate — Mr.  Scott, 1611 

Mr.  Ackland,  .         .         -         -  1611 

Mr.  Temple  Luttrell,  -  .  -  1613 
Sir  P.  J.  Clerke,  ....  1617 
Mr.  Hartley,  -         .         .         .1617 

Mr,  Thomas  Powys,         •        -        .1618 

Lord  North, 1619 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  .        .        -  1619 

Sir  Richard  Sutton,  -         .         .1619 

Mr.  Charles  Turner,  .         .         .  1619 

Mr.  Hans  Stanley,  ...  1619 

Mr.  Alderman  Sawbridge,  .        -  1619 

General  Burgoyne,  .         .         .1619 

Governour  Johnstone,        -         -         .   1622 
Question  taken,  and  Resolution  agreed  to,  -   1622 

ON    THE    BILL    FOR    RESTRAINING    THE    TRADE    OF    THE 
NORTHERN  COLONIES. 


House  of  Commons. 
fe J.  10,  House  in  Committee,  on  American  Papers, 

Lord  North's  motion,  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  Bill 
to  Restrain  the  Trade  of  the  Northern  Colo- 
nies,        --..... 

Debate — Lord  North, 

Mr.  Dunning,  .... 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow, 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderbum,    - 

Mr.  Speaker  Norton,        ... 

Governour  Johnstone, 

Mr.  T.  Townshend, 

Sir  George  Savile,  ... 

Sir  W.  Meredith,     .... 

Lord  John  Cavendish,        ... 

Lord  Beauchamp,     .... 

Mr,  Burke, 

Lord  North's  motion  agreed  to,        .        .        . 
Report  of  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
Leave  granted,  and  Committee  appointed,  to  bring 
in  a  Bill  to  Restrain  the  Trade  and  Commerce 
of  Massachusetts,  New- Hampshire,  Connecti- 
cut, and  Rhode-Island,  and  to  prohibit  such 
Colonies  from  carrying  on  any  Fisherj'  on 
the  Banks  of  Newfoundland,  or  other  places, 
therein  to  be  mentioned,       .... 
Statements  of  Duties  and  Excise  on  Imports  and 
Exports  of  West  India  Produce,  and  of  the 
Tonnage  of  all  Vessels  employed  in  the  Trade 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  order- 
ed to  be  laid  before  the  House,     ... 
Accounts  of  Exports  presented,         ... 
Consideration  of  the  Petition  of  Merchants,  and 
others,  of  London,  concerned  in  the  Commerce 
of  America,  postponed  to  the  8th  of  March, 
Statements  of  Exports  and  Imports,  ordered  to  be 
laid  before  the  House,  .... 

Petition  of  the  principal  Manufacturers  of  the 
Borough  of  Bridgeport,  in  the  County  of  Dor- 
set, on  behalf  of  themselves,  and  thousands  of 


1622 


1622 
1622 
1623 
1623 
1623 
1623 
1623 
1624 
1624 
1624 
1625 
1625 
1625 
1626 
1626 


13. 
15, 


1626 


1626 
1626 


1627 
1627 


CIX 


1775. 


CONTENTS. 


ex 


others,  Inhabitants  of  the  said  Borough,  and 
places  adjacent,  presented,  -         -         -  1 627 

JVi.  15,  Letter  from    Lord    Dunmore,  dated   December 

24,  1774,  presented  by  Lord  North,      -         -   1628 

Petition  of  the  Merchants  and  Master  Manufac- 
turers of  Woollen  Goods,  of  the  Towns  of 
Wakefield,  Halifax,  Bradford,  Huddersfield, 
and  Country  adjacent,  interested  in  the  Trade 
to  America,  presented,         ....  1628 

Accounts  of  Imports  and  Exports  of  Sugar  pre- 
sented,       1629 

17,  Address  to  the  King,  that  he  will  direct  to  be  laid 
before  the  House,  an  Act  of  Assembly  of  Vir- 
ginia, passed  in  the  year  1684,     ...  1629 

Bill  to  Restrain  the  Trade,  and  prohibit  the  Fish- 
eries of  the  Northern  Colonies,  presented  by 
Lord  North, 1629 

Second  reading  ordered  for  Thursday,       -         -  1629 

American  Papers  to  be  considered  in  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  on  Monday,  the  20th,     -         .1629 
20,     Accounts  of  Imports  and  Exports  presented,       .   1630 
22,     Petition  of  the  Merchants  of  Whitehaven,  in  the 

County  of  Cumberland,       ....   1630 

Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Linen  Drapers,  and 
principal  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  and  Neigh, 
bourhood  of  Belfast,  in  the  Kingdom  of  Ire. 
land,  presented,  .         .         .         -         -.1631 

Petition  of  the  Aldermen,  Sheriff,  principal 
Manufacturers,  and  Inhabitants  of  the  Town 
and  County  of  Nottingham,  presented,  -  1631 

"  Act  for  the  better  preservation  of  the  Peace  of 
Virginia,  and  preventing  Unlawful  and  Trea- 
sonable Associations,"  passed  by  the  Assem- 
bly of  Virginia,  on  the  16th  of  April,  1684, 
presented,  (Note,) 1632 

Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others, 
of  the  City  of  London,  interested  in  the  Ame- 
rican Commerce,  presented,  ...   i633 

Second  reading  of  the  Bill  postponed  until  to- 
morrow,   1634 

24,  Letter  from  General  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, dated  January  18,  presented  by  Lord 
North, 1634 

Other  Papers  from  America  presented,      -         -  1634 

Petition  of  the   Lord   Mayor,   Aldermen,   and 
Commons,  of  the  City  of  London,  in  Common  ' 
Council  convened,  presented  at  the  Bar  of  the 
House,  by  the  Sheriffs  of  the  City,        -        -  1635 

Bill  read  second  time,  and  committed  to  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  ....  1636 

Petition  of  Merchants,  of  London,  referred  to 
same  Committee,  and  may  be  heard  by  them- 
selves, their  Counsel,  or  Agents,  against  the 
Bill, 1636 

City  Petition  referred  to  the  same  Committee,    -  1637 
28,     Petition  of  the  People  called  duakers  presented,  1637 

Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  principal 
Inhabitants  of  the  Town  and  County  of  Poole, 
presented,  ......   i637 

House  in  Committee,  on  the  Bill,    ...  1638 

David  Barclay,  as  Agent  for  the  Committee  of 
the  North  American  Merchants,  called  in,  to 
examine  Witnesses  in  support  of  their  Peti- 
tion,          1638 

Examination  of  Brook  Watson,      ...  1638 

Examination  of  Stephen  Higginson,         -         -  1645 

Examination  of  John  Lane,     ....  1648 

Examination  of  Seth  Jenkins,  ...  1650 

March  Account  of  the  Imports  of  Tobacco  into  Scotland, 
I,  from  1760  to  1775,  presented,       .         .         -  1651 

Account  of  Imports  and  Exports  presented,  -   1651 

House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,      ...  i651 
6,      Bill  reported  to  the  House  from  the  Committee 

of  the  Whole,  1651 

Examination  of  Benjamin  Lister,  in  support  of 
the  Petition  from  Poole,       .         .         .         .1651 

Motion  made  for  the  engrossment  of  the  Bill,     -  1653 

Debate — Lord  Howe, 1653 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,  ....  1553 
Mr.  Jenkinson,  ...   1553 

Mr.  T.  Town.shpnd,  ...  1654 

Mr.  Henry  Dundas,  -         -         .  1654 

Lord  John  Cavendish,  ...  1554 
Mr.  Rice,  .  -  -  -  .  1654 
Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  .         -         -  1654 

Lord  Advocate  of  Scotland,  -         -  1656 

Question  taken,  and  resolved  in  the  Affirmative,  1657 

Third  reading  ordered  for  Wednesday  next,        -  1657 


1657 


1657 
1657 
1658 
1659 
1659 
1659 
1659 
1660 
1660 
1660 
1660 


1775. 

jWar.8,  Bill  read  the  third  time,  .... 

Amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Hartley,  to  permit 

the  Colonies  to  import  Fuel  and  Provisions 

brought  coastwise  from  any  part  of  America, 

Debate — Mr.  Hartley,  .... 

Lord  North,     ..... 

Mr.  Burke, 

Lord  Clare,  ..... 
Mr.  T.  Townshend, 
Mr.  Charles  Fox,  .... 
Governour  Pownall,  ... 
Mr.  Henry  Dundas,  ... 
Question  on  the  Amendment  taken,  and  rejected, 
Bill  VasseA, 

House  of  Lords. 

March  Bill  to  Restrain  the  Trade  of  the  Northern  Colo- 
9,  nies,  received  from  the  Commons,  .         .  1661 

10,     Second  reading  of  the  Bill  ordered  for  Wednesday 

the  I5th,  and  the  Lords  summoned,        .         .  1661 

15,  Petition  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Com- 

mons, of  the  City  of  London,  in  Common  Coun- 
cil assembled,     ......  1661 

Petition  of  the  Merchants,  Traders,  and  others,  of 
the  City  of  London,  interested  in  the  American 

Commerce, 1661 

Bill  read  the  second  time,  ....  1663 
House  refuse  to  permit  Mr.  Barclay  to  put  Ques- 
tions to  the  witnesses,  ....  1663 
Seth  Jenkins  examined,  ....  1663 
Brook  Watson  examined,  ....  1667 
Benjamin  Lyster  examined,  ....  1668 
George  Davis  examined,  ....  1669 
Molyneux  Shuldham  examined,  ...  1669 
Sir  Hugh  Palliser  examined,  -         .         .  1670 

16,  Motion  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  to  commit  the 

Bill, 1670 

Debate — Marquis  of  Rockingham,  -         .  1670 

Earl  of  Carlisle,  ....  1673 
Duke  of  Manchester,  -  .  .  1673 
Earl  of  Denbigh,  ....  1674 
Duke  of  Manchester,  ...  1674 
Earl  of  Denbigh,  ....  1674 
Viscount  Dudley,  .  -  .  .  1675 
Lord  Camden,  ....  1675 

Earl  of  Sandwich,  (see  Note,)  -  -1681 
Earl  of  Shelburne,  -         •         .  1683 

Earl  of  Suffolk,  -  •  .  .  .  1684 
Earl  of  Radnor,  ....  1684 
Earl  of  Suflblk,  ....  1684 
Earl  of  Radnor,  ....  1684 
Duke  of  Grafton,  ....  1685 
Marquis  of  Rockingham,  -        .  1686 

Lord  Camden,  ....  1686 

Question  taken ;  Bill  committed  to  a  Conamittee 
of  the  Whole  House,  ....  1687 

20,  Bill  reported,  amended,  and  ordered  for  a  third 

reading  to-morrow,      -         -         -         .         -1687 

21,  Bill  read  a  third  time, 1688 

Amendment  offered  by  the  Earl  of  Buckingham- 
shire,          1688 

Debate — Duke  of  Manchester,  ...  1688 
Lord  Chancellor,  ....  1688 
Duke  of  Manchester,  ...  1688 

Earl  of  Effingham,  -        .        .  1689 

Earl  of  Dartmouth,  -         .         .  1689 

Amendment  rejected,       .....  1689 

Bill  passed, 1689 

List  of  the  Minority, 1689 

Protest, 1689 

"  An  Act  to  Restrain  the  Trade  and  Commerce  of 
the  Provinces  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  New- 
Hampshire,  and  Colom'es  of  Connecticut  and 
Rhode-Island,  and  Providence  Plantation,  in 
North  America,  to  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and 
the  British  Islands  in  the  West  Indies;  and 
to  prohibit  such  Provinces  and  Colonies  from 
carrying  on  any  Fishery  on  the  Banks  of  New- 
foundland, or  other  places  therein  mentioned, 
under  certain  conditions  and  limitations,"        -  1691 


ON  THE  BILL  TO 


RESTRAIN  THE  TRADE  OF 
COLONIES. 


THE   SOUTHERN 


House  of  Commons. 
Mar.  3,  American  Papers  presented  by  Lord  North,      -  1697 
Letter  from  Governour  Franklin  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  dated  February  1,      -        -        .  1697 


cxt 

1775.  i_      -r*       1     f  T^k- 

Mar.d,  Letter  from  Govemour  Ponn  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, datedJanuary  30,  ■  "  "  T 
Petition  of  iho  Merchants,  Linen  Drapers,  and 
principal  Inhabitants,  of  the  City  of  Waterford, 
in  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland,  presented, 
8,  Letter  from  Govemour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, dated  January  27,  presented  by  Lord 

North, ■ 

Mr.  Hartley's  motion  for  an  Address  to  the  King, 
requesting  him  to  direct  a  copy  of  a  Letter 
from  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth  to  Lieutenant  Gov- 
emour Golden,  dated  December  lOth,  may  be 
laid  before  the  House,  .        .        .        - 

Debate — Mr.  Hartley,  .         .         -         - 

Mr.  Rigby, 

Mr.  T.  Townshend, 

Lord  North, 

Mr.  Fox, 

Mr.  Hartley's  motion  rejected,  .        .        - 

House  in  Committee  on  the  American  Papers, 


CONTENTS. 


CXII 


13, 
15. 


16, 
17. 


20, 


23. 

27, 
29. 
30, 


1698 


1698 


1698 


1699 
1699 
1699 
1699 
1699 
1699 
1699 
1700 
1700 


9,      Accounts  of  Exports  and  Imports  presented, 

Petition  of  Gentlemen,  Merchants,  and  Traders, 

in  the  Woollen  Manufactory  at  or  near  Hud- 

dersfield,  in  the  West  Riding  of  the  County  of 

York,  presented,         -         -         -         *,    ," 

Petition  of  the  Manufacturing  Hosiers  of  the 

Town  and  County  of  Nottingham,  presented,  1700 
Permission  granted  to  the  Petitioners  to  be  heard 

before  the  Committee  if  they  think  fit, 

House  in  Committee  on  the  American  Papers,     - 

Motion  by  Lord  North,  for  leave  to  bring  in  a 

Bill  to  Restrain  the  Trade  of   New-Jersey, 

Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South 

Carolina,  ..---- 

Debate — Lord  John  Cavendish,        .        .        • 

Sir  William  Mayne,  .        .        - 

Mr.  Hartley,  .... 

Lord  North, 

Question  taken ;  motion  agreed  to  by  the  Com- 
mittee,      ------- 

Reported  to  the  House,  -        -        -        - 

Leave  granted,  and  Committee  appointed  to  bring 

in  the  Bill, - 

Bill  presented  by  Mr.  Cooper,  and  read  first  time,  1702 

Second  reading  ordered  for  Thursday,       -        -  1702 

Accounts  of  Duties,  Di'awbacks,  and  Imposts, 

presented,  ------ 

Petition  of  the  Clothiers  and  other  principal  In- 
habitants of  Trowbridge,  in  the  County  of 
Wilts,  presented,         -        -        -        -        - 

Second  reading  of  the  Bill  postponed  until  to- 
morrow, -        -        -        - 

Bill  read  second  time,  and  committed  to  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole  House,  -        -        - 
House  in  Committee  go  through  with  the  Bill, 
Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  to  be  re- 
ceived on  the  23d,       ----- 

Report  postponed  to  the  27th,  ... 

Report  further  postponed  to  the  29th, 
Report  to  be  received  to-morrow,      -         -         - 
Bill  reported  from  the  Committee  of  the  AVhole, 
Debate — Mr.  John  Luttrell,    -        -        -        - 

Mr.  Temple  Luttrell,        .        .        - 

Lord  North, 

Amendment,  relating  to  Delaware,  proposed  by 

Lord  North,  and  agreed  to,  -         -         - 

Bill  ordered  to  be  read  a  third  time  on  the  3d  of 

April, 

Papers  presented  by  Lord  North,     -         -         - 
Letter  from  Govemour  Gage  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, dated  February  17,  -         -         - 
Letter  from   Govemour   Gage  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  dated  February  20, 
Apr.  3,  Third  reading  of  the  Bill  postponed, 

Estimate  of  the  charge  of  maintaining  and  sup- 
porting the  Civil  Establishment  of  his  Majes- 
ty's Colony  of  Nova-Scotia,  for  the  year  1775, 
Estimate  of  the  Civil  Establishment  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Colony  of  Georgia,  and  the  Incidental 
Expenses  attending  the  same,  from  the  24th  of 
June,  1774,  to  the  24th  of  June,  1775, 
Estimate  of  the  Civil  Establishment  of  East 
Florida,  and  other  Incidental  Expenses  attend- 
ing the  same,  from  June  24,  1774.  to  June  24. 

1775. 

Estimate  of  the  Expenses  attending  General  Sur- 
veys of  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  North 
America,  for  the  year  1775,         ...  1712 


-  1700 


1701 
1701 


1701 
1701 
1701 
1702 
1702 

1702 
1702 


-  1702 


1702 


1703 

1703 

1704 
1704 


1704 
1704 
1704 
1704 
1704 
1705 
1706 
1708 


-  1708 


1708 
1708 

1708 

1709 
1709 


1710 


1710 


1711 


1775.  ,      ,    . 

Apr.  5.  Bill  read  the  third  time, 

Motion  made  that  the  Bill  do  Pass,  - 
Debate — Mr.  Hartley, 
Lord  North, 
Sir  William  Mayne, 
Mr.  Rigby, 
Marquis  of  Granby, 
Lord  North,    - 
Mr.  Alderman  Sawbridge, 
Mr.  Alderman  Bull. 
Sir  John  Duntze. 
General  Conway.     - 
Mr.  Rigby,      ... 
Mr.  T.  Townshend, 
Question  taken ;  the  Bill  passed. 
House  of  Lords. 
Apr.  6,  Bill  to  Restrain  the  Trade  of  New- Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania, Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South  Ca- 
rolina, received  from  the  Commons, 

Read  the  first  time, 

7,     Bill  read  the  second  time,         -         -         -         - 
10,     House  in  Committee,  go  through  with  the  Bill, 

Third  reading  ordered  for  the  12th, 
12,     Bill  read  the  third  time  and  passed. 

Lords  dissenting, 

"  An  Act  to  Restrain  the  Trade  and  Commerce 
of  the  Colonies  of  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  and  South  Carolina,  to 
Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  British  Islands 
in  the  West  Indies,  under  certain  conditions 
and  limitations,"         .  .         .         .         - 


1712 
1712 
1712 
1712 
1712 
1713 
1713 
1714 
1714 
1714 
1715 
1715 
1715 
1715 
1716 


1716 
1716 
1716 
1716 
1716 
1716 
1716 


1716 


ON  THE  PETITION  OF  THE  WEST  INDIA  PLANTERS 

House  of  Commons. 
MaT.8,  House  to  go  into  Committee  on  the  Petitions,  on 
the  15th, - 

15,  Witnesses  directed  to  attend  the  Committee  of  the 

Whole,  

House  in  Committee  on  the  Petitions, 

16,  House  in  Committee,       .         .         .         -         - 
Mr.  Glover  appeared  as  Agent  of  the  West  In- 
dia Planters,  and  Manager  of  the  Evidence  in 
support  of  their  Petition,  which  was  presented 
on  the  2d  of  February,         .         .         -         - 

Mr.  Glover's  Address  to  the  Committee, 
George  Walker  examined,       -         -         -         - 
John  Ellis  examined,      -         -         .         .         - 
Evidence  summed  up  by  Mr.  Glover, 
Petition  and  Memorial  of  the  Assembly  of  Ja- 
maica, to  the  King  in  Coimcil,  dated  Decem- 
ber 28,  1774,  presented  by  Lord  North, 
20,     House  again  in  Committee  on  the  Petitions, 

Witnesses  examined  on  the  Petitions  from  Not- 


1721 

1721 
1721 
1721 


1721 

1721 
1722 
1731 
1733 


1743 
1743 


27, 


tingham,  ---..-  1743 

Debate  on  the  objection  made  by  Mr.  Van,  to  a 

question  put  to  one  of  the  witnesses,  by  Mr. 

Burke, 

Remarks  of  Mr.  Bailey  on  the  conduct  of  Lord 

North,  in  relation  to  the  Petitioners, 
Petitions  to  be  further  considered  on  the  27th,     - 
Consideration  postponed  for  one  week,  when  the 

subject  dropped,  -         .         .         .         . 


1743 

1744 
1744 

1745 


ON  MR.  BURKe's  RESOLUTIONS  FOR  CONCILIATION. 

House  of  Commons. 
March  Mr.  Burke's  Resolutions  for  Conciliatioij  with 

22,          America,            ...---  1745 

Debate— Mr.  Burke, 1745 

Mr.  Jenkinson,          ....  1776 

Lord  Frederick  Campbell,          -         -  1777 

Question  taken,  and  the  Resolutions  rejected,  1778 

ON  MR.  hartley's  PROPOSITIONS  FOR  CONCILIATION. 

House  of  Commons. 
March  Mr,  Hartley's  Propositions  for  Conciliation  with 

27.        the  Colonies, 1781 

Debate— Mr.  Hartley,            -        -        -        -  1781 

Sir  Cecil  Wray,       -        -        -        -  1791 

Lord  North, 1791 

Sir  Cecil  Wray,        -         -         -         -  1792 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,           -         -         -  1792 

Lord  William  Campbell,            -         -  1792 

Mr.  Lyttelton,           ....  1792 

Sir  George  Savile,             ...  1792 

Mr.  Vyner, 1792 

Mr.  Tuffiiell,            ....  1792 

Mr.  Hartley's  Propositions  rejected,          -        -  1793 


CXIII 


CONTENTS. 


CXIV 


1775. 


ON  THE  AMERICAN  MUTINY  BILL. 


House  of  Commons. 

March  Leave  granted  to  bring  in  a  Bill  to  render  more 
24,         effectual  in  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  Ame- 
rica, the  Act  for  punishing  Mutiny  and  Deser- 
tion, ....... 

27,  The  Bill  presented  by  Lord  Barrington, 

28,  Bill  read  the  second  time,         .         -         .         . 

30,  Considered  in  Committee  of  the  Whole, 

31,  Ordered  to  be  engrossed,  .         .         .         . 
Apr.  5,  Read  the  third  time  and  passed,         ... 

House  of  Lords. 
Apr.G,  Bill  to  render  more  effectual  in  his  Majesty's  Do- 
minions in  America,  the  Act  for  the  punishment 
of  Mutiny  and  Desertion,  received  from  the 
Commons,  ...... 

7,     Bill  read  the  second  time,         -         .         .         . 

10,  House  in  Committee  on  the  Bill,     -         .         . 

11,  Read  the  third  time  and  passed,         .         .         . 
"An  Act  to  amend,  and  render  more  effectual  in 

his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  America,  an  Act, 
passed  in  the  present  Session  of  Parliament, 
entitled,  '  An  Act  for  punishing  Mutiny  and 
Desertion,  and  for  the  better  Payment  of  the 
Army  and  their  Quarters,'  and  for  extending 
the  provisions  of  the  said  Act  to  his  Majesty's 
Marine  Forces  in  America," 


1793 
1793 
1793 
1793 
1794 
1794 


1794 
1794 
1794 
1795 


.  1795 


ON  THE  BRITISH  FISHERY  BILL. 


House  of  Commons. 

April    Motion  of  Lord  North  to  consider  of  the  Enconr- 
1 1,        agement  proper  to  be  given  to  the  Fisheries  of 

Great  Britain  and  Ireland,    ....  1805 

Debate— Lord  North, 1805 

Mr.  Burke, 1806 

Mr.  Thomas  To\vnshend,  -         -  1806 

Mr.  Connolly,  -         -         -         -  1807 

Mr.  Burke, 1807 

Lord  North, 1807 

Motion  agreed  to, 1807 

27,  House  in  Committee  on  Lord  North's  motion,     .  1807 
Lord  North's  Explanations,     ....  1807 

28,  Resolutions  reported  by  Committee  of  the  Whole, 

for  the  Encouragement  of  the  Fisheries  carried 
on  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  agreed  to,    1809 
Committee  to  prepare  the  Bill,  -         -         -   1811 

JWay4,  Bill  presented  by  Mr.  Jenkinson,     -         .         .  1811 
9,     Read  the  second  time,  .         -         .         .1811 

11,     Considered  in  Committee,        -         .         .         -1811 
17,     Read  the  third  time  and  passed,        .         -         -   1812 
House  of  Lords. 
3fayl8,Bill  for  the  Encouragement  of  British  Fisheries 

received  from  the  Commons,  -  .  .1812 
19,  Read  the  second  time,  .  -  -  .  .1812 
22,     Considered  in  Committee,  and  read  the  third  time 

and  passed,         .         .         .         -         .         .1812 

ON  PROVIDING  WAYS  AND  MEANS  FOR   1775. 

House  of  Commons. 
May  3,  House  in  Committee  to  consider  further  of  the 
Ways  and  Means  for  raising  the  Supply  grant- 
ed to  his  Majesty,       .         -         .         .         .   1811 
Resolutions  offered  by  Lord  North,  -         .1815 

Debate — Lord  North, 1813 

Mr.  Hartley,  ....  1815 

Mr.  Vyner, 1815 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,  -         .         .1815 

Lord  North, 1815 

Governour  Johnstone,        .         -         -  1816 
4,      Resolutions  reported  from  the  Committee  of  the 

Whole, 1816 

Agreed  to  by  the  House,  -         -         -         -  1818 


ON  THE  REMONSTRANCE  OF  THE  NEW.YORK  ASSEMBLY. 

House  of  Commons. 

May\5,  Representation  and  Remonstrance  of  the  Assem. 

bly  of  New- York,  offered  by  Mr.  Burke,      -  1819 

Mr.  Burke's  motion,  that  the  Representation  and 
Remonstrance  be  brought  up,        -         .         .  1819 

Motion  by  Lord  North  to  amend  by  inserting,  in 
Mr.  Burke's  motion,  after  the  word  Remon- 
strance, the  words  "  in  which  the  said  Assem- 

FouRTH  Series. 


1775. 


bly  claim  to  themselves  rights  derogatory  to, 
and  inconsistent  with,  the  Legislative  authority 

of  Parliament," 1819 

Debate— Mr.  Burke, 1€19 

Lord  North,    -        ....        -  1819 

Mr.  Cruger, 1820 

Mr.  Cornwall,           ....  1821 
Mr.  Jcnkinson,          .         .         .         .1821 

Mr,  Aubrey, 1821 

Mr.  Fox, 1822 

Governour  Johnstone,        ...  1822 

Lord  North's  motion  to  amend  agreed  to,           -  1822 

Mr.  Burke's  motion,  as  amended,  rejected,          -  1822 


ON  THE  PETITIONS  FROM  QCEBECK. 

House  of  Lords. 

itfay  17, Petition  of  his  Majesty's  loyal  and  dutiful  Sub- 
jects, settled  in  the  Province  of  duebeck,  pre- 
sented by  Lord  Camden,     -         -         .         .  1823 

Debate — Earl  Gower,             ....  1823 

Lord  Camden,           ....  1823 

Bill  offered  by  Lord  Camden,  to   Repeal  the 

Q,uebeck  Act, 1826 

Motion  by  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  that  the  Bill 

be  now  rejected, 1826 

Debate— Earl  of  Dartmouth,  .        -        .1826 

Duke  of  Richmond,  .         .         .1827 

Lord  Lyttelton,         -         -         -         -  1827 

Duke  of  Manchester,        -        -        -  1829 

Earl  of  Rochford,     ....  1829 

Earl  of  Bristol,         -         -         -         -  1829 

Lord  Lyttelton,          -         -         -         -  1830 

Earl  of  Sandwich,             -         -         -  1831 

Earl  of  Bristol,         -         .         .         .  1831 

Earl  of  Sandwich,             -         -         -  1831 

Archbishop  of  Canterbury,        -        -  1831 

Earl  of  Shelburne,             -         -         -  1831 

Lord  Mansfield,        -         .         .         -  1834 

Lord  Camden,           -         -         .         -  1834 

Question  taken,  and  the  Bill  rejected,        -        -  1834 

List  of  the  Minority, 1834 

House  of  Communis. 

MaylS,  Petition  and  Memorial  of  his  Majesty's  ancient 

Subjects,  Seigneurs,  Freeholders,  Merchants, 

Traders,  and  others,  settled  in  his  Majesty's 

Province  of  Quebeck,  presented,           -         -  1833 

Sir  George  Savile's  motion  for  leave  to  bring  in 

a  Bill  to  repeal  the  Quebeck  Act,          -         -  1836 

Debate — Sir  George  Savile,              ...  1835 

Mr.  T.  Townshend,           -        .        -  1836 

Mr.  De  Grey,           ....  1836 

Mr.  Howard,            -        .        .        -  1836 

Lord  North, 1836 

Mr.  Fox, 1837 

Sir  Robert  Smythe,  .        -        -        .1837 

Colonel  Barr^,          ....  1838 

Sir  W.  Meredith,     ....  1838 

Colonel  Barre,          ....  1838 
Question  taken,  and  Sir  George  Savile's  motion 

rejected, 1838 

ON  THE  MEMORIAL  OF  THE  NEW.YORK  ASSEMBLY. 

House  of  Lords. 

MaylS,  Memorial  of  his  Majesty's  faithful  Subjects  and 
Representatives  of  the  Colony  of  New- York, 
in  General  Assembly  convened,  presented,     -  1837 
Motion  by  the  Duke  of  Manchester,  that  the 

Memorial  might  be  read  by  the  Clerk,  -  1837 

Debate — Earl  of  Dartmouth,  -         -         -  1837 

Duke  of  Manchester,        -        -        -  1838 

Earl  of  Buckinghamshire  -        -  1838 

Earl  of  Denbigh,     -        -        -        -  1839 

Earl  Gower,  ....  1839 

Duke  of  Manchester,         -         -        -  1839 

Earl  of  Hillsborough,       -         -         -  1839 

Duke  of  Richmond,  ...  1839 

Earl  of  Sandwich,  ...  1839 

Motion  by  the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  to  amend  the 

Duke  of  Manchester's  motion,  by  inserting 

after  the  word  Memorial,  the  words,  "  the  con. 

tents  thereof,  not  having  been  opened,"  -  1839 

Debate — Duke  of  Richmond,  .        -        -  1839 

Earl  Gower,  -        -         -        -  1839 

Lord  Camden,  ....  1839 

Earl  of  Effingham,  -        -        -  1840 


CXY 


1775. 


Amendment  proposed  by  the  Earl  of  Sandwich, 
rejected,  ......  1842 

Question  taken  on  the  Duke  of  Manchester's 
motion,  and  the  House  refused  to  permit  the 
Memorial  to  be  read,  ....  1842 

3fay26,  Speaker's  Speech  to  the  Xing',        -         -         -  1841 
King's  Speech  to  both  Houses,         ...  1842 
Parliament  prorogued  to  the  27th  day  of  July 
ne.Tt,         - 1844 


1774. 


PETITIONS  TO  THE  KING. 


Jan.  10,  The  most  humble  Petition  of  his  Majesty's  an^ 
cicnt  and  loyal  Subjects,  Freeholders,  Mer 
chants,  and  Planters,  in  the  Province  of  Que 
beck,  in  North  America  to  the  King,     - 
15,      Memorial  of  the  Freeholders,  Merchants,  Plan- 
ters, and  others,  his  Majt'stj^'s  ancient  and 
loyal  Subjects,  now  in  the  Province  of  Quc- 
beck,  to  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  one  of  his  Majesty's  principal  Se- 
cretaries of  State,        -         -         -         -        - 

March  Letter  from  Francis  Maseres  to  the  Committee 
19,  of  the  Petitioners  for  an   Assembly  in   the 

Province  of  Qucbeck.  Has  presented  the 
Petition  and  Memorial.  Ministers  believe  the 
Province  is  not  yet  ripe  for  an  Assembly,  and 
prefer  for  the  present  a  Legislative  Council, 
nominated  by  the  King.  Advises  them  to 
declare  that  the  British  Parliament  has  su- 
preme authority  over  the  Province,  both  of 


-  1843 


1844 


1774. 


Feb. 


CONTENTS.  cxvi 

Legislation  and  Taxation,  and  that  such  au- 
thority shall  continue  after  the  Establishment 
of  an  Assembly,         -         -         -         -         -  1845 

Petition  of  divers  Roman  Catholick  Inhabitants 
of  the  Province  of  Qucbeck,  signed  and  trans- 
mitted to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  his  Majes- 
ty's Secretary  of  State  for  America,       -         -  1846 

Memorial  in  support  of  the  requests  made  by  his 
Majesty's  most  obedient  and  most  faithful  new 
Subjects  in  Canada, 1843 

Petition  of  his  Majesty's  most  loyal  and  dutiful, 
his  ancient  Subjects,  settled  in  the  Province  of 
Qucbeck, 1849 

Humble  Address  and  Petition  of  the  Merchants, 
Traders,  and  others,  of  the  City  of  London, 
concerned  in  the  Commerce  of  North  America,  1850 

Address  and  Petition  of  the  People  called  Qua- 
kers, to  George  the  Third,  King  of  C4reat 
Britain,  and  the  Dominions  thereunto  belong- 
ing, -         -         -         -         -         -         -  1852 

Humble  Address,  Remonstrance,  and  Petition  of 
the  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Livery,  of  the 
City  oi  London,  in  Common-Hall,  assembled,  1853 

The  King's  Answer,  delivered  to  the  Lord 
Mayor,  by  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  Lord  Cham- 
berlain,     -         -  .      -         -         -         «         -  1854 

Letter  from  the  Lord  Chamberlain,  to  the  Lord 

Mayor  of  London, 1854 

May  2,  Mr.  Wilkes's,  the  Lord  Mayor's  Answer,  to  the 
Letter  from  Lord  Hertford,  the  Lord  Cham- 
berlain,             ■        .  1854 


Nov. 
12, 

1775. 
March 
23, 


April 
10, 


11, 


List  of  the  Delegates  appointed  by  the  several  Counties  of  the  Province  of  jMaryland,   to  the  Convention  which 
met  at  Annapolis,  by  Adjournment,   on   the    Eighth  day  of  Dece.hber,   1774,  and  continued 
till  the  Twelfth  day  of  the  same  month.     (See  page  1031.) 


For  St.  Mary's  County. — John  Allen  Thomas,  Jeremiah 
Jordan,  Richard  Barnes,  John  De  Butts. 

For  Charles  County. — John  Dent,  Daniel  Jenifer,  Thomas 
Stone. 

.For  Calvert  County. — John  Weeras,  Alexander  Sonier- 
ville,  Richard  Parran,  Edward  Reynolds,  Benjamin 
Mackall_,  4th. 

For  Frince  George's  County. — William  Bowie,  Robert 
Tyler,  Edward  Sprigg,  John  Rodgers,  David  Crauford, 
Joshua  Beall,  Osborn  Sprigg,  Walter  Bowie. 

For  Frederick  County. — Charles  Beatty,  Jacob  Funk, 
Henry  Griffith,  Thomas  Price,  Richard  Brooke,  Jo- 
seph Chapline,  Upton  Sheredine,  Thomas  Sprigg  Woot- 
len. 

For  Anne  Arundel  County,  and  City  of  Annapolis. — John 
Hall,  Thomas  Johnson,  Samuel  Chase,  William  Paca, 
Matthias  Hammond,  Charles  Carroll,  Barrister,  Charles 
Carroll  of  Carrolllon,  Brice  T.  B.  Worthington,  Tho- 
mas Dorsey,  John  Weems. 

For  Baltimore  County. — John  Moale,  Thomas  Cockey 


Deye,  Walter  Tiiliey,  Benjamin    Nicholson,    William 

Buchanan,  John  Boyd,  Samuel  Worthington,  Charles 

Ridgely. 
For  Harford  County. — Thomas  Bond,  John  Love,  Josias 

Carvile  Hall,  John  Paca,  Aquila  Paca,  Francis  Holland, 

Aquila  Hall,  Amos  Garret,  Richard  Dallam. 
For  Cecil  County. — John  Veazy,  Joseph  Gilpin. 
For  Kent  County. — Thomas  Ringgold,  Joseph  Earle. 
For  (^ueeji  Anne  County. — James  Hollyday,  John  Brown, 

Thomas  Wright,  Turburt  Wright. 
For  Caroline  County. — Hemy  Dickenson,  Benedict  Brice, 

William  Mellefon,  Joshua  Clarke. 
For  Dorchester  County. — John  Dickenson,  Thomas  En- 

nalls,  Matthew  Brown,  Josiali  Richardson,  Zachariah 

Campbell. 
For  Somerset  County. — Peter  Waters,  George  Dashiell, 

Samuel  Wilson,  Josiah  Polk,  Henry  Waggaman,  John 

Winder,  Luther  Martin. 
For  fVorccster  County. — Peter  Chaille,  William  Purnel], 

Samuel  Handy,  Smith  Bishop,  Nehemiah  Holland. 


DOCUMENTARY  HISTORY,  &c. 


PROCEEDINGS,  PAPERS,  AXD  DEBATES  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  LORDS  AND  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS,  ON  MEASURES 

RELATING  TO  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES,  DURING  THE  SEVENTH  SESSION  OF  THE 

THIRTEENTH  PARLIAMENT  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN. 


I.     THE  KING'S  MESSAGE,  OF  SEVENTH  MARCH,  1774. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 
Friday,  March  4th,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth  acquainted  the  House  "  That 
"  his  Majesty  had  given  directions,  that  the  several  Papers 
"  received  from  America,  relating  to  the  Disturbances  there, 
"  with  regard  to  the  importation  of  Tea,  should  be  laid 
"  before  the  House ;  and  that  the  same  will  be  delivered 
"  on  Monday  next." 

Monday,  March  1th,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth  acquainted  the  House,  "  That 
"  he  had  a  Message  from  his  Majesty,  under  his  Royal  sign 
*'  manual,  which  his  Majesty  had  commanded  him  to  deli- 
*'  ver  to  this  House." 

And  the  same  was  read  by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  is 
as  follows ;  (videlicet,) 

George  R. 

His  Majesty  upon  information  of  the  unwarrantable 
practices  which  have  been  lately  concerted  and  earned  on 
in  North  America,  and,  particularly,  of  the  violent  and 
outrageous  proceedings  at  the  Town  and  Port  of  Boston, 
in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  a  view  to  ob- 
structing the  Commerce  of  this  Kingdom,  and  upon  grounds 
and  pretences  immediately  subversive  of  the  Constitution 
thereof,  hath  thought  fit  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before  his 
two  Houses  of  Parliament,  fully  confiding,  as  well  in  their 
zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  his  Majesty's  authority,  as  in 
their  attachment  to  the  common  interest  and  welfare  of  all 
bis  Dominions,  that  they  will  not  only  enable  his  Majesty 
effectually  to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  most  likely  to 
put  an  immediate  stop  to  the  present  disorders,  but  will  also 
take  into  their  most  serious  consideration,  what  farther  regu- 
lations and  permanent  provisions  may  be  necessary  to  be 
established  for  better  securing  the  execution  of  the  Laws, 
and  the  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  Crown 
and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  G.  R. 

The  said  Message  was  then  read  again  by  the  Clerk. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  (by  his  Majesty's  command,) 
laid  before  the  House  copies  of  all  Letters,  &;c.,  received 
from  America,  relating  to  the  Disturbances  there  w  ith  regard 
to  the  importation  of  Tea,  together  with  a  list  thereof; 
which  was  read  by  the  Clerk,  as  follows; 

Massachusetts  Bay. 

No.  1.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  4th  November, 
1773,  received  17lh  December,  enclosing. 

No.   2.  Copy  of  a   Letter  to  Thomas  and   Elisha 
Hutchinson,  delivered  at  their  house   in   Boston, 
2d  hovember,  1773. 
No.  3.  Copy  of  a  printed  Paper,  posted  up  in  the 

Town  of  Boston,  on  the  3d  November,  1773. 
No.  4.  Copy  of  a  Narrative. 
No.  5.  Copy  of  a  Narrative. 
No.  6.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Milton,  near  Boston,  6th 
November,  1773;  received  '25th  December,  enclosing. 


No.  7.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Richard  Clarke 
and  Company,  and  Benjamin  Faneuil  and  Compa- 
ny, to  John  Hancock,  Esquire,  dated  4th  Novem- 
ber, 1773. 
No.  8.  Copy  of  a  Vote  of  the  Town  Meeting  at 

Boston,  the  5th  November,  1773. 
No.  9.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Thomas  Hutchinson, 
Junior,  to  John  Hancock,  Esquire ;  (no  date.) 
No.  10.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Govemovix Hutchinson 
•to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth ,  dated  Boston,  15th  November, 
1773  ;  received  3d  January,  1774. 

No.  1 1 .  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  2d  of  December, 
1773  ;  received  27th  January,  1774,  enclosing. 

No.  12.  Copy  of  a  Petition  of  Richard  Clarke  and 
Sons,  Benjamin  Fancuil,  and  Thomas  and  Elisha 
Hutchinson ;  and  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Coun- 
cil thereupon. 
No.  13.  Extract  from  the  Massachusetts  Gazette,  of 

the  26th  November,  1773. 
No.  14.  Copy  of  a  Paper  printed  at  Boston,  dated 
1st  December,  1773. 
No.  15.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  15th  December, 
1773;  received  2d  February,  1774. 

No.  16.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  17th  December, 
1773 ;  received  27th  January,  1774. 

No.  17.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  20th  December, 
1773;  received  14th  February,  1774. 

No.  18.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Govemom  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  24th  December, 
1773  ;  received  14th  February,  1774,  enclosing. 

No.   19.  Extract  of  the  Minutes  of  the  Council  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  on  the  21st  December,  1773. 
No.  20.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Hutcfnnson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  4th  January, 
1774 ;  received  13th  February. 

New-  York. 

No.  21.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Major  General  Haldi- 
mand  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  3d  of 
November,  1773 ;  received  10th  December. 

No.  22.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Major  General  Haldi- 
mand  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  2Sth 
December,  1773  ;  received  4tli  February,  1774. 

No.  23.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Major  General  Haldi- 
mand  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  5th 
January,  1774  ;  received  5th  February. 

No.  24.  Copy  of  a  Paper  referred  to  in  Major  General 
Haldimand's  Letter  of  the  5th  January,  1774. 

No.  25.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Major  General  Haldi- 
mand  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  2d  February,  1774  ; 
received  2d  March. 

No.  26.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Govemour  Tryon  to  the 
Earl  oi Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  3d  November,  1773; 
received  10th  December,  enclosing. 

No.  27.  Copy  of  a  printed  Paper,  intituled,  "  The 
Alarm,No.l,"  dated  New-  York,  6thOctober,llT3. 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


8 


The 


Copy  of  a  printed  Paper,  intituled,  "  Thi 
n,  So.  2,"  dated  New-York,  9th  o(  October 


No.  28. 
Alarm, 
1773. 
No.  29.  Extract  from  a  printed  Paper,  intituled, "  Tne 
Alarm,"  dated  New  York,  19th  October,  1773. 
No.  30.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Tryon  to  the 
Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Netv-  York,  1st  December,  1773 ; 
received  10th  Jarniary,  1774,  enclosing. 

No.  31.  Memorial  of  the  Agents  of  the  East  India 
Company,  praying  that  the  Tea  shipped  by  the 
Company,  may,  on  its  arrival,  be  taken  under  the 
protection  of  Government. 
No.  32.  Minutes  of  Council  relative  to  the  Tea  ship- 
ped by  the  East  India  Company. 
No.  33.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Tryon  to  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  3d  January,  1774; 
received  otli  February,  1774. 

No.  34.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Tryon  to  the 
Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  New-York,  5th  January,  1774 ; 
received  5th  February,  enclosing, 

No.  35.  Extract  from  the  Minutes  of  the  Council  of 
New-York. 

South  Carolina. 

No.  36.  Extract  of  ;t  Letter  from  Lieutenant  Governour 
Bull  to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  24th  December,  1773 ; 
received  28th  January,  1774. 

Neio-Hampshire. 

No.  37.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  GovemoysiWcntworth, 
to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated   New-Hampshire,  17th 
December,  1773;  received  2d  March,  1774,  enclosing. 
No.  38.  Notification  of  the  Selectmen  of  the  Town 

of  Portsmouth. 
No.  39.  Resolves  of  Portsmouth,  in  New-Hampshire, 
respecting  the  Teas. 

Admiralty. 

No.  40.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Lords  Commissioners 
of  the  Admiralty  to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  the  20th 
January,  1774;  received  the  21st,  enclosing. 

No.  41.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Rear  Admiral  Mon- 
tagu to  Philip  Stephens,  Esqr.,  Secretary  of  the 
Admiralty,  dated  Boston,  8th  December,  1773. 
No.  42.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Lords  Commissioners 
of  the  Admiralty  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  27th 
January,  1774  ;  received  the  same  day,  enclosing. 

No.  43.  A  copy  of  a  Letter  from  Rear  Admiral 
Montagu  to  Philip  Stephens,  Esqr.,  Secretary  of 
the  Admiralty,  dated  Boston,  17th  December,  1773. 

War  Office. 

No.  44.  Copy  of  a  I^etter  from  Lord  Viscount  Barrington 
to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  War  OfEce,  28th  January, 
1774  ;  received  29tli,  enclosing. 

No.  45.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Honourable  Alex- 
ander Leslie,  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the   Sixty- 
Fourth  Regiment  of  Foot,  to  Lord  Viscount  Bar- 
rington, dated  Castle  William,  December  6,  1773. 
No.  46.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Ditto  to  Ditto,  dated 
17th  December,  1773. 

£aj<  India  Company. 

No.  47.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  20th  De- 
cember, 1773  ;  received  21st,  enclosing, 

No.  48.  Account  of  Tea  exported  by  the  East  India 
Company  to  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  North  Ame- 
rica, with  the  quantities,  and  to  whom  consigned. 
No.  49.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  23d  De- 
cember, 1773  ;  received  25th,  enclosing. 

No.  50.  Extract  of  a  Letter  dated  Boston,  18th  Oc- 
tober, 1773. 
No.  51.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  New- York,  dated 

5th  November,  1773. 
No.  52.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  New-  York,  dated 

5lh  November,  1773. 
No.  53.  Cony  of  a  Letter  relative  to  advices  received 
from  Philadelphia  and  New-York,  dated  21st  De- 
cember, 177.3. 


No.  54.  Copy  of  a  Letter  relative  to  advices  received 

from  Philadelphia,  dated  21st  December,  1773. 
No.  55.  Copy  of  a  Letter  relative  to  the  exportation 

of  Tea  to  Boston,  dated  21st  December,  1773. 
No.  56.  Copy  of  a  Letter  relative  to  the  exportation 

of  Tea  to  South  Carolina. 
No.  57.  Copy  of  a  Letter  relative  to  the  exportation 
of  Tea  to  New-York. 
No.  58.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  24th 
December,  1773  ;  received  25tli,  enclosing. 

No.  59.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Philadelphia,  dated 

5th  October,  1773. 
No.  60.  Extract  of  two  Letters  from  Philadelphia, 
dated  October  5th  and  30th,  1773. 
No.  61.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  and  Deputy 
Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company  to  the  Eari  of  Dart- 
mouth,dated  lOih  January,  1774  ;  received  15th,  enclosing, 
No.  62.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  East  India  Com- 
pany's Agents  at  New-York  to  the  Court  of  Di- 
rectors. 
No.  63.  Copy  of  the  Memorial  of  Henry  Wiite  and 
others.  Merchants,  to  the  Governour  of  New-  York. 
No.  64.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  an  Agent  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  his  Correspondents  in  London,  dated 
Boston,  15th  November,  1773. 

No.  65.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  an  Agent  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  his  Correspondent  in  London,  dated 
Boston,  November,  1773. 

No.  66.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  an  Agent  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Chairman,  dated  Boston,  17th  No- 
vember, 1773. 

No.  67.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Eari  of  Dartmouth,  dated  21st 
January,  1774  ;  received  25th,  enclosing, 

No.  68.  Copy  of  a  Letter  signed  "  Anglo  Ameri- 

canus,"  to  the  East  India  Company,  dated  Boston, 

17th  December,  1773. 

No.  69.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  and  Deputy 

Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company  to  the  Earl  of 

Dartmouth,  dated  26th  January,  1774 ;  received  the  same 

day. 

No.  70.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  and  Deputy 
Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, dated  26th  January,  1774 ;  received  27th,  en- 
closing. 

No.  71.  Copy  of  a  Letter  to  the  Delaware  Pilots  and 
•    to  Captain  Ayres,  dated  Philadelphia,  27th  No- 
vember, 1773. 
No.  72.  Declaration  of  Messrs.  James  and  Drinker, 
Agents  for  the  East  India  Company,  at  Phila- 
delphia. 
No.  73.  Postscript  to  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  of 

24th  December,  1773. 
No.  74.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Messrs.  James  and 
Drinker  to  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, dated  Philadelphia,  28th  December,  1773. 
No.  75.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Messrs.  Tliomas  and 
Isaac    Wharton,   Jonathan   Brown,    and   Gilbert 
Barkley,  to  the  East  India  Company,  dated  Phi- 
ladelphia, 28th  December,  1773. 
No.  76.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  of  the  East 
India  Company  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth ;  received  3d 
February,  1774. 

No.  77.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Thomas  and  Elisha 
Hutchinson,  Richard  Clarke  and  Sons,  and  Benjamin 
Faneuil,  to  the  Directors  of  the  East  India  Company, 
dated  2d  December,  1773. 

No.  78.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Ditto  to  Ditto,  dated 
17th  December,  1773. 

No.  79.  Copies  of  two  Letters  from  Messrs.  Smith, 
Leger,  and  Greenivood,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  East  India 
Company,  dated  4lh  and  18th  December,  1773. 

No.  80.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Chairman  and  Deputy 
Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company  to  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  dated  9th  February,  1774 ;  received  10th, 
enclosing, 

No.  81.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Henry  ff'hite,  Abram 
Lott,  and  Company,  and  Pigou  and  Booth,  to  the 
Directors  of  the  East  India  Company,  dated  Neiv- 
York,  27th  December,  1773. 


9 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


10 


No.  82.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Henry  fVJiitt,  and 
others,  to  Captain  Benjamin  Loclcyer,  of  the  Ship 
Nancy,  dated  New-York,  27th  December,  1773. 
No.  83.  Copy  of  a  Note  from  the  Ciiairman  and  Deputy 
Chairman  of  tiie  East  India  Company  to  the  Earl  of  Dart- 
mouth, dated   15th  February,  1774  ;  received  16th,  en- 
closing. 

No.  84.  Questions  proposed  by  Francis  Rotch,  an 
owner,  and  James  Hall,  master,  of  the  Ship  Dart- 
mouth, with  the  Answers  of  the  Consignees. 
No.  85.  Questions  proposed  by  James  Bruce,  master 
of  the  Ship  Eleanor,  with  the  Answers  of  the  Con- 
signees. 
No.  86.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Botch,  owner  of 
the  Ship  Dartmouth,  to  Richard  Clarke  and  Sons, 
&c.,  dated  Boston,  6th  January,  1774. 
No.  87.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Richard  Clarke  and 
Sons,  and  Benjamin  Faneuil,  Jun.,  to  the  Directors 
of  the  East  India  Company,  dated  Castle  William, 
January  7th,  1774. 
No.  88.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Richard  Clarke  and 
Sons,  and  Benjamin  Faneuil,  Jun.,  to  the  East  India 
Company,  dated  January  7th,  1774. 
No.  89.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Mitchell,  Secretary 
to  the  East  India  Company,  to  John  Pownall,  Esqr., dated 
16th  February,  1774;  received  17th.  enclosing, 

No.  90.  Copy  of  a  Memorial  of  the  East  India 
Company  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  16th 
February,  1774. 

Treasury. 

No.  91.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Grey  Cooper,  Esqr., 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  John  Pownall,  Esqr.,  dated 
7th  March,  1774,  enclosing. 

No.  92.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Mather,  acting  as 
Secretary  to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  in 
America,  dated  7th  October,  1773,  to  John  Robin- 
son, Esqr.,  Secretary  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury ; 
received  14th  February,  1774. 
No.  93.  A  copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Customs  in  America,  to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury, 
dated  Boston,  4th  January,  1774  ;  received  14th  Februa- 
ry, 1774,  enclosing. 

No.  94.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Collectors  and 
Comptroller  of  the  Customs  at  Boston,  to  the  Com- 
missioners of  the  Customs  there,  dated  17th  De- 
cember, 1773. 
No.  95.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Ditto  to  Ditto,  dated 

23d  December,  1773. 
No.  96.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Ditto  to  Ditto,  dated 

31st  December,  1773. 
No.  97.  Copy  of  a  Protest  of  James  Bruce,  James 

Bruce,  Jun.,  and  John  Finney. 
No.  98.  Do.  of  Hezekiah  Coffin  and  others. 
No.  99.  Do.  of  Francis  Rotch  and  others. 
No.   100.  Depositions  of  Samuel  Hunt  and  others. 
No.  101.  Do.  of  Thomas  Rick  and  others. 
No.  102.  Do.  of  miliam  Elliot  and  others. 
No.  103.  Do.  of  Alexander  Hodgson. 
No.  104.  Do.  of  James  Bruce  and  others. 
No.  105.  Report  of  Arthur  Savage. 
No.  106.  Do.  of  Robert  Parker. 
No.  107.  Memorial  of  Francis  Rotch. 
No.  108.  Do.  of  James  Bruce. 
No.   109.  Do.  of  Hezekiah  Coffin. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  do  lie  on  the  table. 

Ordered,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  '•'  To  return  his  Majesty  the  thanks  of  this  House 
"  for  his  Majesty's  gracious  Message,  and  for  the  communi- 
"  cation  his  Majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased  to  make 
"  to  this  House,  of  several  Papers  relative  to  the  present 
"  state  of  some  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  North  Ame- 
"  rica. 

"  To  assure  his  Majesty  that  this  House,  truly  sensible 
"  that  the  peace  and  good  government  of  the  Colonies, 
"  and  the  preventing  any  obstructions  there  to  the  Com- 
"  merce  of  this  Kingdom,  are  objects  of  their  most  serious 
"  attention,  will  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  these 
"  Papers  with  an  earnest  desire  to  make  such  provisions 
"  as,  upon  mature  deliberation,  shall  appear  necessary  and 


"  expedient  for  securing  the  just  dependence  of  the  said 
"  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great  Bri- 
"  tain,  and  for  enforcing  a  due  obedience  to  the  Laws  of 
"  this  Kingdom  throughout  all  his  Majesty's  Dominions.'' 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty  by  the  Lords  with  White  Staves. 

Ordered,  That  the  Papers  delivered  this  day  by  the 
Earl  of  Dartmouth,  (by  his  Majesty's  command,)  toge- 
ther with  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message,  be  taken 
into  consideration  on  Thursday,  sevennight ;  and  that  tiie 
Lords  be  summoned. 

Friday,  March  11,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  (by  his  Majesty's  command,) 
laid  before  the  House  more  Papers  from  America,  relating 
to  the  Disturbances  there  with  regard  to  the  importation  of 
Tea.  together  with  a  list  thereof, 

Which  was  read  by  the  Clerk,  as  follows : 

No.  1 .  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  28th  January, 
1774;  received  8th  March,  enclosing. 

No.  2.  Extract  from  the  Boston  Gazette,  of  27th 
January,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  do  lie  on  the  table,  and 
that  they  be  taken  into  consideration  on  Thursday  next. 

Wednesday,  March  16,  1774. 

The  House  being  moved,  "  That  the  consideration  of 
"  the  several  Papers  laid  before  tliis  House  (by  his  Majesty's 
"command,)  relating  to  D'lstwhances'm  America,  and  also 
"  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Answer  in  relation  thereto, 
"  be  adjourned  till  to-morrow  sevennight ;  and  that  the 
"  Lords  be  summoned." 

The  same  was  objected  to.  After  short  debate,  the 
question  was  put  thereupon.  It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirm- 
ative. 

Wednesday,  March  23,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  consideration  of  the  several  Papers 
laid  before  this  House  (by  his  Majesty's  command,)  rela- 
ting to  the  Disturbances  in  America;  and  also  his  Majesty's 
most  gracious  Message  in  relation  thereto,  which  stands 
appointed  for  to-morrow,  be  adjourned  till  Monday  next ; 
and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Wednesday,  March  30,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  all  the  Lords  who  have  been  present 
this  day,  be  appointed  a  Committee  to  inquire  into  the 
several  Proceedings  in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
in  opposition  to  the  sovereignty  of  his  Majesty,  in  his 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  over  that  Province  ;  and  also 
what  has  passed  in  this  House  relative  thereto,  from  the  1st 
of  January,  1764. 

Ordered,  That  the  several  Papers  laid  before  this  House 
relating  to  Disturbances  in  the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  be  referred  to  the  said  Committee;  and  the  said 
Committee  is  hereby  empowered  to  send  for  Persons, 
Papers,  and  Records. 

Their  Lordships,  or  any  five  of  them,  to  meet  to-morrow, 
in  the  Prince's  lodgings,  near  the  House  of  Peers ;  and  to 
adjourn  as  they  please. 

The  Lords  present,  who  formed  the  Committee,  were  : 

Tlie  Duke  of  Gloucester;  Lord  Apsley,  Lord  High 
Chancellor;  Earl  of  Gower,  Lord  President;  Earl  of 
Hertford,  Lord  Chamberlain. 

Dukes :  Beafort,  Ancaster,  Chandos,  Montagu. 

Earls :  Suffolk,  Denbigh,  Westmoreland,  Stanford, 
Sandwich,  Doncaster,  Rod  ford  ,Abercorn, Loudon,  March, 
Marchmont,  Stair,  Roseberry,  Dartmouth,  Macclesfield, 
Waldegrave,  Asburnham,  Bucks,  Hardwicke,  Faucon- 
berg,  Ilchester,  Northington,  Spencer,  Hillsborough. 

Viscounts :  Montague,  Townshend,  Falmouth. 

Hon :  Frederick  Cornwallis,  Archbishop  of  Canterbu- 
ry; Richard  Tcrrick,  Bishop  of  Lonrfo/i;  Edmund  Keene, 
Bishop  of  Ely;  Sir  William  Asburnham,  Bart.,  Bishop  of 
Chichester;  John  Hume, Bishop  o(  Salisbury  ;  John  Green, 
Bishop  of  Lincoln  ;  Charles  Moss,  Bishop  of  St.  Davids ; 
Eihnund  Law,  Bishop  of  Carlisle;  John  Hinchcliffe, 
Bishop  of  Peterborough ;  William  Markham,  Bishop  of 
Chester. 


11 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


12 


Lords:  Abergavenny,  Wilhughhy,  Br.,  Cathcart,  Ca- 
dogan,  King,  Godolphin,  Moiitfort,  Eds:cumbe,  Sandys, 
Bruce,  IVafpok,  Mansfield,  Lyttchon,  Wycombe,  Scars- 
dale,  Boston,  Pelhavi,  Camden,  Sundridge. 

Thursday,  April  14,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Btickinghamshirc  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee appointed  to  inquire  into  tlie  several  Proceedings  in 
the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  opposition  to  the 
sovereignty  of  his  Majesty  in  his  Parliament  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, over  that  Province,  and  also  what  has  passed  in  this 
House  relative  thereto,  from  the  1st  of  January,  1764, 
"  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Committee,  that  the  House 
"  be  moved.  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
"  Majesty,  that  he  would  be  graciously  [)leased  to  give 
"  directions  that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  copies  or 
"  extracts  of  all  Letters  and  Papers  which  have  been  receiv- 
"  ed  by  his  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  State,  or  the  Commis- 
"  sioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  from  the  Governour, 
"  Lieutenant  Governour,  or  other  Officers  in  his  Majesty's 
"  service  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  iS'ew 
'•■  England,  containing  advices  of  any  proceedings  in  the 
"  said  Province  in  opposition  to  his  Majesty's  sovereignty 
"  in  his  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  over  the  same,  from 
"  the  7th  of  July,  1766,  which  have  not  been  already  laid 
"  before  the  House." 

Which  Report,  being  read  by  the  Clerk,  was  agreed  to 
by  the  House. 

And  the  Hou'=e  being  moved  accordingly — 

Ordered,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  "  That  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  di- 
"  rections  that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  copies  or 
"  extracts  of  all  Letters  and  Papers  which  have  been  receiv- 
"  ed  by  his  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  State,  or  the  Com- 
"  missioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  from  the  Governour, 
"  Lieutenant  Governour,  or  other  Officers  in  his  ftlajesty's 
"  service  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Neio 
"  England,  containing  advices  of  any  proceedings  in  the 
"  said  Province  in  opposition  to  his  Majesty's  sovereignty 
"  in  his  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  over  the  same,  from 
"  the  7th  of  July,  1766,  which  have  not  been  already  laid 
"  before  the  House." 

Friday,  April  15,  1774. 

The  Lord  Chamberlain  reported,  "  That  the  Lords  with 
"  White  Staves  had  (according  to  order)  waited  on  his  Ma- 
"jesty  with  their  Lordships'  Address  of  yesterday ;  and 
"  that  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to  say  '  he  would  give 
"  directions  accordingly.'  " 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  (by  his  Majesty's  command,) 
laid  before  the  House,  the  several  Papers  in  their  Lordships' 
Address  of  yesterday,  relating  to  the  Disturbances  in  Ame- 
rica, together  with  a  list  thereof;  \yhich  was  read  by  the 
Clerk,  as  follows : 

No.  1 .  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Bernard  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  dated  Boston,  7th  July,  1766. 

No.  2.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Bernard  to 
the  Earl  of  Shelburnc,  dated  Boston,  7th  February,  1767, 
with  enclosures. 

No.  3.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Bernard  to 
the  Earl  of  Shelburnc,  dated  Boston,  21st  February,  1767. 
No.  4.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Bernard  to 
the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  dated  Boston,  21st  March,  1768. 
No.  5.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Bernard,  to 
the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  30th  of  May, 
1768. 

No.  6.  Answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  to  the  Govemour's  Message,  the  30th 
June,  1768. 

No.  7.  Printed  account  of  the  Associations  at  Boston, 
and  the  Proceedings  in  consequence  thereof. 

No.  8.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Sir  Francis  Bernard, 
Baronet,  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  the 
1st  of  June,  1769. 

No.  9.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  lltli  July, 

1769,  with  an  enclosure. 

No.  10.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  27lh  March, 

1770,  with  an  enclosure. 

No.  11.  Extracts  of  Letters  from  Governour  Hutchinson 


to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  27th  April, 
and  21st  May,  1770. 

No.  12.  Extractof  a  Letter  from  Governour  i/i/fc^jnson, 
to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  6th  July,  1771 ; 
with  a  copy  of  his  Message  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  of  the  Answer  of  the  said  House. 

No.  13.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  28th  November, 

1771,  with  enclosures. 

No.  14.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  JE/u/cAinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  29th  May, 

1772,  with  an  enclosure. 

No.  15.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 

to  the  Earl  o( Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  23d  October,  1772. 

No.  16.  Copv  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 

to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  30th  October, 

1772,  with  enclosures. 

No.  17.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson  to 

the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  3d  November,  1772. 

No.  18.  Printed  copy  of  the  Votes  and  Proceedings  of 

the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Boston. 

No.  19.  ExtractofaLetterfrom Governour  jywicAiwsonto 

the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  22d  February,  1773. 

No.  20.  Printed  copy  of  the  Speeches  of  Governour 

Hutchinson  to  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Massachusetts 

Bay,  with  the  Answers  of   the  Council  and  House  of 

Representatives. 

No.  21.  Copy  of  Petition  and  Remonstrance  from  the 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  Province  o[  Massachusetts 
Bay,  14th  July,  1772. 

No.  22.  Copy  of  Petition  to  the  King  from  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  3Iassachusetts  Bay,  dated  6th  March, 
1773. 

No.  23.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governour  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  14th  February, 
1774  ;  received  5th  April,  enclosing, 

No.  24.  Copy  of  Governour  Hutchinson's  Speech  to 
the  Council   and  House   of  Representatives,  and 
their  Answer. 
No.  25.  Copy  of  Requisition  from  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives of  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  the  Judges 
of  the  Superiour  Court. 
No.  26.  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts  i?«y,  against  the 
Chief  Justice. 
No.  27.  Copy  of  Vote  of  the  Council  and  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  for  adjourn- 
ing the  Superiour  Court;  not  consented  to  by  the 
Governour. 
No.  28.  Copy  of  Governour  Hutchinson's  Answer  to 
the  Remonstrance  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
against  tb.e  Chief  Justice. 
Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  be  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee appointed  to  inquire  into  the  several  proceedings 
in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  opposition  to  the 
sovereignty  of  his  Majesty  in  his  Parliament  of  Great  Bri- 
tain over  that  Province  ;  and  also  what  has  passed  in  this 
House  relative  thereto,  from  the  1st  of  January,  1764. 

Wednesday,  April  20,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Buckinghamshire  reported  fi'om  Report  fmm 
the  Lords'  Committee,  appointed  to  inquire  into  po'Jm'd'focou^ 
the  several  Proceedings  in  the  Colony  of  Mas-  '"i""'' P"'"^ 
sachusetts  Bail,  m  opposition  to  the  sovereignty  <-i>ionyoi  .wnJ- 
01  his  Majesty  m  his  Parliament  oi  Great  Bri- 
tain over  that  Province ;  and  also  what  has  passed  in  this 
House  relative  thereto,  from  the  1st  day  of  January,  1764, 
as  follows: — 

That  in  obedience  to  your  Lordships'  commands,  the 
Committee  have  met,  and  taken  into  consideration  the  mat- 
ters to  them  referred  ;  and  having  attentively  read  and  consi- 
dered the  several  Papers  which  have  been  laid  before  the 
House,  relative  to  the  Proceedings  in  the  Colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  in  opposition  to  the  sovereignty  of  his  Ma- 
jesty in  his  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  over  that 
Province  ;  and  having  also  carefully  inspected  the  Journals 
of  the  House,  from  the  1st  day  of  January,  1764,  to  the 
|)resent  time,  they  find  that,  on  the  2d  day  joumai.,  April 
of  April,  1764,  a  Bill  was  brought  up  from  the  ^'  "■'^• 
Commons  to  your  Lordships,  intituled,  ''  An  Act  forgrant- 
"  ing  certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plantations 


13 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  IMARCH  7,  1774. 


14 


"  in  America ;  for  continuing  and  amending,  and  making 
"  perpetual,  an  Act,  passed  in  tlie  sixth  year  of  the  reign 
"of  his  late  Majesty,  King  George  the  Second,  intituled 
" '  An  Act  for  the  better  securing  and  encouraging  the 
"  Trade  of  his  Majesty's  Sugar  Colonies  in  America;'  for 
"  applying  the  produce  of  such  Duties,  and  of  the  Duties  to 
"  arise  by  virtue  of  the  said  Act,  towards  defraying  the  ex- 
"  penses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing,  the  said 
"  Colonies  and  Plantations  ;  lor  explaining  an  Act,  made 
"  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  the 
"  Second,  intituled  '  An  Act  for  the  Encouragement  of  the 
"  Greenland  and  Eastland  Trades,  and  for  the  better  se- 
"  curin«  the  Plantation  Trade  ;'  and  for  altering  and  dis- 
"  allowing  several  Drawbacks  on  Exports  from  this  King- 
"  dom,  and  more  effectually  preventing  the  clandestine 
"  conveyance  of  Goods  to  and  from  said  Colonies  and  Plan- 
"  taiions,  and  improving  and  securing  the  Trade  between 
"  the  same  and  Great  Britain." 

April  Mh  and        That  this  Bill  passed  the  House  on  the  4th 
*'*•         oi  April,  and  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the 
following  day. 

The  Committee  having   perused    the    Report   of  the 

Dtmuhrr  uth,  Board  of  Trade,  of  the  11th  day  oi  December, 

"Ti         1764,  and  the  Papers  laid  before  his  Majesty 

Hepiwuiaiion  therewith,  find  in  the  said  Papers  the  strongest 

or  llu-  Board  ol  .  '  ,  /•    i        31  i  7 

Trade  to  iiii  asscrtious  by  the  Assembly  ol  the  Massachusetts 
»j«t>-  Bay,  of  their  sole  right  to  pass  laws,  particu- 

larly of  taxation  ;  and  of  their  resolution  to  invite  the  other 
Colonies  to  combine  with  them  in  measures  to  prevent  the 
King,  in  his  Parliament,  from  passing  any  such  laws;  for 
instance,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Manduit,  then  Agent 
ExtracuVroin  of  the  Province,  which  was  drawn  up  by  a  Com- 
I.nh"-'Huus!.''of  niittee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
?f'tl['c;li''n')"ar  afterwards  approved  by  the  House,  they  used 


Maisachuicits    ji,g  following  exoressious 

Bm,   1st,    Sth,  .  °i       '1  1    1 

1  III,  and  utii  "  Provmce  should  nave 


JUM,  17M. 


;  "  The  silence  of  the 
been  imputed  to  any 


"  cause,  even  to  despair,  rather  than  be  con- 
"  strued  into  a  tacit  cession  of  their  rights,  or  an  acknow- 
"  ledgement  of  a  right  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
"  to  impose  Duties  and  Taxes  upon  a  People  who  are  not 
"  represented  in  the  House  of  Commons  ;"  and  in  the  same 
letter  they  avowed  and  authenticated  the  doctrines  advanced 

in  a  certain  pamphlet,  intituled,  "  The  Rights 
o?.Vb,'Kikfrom  of  the  Brt^w/j Colouics  asserted  and  proved;" 
Sdof'the'CoUk   written  by  James  Otis,  Esq. ;  which  pamphlet, 

amongst  other  things,  says,  "  That  the  imposi- 
"  tion  of  taxes,  whether  on  trade  or  on  land,  on  houses  or 
"  ships,  on  real  or  personal,  fixed  or  floating  property,  in 
"  the  Colonies,  is  absolutely  irreconcilable  with  the  rights 
"  of  the  Colonists,  as  British  subjects,  and  as  men." 

■loiirnaii  Feb-  The  Committee  find  that,  on  the  28th  day 
ruaryii,  1795.  gf  February,  1765,  a  Bill  was  brought  from  the 
Commons,  intituled,  "An  Act  for  granting  and  applying 
"  Stamp  Duties  and  other  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies 
"and  Plantations  in  America;  towards  further  defraying 
"  the  expenses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing  the 
"  same  ;  and  for  amending  such  parts  of  the  several  Acts 
"  of  Parliament  relating  to  the  Trade  and  Revenues  of  the 
"  said  Colonies  and  Plantations,  as  direct  the  manner  of 
"  determining  and  recovering  the  penalties  and  forfeitures 
"  therein  mentioned." 

That  the  said  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  22d 
of  the  same  month. 

That   on   the   17th   day  of  December,  his 

Majesty  declared,  in  his  most  gracious  Speech 
from  the  Throne,  "That  tiie  matters  of  importance  which 
"  had  lately  occurred  in  some  of  his  Colonies  in  America, 
"  were  the  principal  cause  of  his  Majesty's  assembling  his 
"  Parliament  sooner  than  was  usual  in  times  of  peace." 
No.  17.  '^  appears  to  the  Committee,  from  the  voles 

Vote,  of  the  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Colony 

HouNe  nf  Rep-        -n--  ,  r^'  r   ^       ^   \        r   i 

re.entaiivr»,    ol  Massachusetts  Bau,  ol  the  oth  ol  June,  1765, 

June  Oth,  1765.      ,  •' '  ,       .  ,,  mi  . 

that  they  came  to  a  Kesolution,  "  That  it  was 
"  highly  expedient  there  should  be  a  meeting,  as  soon  as 
"  might  be,  of  Committees  from  the  Houses  of  Reprcsent- 
"  atives  or  Burgesses,  in  the  several  Colonies  on  the 
"  American  Continent,  to  consult  on  their  then  present 
"  circumstances,  and  the  diflicultics  to  which  they  were  re- 
"  duced  by  the  operation  of  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament, 
"  for  levying  Duties  on  the  Colonies,  and  to  consider  of  a 
"  general  Address  to  his  Majesty  and  the  Parliament,  to 


December  17th. 


"  implore  relief;  and  that  letters  should  be  forthwith. pre- 
"  pared  and  transmitted  to  the  respective  Speakers  of  the 
"  several  Assemblies,  to  invite  them  to  accede  to  ,y,,,  j„„e  sn, 
"  this  proposition  :"  and  further,  that  on  the  Sth  ""*'  ^°''''  ""• 
of  June,  they  did  actually  elect  three  persons  to  be  their 
Committees  ;  and  also  voted  £450  to  bear  their  exi)enses. 

Your  Committee  find,  in  a  letter  from  the  no.  21. 
Governor  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  ^tru'T'uiM, 
and  Plantations,  dated  August  15tl),  1765,  an  ;f,"*;i;"'''i'JIiji 
account  of  a  violent  riot  at  Boston,  in  resistance  comnn>*i™en 
to  a  law  passed  by  the  Legislature  of  Great  Plantations 
Britain,  in  which  an  attack  was  made  upon  Mr.  Oliver, 
Distributer  of  Stamps,  and  carried  to  the  length  of  pulling 
down  and  destroying  his  houses,  manilbstinii  a  resolution, 
if  they  could  have  found  him,  of  putting  him  to  death  ; 
upon  which  occasion  the  backwardness  and  indisposition  of 
the  Council  to  support  the  peace  and  good  order  of  Gov- 
ernment, were  very  ajjparent.  Also,  in  another  x„.  22. 
letter  from  the  Governor,  ihxted  August  31st,  fjfjfJfJt'TOo'J 
1765,  to  the  said  Board  of  Trade,  they  find  IZ^'J-I'I^'a^ 
that  the  mob  attacked  the  house  of  Mr.  Storey, 
Register  of  the  Admiralty,  which  they  demolished  ;  they 
also  took  all  his  books  and  papers,  amongst  which  were 
the  Records  of  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  and  burnt  them, 
and  searched  about  for  him,  with  an  intent  to  murder  him  ; 
they  also  pillaged  the  house  of  Mr.  Hallowe/l,  Comptroller 
of  the  Customs.  But  their  most  violent  proceeding  was 
against  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  whose  house,  plate, 
books,  and  manuscripts,  to  a  very  great  value,  they  totally 
destroyed.  And,  in  this  great  extremity,  the  Council 
being,  as  the  Governor  observes,  dependent  upon  the  peo- 
ple, refused  even  to  concur  with  him  in  his  proposition  of 
giving  notice  to  General  Gage  of  the  then  situation  of  the 
town  of  Boston. 

It  is  remarkable  that  this  commotion  entirely  To.zt. 
arose  out  of  the  town  oi  Boston  ;  for  though  it  i.f,r'(rj' i.tteito 
was  given  out  that  many  People  out  of  the  'ilaifai'^'ciiJit 
country  were  concerned  in  diis  affair,  upon  in-  ^/„'j"Tjth  ami 
quiry,  it  was  found  that  such  persons  living  out  '"'■'  ""■ 
of  Boston  as  were  seen  in  the  crowd,  were  there  merely  as 
spectators. 

In  Governor  Bernard's  letter  to  the  Board  of  xo.  m. 
Trade,  of  October  12th,  1765,  he  says,  "  That  ,,»"(/v'leite"o 
"  the  real  authority  of  the  Government  is  at  an  Vrade,"o«<p4o- 
"  end  ;  some  of  the  principal  ringleaders  in  the  '^''''  '""• 
"  late  riots,  walk  the  streets  with  impunity  ;  no  Officers  dare 
"  attack  them  ;  no  Attorney  General  prosecute  them  ;  no 
"  Witness  appear  against  them ;  and  no  Judges  sit  upon 
"them." 

And  during  the  general  disorder,  the  Gov-  ao^Iml^'Ber. 
ernor  thought  it  necessary  for  some  companies  'i";^f%["n"'Jy 
of  the  Militia  to  be  mustered,  with  the  unani-  c«atoy.fl"»rwi 

1    .  ,■    ■       /-<  Ml  1  I        nfi-   •       ^cvemOer  Hit, 

mous  advice  of  the  Councd,  but  that  the  Militia  ires. 
refused  to  obey  his  orders.  No.  71. 

,       ,  /.      1      1  1-     1         .  .  'J    Kxtr.ic-tof  a  ret- 

And  we  find  that  so  little  attention  was  paid  ter  from  Gov- 

to  an  Act  of  the  British  Legislature,  by  the  ,"'7.  pnvZit 

Council  and  House  of  Representatives,  that  ,^;,1o^".i,!j|^"j' 

they  resolved  in  a  joint  Committee,  on  the  •25th  j,,,^;,";,?-;;,,  „f 

of  October,  1765,  that  it  should  and  might  be  thicouiKiianci 

...  .    I  o  •    ?         House  (.f  Itt  ()- 

lawfiil  to  do  business  without  stamps,  notwith-  rMentativi,, 
Standing  the  Act  of  Parliament  to  the  contrary. 

On  the  14th  day  of  January,  1766,  upon  the  joumai>,  ymK- 
meeting  of  the  Parliament,  after  the  recess  at  "'"  ''"'''  ''""• 
Christmas,  his  Majesty  was  pleased  to  declare  himself  in  a 
most  gracious  Speech  from  the  throne,  in  the  following 
terms : 

"  My  Lords  and  Gentlemen :  When  I  met  you  last,  I 
"  acquainted  you  that  matters  of  importance  had  happen- 
"  ed  in  America,  which  would  demand  the  most  .serious 
"  attention  of  Parliament. 

"  That  no  information  which  could  serve  to  direct  your 
"  deliberations  in  so  interesting  a  concern  might  be  want- 
"  ing,  I  have  ordered  all  the  Papers  that  give  any  light 
"  into  the  origin,  the  jjrogress,  or  the  tendency,  of  the 
"  Disturliances  which  have  of  late  prevailed  in  some  of 
"  the  Northern  Colonies,   to  be  immediately  laid  before 

"  you. 

"  No  time  has  been  lost,  on  the  first  advice  of  these 
«  Disturbances,  to  issue  orders  to  the  Governors  of  my 
"  Provinces,  and  to  the  Commanders  of  my  Forces,  in 
"  America,  for  the  exertion  of  all  the  powers  of  the  Go- 


15 


KINGS  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


16 


January  <3. 


January  27. 


January  38. 
February  10. 


"  vernment  in  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  and  in 
"  the  effectual  support  of  lawful  authority. 

"  Whatever  remains  to  be  done  on  this  occasion,  I  coin- 
"  mit  to  your  wisdom,  not  doubting  but  your  zeal  for  the 
"  honor  of  my  Crown,  your  attention  to  the  just  rights  and 
"  authority  ot  the  British  Legislature,  and  your  afleclion 
"  and  concern  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  all  my 
"  People,  will  guide  you  to  such  sound  and  prudent  resolu- 
"  tions  as  may  tend  at  once  to  preserve  those  constitutional 
"  rights  over  the  Colonies,  and  to  restore  to  them  that 
"  harmony  and  tranquillity  which  have  lately  been  inter- 
"  rupted  by  riots  and  disordere  of  the  most  dangerous  na- 
"  ture." 

In  the  dutiful  Address  which  was  voted  the  same  day, 
the  House  assure  his  Majesty,  "  of  their  hearty  concur- 
"  rence  with  his  Majesty's  most  salutary  intentions;  that 
"  they  would  exert  their  utmost  endeavours  to  assert  and 
"  support  his  Majesty's  dignity  and  honor,  and  the  legisla- 
"  tive  authority  of  this  Kingdom  over  its  Colonies ;  and 
"  that  they  would  take  into  tiieir  consideration  the  most 
"  proper  methods  to  provide  for  the  restoration  of  tranquil- 
"  litv  to  those  Colonies  which  had  been  disturbed  by  such 
"  violent  and  dangerous  commotions." 

Upon  the  same  day  all  the  Papers  relating  to 
joam.K  IMS.  jj^g  information  and  advices  received  from  Ame- 
rica, of  the  riots  and  tumults  there,  were  laid  before  the 
House. 

More  Papers  relating  to  America  were  laid 
before  the  House,  which,  together  with  the  other 
Papers,  were  referred  to  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House 
for  Tuesday,  tiie  28th. 

More  Papers  were  laid  before  the  House, 
and  referred  to  the  said  Committee. 

The  Committee  met,  and  after  several  ad- 
journments, on  the  10th  oi  February,  following, 
the  Chairman  reported  several  Resolutions,  which  were 
agreed  to  by  the  House,  as  follows : 

"  1.  Resolved,  That  the  King's  Majesty,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal, 
and  Conmions  of  Great  Britain,  in  Parliament  assembled, 
had,  hath,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  and  au- 
thority to  make  Laws  and  Statutes  of  sufficient  force  and 
validity  to  bind  the  Colonies  and  People  of  America,  sub- 
jects of  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  in  all  cases  whatso- 
ever. 

"  2.  Resolved,  That  it  appears  to  this  Committee,  that 
Tumults  and  Insurrections  of  the  most  dangerous  nature, 
have  been  raised  and  carried  on  in  several  of  the  North 
American  Colonies,  in  open  de6ance  of  the  Power  and 
Dignity  of  his  Majesty's  Government,  and  in  manifest  viola- 
tion of  the  Laws  and  Legislative  authority  of  this  Kingdom. 
"  3.  Resolved,  That  it  appears  to  this  Committee  that  the 
said  Tumults  and  Insurrections  have  been  encouraged  and 
inflamed  by  sundry  Votes  and  Resolutions,  passed  in  seve- 
ral of  the  Assemblies  of  the  said  Provinces,  derogatory  to 
the  honor  of  his  Majesty's  Government,  and  destructive  of 
the  legal  and  constitutional  dependency  of  the  said  Colo- 
nies on  the  Imperial  Crown  and  Pariiament  of  Great  Bri- 
tain. 

"  4.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Committee, 
that  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  to 
desire  that  his  Majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give 
instructions  to  the  Governors  of  the  several  Provinces 
wlicre  the  above  mentioned  Tumults  and  Insurrections  have 
happened,  that  they  should,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  require 
of  the  Asseniblies  of  the  said  Provinces,  to  make  proper 
recompense  to  those  who  have  suffered  in  their  persons 
or  properties,  in  consequence  of  the  aforesaid  Tumults  and 
Insurrections ;  and  to  assure  his  Majesty  that  this  House 
will,  upon  this  and  all  occasions,  support  the  lawful  authori- 
ty of  his  Crown,  and  the  rights  of  Parliament. 

"  5.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Committee, 
that  all  his  Majesty's  subjects,  residing  in  tiie  said  Colonies, 
who  have  manifested  their  desire  to  comply  with,  or  to  as- 
sist in,  carrying  into  execution,  the  Act  for  laying  a  duty  on 
Stamps,  or  any  other  Act  of  Pariiament,  in  the  British 
Colonies  in  North  America, h'd\e  acted  as  dutiful  and  loyal 
subjects,  and  are  therefore  entitled  to,  and  will  assuredly 
have,  the  favor  and  protection  of  this  House." 

"  Ordered,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  pursuant  to  the  fourth  Resolution." 


On  the  5th  of  March,  &  Bill  was  brought  war.Ajth. 
from  the  Commons,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the 
"  better  securing  the  Dependency  of  his  Majesty's  Domin- 
"  ions   in  America  upon  the  Crowti  and   Parliament  of 
"  Great  Britain." 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  18lh  of  the 
same  month. 

And  also  a  Bill  intituled,  "  An  Act  to  repeal  an  Act  made 
"  in  the  last  session  of  Pariiament  intituled,  '  An  Act  for 
"  granting  and  applying  certain  Stamp  Duties,  and  other  du- 
"  ties  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America; 
"  towards  further  defraying  the  expenses  of  defending,  pro- 
'•■  tecting,  and  securing  the  same;  and  for  amending  such 
"  parts  of  the  several  Acts  of  Parliament  relating  to  the 
"  Trade  and  Revenues  of  the  said  Colonies  and  Planta- 
"  tions,  as  direct  the  manner  of  determining  and  recover- 
"  ing  the  penalties  and  forfeitures  therein  mentioned.'  " 

VVhich  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the    March  isih. 
18th  of  March. 

Whilst  the  Bill  for  repealing  the  Stamp  Act  was  under 
deliberation,  petitions  from  the  Merchants  of  the  city  of 
Bristol,  from  the  Merchants  of  Glasgow,  from  Edtvard 
Montague,  Agent  for  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  and  from 
the  Merchants  of  the  city  of  London,  in  favor  of  the  said 
repeal,  were  received  and  read. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  a  Bill  was  brought  from  juneu. 
the  Commons,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  indemni- 
"  fying  persons  who  have  incurred  certain  penalties  inflicted 
"  by  an  Act  of  the  last  session  of  Pariiament,  '  for  granting 
"  certain  Stamp  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plaa- 
"  tations  in  America ;'  and  for  making  valid  all  instruments 
"  executed  or  enrolled  there  on  unstamped  paper,  vellum, 
"  or  parchment." 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  6th  of 
the  same  month. 

It  appears  by  a  letter  from  Governor  Ber-       j,„  ,„_ 
nard  to  the  Earl  of  Shelburne,  dated  Decern-  £»'">'<  of » let- 

ipr  Iron)    *jOv. 

ber  24tb,  1766,  that  the  Governor,  by  advice  Brrnm rf,  to tho 
of  the  Council,  ordered  the  Mutmy  Act  and  *urn<-,  Bottm, 
three  other  Acts  to  be  printed  by  the  Printer  "^'  ' 
of  the  Laws,  in  the  interval  of  the  adjournment  of  the 
Assembly.  Two  companies  of  Artillery  being  driven  on 
shore  by  distress  of  weather,  and  the  said  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment having  been  consulted,  the  Council  advised  the 
Governor  to  order  the  Commissary  to  supply  them  with 
what  they  demanded  under  the  Act,  which  was  done.  Upon 
the  meeting  of  the  Assembly  a  Message  was  sent  to  the 
Council,  and  carried  by  five  members,  to  inquire  "  by  what 
"  authority  Acts  of  Parliament  were  registered  amongst 
"  the  laws  of  that  Province ;  and  whether  they  knew  of 
"  any  Act  (meaning  of  Assembly)  requiring  the  registering 
"  of  Ordinances  (their  term  for  Acts  of  Parliament)  which 
"  their  Legislature  never  consented  to." 

The  Committee  find  that,  on  the   12th  of    j„„n„], 
March,  1767,  the  Ixird  Wycombe  (by  his  Ma-     ^"^"^Aiith. 
jesty's  command)  laid  before  the  House  copies 
of  letters,  &.c.,  from  his  Majesty's  Governors  in  America, 
which  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

That  on  the  3d  oi  April  more  copies  of  let-     ApriiM. 
ters  from  his  Majesty's  Governors  in  America, 
were  laid  before  the  House,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

That  on  the  14tli  of  May,  it  was  ordered 
that  an  humble  Address  should  be  presented  to 
his  Majesty,  "  That  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
"  give  directions  that  there  might  be  laid  before  this  House 
"  copies  of  all  Reports  made  to  or  by  the  Commissioners 
"  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  together  with  all  Orders  and 
"  Proceedings  made  or  had  by  the  Secretaries  of  State,  or 
"  his  Majesty's  Privy  Council,  relating  to  the  Bill  passed 
"  by  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Assembly  of  the  Massa- 
"  chusctts  Bay,  for  granting  compensation  to  the  sufferers, 
"  and  of  free  and  general  pardon,  indemnity,  and  oblivion 
"  to  the  offenders  in  the  late  times,  from  the  time  of  the 
"  receipt  of  the  said  Bill." 

That  on  the  18th  day  of  May,  pursuant  to     May  isth. 
the  said  Address,  the  Lord  Wycombe  laid  before 
the  House,  a  copy  of  the   Report  of  the  Committee  of 
Council,  &ic.,  wliich  papers  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

That  on  the  same  day  it  was  ordered,  that  an  humble 
Address  should  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  "  That  he 
"  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  directions,  that  there 


May  14th. 


17 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


18 


May  32d. 


Jutu  t3lh. 


"  might  be  laid  before  this  House,  copies  of  such  prece- 
"  dents  as  had  been,  or  might  be  found,  of  Orders  in  Coun- 
"  cil,  declaring  Acts  of  Assembly  in  America,  to  be  null, 
"  illegal,  or  void;  togetiier  with  Reports  of  the  several 
"  Attorneys,  and  Solicitors  General,  or  either  of  them,  in 
"  similar  cases,  read  at  the  Council  Board  on  the  9th  in- 
"  stant." 

That  on  the  22d  of  May,  the  Lord  Wycombe, 
(by  his  Majesty's  command,)  laid  before  the 
House  copies  of  such  precedents  as  had  been  found,  of 
Orders  in  Council,  declaring  Acts  of  Assemblies  in  America 
to  be  null,  illegal,  and  void  ;  together  with  Reports  of  the 
several  Attorneys,  and  Solicitoi-s  General,  or  either  of  them, 
in  similar  cases. 

Which  Papers  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table  ;  and  from 
a  perusal  of  them  we  find  that  several  Acts  of  different 
Colonies  have  been,  from  time  to  time,  declared  by  his 
Majesty  in  Council,  to  be  null,  illegal,  and  void. 

That  on  the  15th  of  June  a  Bill  was  brought 
juncin  .        ^p  j.^^^  ^1^^  Commons  intituled,  "  An  Act  to 

"  enable  his  Majesty  to  put  the  Customs  and  other  Duties 
"  in  the  British  Dominions  in  America,  and  the  execution 
"  of  the  laws  relating  to  Trade  there,  under  the  manage- 
"  ment  of  Commissioners  to  be  appointed  for  that  purpose, 
"  and  to  be  resident  in  the  said  Dominions. 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  29th  of  the 
same  month. 

That  on  the  18th  of  June  a  Bill  was  brought 
up  from  the  Commons,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for 
"  granting  certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plan- 
"  tations  in  America  ;  for  allowing  a  drawback  of  the  duties 
"  of  Customs  upon  the  exportation  from  this  Kingdom  of 
"  coffee  and  cocoa  nuts,  of  the  produce  of  the  said  Co- 
"  lonies  or  Plantations ;  for  discontinuing  the  drawbacks 
"  payable  on  china  earthen  ware,  expoited  to  America ; 
"  and  for  more  effectually  preventing  the  clandestine  run- 
•'  ning  of  goods  in  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations." 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  29th  of 
June. 

No.  116.  ^  Th^  Committee  find  that,  on  the  meeting  of 

No.  117.  \  the  Assembly  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
M«Mg,fron.  Bay,  on  the  2Sth  of  January,  1767,  a  Message 
the  Hi.uie  of  y^ag  ggnt  to  the  Governor  from  the  House  of 
to  (iovemor  Representatives  desiringto  be  informed,  "  Whe- 
«id  i'lra'prilate  "  tlier  any  provision  had  been  made  at  the 
SLr«,''dai  "  expense  of  that  Government  for  the  King's 
r4''«.T'mh;  "  Troops  lately  arrived  in  the  harbour  of  Bos- 
i767,aiso  us. '  u  (fy„  ."  a„(}  that  after  having  had  the  Minutes  of 
Council  (by  which  it  expressly  appeared  that  the  provision 
for  the  Artillery  companies  at  the  Castle,  was  made  in  pur- 
suance of  the  then  late  Act  of  Parliament)  laid  before 
them,  they  replied  that,  "  In  giving  orders,  with  the  advice 
"  of  the  Council,  for  making  provision  for  the  Artillery 
"  companies  at  the  Castle  the  Governor  had  acted  in  an 
"  essential  point  against  the  plain  intention  of  the  Charter, 
"  by  which  alone,  and  that  only,  according  to  such  Acts  as 
"  are  or  may  be  in  force  within  this  Province,  the  Governor 
"  and  Council  were  authorized  to  i.ssue  money  out  of  the 
"  Treasury  ;  "  adding,  "  That  it  was  still  more  grevious  to 
"  them  to  find  the  Governor  stating,  as  the  foundation  of 
"  the  proceeding,  a  late  Act  of  Parliament,  which  to  them 
"  appeared  as  great  a  grievance  as  the  Stamp  Act,  which 
"  took  away  the  unalienable  right  of  freedom  from  all 
"  Taxation,  but  such  as  they  should  voluntarily  consent  to 
"  and  grant." 

No  115.  Governor  Bernard  was  obliged  in  his  Re- 

t^r'Troin'ooT  joinder,  14th  and  18th  Fc'6n<nry,1767, carefully 
Beniarii to Kir\  to  avoid  giving  the  Act  of  Parliament  as  the 
loB,  i4ih  and  foundation  ot  the   provision  made :    he  would 

laih Frf.  1787.         ,  .  »  1  1      1  .u  r  »i 

otherwise  not  have  had  the  concurrence  ol  the 
Council ;  for  though  the  greater  part,  he  believed,  had  a 
due  respect  for  Acts  of  Parliament,  not  one  of  them  would 
have  dared  to  avow  it  in  that  instance,  and  at  that  time. 
Journal.  jtfarcA  The  Committee  find  that,  on  the  2d  of  March, 
2d,  1768.  1768,  a  Bill  was  brought  up  from  the  Commons, 

intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  more  easy  and  effectual  recove- 
"  ry  of  the  Penalties  and  Forfeitures  inflicted  by  the  Acts 
"  of  Pariiament,  relating  to  the  Trade  or  Revenues  of  the 
"  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America." 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  8th  of  the 
same  month. 

Fourth  Series.  2 


It  appears  to  the  Committee,  that  by  a  cir-  cTrcui^u^'r 
cular  letter  from  the  House  of  Representatives  ron<aii>ed  in 
of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  address-  toK-'sMiiZnt. 
ed  to  all  the  Assemblies  upon  the  Continent  of  fX^rn'mt'. 
North  America,  they  desired  the  assent  of 
those  Assemblies  to  their  sentiments  and  proceedings  ;  ac- 
quainting them,  that  they  had  represented  to  his  Majesty 
that  the  Acts  of  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  imposing 
duties  upon  that  Province,  with  the  sole  and  express  pur- 
pose of  raising  a  Revenue,  are  infringements  of  their 
natural  constitutional  rights,  and  desired  them  to  point  out 
any  thing  further  that  might  be  necessary  to  cany  their 
system  into  execution. 

In  this  year  the  Assembly,  at  the  election  oo^'a^nmrd', 
of  the  Council,  left  out  all  the  Crown  Officers,  '"'"  «>  Lord' 
which  measure  had  been  before  adopted,  in  "th.  "k,  ''ma 
the  years  1766  and  1767.  'S.Z.'^'' 

In  the  beginning  of  May,  1768,  subscriptions       ^^  j^, 
were  made,  and  Associations  entered  into,  for  gov.  arnoVrf'^ 
the  non-importation  of  goods  from  Great  Bri-  nes,  and  May 
tain ;  but  tliis  last  measure  was  at  that  time       ' '  ^' 
defeated  by  the  merchants  in  the  other  Colonies  refusing 
to  concur  in  it. 

On  the  9th  day  of  May,  1768,  regular  seizure  „.  '^°-  '^^. 
was  made  by  the  Collector  and  Comptroller  of  """'''  'i-""  "f 
the  Customs,  of  the  sloop  Liberty,  belonging  f- sMiJnU ; 
to  Mr.  Hancock,  of  the  town  of  Boston,  which  ''""no^'it'j!" 
occasioned  a  most  violent  tumult ;  the  Collector •  nS^^.f  Vh^ 
and  Comptroller,  with  the  son  of  the  Collector,  'f"',h"'cu™^. 
were  attacked  by  a  numerous  and  outrageous  'p ">i- 1"''''"''" 

111  11  •  *''*^      '  reasiir)-, 

mob,  who  beat  and  abused  them  in  a  most  cruel  Junemb,n6%; 
manner ;  and  in  the  night  attacked  their  houses, 
broke  the  windows,  seized  on  a  boat  belonging  to  the  Col- 
lector, which  they  carried  away  in  triumph,  and  afterwards 
burnt.  The  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  expecting  the 
same  treatment,  the  riot  still  continuing,  thought  it  pnident 
to  retreat  for  safety  till  midnight  with  their  families,  to  the 
houses  of  some  persons  in  the  neighbourhood ;  and  after- 
wards, upon  conviction  that  their  lives  were  in  danger,  took 
refiige  on  board  his  Majesty's  ship  the  Romney,  then  in 
the  harbour  of  Boston ;  and  for  their  further  security,  from 
thence  into  Castle  William.  During  the  time  of  this,  their 
perilous  situation,  they  applied  several  times  by  letter  to  the 
Governor  and  Council  for  protection,  but  couM  procure  no 
assistance  whatsoever ;  and  were  finally  told,  in  a  letter 
from  Governor  Bernard,  dated  June  13th,  that  "  After 
"  several  hours  deliberation  of  the  necessity  of  taking  some 
"  measures  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  town,  and  what 
"  those  measures  should  be,  the  Council  had  come  to 
'•  resolution  that,  as  there  appeared  to  be  no  immediate 
•'  danger  of  further  violences,  they  were  of  opinion  that  it 
"  would  be  best  to  refer  this  matter  to  the  consideration  of 
"  a  Committee  of  both  Houses,  and  that  therefore  the 
"  Governor  at  present  could  not  let  them  know  what  kind 
"  of  aid  and  protection  they  might  expect  to  receive." 
The  consequence  of  which  was,  that  they  received  no 
protection  whatsoever.  The  disorder  and  con-  ^.^  ^^ 
fusion  remained  in  this  state  unnoticed  till  the  J.""™'''  "'j^J 
22d  July,  when  the  Governor  moved  the  Coun-  «"d  swh  July, 
cil  to  take  into  consideration  some  measures  for 
restoring  vigor  and  firmness  to  Government ;  but  on  the 
29th  of  July,  the  Council  made  a  reply  to  what  had  been 
proposed  to  them  by  the  Governor,  in  which  they  state, 
"  That  the  disorders  which  happened  were  occasioned  by 
"  the  violent  and  unprecedented  manner  in  which  the  sloop 
"  Liberty  had  been  seized  by  the  officers  of  the  Cus- 
"  toms." 

In  consequence  of  this  disorderly  state  at  N„,ra'tiv''poftiie 
Boston,  two  regiments  having  been  set  thi-  '?"■  ,''„"^'" 
ther  from  Halifax,  m  order  to  support  the 
execution  of  the  civil  power,  and  preserve  the  peace  of 
the  town,  strict  orders  were  given,  and  repeated  to  the 
troops,  not  to  quarrel  with  the  townsmen,  by  whom  they 
complained  they  had  been  frequently  ill  treated  and  in- 
sulted. 

On  Monday,  the  5th  of  March,  1768,  at  nine  at  night,  the 
alarm  bells  were  rung,  as  in  cases  of  fire  :  the  fire  said  to  be 
in  Kings  street,  and  the  People  thereby  led  thither,  where, 
finding  the  alarm  false,  they  joined  a  multitude  who  had 
been  braving  two  companies  at  the  gates  of  their  barrack, 
and  threatened  with  death  the  centinel  who  was  posted  at 


t9 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


•iO 


Cafiuiiu    Prtt- 

f«ll*«  COiC. 


the  custom  house,  where  the  King's  treasure  was  lodged. 
Tlie  ceniiiiel  being  surrounded  was  forced  to  retreat,  and 
call  for  aid,  wliicii  brought  Captain  rrvston,  Captain  of 
the  day,  with  a  party  Iroin  tiie  main  guiird,  to  extricate 
hira.  'I'liat  ofiicer  used  his  utmost  endeavours 
to  prevent  mischief,  notwithstanding  wliich,  the 
rioters  by  blows  and  every  act  of  aggravation, 
drew  upon  themsLlves  the  fire  of  several  of  the  soldiers, 
by  which  some  pt-rsons  unfortunately  were  killed  ;  and  upon 
the  Governor's  olier.ng  to  obtain  tiie  Coinmandiiig  Oliicer's 
consent  to  remove  one  of  the  regiments  to  tlie  Castle,  and 
to  station  the  other  so  as  no  opportunity  of  disputes  with 
the  townsmen  shoulJ  remain,  the  Counc.l  insisted  tliat  both 
.J,  ,„  regiments  should  go,  giving  fur  a  reason  that 
(.i.ui.  g'.v.  tlie  People  would  most  certainly  drive  out  the 
rhr*KT'-uf  troops  and  that  tiie  inliahiiants  of  otlier  towns 
Sr-^'l-  would  join  with  Jhston  in  it;  an.l  several  of 
Marc',,  1774.  ^^^^^^^  declared,  that  they  did  not  judge  Iroin  the 
general  ten.per  of  the  People  only,  but  they  knew  it  to  be 
the  determination,  not  of  a  mob,  but  of  the  generality  ol 
the  principal  inhabitants;  in  consequence  of  which  both 
ref'inients  were  accordingly  removed. 

".  In  the  Petition  presented  to  the  Governor 

petili.m'?^'.i.e  by  several  People  of  consideration,  in  pursuance 
r"<°m°r'  of  a  resolution  of  a  town  meeting,  held  at  that 
fr.TTVr™  time,  they  disavow  the  Legislative  authority  of 
""■'"•  this  country,  and  assert  that  it  wculd  be  better 

for  them  to  struggle  against  it,  than  tamely  to  relinquish 

their  rights.  ,      ,     ,      ,        r     _■  u 

And  the  Assembly  absolutely  refused,  by  a 
*mw°'r"f'ihe  ^reat  majority,  to  rescind  their  former  order 
"""■»I'iv«Tf  of  sending  circular  letters  to  the  other  Colonies, 
IL^'uMhV'of-  though  tliey  had  received  a  positive  requisition 
wrmir.juntJo,  from^hc  Crowii  to  that  pur|)ose. 

An  Association  was  entered  into  the  beginning 
s?r°"'v«n«,  of  August,  wiion  most  of  the  merchants  of 
Mi"Zg.'.'\"'il  Boston  entered  into  and  subscribed  an  agree- 
Ttl'T  "'"''"^  ment,  that  they  would  not  send  for,  or  import, 
any  kind  of  goods  or  merchandise  from  Great 
Britain,  some  few  articles  of  necessity  excepted,  from  the 
1st  of  January,  1769,  to  the  1st  of  Januari/,  1770  ;  and 
that  they  would  not  import  any  tea,  paper,  glass,  or 
painters'  colours,  until  the  Act,  unposing  duties  on  those 
articles,  should  be  repealed. 

It  was  also  voted  in  a  town  meeting  of  the 
vrJ^l%  «t  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  Boston, 
the  town  nif  I-  Sevtemhcr  12th,  that  the  levying  money  within 

inr  »t   Bm  on,      ,  ^r    ,^        .  I-  ,  1  •  r  .1 

September uiii.  that  Proviuce,  lor  tlie  use  and  service  ol  the 
1768.  Crown,  in  other  manner  than  the  same  is  grant- 

ed by  the  great  and  general  Court  or  Assembly  of  the 
Province,  was  in  violation  of  the  said  Royal.  Charter,  and 
the  same  was  also  in  violation  of  the  undoubted  natural 
riffhts  of  subjects,  declared  in  the  aforesaid  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, (meaning  the  Act  of  Succession,)  freely  to  give  and 
grant  tiieir  own  money  for  the  service  of  the  Crown,  with 
their  own  consent  in  person,  or  by  Representatives  of  their 
own  free  election. 

They  also  voted  tliat,  as  the  Governor  did  not 
think  proper  to  call  a  general  Court  for  the 
redress  of  their  (supposed)  grievances,  the  town  should 
tlien  make  choice  of  a  suitable  number  of  persons  to  act  for 
them  as  a  Committee  in  Convention,  w'ith  such  as  migbt 
be  sent  to  join  them  from  the  several  towns  in  that  Pro- 
yince,  in  order  that  such  measures  might  be  consulted  and 
advised  as  his  Majesty's  service,  and  the  peace  and  safety 
of  his  subjects  in  the  Province,  might  require. 

They  also  voted  tliat,  as  t'lcre  was  at  that  time  a  pre- 
vailing apprehension  in  the  minds  of  many,  of  an  approach- 
ing war  with  France,  in  order  that  the  inhabitants  of  that 
town  might  be  prepared,  in  case  of  sudden  ('anger,  that 
those  of  the  said  inhabitants  who  might  at  that  time  be  un- 
provided, should  he,  and  thereby  were,  requested  duly  to 
observe  at  that  time  the  law  of  the  Province,  whereby  it  is 
required  that  every  listed  soldier  and  other  householder, 
(except  troopers,  who  by  law,  are  otherwise  to  be  provi- 
ded,) shall  always  be  provided  with  a  well  fixed  firelock, 
musket,  accoutrement,  and  ammunition,  as  in  the  said  law 
Is  particularly  mentioned,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  com- 
missioned officers  of  the  company. 

Tliey  also  voted  that  a  letter  should  be  written 
to  the  several  towns  \a  the  Provicce,  zs  follows  : 


"  Gentlemen  :  You  are  already  too  well  ac-       no.iis. 
quainted  with  the  melancholy  and  very  alarming  Jv',',',"Ii'.l'  sfu^I 
circumstances  to  which  this  l^rovince,  as  well  .t'^.'.'.^.Iif;!';^ 
as  America  in  general,  is  now  reduced  ;  taxes,  i?"*- 
eciually  detrimental  to  the    commercial    interests    of  the 
Parent  Country    and  her  Colonies,  are  imposed  on   the 
People  without  their  consent;  taxes  designed  for  the  su|)- 
port  of  the  civil  Government  in  the  Colonics,  in  a  manner 
clearly  unconstitutional,  an^l  contrary  to  that  in  which,  till 
of  late.  Government  has  been  supported  by  the  free  gift  of 
tiie  People  in  the  Ameririin  Asseiablics  or  Parliaments;  as 
also  for  the  maintenance  of  a  large  stand.ng  army,  not  for 
the  defence  of  the  newly  acquired  Terrltorits,  lut  for  the 
old  Colonies,  and  in  time  of  peace.     Ti:e  decent,  humble, 
and  truly  loyal  applications  and  petitions  from  the  Kcprt- 
scntatives  of  this  l*rovince,  for  the  redress  of  these  heavy 
and  very  threatening  grievances,  have  hitherto  been  inef- 
fectual, being  assured  from  authentic  intelligence,  that  they 
have  not  yet  readied  the  Royal  ear.     Tne  only  elfect  of 
transmitting  applications  liitherto  perceivahle,  I  as   been  a 
mandate  from  one  of  his  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  State  to 
the  Governor  of  iliis  Province,  to  dissolve  the  General 
Assembly,  merely  because  the  late  Ilcuse  of  Representa- 
tives refused  to  resc'nd  a  resolution  of  a  former  House, 
which  implied  nothing  more  than  a  right  in  the  American 
subjects  to  unite  in   humble  and  dut  ful  petitions  to  their 
gracious  Sovereign,  when  they  found  themselves  aggrieved. 
Tiiis  is  aright  naturally  inherent  in  every  man,  and  express- 
ly recognised  at  the  glorious  revolution,  as  the  birth-right 
of  an  Englishman. 

"  Tnis  dissolution  you  are  sensible  has  taken  pla?e.  The 
Governor  has  publicly  and  repeatedly  declared  that  he 
cannot  call  another  Assembly  ;  and  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  American  Dejiartinent,  in  one  of  liis  letters,  com- 
municated to  the  House,  has  been  p 'eased  to  say,  "  That 
"  proper  care  will  be  taken  for  the  support  of  the  dignity  of 
"  Government ;"  the  meaning  of  which  is  too  plain  to  be 
niisundeistood.  The  concern  and  perplexity  into  which 
these  things  have  thrown  the  People,  have  been  greatly 
aggravated  by  a  late  declaration  of  his  Excellency  Govern- 
or Bernard,  that  one  or  more  regiments  may  be  expect- 
ed in  this  Province. 

"  Tlie  design  of  these  troops  is  in  every  one's  apprehen- 
sion, nothing  short  of  enforcing,  by  military  pows  r,  the 
execution  of  Acts  of  Parliament,  in  the  forming  of  which 
the  Colonies  have  not,  and  cannot  have,  any  constitutional 
influence.  This  is  one  of  the  greatest  distresses  to  which  a 
free  People  can  be  reduced. 

"  The  town  which  we  have  the  honorto  serve,  have  taken 
these  things,  at  their  late  meeting,  into  their  most  serious 
consideration  :  and  as  there  is  in  the  minds  of  many  a  pre- 
vailing apprehension  of  an  approaching  war  with  Fratice, 
they  have  passed  the  several  votes  which  we  transmit  to 
you,  desiring  that  tliey  may  be  immediately  laid  before  the 
town,  whose  prudentials  are  in  your  care,  at  a  legal  meet- 
ing, for  their  candid  and  particular  attention. 

"  Deprived  of  the  counsels  of  a  General  Assembly  in  this 
dark  and  dillicult  season,  the  loyal  People  of  tliis  Province 
will,  we  are  persuaded,  immediately  perceive  the  propriety 
and  utility  of  the  proposed  Committee  of  Convention,  and 
the  sound  and  wholesome  advice  that  may  be  expected 
from  a  number  of  gentlemen  chosen  by  themselves,  and  in 
whom  they  may  repose  the  greatest  confidence,  must  tend 
to  the  real  service  of  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  and  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects  in  this  Province,  and  may  happily 
prevent  any  sudden  and  unconnected  measures,  which,  in 
their  present  anxiety,  and  even  agony  of  mind,  they  may 
be  in  danger  of  failing  into. 

"  And  it  is  of  inipoitance  that  the  Convention  should 
meet  as  soon  as  may  be ;  so  early  a  day  as  the  22d  of  this 
instant,  ISeptember,  has  been  proposed  for  that  purpose ;  arid 
it  is  hoped,  the  remotest  towns  will  by  that  time,  or  as  soon 
after  as  conveniently  may  be,  return  their  respective  Com- 
mittees.    - 

"  Not  doubting  but  you  are  equally  concerned  with  us, 
and  our  fellow  citizens,  for  the  preservation  of  our  invaluable 
rights,  and  for  the  general  happiness  of  our  ceuntry,  and 
that  you  are  disposed,  with  equal  ardour,  to  exert  yourselves 
in  every  constitutional  way  for  so  glorious  a  purpose." 

The  Committee  observe,  that  it  does  not  appear  to  them 
that  any  steps  were  taken  to  suppress  these  measures,  or 


31 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


22 


that  they  were  noticed*  of  by  the  Council,  or  any  of  the 
Civil  Magistrates. 

The  Committee  tliink  it  necessary  here  to  insert  the  fol- 
lowing extracts. 

Journals,   Ko-       Tlio  first  extract  is  from  his  Majesty's  most 
vemi,era,nus.  g^jj^io^s  Spcechfrom  the  Throne,  on  the  Hth 

day  of  JSovcmhcr,  1768  : 

"  At  the  close  of  the  Inst  Parliament,  I  expressed  my 
"  satisfaction  at  the  appearances  whicii  then  induced  me  to 
4*  believe,  that  such  of  my  subjects  as  had  been  misled  in 
"  some  parts  of  my  Dominions,  were  returning  to  a  just 
"  sense  of  their  duty  ;  but  it  is  with  equal  concern  that  I 
"  have  since  seen  tliat  spirit  of  faction  which  1  had  hoped 
"  was  well  nigh  extinguished,  breaking  out  afresh  in  some  of 
"  my  Colonies  in  JSoith  America,  and  in  one  of  them,  pro- 
"  ceeding  even  to  acts  of  violence,  and  of  resistance  to  the 
"  execution  of  the  law  ;  the  capital  town  of  which  Colony 
"  appears,  by  late  advises,  to  be  in  a  state  of  disobedience  to 
"  all  law  and  Government,  and  has  proceeded  to  measures 
"  subversive  of  the  Constitution,  and  attended  withcircum- 
"  stances  that  manifi.st  a  disposition  to  throw  off  their  de- 
"  pendence  on  Great  Britain.  On  my  part  1  have  pur- 
"  sued  every  measure  tiiat  appeared  to  be  necessary  (or 
"  supporting  the  Constitution,  and  inducing  a  due  obedience 
"  to  tiie  authority  of  the  Legislature.  You  may  rely  upon 
"  my  steady  perseverance  in  these  purposes  ;  and  I  doubt 
"  not  but  tliai,  with  your  concurrence  and  support,  I  shall  be 
"  able  to  defeat  the  niischevious  designs  of  those  turbulent 
"  and  seditious  persons,  who,  under  false  pretences,  have 
"  but  too  successfully  deluded  numbers  of  my  subjects  in 
"  America,  and  who^e  practices,  if  sufiered  to  prevail,  cannot 
"  fail  to  produce  the  most  fatal  consequences  to  my  Colonies 
"  inunediately,  and  in  the  end,  to  all  the  Dominions  of  my 
"  Crown." 

The  second  extract  is  from  your  Lordsiiips 
y«t«rm  <rr9t  -    jj^,jjc^,[  ^ddress  to  his  Majesty  on  his  said  most 

gracious  Speech : 

"  We  feel  the  most  sincere  concern,  that  any  of  our  fel- 
"  low  subjects  in  North  America,  should  be  misled  by  fac- 
"  tious  and  designing  men,  into  acts  of  violence,  and  of 
"  resistance  to  the  execution  of  the  law,  attended  witii  cir- 
"  cumstances  that  manifest  a  disposition  to  throw  off  their 
"  dependence  upon  Great  BritcAn.  At  the  same  time  that 
'•  we  shall  be  always  ready  to  contribute  to  tlie  relief  of  any 
"  real  grievance  of  your  Majesty's  American  subjects,  we 
"  mostunfeignedly  give  your  Majesty  the  strongest  assuran- 
"  ces,  that  we  shall  ever  zealously  concur  in  support  of  such 
"just  and  necessary  measures,  as  may  best  enable  your 
"  Majesty  to  repress  that  daring  spirit  of  disobedience,  and 
"  to  enforce  a  due  submission  to  the  laws  ;  always  consider- 
"  ing  that  it  is  one  of  our  most  essential  duties  to  maintain 
"  inviolate  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Legislature  of 
"  Great  Britain  over  every  part  of  the  Dominions  of  your 
"  Majesty's  Crown." 

The  third  extract  is  from  his  Majesty's  most  gracious 
Answer  to  your  Lordships  Address  : 

"  Your  zealous  concurrence  in  every  measure 
s<n-irti  fi  1  1 1.  ;;  ^Y,^^  (..^f,  bring  relief  to  my  People  is  well  known 

"  tome,  nor  do  I  doubt  of  the  attention  that  you  will  always 
'•  give  to  any  real  grievances  of  my  American  subjects. 
"  The  strong  assurances  1  receive  from  you  at  the  same 
"  time  of  your  determination  to  vindicate  the  just  Legisla- 
"  live  authority  of  Parliament  over  all  the  Dominions  of 
"  my  Crown,  deserve  my  warmest  approbation. 

The  Conunittee  find  that  on  the  15th  of 
°"""  ""  '  Novcm'jer,  the  Lord  Harwich  acquainted  the 
House,  "That  he  had  received  his  Majesty's  commands 
"  to  lay  before  the  House,  Papers  relating  to  the  late  Dis- 
"  turbances  in  America ;  and  that  the  same  would  be  laid 
"  before  the  House  in  a  few  days." 

J   J  That  accordingly,  on  the  28th  o( November, 

the    Lord   Harwich    laid  before    the   House, 

copies  of  all  Letteis,  &,c.,  relating  to  the  late  Proceedings 

of  the  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  together  with  a 

list  thereof,  which  was  read  by  the  Clerk. 

That  on  the    15th  of  December,  the  House 

December  ^  5th.  i       r  ii        •  i      * 

came  to  the  lollowmg  resolutions: 
"  1 .  Resolved,  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled.  That  the  votes  and  resolutions,  and 


•Sic 


proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  in  the  months  of  January  and  February  last, 
respecting  several  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  so  far  as  the 
said  votes,  resolutions,  and  proceedings,  do  import  a  denial 
of,  or  to  draw  into  question,  the  power  and  authority  of  his 
Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  J>ords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Conmions,  in  Parliament  as- 
sembled, to  make  laws  and  statutes  of  sufficient  force  and 
validity  to  bind  the  Colonies  and  People  of  America,  sub- 
jects of  tlie  Crown  of  Great  Biitain,  in  all  cases  whatsoever, 
are  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  derogatory  of  the  rights  of 
the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain. 

"'2.  Resolved,  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  a7id  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled,  Tliat  the  resolution  of  the  siiid 
House  of  Representatives  of  the  Province  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  in  January  last,  to  write  letters  to  the  several 
Houses  of  Representatives  of  the  British  Colonies  on  the 
Continent,  desiring  them  to  join  with  the  said  Hcuse  of 
Representatives  of  the  Province  o^  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
Petitions  which  do  deny,  or  draw  into  question  the  right  of 
Parliament  to  impose  duties  and  taxes  upon  his  Majesty's 
subjects  in  America ;  and  in  pursuance  of  the  said  resolu- 
tion, the  writing  such  letters  in  which  certain  late  Acts  of 
Parliament,  imposing  duties  and  taxes,  are  stated  to  be  in- 
fringements of  the  rights  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  of  the 
said  Province,  are  proceedings  of  a  most  unwarrantable  and 
dangerous  nature,  calculated  to  inHame  the  minds  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects  in  the  other  Colonies  ;  tending  to  create 
unlawful  coinjjinations,  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  Great 
Britain,  and  subversive  of  the  Constitution. 

"  3.  Resolved,  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled,  That  it  appears  th.at  the  town  of 
Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  has  for 
some  time  pa-n  been  in  a  state  of  great  disorder  and  con- 
fusion ;  and  that  the  peace  of  the  said  town  has  at  several 
times  been  disturb^'d  by  riots  and  tumults  of  a  dangerous 
nature,  in  which  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's  Revenue 
there  have  been  obstructed  by  acts  of  violence  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  laws,  and  their  lives  endangered. 

"  4.  Resolved  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled.  That  it  appears  that  neither  the 
Council  of  the  said  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  nor  the 
ordinary  Civil  Magistrates,  did  exert  their  authority  for  sup- 
pressing the  said  riots  and  tumults. 

"  5.  Resolved  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled,  That  in  these  circumstances  of  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
the  preservation  of  the  public  peace,  and  tiie  due  execution 
of  the  laws  became  impracticable  without  the  aid  of  a  mili- 
tary force  to  support  and  protect  the  Civil  Magistrates,  and 
the  Officers  of  lis  Majesty's  Revenue. 

"  6.  Resolved  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled,  That  the  declarations,  resolutions, 
and  proceedings,  in  the  town  meeting  at  Boston,  on  the  14th 
of  June,  and  12th  of  September,  were  illegal  and  unconsti- 
tutional, and  calculated  to  excite  sedition  and  insurrection 
in  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  7.  Resolved  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled,  That  the  appointment  at  the  town 
meeting,  on  the  12th  of  September,  of  a  Convention  to  be 
held  in  the  town  of  Boston,  on  the  22d  of  that  month,  to 
consist  of  Deputies  from  the  several  towns  and  districts  in 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  the  issuing  a 
precept  by  the  Selectmen  of  the  town  of  Boston,  to  each 
of  the  said  town?  and  districts  for  the  election  of  such 
Deputies,  were  jiroceedings  subversive  of  his  Majesty's 
Government,  and  evidently  manifesting  a  design  in  the  in- 
habitants of  the  said  town  of  Boston,  to  set  up  a  new  and 
unconstitutional  authority,  independent  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain. 

"  S.  Resolved  by  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  in 
Parliament  assembled.  That  the  elections,  by  several  towns 
and  districts  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  of 
Deputies  to  sit  in  the  said  Convention,  and  the  meeting  of 
sucli  Convention  in  consequence  thereof,  were  daring  in- 
sults offered  to  his  Majesty's  authority,  and  audacious  usur- 
pations of  the  powers  of  Government." 

It  was  then  ordered,  "  That  an  humble  Address  be  pre- 
"  seiued  to  his  Majesty,  to  return  his  Majesty  thanks  for 
"  the  communication  which  he  has  been  pleased  to  make 
"  to  his  Parliament,  of  several  Papers  relative  to  public 


23 


KINGS  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7.  1774. 


34 


Jan.  ao,  1769. 


•'  transactions  in  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massachusetts 
"  Bay. 

"  To  express  our  sincere  satisfaction  in  tlie  measures 
"  wiiicli  liLs  Majesty  has  pursued  for  supporting  tlie  Consti- 
"  tution,  and  inducing  a  due  obedience  to  the  authority  ol 
"  the  Legislature. 

•'  To  give  his  Majesty  the  strongest  assurances  tiiat  we 
••  will  effectually  stand  by  and  support  his  Majesty  in 
"  such  further  measures  as  may  be  found  necessary  to  main- 
"  tain  the  Civil  Magistrates  in  a  due  execution  of  the  laws 

■  witiiin  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  And  as  we  conceive  that  nothing  can  be  more  inime- 
••  diately  necessary  either  for  the  maintenance  of  his  Ma- 
"  jesty"s  autiiority  in  the  said  Province,  or  for  the  guarding 
"  his  Majesty's  subjects  therein  from  being  furtiier  deluded 
"■  by  the  arts  of  wicked  and  designing  men,  than  to  pro- 
•'  ceed  in  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  manner  for  bring- 
"  ing  to  condign  punishment  the  chief  authors  and  insti- 
"  gators  of  the  lale  disorders,  to  beseech  his  Majesty,  that 
^  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  direct  liis  Majesty's 
"  Govemor  of  Massachusetts  Bay  to  take  the  most  effec- 
"  tual  methods  for  procuring  the  fullest  information  that  can 
"■  be  obtained,  touching  all  treasons  or  misprison  of  treason 
■'  committed  within  his  Government,  since  the  30th  of 

■  December  last,  and  to  transmit  the  same,  together  with 
•"  the  names  of  the  persons  who  were  most  active  in  the 
••'  commission  of  such  offences,  to  one  of  his  Majesty's 
"  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  in  order  that  his  Majesty 
■"  may  issue  a  special  commission  for  inquiring  of,  hearing, 
"  and  determining  the  said  offences  within  this  Realm, 
"  pursuant  to  the  provisions  of  the  statute  of  the  thirty-fifth 
•'  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  the  Eighth,  if  Jiis 
"  Majesty  shall,  upon  receiving  the  said  information,  see 
'•'  sufficient  groiuid  for  such  a  proceeding." 

And  a  Message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
to  carrj'  down  the  said  Resolutions  and  Address,  and  de- 
sire their  concurrence  thereto. 

On  the  20th  January,  1769,  Lord  Harwich, 
(by  his  Majesty's  command,)  laid  before  the 
House  more  copies  of  letters  relating  to  America,  which 
were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

On  the  9tli  of  February,  the  Resolutions  and 

"^m  ■  j^djifess^  sent  to  tlie  Commons  on  the  15tli  of 
December  last,  for  their  concurrence,  were  returned  agreed 
to,  with  some  amendments,  which  were  read  and  agreed 
to,  and  notice  thereof  sent  to  the  Commons ;  and  the  said 
Address  was  ordered  to  be  presented  to  his  Majesty  by 
both  Houses. 

On  the  14th  of  February,  the  Lord  Chan- 

"""^^  cellor  reported  his  Majesty's  Answer  to  the  said 
Address,  as  follows : 

•'  My  Lords  and  Gentlemen:  The  sincere  satisfaction 
"  you  express  in  the  mea-sures  wliich  I  have  already  taken, 
■'  and  the  strong  assurances  yo\i  give  of  supporting  me  in 
"  those  which  may  be  still  necessary,  to  maintain  the  just 
"  legislative  authority,  and  the  due  execution  of  the  laws, 
"  in  my  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  give  me  great 
"  pleasure. 

"  1  shall  not  fail  to  give  those  orders  which  you  recom- 
"  niend,  as  the  most  effectual  method  of  bringing  the  authors 
"  of  the  late  unhappy  disorders  in  lliat  Province,  to  con- 
"  dign  punishment." 

Which  Address  and  Answer  were  ordered  to  be  printed. 

vidt  BwoUa.  ^^  *'°'''  "°^  appear  to  the  Committee  that 
acKi  Aiidn-w.-.  the  censure  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Province 
°Jt  "^viiiim'n^  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  of  the  conduct  of 
ui  frt.  mi.  ji,g  Council  and  otlier  Civil  Magistrates,  ex- 
pressed by  both  Houses  of  Parliament,  in  their  Resolutions, 
and  their  approbation  of  the  measure  of  sending  troops 
thither  to  support  and  protect  the  Magistrates,  and  theOfli- 
cers  of  the  Revenue,  produced  the  good  effect  that  mi"ht 
reasonably  have  been  hoped  for.  A  disposition  to  deny  the 
authority,  and  resist  the  laws  of  the  supreme  Legislature, 
continued  still  to  prevail,  not  only  in  Hagiiious  publications 
in  the  daily  newspapers,  but  also  in  a  variety  of  violent  and 
unwarrantable  resolutions  and  proceedings  of  those  mer- 
chants and  others,  who  had  subscribed  to  the  agreements 
for  non-importation  of  goods  from  Great  Britain. 

Meetings  of  the  Associators  were  represent- 
vide  '  Prii'.i.-a  ed  to  have  been  held,  in  as  regular  a  manner 
*^S(ioii.«nd  as  any  other  meeting  authorized  by  the  Consti' 


tution.    Committees  were  appointed  to  examine  Jk^pn^^'ng) 

the  cargoes  of  all  vessels  arnvnig  from  Great  <h™-"r-  Wjcs 
Britain;  and  regular  votes  and  resolutions  of 
censure  were  passed  in  those  meetings  upon  all  such  as 
refused  to  concur  in  those  unlawful  Associations;  their 
names  were  published  in  the  public  newspapers  as  enemies 
to  their  country  ;  and  the  mandates  and  decrees  of  those 
Conmiittees*  meet  with  a  respect  and  obedience  denied  to 
the  constitutional  authority  of  Government. 

in  some  cases  goods  imjKjrted  from  Great  Britain  were 
locked  up  in  ware-houses,  under  the  care  of  these  Com- 
mittees, in  order  to  prevent  their  being  sold  ;  and,  in  one 
or  two  instances,  they  were  i-e-shipped  to  Great  Britain. 

On  the  31st  of  'May,  1769,  the  General 
Court  met  at  the  court  house  at  Boston,  j)ur-  vi<i.'  sii"mn- 
suant  to  his  Majesty's  writs,  and  the  first  step  x^.^/^Tjlmr, 
the  Assembly  took,  before  they  proceeded  on  nee.''"' ■'"'"' 
any  other  business,  was  to  send  a  Message  to 
the  Govemor,  asserting  that  the  having  ships  in  the  harbor, 
and  troops  in  the  town  of  Boston,  was  inconsistent  with 
their  dignity  and  freedom;  and,  therefore,  that  they  had 
a  right  to  expect  that  he  would  give  orders  for  the  remo- 
val of  the  forces,  by  sea  and  land,  from  that  port,  and  from 
the  gates  of  the  city,  during  the  session  of  tlie  Assembly ; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  House  came  to  several  resolu- 
tions to  the  same  effect  as  the  declarations  contained  in 
their  Message  to  the  Governor. 

The  Governor  having  in  reply  to  their  Message,  acquaint- 
ed them  "  That  he  had  no  authority  over  his  Majesty's 
"  ships  in  that  port,  or  his  troops  in  that  town,  nor  could 
"  give  any  orders  for  the  removal  of  them,"  they  then 
proceeded  to  the  election  of  Counsellors,  in  which  election 
not  only  the  Lieutenant  Govemor,  and  other  officers  of 
Government  were  excluded,  but  also  several  other  gentle- 
men who  had  been  of  the  former  Council,  and  who  (the 
Governor  represents)  shewed  a  disposition  to  support  the 
King's  Government,  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Par- 
liament, and  to  preserve  tlie  People  from  a  Democratic 
despotism,  and  were  otherwise  distinguished  by  their  integ- 
rity and  ability. 

On  the  13th  of  June,  tlie  Assembly  sent  an  Answer  to 
the  Governor's  Message,  of  the  31st  of  May,  in  which  he 
had  told  them  that  he  had  no  authority  over  the  King's 
ships  or  troops.  In  this  Answer  they  assert  that  "  By  the 
"  principles  of  the  Constitution,  the  Governor  of  thatColo- 
"  ny  has  the  absolute  military  command ;  that  the  sending 
"  a  mihtary  force  there  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
"  is  inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  Government,  and  the 
"spirit  of  a  free  Constitution ;  that  the  unwillingness  of  a 
"  People  in  general,  that  a  law  should  be  executed,  was  a 
"  strong  presumption  of  its  being  an  unjust  law ;  that  it 
"  could  not  be  their  law,  as  tlie  People  must  consent  to 
"  laws  before  they  can  be  obliged,  in  conscience,  to  obey 
"  them." 

h  appears  by  a  vote  of  the  Assembly,  on  the 
8tli  of  July,  that  they  have  declared  that  all  F.xireciuiGo». 
trials  for  treason,  misprison  of  treason,  or  for  ^"'IC Kiri'rf 
any  felony  or  crime  whatever,  committed  or  ";."7fh'a°,''/mh 
done  in  that  Colony,  ought  of  riiiht  to  be  had  •'|''V  "'^'  ™- 
and  conducted  within  the  courts  of  the  Colon  v;  «'''"'"'»  '•""■e 

d,  ,  .    .  -^  '    House  nf  Hep- 

that  the  seizing  any  person  or  persons,  re-  rMcmntivn,  of 

siding  in  thsit  Colony,  suspected  of  any  crime  ""*"'•'"'''• 
whatsoever,  committed  therein,  and  sending  such  person  or 
persons  to  places  beyond  the  sea  to  be  tried,  is  highly  de- 
rogatory of  the  rights  of  British  subjects,  as  thereby  the 
inestimable  privilege  of  bcnig  tried  by  a  Jury  from  the 
vicinage,  as  well  as  tiie  liberty  of  summoning  and  produc- 
ing witnesses  on  such  trials,  v>'ill  be  taken  away  from  the 
party  accused. 

On  the  6th  of  April,  1770,  a  Bill  was  brought 
up  from  the  House  of  Commons,  to  your  Lord-  ^".Tto/^"' 
ships,  intituled,  "  An  Act  to  repeal  so  much  of 
"  an  Act,  made  in  tiie  sevenlli  year  of  his  present  Majesty's 
"  reign,  intituled,  'An  Act  for  granting  certain  Duties  in 
"  tiie  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America ;  for 
"  allowing  a  drawback  of  the  duties  of  customs  upon  the 
"  exportation  from  this  Kingdom,  of  coffee  and  cocoa-nuts, 
"  of  the  produce  of  the  said  Colonies  or  Plantations ;  for 
'•  discontinuing  the  drawbacks  payable  on  china  earthen 


»Si«. 


25 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


26 


May  7th. 


"  ware,  exported  to  America ;  and  for  more  effectually 
"  preventing  the  clandestine  running  of  goods  in  the  said 
"  Colonies  and  Plantations  ; '  as  relates  to  tlie  Duties  upon 
"  glass,  red  lead,  white  lead,  painters'  colours,  paper  paste- 
"  boards,  millboard.-^,  and  scaleboards,  of  the  ])roduce  or 
"  manufacture  of  G'rent  Britain,  imported  into  any  of  his 
"  Majesty's  Colonies  in  America;  and  also  to  the  discon- 
"  tinuing  the  drawbacks  payable  on  cliina  earthen  ware, 
"  exported  to  America;  and  for  regulating  the  exportation 
"  thereof." 

Which  Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  12tli  of 
April. 
.ipriimh.  ^"  t''6  30th  of  April,  it  was  ordered  ''  That 

••  an  humble  Address  should  be  presented  to  his 
"  Majesty,  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give 
"  directions  that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  copies  of 
"  all  narratives  of  any  disputes  or  disturbances  which  have 
"  happened  between  his  Majesty's  troops,  stationed  in 
"  North  America,  and  the  inhabitants  of  any  of  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  Colonies  there,  since  the  24th  day  of  June  last, 
"  received  by  the  Commissioners  of  his  Majesty's  Treasu- 
'•  ry,  and  of  his  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  State,  or  any  other 
"  public  officers,  together  with  copies  of  all  orders  and  in- 
"  structions  .sent  to  the  Governors,  Lieutenant  Governors, 
"  Deputy  Governors,  Presidents  of  the  Council  of  any  of 
"  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  North  America,  or  to  the 
"  Commander-in-chief  of  his  Majesty's  forces,  or  any  offi- 
"  car,  civil,  or  military,  within  the  same,  relative  to  such 
'•  disputes  or  disturbances." 
Hay  4ih.  -^n*'  t'l'-it  on  the  4th  of  May,  the  Lord  Hai-- 

wich,  (by  his  Majesty's  command,)  laid  before 
the  House,  several  Papers  relating  to  the  late  Disturbances 
in  America,  pursuant  to  an  Address  to  his  Majesty,  for  that 
purpose,  on  the  30th  of  April  last,  together  with  a  list 
thereof;  wiiich  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  Committee  find  that,  on  the  7th  of  May, 

the  Lord  Harwich,  laid  before  the  House,  (by 
his  Majesty's  command,)  a  Narrative  of  the  late  transac- 
tions at  Boston,  and  the  case  of  Captain  Thomas  Preston, 
of  the  twenty-ninth  Regiment  of  Foot,  which  had  been 
transmitted  to  his  Lordship,  from  the  War  Office ;  and  the 
same  were  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

On  the  14th  of  May  it  was  ordered,  that 

an  humble  Address  should  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  di- 
rections, that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  copies  of  the 
Earl  o{  Hillsborough's  letter  of  the  13th  oi  May,  1769,  to 
the  Governors  of  the  several  Colonies  of  North  America ; 
together  with  the  Speeches  of  the  Governors,  referring  to 
the  said  letter,  and  the  Answers  of  the  Assemblies  to  the 
same,  so  far  as  they  have  been  received. 

And  on  the  15th,  the  Lord  Harwich  laid 

before  the  House,  by  his  Majesty's  command, 
copies  of  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough's  letter  of  the  13th  of 
May,  1769,  to  the  Governors  of  the  several  Colonies  of 
North  America;  together  with  the  Speeclies  of  the  Govern- 
ors, referring  to  the  said  letter,  and  the  Answers  of  the 
As.semblies  to  the  same,  so  far  as  they  have  been  received  ; 
together  with  a  list  thereof;  which  were  ordered  to  lie  on 
the  table :  and  the  same  with  the  other  American  Papers 
presented  in  tiiis  Session,  were  also  ordered  to  be  taken  into 
consideration  on  Friday  next ;  and  the  Lords  summoned. 
N-o.-isfi.  The  Committee  find  by  Lieutenant  Governor 

v^mlr"  wl  °/T  Hutchinson's  letter  of  the  27th  of  March,  1770, 
»","'' i.'",*;n,'"  tl'at  when    the  troops  were  in  the  town,  the 

E.irl    of  Hillt-  .      .  c      X       r^  ..  i 

btrtugh,  iiaitd  Commissioners  ot  the  Customs  were  sensible 
'  '  '  they  could  have  no  dependence  upon  them,  for 
if  any  riot  had  happened,  no  Civil  Magistrate  that  he  knew 
would  ha\e  employed  them  in  suppressing  it ;  those  who, 
from  a  principle,  would  have  been  disposed  to  it,  refusing, 
and  giving  this  reason,  that  they  must  immediately  after 
have  left  the  country ;  and  that  just  the  same  principles 
pre\'ailed  with  respect  to  the  troops,  which  were  said  to  be 
unconstitutional,  although  established  by  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, it  being  alleged  that  it  was  an  Act  which  did  not  bind 
Colonists.       , 

Lieutenant    Governor    Hutchinson,   in     his 

letter  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  of  the  27th 

,"""■*""«';;•' ,  April,  1770,  complains,  that  he  has  never  been 

U-tli-r    lo     Karl  i  .  '  ,    .  r       i_ 

HiiMtrmghM  able  to  obtain  the  advice  or  consent  of  the 
jiMjfoy,  1770.  Council  to  any  proposal  made  for  discounte- 


May  mil. 


MttV  l.'th. 


No.  327. 
Vide    Li'-iilcii. 
tut      Govimor 


nancing  the  usurpation  of  the  powers  of  Go\-crnment  by 
the  town  of  Boston.  That  he  had  used  the  negative 
powers  given  him  by  Charter,  in  excluding  Mr.  Hancock 
from  being  Speaker  pro  tempore,  and  Mr.  Gushing  from 
the  office  of  Commissary  General,  to  which  offices  they 
had  been  elected  ;  but  adds,  that  this  was  doing  but  little, 
as  he  could  not  remove  any  of  those  who  were  actually  in 
office,  some  of  whom  were  more  inflammatory  than  any  out 
of  office;  he  further  says,  that  they  were  then  attempting 
to  compel  all  the  importers,  of  what  they  call  contraband 
goods,  to  send  them  back,  and  that  he  was  not  sure  they 
would  not  succeed ;  that  all  goods  which  they  have  not 
enumerated  are  called  contraband.  That  tea  from  Hol- 
land may  lawfully  be  sold  ;  tliat  it  is  a  high  crime  to  sell 
any  from  England.  That  Mr.  Hancock  offered  to  send 
one  or  more  of  his  ships  back,  and  to  lose  the  freight ;  that 
several  of  the  importers  pleaded  that  they  should  be  utterly 
ruined  ;  but  the  Boston  zealots  had  no  bowels,  and  gave  for 
answer,  "  That  if  a  ship  was  to  bring  in  the  plague,  nobody 
"  would  doubt  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  with  her ;  but 
"the  present  case  is  much  worse  than  that."  In  the  same 
letter  the  Lieutenant  Governor  observes,  "  That  the  Boston 
"  principles  obtain  more  and  more  in  the  remote  parts  of  the 
"  Province,  and  the  Representatives  of  seven-eighths  of  the 
"  town  appear,  in  the  present  session,  to  be  favourers  of 
"  the  non-importation  measures.  That  their  internal  dis- 
"  tresses  may,  in  a  course  of  years,  force  them  to  desist,  but 
"  that  the  distress  at  present,  and  it  may  be  for  some  time  to 
"  come,  lies  principally  upon  the  friends  to  Government, 
"  who  run  the  risk  of  importing  goods,  and  then  are  com- 
"  pelled,  by  the  ruling  power,  to  keep  them  unsold,  or  to 
"  ship  them  back ;  that  he  made  an  attempt  that  day  to 
"  prevail  upon  a  merchant  of  the  first  estate  and  character, 
"  to  induce  him  to  promote  an  Association,  but  to  no  pur- 
"  pose;  and  that  he  gave  him  for  answer,  '  that,  until  Par- 
"  liament  made  provision  for  the  punishment  of  the  con- 
"  federacies,  all  would  be  ineiFectual,  and  the  associates 
"  would  be  exposed  to  popular  rage."  He  observed  further, 
"  that  the  last  year,  when  the  King's  speech,  and  the  Ad- 
"  dressses  of  the  Lords  and  of  the  House  of  Commons  first 
"  came  to  them,  the  heads  of  the  opposition  were  struck  with 
"  terror,  and  the  seditious  newspaper  writers  laid  aside  their 
"  pens  for  five  or  six  w-eeks,  but  as  soon  as  the  apprehension 
'■  of  vigorous  measures  ceased,  their  fears  were  over,  and 
"  they  became  more  assuming  and  tyrannical  than  before, 
"  and  although  the  terror  was  not  so  great  the  present  year, 
"  yet  it  was  visible  ;  but  now,  that  they  expect  nothing  will 
"  be  done,  they  are  recovering  their  spirits,  knowing  there 
"  is  no  power  within  the  Government  to  restrain  them. 

The  resistance  to  the  custom-house  officers 
still  continued  to  manifest  itself  upon  every  oc-  i-nt"  from 
casion,in  consequence  of  which,  on  the  18th  of  vemo"'HutcT. 
May,  1770,  atideman  of  the  customs,  who  had  miZl"^^.''^ 
seized  a  small  coasting  vessel  belonging  to  Con-  ""'j^^'^"'"'- 
necticut,  and  a  few  casks  of  sugar,  for  breach  of  the  Acts  of 
Trade,  in  the  evening  was  seized,  stripped,  and  carried  about 
the  town,  three  or  four  hours,  besmeared  with  tar,  and  then 
covered  with  feathers,  and  followed  by  a  great  number  of 
disorderly  People, 

The  Committee  do  not  find  in  your  Lordship's  Journals 
of  the  years  1771  and  1772,  any  material  proceedings  rela- 
tive to  the  matter  to  them  referred. 

Though  in  the  year  1771,  things  remained 
tolerably  quiet  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  i,i,.^i°;,on'Go- 
Bay,  yet  the  disposition  to  disavow  the  authority  "™7,„  farfrf 
of  Parliament,  occasionally  broke   out  in  the  miMorough, 

IT  /-ill  1  •  Julytxh,  1771. 

House  ot  Assembly  and  town  meetings ;  ac- 
cordingly, in  an  Answer  from  the  House  of  Representatives 
to  a  Message  from  the  Governor,  on  the  5th  of  July,  1771, 
they  say,  that  "  They  know  of  no  Commissioners  of  his 
"  Majesty's  Customs,  nor  of  any  revenue  his  Majesty  has  a 
"  right  to  establish  m  North  America;  that  they  know  and 
"  feel  a  tribute  levied  and  extorted  from  those,  who,  if  they 
"  have  property,  have  a  right  to  the  absolute  disposal 
''of  it." 

At  the  same  time,  the  disposition  to  import       ko.4». 
goods  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  Revenue  and  i.icuten«nt  go- 

■/_,  ....  .  vt'i-nor     Hutch- 

Trade,  and  to  support  such  iniquitous  practices,  in«r.  w  Eari  of 
by  insults  and  open  wolences  upon  the  officers  ^^J^^aetb, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  carry  the  said  laws  into  exe-  ""• 
cution,  broke  out  upon  many  occasions ;  and,  as  usual,  the 


27 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


23 


Magistrates  declined  stiving  their  assistance  and  support, 
though  applied  to  for  that  purpose ;  which  a]ij)cars  in  the 
case  of  Arthur  Savage,  Comptroller  of  his  Majesty's 
Customs  at  Falmouth,  who  was  forcibly  taken  out  of  his 
house  in  the  ni£;ht,  by  several  persons  disguised  and  anned 
with  pistols  and  other  dani^erous  weapons,  wlio  put  him  in 
the  utmost  danger  of  his  life,  and  not  only  ohlij^ed  him  to 
divulge  the  name  of  the  person  who  had  lodged  an  informa- 
tion, but  also  to  swear  to  the  truth  of  his  information,  de- 
claring at  the  same  lirr.e,  that,  if  ];e  disi-o^ered  whotliey 
were,  they  would  take  his  life  ;  aiul  that  upon  his  applica- 
tion to  tiie  Justices,  who  were  then  sitting,  they  declined 
the  examination  of  the  evidence  he  brougiit  to  prove  tiie 
fact. 

xo  310.  Things  remained  much  in  the  same  state  in 

"*"•  j*"/,^''//"  the  year  1772.     The  continued  ill  temper  of 
innuxii.  Mr:<,  thc  People  at  Jioston  was  maniiested  bv  tJieir 
Bttiun  c.aitiie  mstmctions  to  tiieir  Kepresentatives. 
^Mav  u(ix.  (_T|)on  the  news  of  his  Majesty's  granting  sala- 

(•^^"thJciim-  "es  to  the.Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  tlie 
""rtmouM'o?!^  most  inflammatory  pieces  were  published  in  the 
(.*fr  i3.i,  1772.  newspapers,  and  tlie  Selectmen  of  Boston  or- 

No.  332.  ,  1       '  •  -J  !• 

Addn-u,^  Ort«  dercd  a  meetmg  to  consider  ol  mea-iures  upon 
''  '  '  '  that  occasion ;  which  meetin!;  voted  an  Address 
to  the  Governor,  in  which  they  say,  "  That,  tlie  frechold- 
"  ers  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  legally 
"  assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall,  bog  leave  to  acquaint  his  Ex- 
"  cellency,  that  a  report  has  prevailed,  which  they  have 
"  reason  to  apprehend  is  well  grounded,  that  stipends  are 
"  affixed  to  the  offices  of  the  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court 
"  of  judicature,  &c.,  of  this  Province,  whereby  they  are  be- 
"  come  independent  of  the  grants  of  the  General  Assembly 
"  for  their  support,  conti-ary  to  the  ancient  and  invariable 
"  usage. 

"  Tiiat  this  report  has  spread  an  alarm  among  all  con- 
"  siderate  persons  who  have  heard  of  it,  in  town  and  country, 
"  being  viewed  as  tending  rapidly  to  com))lcte  the  sy.^tein 
"  of  their  slavery,  which  originated  in  the  House  oi  Com- 
"  nions  of  Great  Britain,  assuming  a  power  and  authority 
'■  to  give  and  grant  the  money?  of  the  Colonists  without 
'•  their  consent,  and  against  their  repeated  remonstrances. 
"  And  as  the  Judges  hold  their  places  during  pleasure,  this 
"  establishment  appears  big  with  fatal  evils  so  obvious,  that 
"  it  is  needless  to  trespa.ss  on  your  Excellency's  time  in 
"  mentioning  them." 

The  Town  Meeting  afterwards  appointed  a 
oav°rnur'  Couuiiittce  of  Correspondence,  to  write  circular 
2;ri''!rf'™«r°.  letters  to  all  the  towns  in  tiie  Province,  to  in- 
ZVti-nZ'iib  tl'ice  them  to  unite  in  me;isures  upon  that  occa- 
Muii"'"'r''  ihu  ®'°"'  "''''"^*'  Committee  met  on  the  2d  of  No- 
.ou-i  .nil  pro-  vcmber.  1772,  and  made  a  report,  contahiina 

Cft-dineij  (if  ihe  i  i      •  i-  ^ 

t.>wiio?B.«™,  several  resokuions  contradictory  to  the  supre- 
mj.""'"'*"''  macy  of  the  British  Legislature;  and  after 
setting  forth,  that  all  men  have  a  right  to  remain 
in  a  state  of  nature,  as  long  as  tliey  please,  they  proceed  to 
draw  a  report  upon  tlie  natural  rights  of  the  Colonists,  as 
No.M<.  .™^?'  chri<;tians,  and  .suhjects,  and  form  a  list  of 
ptinu-d   voir,  infringements  and  violations  of  their  rights:  one 

•nd      Tirocet-d-       c  ^\        r  c        i  •    i  •  "^  ^'^^ 

tnff.ofis.fr..-  Ol  tlie  Inst  ol  which  contains  an  assertion,  that 
illliiiun«"  "If  the  British  Parliament  have  assumed  the  pow- 
fu'.",rm., •','>„,:".  ers  of  legislation  for  the  Colonies  in  all  cases 
i^^'"'"'  "'"•  whatsoever,  without  obtaining  the  consent  of  the 
inhabitants,  which  is  ever  essentially  necessary 
to  the  rightful  establishment  of  such  a  le:.nslation. 

They  al.so  consider  it  as  an  infringement  of  tiieir  rights, 
that  a  number  of  new  officers,  unknown  to  the  Chaiter,  have' 
been  appointed  to  superintend  the  revenues;  whereas  tiie 
great  and  general  Court  or  Assembly  of  that  Province  had 
the  sole  right  of  appointing  all  civil  officers,  excepting  only 
such  officers,  the  election  and  rcnslitution  of  whom  isln  tl;e 
said  Charter  exjiressly  excepted,  among  whom  these  officers 
are  not  included. 

They  likewise  complain  of  it  as  a  giievance,  that  his 
Majesty  has  been  jileased  to  apply  £  1 500  sterling,  annually, 
out  of  the  American  revenue,  ior  the  support  of  the  Go- 
vernment of  this  Province,  independent  of  tlie  As-jembly  ; 
and  th;it  the  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court,  as  also  the 
King's  Attorney  and  Solicitor  General,  are  to  receive  their 
support  from,  wjiat  they  call,  tliis  grevious  tribute  ;  which 
tliey  say,  will,  if  acc(ira])!ished,  complete  their  slavery. 

Six  hundred  copies  uf  ibis  report  were  circulated  in  the 


towns  of  the  Province,  with  a  pathetic  letter  addressed  to 
the  inliabitants,  who  are  called  u];on  not  to  doze  any 
longer,  or  sit  supinely  in  inditference,  whilst  the  iron  hand 
of  oi)|)ressioii  is  daily  tearing  the  choicest  Ihiits  from  the 
fair  tree  of  liberty. 

On  the  (Jtli  of  May  a  Message  was  brought 
from  the  House  of  Commons  to  your  Lord-  'J™,''""!'-;,  "''' 
shi]!S,  with  a  Bill,  intituled,  "  An  act  to  allow  a 
"  draw  back  of  the  duties  of  Customs  on  the  exportation  of 
"  Tea  to  any  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  or  Plantations  in 
"  America ;  to  increase  the  deposit  on  Bohea  tea  to  be  sold 
"  at  the  East  Lirlia  Company's  sales  ;  and  to  empower  the 
"  Commissioners  of  the  Treasury  to  grant  licences  to  the 
"  East  In  Ha  Company  to  export  tea,  duty  free;"  which 
Bill  received  the  Royal  assent  on  the  10th  o{  May. 

It  appears  to  the  Committee  in  the  Answer       N0.339. 
of  the  Council   to  the  Governor's  Speech,  at  i wil  ,"c;l!',* 
the  opening  <^i  the  session,  that  t!;ey  declare  tr,\TmV''i°m- 
"  Thev  are  of  opinion  that  tlie  Parliament  can-  ;•""•■'  >»>■«■■<* 

not,  constitutionally,  levy  taxes,  in  any  form,  >'»«. 
"  on  his  M;ije3ty's  subjects  in  that  Province." 

And  the  House  of  Kepresentative  upon  the  „  '•'»••';"■ 

11  1-^1  .  .  Hnnv   lif  Iti-p. 

same  occas-ion.  declare,  that  11  there  have  been  ■■  "•"miiv.-i  »n- 
in  any  late  instances  a  submission  to  Acts  of  »'»'•  sp..ih. 
Parliament,  it  has  been,  in  their  opinion,  rather  ""'  ^'"''•'^'^• 
from  inconsidenition,  or  a  reluctance  at  the  idea  of  contend- 
ing witii  the  Parent  State,  then  from  a  conviction  or 
acknowledgment  of  the  supreme  legislative  authority  of 
Parliament. 

The  Committee  of  Corresnondence  appear  ,.  '•■''  ^■'■ 
to  iiave  used  tlieir  utmost  endeavours  to  work  "••  '""i  Gov. 
up  the  minds  of  the  People,  not  only  for  their  K«i'i'''.!r''/Mr". 
own,  but  also  the  Southern  Governments,  to  ]vi'"'''in3'.'iith 
l)revent  the  importation  of  Te;is  from  the  East  j^'elalj^^ms"*^*: 
India  Company,  and  accordingly  on  the  3d  of 
November,  1773,  a  mob  of  about  five  hundred  persons, 
committed  several  outrageous  acts  of  violence,  ai^ainst  the 
persons  to  whom  it  was  expected  the  Tea  in  question  would 
be  consigned,  insisting  tiiat  they  should  engage  and  pro- 
mise not  to  receive  or  sell  it ;  that  if  they  did,  they  would 
be  voted  enemies  to  their  country,  and  must  expect  to  be 
treated  as  such  hereafter.  They  tiien  forced  open  tiie  doors 
of  the  ware-houses  of  Mr.  Clark,  and  tore  them  off  the 
liinges,  and  entered  with  great  violence,  attempting  to  force 
their  way  up  to  tlie  counting-house,  but  were  driven  back 
by  the  persons  who  were  in  it. 

A  Committee  then  of  the  freeholders  and   „  N"-303. 

Cnpv  ttl  a  *(»le 

Other    mhabitants,  attended    Mes.srs.    Thomas  '•'  y '"V 
and  Elisha  Hutchinson,  supposed  to  be  two  of  Km.Nav.  isiii, 
the  consignees,  and  requested  them  to  resign    "xosrs. 
their  appointment,    and   upon    their   refusing,  pJiM,','!  il.'T*!^ 
voted  tiieir  answer    unsatisfactory.     Governor  'is;'',7"3i''inHi 
Hutchinson    did    every    thinij   in    his  power,  »■;'! '"(*,''*/'"'■ 

.  1  rf-,  .1      *i.  1  c/iinttm*  I.  lif  r 

witiiout  the  Council,  for  the  preservation    of  <" -O"- 2.  i'm. 

the  peace  and  good  order  of  the  town,   and  Extmi.faiet- 

thought  that  if  lie  had  the  aid  the  Council  might  h'„>JI"!',ok  "w 

have   given,    his  endeavors  would   have  been  nZlthfn'c's"^', 

more  effiictual.  '"'••'■ '""' ''"' 

On  the  7th  November,  1773,  a  lar<;e  number  cup'';  f.tl;  u^e r 

of  People  beset  the  house  of  Mr.  Ilutchinson,  fj""  ooxmar 

I  r      ,•  I  •  I  II  --'    nt'tr/Niisun    to 

but  not  nndiiig  iiiin  at  liome,  proceeded  to  Mr.  k-h  "f  onn- 
Clark^s,  another  of  tl'e  consignees,  where  they  fl»«6/,',  su'wrr. 
committed  great  disorders;  broke  the  glasses   ''''■""■•.'"".'<<' 


and  frames  of  the  windows,  and  did  considera-  '"'" '^ 


a  eitpy  uf    lh« 
Piliiiiiii    of 
Ki./.niil   Clark 

bledamaire.     After  this  riot  the  Govern*  r  iin-  =""isoi..ii«i>- 

.  ~  """      rnuruit, 

mediately  summoned  a  Council,  and  laid  before  ""'  ^.'P/"""' 

,  ,  ■'  .  .  '  ,      .  anil  tlisha  llul- 

tiiein  the  necessity  of  some  measures  being  r/..n.i)ii,  ai,d  of 
taken;  but  tiie  Council  declined  advising;  or  If  !\'i^".,uuSi 
directing  any  measures  for  landing  the  Tea ;  ''"'""'"'"• 
suggesiini,  that  tliey  then  would  of  course  advise*  to  a 
measure  for  procuring  the  payment  of  the  duty,  and  there- 
fore be  advising  to  a  measure  inconsistent  with  the  declared 
sentiment  of  both  Houses  in  the  last  winter  session  of  the 
General  Court,  which  they  apprehend  to  be  altogether 
inexpedient  and  improper. 

After  tlie  arrival  of  a  sliip  loaded  with  Tea,  copy"t-aT»P" 
a  meeting  of  the  Peoide  o(  Boston,  and  the  v'"'uku,i  B»f 

'    ,  ,  .  lit  itiii.vnua  Orft 

neighbouring  towns,  was  held,  on  the  29th  of  i»>  r73,iiiG«Y. 
November,  and  continued,  by  adjournment,  till  1.  i'uTofJdr)«. 
next  day,  when  a  motion  was  made  and  agreed 
•Sic. 


J 


29 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


30 


to,  new,,  con.,  that  the  Tea  should  be  not  only  sent  back, 
but  that  no  duty  should  be  paid  tiiereon. 

It  was  also  voted,  ncm.  con.,  that  Mr.  Rotch,  owner  of 
the  vessel,  ;uid  Captain  Hall,  the  master  of  tiie  ship,  at 
their  per.l,  should  not  suffer  any  of  the  Tea  to  be  landed ; 
it  was  also  vottd,  that  Gov.  liuUhinsons  conduct,  in 
requesting  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  to  meet  to  suppress 
all  riots  and  unlawful  assemblies,  carried  a  designed  reflec- 
tion upon  the  People  there  met,  and  was  solely  calculated 
to  serve  the  views  of  "Adinini-stnition.  They  afterwards 
voted  that  the  Tea  brought  by  Captain  Hall,  should  be 
returned,  by  Mr.  Rotch,  to  England,  in  tl.e  same  bottom 
in  which  it  came;  it  was  also  voted,  nam.  con.,  that  six 
persons  should  be  appointed  to  give  due  notice  to  the  towns 
in  the  country,  when  they  should  be  required  so  to  do  upon 
any  iinjjortaiu  occasion. 

They  also  resolved,  that  if  any  person  or  persons  should 
hereafter  import  any  Tea  from  Great  Biitain,  or  if  any 
master  or  masters  of  any  vessel  or  vessels  in  Great  Britain, 
should  take  the  s.tnie  en  board  to  be  imported  to  that 
place,  until  the  said  unrighteous  Act  should  be  repealed,  he 
or  they  shoald  he  deemed  by  that  body  an  enemy  to  his 
country,  and  tiiat  t!)ey  would  prevent  the  landing  and  sale 
of  the  same,  and  the  payment  of  any  duty  thereon,  and 
that  they  would  efl'ect  the  return  thereof  to  the  place  from 
whence  it  came. 

They  also  resolved  that  these  their  votes  be  printed,  and 
sent  to  England,  and  all  the  sea  ports  in  the  Province. 
Befove  they  separated  they  voted  that  their  brethren  in 
the  country  should  be  desired  to  give  their  assistance  upon 
the  first  notice  that  should  be  given. 
'  \'o.  ,109.  After  tl:e  dissolution  of  this  Assembly  of  the 

firrc/.v.'/'L"  People,  what  is  called  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
<•*'"''"""'■-»;'  respondence,  called  in  Committees  of  other 
Biiitii.  Dec.  towns,  or  other  persons  to  jom  with  them,  kept 
up  a  mihtary  watch  and  guard  eveiy  night,  to 
prevent  the  landing  any  Teas,  and  appeared  to  be  the 
Execut'oners  of  the  resolves  and  orders  passed  at  the 
aforesaid  Assembly. 

The  consignees  having  retired  to  the  Castle,  the  owner 
of  the  first  ship  that  arrived  was  the  principal  person  ap- 
plied to,  and  he  was  sent  for  repeatedly  by  these  Commit- 
tees, and  was  frequently  required  to  send  back  the  ship 
with  the  Teas;  he  pleaded,  "That  he  could  not  get  a 
"  clearance  at  the  custom-house,  nor  a  pass  for  the  Castle  ; 
"  and  that  if  he  should  be  able  to  get  his  ship  out  of  the 
"  harbour,  bDth  sliip  and  cargo  would  be  forfeited  in  every 
"  part  of  the  King's  dominions."  Tliis  was  not  thouglit 
satisfactory,  and  tlie  next  morning  another  Assembly  of  the 
People  met  and  chose  a  Moderator.  At  this  meeting  it 
was  determined,  that  Mr.  Rotch,  the  owner  of  the  ship, 
should  demand  at  the  custom-house,  a  clearance  of  the 
Teas  for  England,  which  was  done  the  15th,  when  the 
Collector  and  Conq)troller  refused  to  grant  it. 

v„.  310.  He  tlien    was  obliged  to  demand  a  permit 

fo'.Ttlm''//;;;.  '"'■om  tl'e  Naval  Office  to  pass  the  Castle  ;  after- 
"''/jn«",S,l  ^^^''''^  ^^  "'^s  sent  to  the  Governor  to  apply  to 
mi"m'''  '  ''""  ''"'^  *'"'  permit,  who  soon  satisfied  him  that 
no  permit  could  be  granted  until  the  vessel  was 
regularly  cleared.  He  returned  to  town  that  evening  and 
reported  this  answer  to  the' meeting.  Lmnediately  where- 
upon nunibers  of  the  People  cried  out  a  mob!  a  mob  I  left 
the  house,  repaired  to  t'le  wharfs  where  tliree  of  the  vessels 
lay  aground,  havin;;  on  board  three  hundred  and  forty 
chests  of  Tea,  and  in  two  hours  t'me  it  was  totally  de- 
stroyed. A  sufficient  number  of  People  for  doing  the  work 
were  disguised,  and  these  were  surrounded  by  numbers,  as 
svell  of  tiie  inhabitants  of  lioslon,  as  of  other  towns. 

xo.59:.  The  Committee  observe,  tJiat  many  persons 

ralPv.  "h^g";  of  consideration  in  tl;e  town  oi  Boston  took  the 
Mw'.'r^ov.  Ie;id  in  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting,  for 
4iii,  1773.  whose   names  they   beg   leave  to  refer   your 

Lordships  to  the  papers  themselves. 

j...i™ii  ^(h  On  tlie  4th  of  March,  1774,  tiie   Earl  of 

March.ai*.  Drtrt;noM</t  acquainted  the  House,  "That  his 
"  Majesty  had  given  directions  that  the  several  Papers 
"  received  from  America,  relating  to  the  Disturbances  tlieie, 
"  with  regard  to  the  Impojtation  of  Tea,  should  be  laid 
"  before  the  House ;  and  that  the  same  would  be  delivered 
"  on  Monday  next." 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth  acquainted  the  House  "  That 


"  he  had  a  Message  from  his  Majesty,  under  March,  nik, 
"  his   Royal  sign  manual,  which  his  Majesty  '"*• 
"  had  commanded  him  to  deliver  to  this  House. 

And  the  same  was  read  by  the  Lord  Chancellor,  and  b 
as  follows ;  (videlicet :) 

"  GEORGE  R. 

His  Majesty,  upon  infomiation  of  the  unwarrantable 
practices  which  h.ave  been  lately  concerted  and  carried  on 
in  Noith  America,  and  part;culai,ly  of  the  violent  and 
outrageous  proceedings  at  the  town  and  port  oi Boston,  in 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  a  view  to  ol)- 
structing  the  commerce  of  this  Kingdom,  and  upon  grounds 
and  pretences  immediately  subveisive  of  tiie  Constitution 
thereof,  hath  thought  fit  to  lay  tlie  whole  matter  before 
his  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  fully  confiding  as  well  in 
their  zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  his  Majesty's  authority,  as 
in  their  attachment  to  tlie  common  interest  and  welfare  of 
all  ills  Dominions,  that  they  will  not  only  enable  his  Majesty 
effectually  to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  most  likely  to 
put  an  immediate  step  to  the  present  disorders,  but  will 
also  lake  into  their  most  serious  consideration  what  farther 
regulations  and  permanent  provisions  may  be  necessary,  to 
be  established  for  better  securing  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
and  the  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  Crown 
and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  G.  R." 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  also,  (by  his  Majesty's  com- 
mand,) laid  before  the  House,  copies  of  all  letters,  &,c., 
received  from  North  America,  relating  to  the  Disturbances 
there  with  regard  to  the  Importation  of  Tea,  with  a  list 
thereof. 

It  was  ordered,  that  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to 
bis  Majesty,  "  To  return  his  Majesty  the  thanks  of  this 
"  House  for  his  Majesty's  gracious  Message,  and  for  the 
"  communication  his  Majesty  hath  been  graciously  pleased 
"  to  make  to  this  house  of  the  several  Papers  relative  to 
"  the  present  state  of  some  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in 
"  North  America. 

"  To  assure  his  Majesty,  that  this  House,  truly  sensible 
"  that  tlie  peace  and  good  Government  of  the  Colonies, 
"  and  the  prevent"ng  any  obstructions  there  to  the  com- 
"  merce  of  this  Kingdom,  are  objects  of  their  most  serious 
"  attention,  will  enter  upon  the  consideration  of  these  Pa- 
"  pers  with  an  earnest  desire  to  "make  such  provisions  as, 
"  upon  mature  deliberation,  shall  appear  necessary  and 
"  expedient  for  securing  the  just  dependence  of  the  said 
"  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great 
"  Britain,  and  for  enforcing  a  due  obedience  to  the  laws 
"  of  this  Kingdom  throughout  all  his  Majesty's  domin- 
"  ions." 

And  the  said  Papers  and  his  Majesty's  most  gracious 
Speech  were  likewi'^e  ordered  to  be  taken  into  consideration 
on  Thursday  sevennight,  and  the  Lords  summoned. 

On  the  11th  of  March,  the  Earl  of  Dart-  j^^^^^„^ 
mouth  (by  his  Majesty's  command)  laid  before 
the  house  more  Papers  from  America,  relating  to  the  Dis- 
turbances there  with  regard  to  the  Importation  of  Tea,  to- 
gether with  a  list  thereof;  and  the  same  was  read,  and 
ordered  to  lie  on  the  table  ;  and  to  be  taken  into  conside- 
ration on  Thursday  next. 

On  the  -^Gth  March,  a  Message  was  brought  ^ 

from  the  House  of  Commons,  with  a  Bill  intitu- 
led, "  An  act  to  discontinue,  in  such  manner,  and  for  such 
"  time,  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  discharg- 
"  ing,  lading  or  shipping,  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchan- 
"  disc,  at  the  town  and  within  the  hajbour  of  Boston,  in  the 
"  Province  of  jMassachiisetts  Bay,  in  North  America. 

On  the  28th  of  March,  a  Petition  of  Mr.  „  ^„,.^ 
i:iayer,  and  others,  natives  of  Amencaywns  pre- 
sented and  read,  praying  the  said  Bill  may  not  pass  into  a 
law;  which -was  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table.  Then  the 
House  took  into  consideration  the  several  Papers  in  his 
Majesty's  most  gracious  Message ;  and  the  said  Bill  was 
read  a  second  time  and  committed. 

On  the  :30th  of  March,  a  Petition  of  fHlliam 
Bollan,  Esq.,  Agent  for  the  Council  ol  tlie 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  was  presented  to  the  House 
and  read  ;  and  he  was  called  in,  and  heard  at  the  bar;  and 
being  vvithdrav.n,  the  said  Bill  was  read  a  third  time  and 
passed  ncm.  diss. ;  and  receiv<?d  the  Royal  assent  on  thei 
foUpwing  day. 


31 


KINGS  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


32 


»,  ^.  It  ap-nears  to  the  Cominittee,  that  on  the 

LfitrrrroroGo-  aSlh  of  Jdmuinj  a  great  lumibcr  ot  rioters  in  tne 
]^MVMvC  town  of  Boston,  committed  a  most  inluiman 
w^rMih  act  of  violence  upon  the  person  of  Jolm  Mal- 
jaHuan.  1774.  ^.^Ij^  g  preventive  officer  for  the  port  of  Fal- 
mouth, in  Casto  Bay,  who  imd  lately  seized  a  vessel  in 
that  port  for  want  of  a  register;  no  complaint  of  irregulari- 
ty was  made  against  him,  but  it  was  thought  proper  by  the 
above  rioteis  to  punisli  him  by  tarring  and  feathering  hiin, 
(but  whhout  stripping  him.)  and  carrying'  him  about  in  deri- 
sion. This  unfortunate  man  having  afterwiu-ds  been  fre- 
quently hooted  at  in  the  streets,  was  provoked  on  the  '25th, 
by  a  tradesman,  who,  he  alleged,  had  sevei-al  times  before 
affronted  him,  to  strike  him  witii  his  cane  ;  in  consequence 
of  which  a  warrant  was  issued  against  him,  but  the  con- 
stable not  being  able  to  find  him,  a  mob  gatliered  about 
his  house  in  the  evening,  and  having  broke  his  windows,  he 
pushed  through  the  broken  window  with  his  sword,  and 
gave  a  slight  scratch  to  one  of  the  assailants ;  soon  after 
which  the  mob  entered  his  house,  lowered  him  by  a  rope 
from  an  upper  chamber  into  a  cart,  tore  his  clothes  off, 
tarred  his  head  and  body,  feathered  him,  and  dragged  him 
through  the  main  street  into  King  Street,  from  thence  to 
Liberty  Tree,  and  from  thence  to^TAe  Neck,  as  far  as  the 
gallows,  where  they  whipt  him,  beat  him  with  sticks,  and 
threatened  to  hang  him.  Having  kept  him  under  the  gal- 
lows above  an  hour,  tliey  carried  him  back  in  the  same 
manner,  to  the  extremity  of  the  north  end  of  the  town,  and 
returned  him  to  his  own  house,  so  benumbed  by  the  cold, 
having  been  naked  near  four  hours,  and  so  bruised,  that  his 
life  was  despaired  of.  It  appears  that  none  but  the  lowest 
class  of  the  people  were  suspected  of  having  been  concerned 
in  it ;  and  that  Mr.  Malcolm  having  for  some  time  before 
been  threatened  by  the  populace  with  revenge  for  his  free 
and  open  declarations  against  the  late  proceedings,  had  oc- 
casionally indiscreetly  given  them  provocation. 

The  House  of  Representatives  of  Massachu- 
ci^mor'  sett's  Bay,  on  the  1st  o(  February,  required  the 
SfJf;"n„"  Chief  Justice  Oliver,  and  the  four  Judges  of 
fti^arf  u°h',  l'>e  Superior  Court  to  declare,  whether  they 
ItesVir^."''  ™'  "Of Id  receive  the  grants  of  Assembly  for  their 
salaries,  or  accept  their  support  from  the  Crown, 
and  were  answered  by  the  four  Judges,  (they  being  fearful 
of  making  themselves  objects  of  popular  resentment,  one  of 
their  number  having  been  previously  brought  over  to  that 
consent,)  "  that  they  would  receive  their  salaries  fi:om  the 
"  Province  ;"  but  by  the  Chief  Justice,  "  that  he  would 

N0.34J.  "continue  to  accept  his  support  from  the 
I^mtraDce^rf  "  Crown."  On  the  1 1th  of  February,  they  re- 
uie  HouK  of  monstrated  to  the  Governor,  "  That  the  .said 
of  Mmtachu-  "  Chiel  Justice  1  eter  Oliver,  havmg  received 
•Eainu  th«  "  his  Salary  and  reward  out  of  the  revenue  un- 
"  justly  and  unconstitutionally  levied  and  ex- 
"  torted  from  the  American  Colonies,  and  being  determined 
"  to  continue  to  receive  it,  contrary  to  the  known  sense 
"  of  the  body  of  the  People  of  the  Province,  had  thereby 
"  proved  himself  an  enemy  to  its  Constitution,  placed 
"  himself  under  an  undue  bias,  and  rendered  hhiiself  dis- 
"  qualified  to  hold  his  office  any  longer."  And  not  having 
procured  his  removal  from  the  Governor  in  consequence  of 

xo.343  '''^"^  remonstrance,  they  passed  a  vote  to 
Copy  of »  vote  adjoum  the  Superior  Court,  which,  by  law,  is 

of  the  Coiincil     ^      ,       ,      ,  ,  ,'        .  ,-   ,        y  »i   i  "^    ,        ^,,  . 

and  Ho.m-  of  to  bc  held  on  the  1.5th  ol  I'ebrtwry,  to  the  2-2d 
Ft^rm"y''ui",  of  that  month,  to  which  the  Governor  refused 
'"*•  his  assent,  and  complains  that  he  now  considers 

himself  as  acting  altogetiicr  on  the  defensive,  avoiding  his 
consent  where  he  cannot  justify  it,  destitute  of  any  aid  from 
any  part  of  the  Legislature  or  Executive  Powers  of  Govern- 
ment in  maintaining  order,  when  the  breach  of  it  is  caused, 
or  pretended  to  be  caused  by  such  Acts  of  Parliament,  or 
such  exercise  of  his  Majesty's  authority,  as  the  People  are 
taught  by  their  leaders  to  call  grievances. 

Which  Report  being  read  by  the  Clerk, 

Ordered,  that  the  said  Report  be  printed.* 

•m  the  SprinfT  of  1774,  I  Brit  out  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  IzanI,  to  make 
a  lour  of  France  ami  Italt/ :  but  provions  to  my  jroinf;,  I  drew  up  a 
pierc  pntitli^l  "  A  Truo  Stitc  of  the  Proccodinirg  in  the  Province  of 
.VantachuKtf  Bay,"  which  h  is  been  attributed  to  Dr.  Fianklin,  be. 
Ciuisa  it  was  left  wit)i  him,  as  agent,  to  hive  it  printed.  The  purpose 
oi  It  w.ns  to  remove  the  unjust  iind  injuriouH  impresi-ions  made  by  a 
Ruport  of  a  C'ommittae  of  the  House  »f  Lorde,  on  the  same  aubicct. — 
Arthur  Lee,  Vol.  I,  p.  262. 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 
March  1th,  1774. 
The  Lord  North  acquainted  the  House,  that  he  had  a 
Message  from  his  Majesty  to  this  House,  signed  by  his 
Majesty ;  and  he  presented  the  same  to  the  House ;  and 
it  was  read  by  Mr.  Speaker,  (all  the  members  of  the  House 
being  uncovered,)  and  is  as  iollowetli,  viz  : 

GEORGE  R. 

His  Majesty,  upon  information  of  the  unwanantable 
practices  whicli  have  been  lately  concerted  and  carried  on 
in  North  America,  and  particularly  of  the  violent  and  out- 
rageous proceedings  at  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province 
of  Mussachusctis  Bay,  with  a  view  of  obstructing  the  com- 
merce of  this  Kingdom,  and  upon  grounds  and  jiretences 
immediately  subversive  of  the  constitution  thereof,  have 
thought  fit  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before  his  two  Houses 
of  Parliament,  fullv  confiding  as  well  in  their  zeal  for  the 
maintenance  of  his  Majesty's  authority,  as  in  their  attach- 
ment to  the  common  interest  and  welfare  of  all  his  Domin- 
ions, that  they  will  not  only  enable  his  Majesty  effectually 
to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  most  likely  to  put  an 
immediate  stop  to  the  present  disorders,  but  will  also  take 
into  their  most  serious  consideration  what  further  regulations 
and  permanent  provisions  may  be  necessary  to  be  esta- 
blished, for  better  securing  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and 
the  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  tlie  Crown  and 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain.  G.  R. 

The  Lord  North  presented  (o  the  House,  by  his  Majes- 
ty's command,  copies  of  the  same  Papers  that  were  this  day 
communicated  to  the  House  of  Lords.     [See  folio  5-10.) 

Mr.  Rice  then  rose,  and  after  remarking  on  the  very- 
critical  situation  of  the  whole  Continent  of  North  America, 
and  enlarging  on  the  imminent  necessity  there  was  for  vin- 
dicating the  controlling  right  of  the  British  Legislature 
over  the  Colonies,*  moved,  "  Tliat  an  humble  Address  be 
"  presented  to  his  Majesty,  to  return  his  Majesty  the  thanks 
"  of  this  House,  for  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message, 
"  and  for  the  communication  his  Majesty  hath  been  gra- 
"  ciously  pleased  to  make  to  this  House,  of  the  several 
"  Papers  relative  to  the  present  state  of  some  of  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  Colonies  in  North  America. 

"To  assure  his  Majesty,  that  this  House  will,  without 
"  delay,  proceed  to  take  into  their  most  serious  considera- 
"  tion  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message,  together  with 
"  the  Papers  accompanyiug  the  same  ;  and  will  not  fail  to 
"  exert  every  means  in  their  power,  in  effectually  providing 
"  for  objects  so  important  to  the  general  welfare,  as  main- 
"  taining  the  due  execution  of  the  laws,  and  securing  the 
"just  dependence  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  upon  the 
''  Crown  ;ind  Parliament  of  Great  Britain." 

*  Tlie  presentment  of  tlie  Papers  was  accompanied  with  a  comment 
upon  them,  and  ])articularly  tlioso  that  related  to  the  transactions  al 
Boston,  in  wliich  the  conduct  of  the  Governor  was  described  and  ap. 
plauiled  ;  and  that  of  the  prevailing  faction  represented  in  the  most 
atrocious  lifrht.  It  was  said  that  he  had  taken  every  measure  which 
prudence  could  suggest,  or  good  policy  justify,  for  the  security  of  the 
East  India  Company's  projierty,  the  safety  of  the  consignees,  and  the 
|)resinving  of  order  and  quiet  in  the  town.  Evi-ry  civil  precaution  to 
prevent  the  mischief  that  followed  had  been  usid  in  vain.  His  Ma- 
jesty's Council,  the  Militia,  and  the  corps  of  Cadets,  had  been  all 
separately  applied  to,  for  their  assistance  in  the  preservation  of  the 
public  peace,  and  the  support  of  the  laws,  but  all  without  eff.'ct:  they 
refused  or  declined  doing  their  duty.  The  Shfiriff  read  a  Proclama- 
tion to  the  faction,  at  their  town  meeting,  by  which  they  were  com. 
inanded  to  break  up  their  Assembly ;  but  tile  Proclamation  was  treated 
with  the  greatest  contempt,  and  the  Sheriff  insulted  in  the  grossest 
manner. 

That  he  hail  it  undouhtedlj'  in  his  power,  by  calling  in  the  assis- 
tance of  tlie  naval  force  which  was  in  the  harbor,  to  have  prevented 
the  destruction  of  the  Tea;  but  that  as  the  leading  men  in  Boston  had 
always  made  great  compl  tints  of  the  interposition  of  the  army  and 
navy,  and  charged  all  disturbances  of  everj'  sort  to  their  account,  he 
witli  great  prudence  and  temperance,  determined  from  the  beginning 
to  decline  a  measure  which  would  have  been  so  irrit  iting  to  the  minds 
of  the  People ;  and  might  well  have  hoped,  that  by  this  confidence  in 
their  conduct,  and  trust  reposed  in  the  civil  power,  he  should  have 
calmed  their  turbulence,  and  preserved  the  public  tranquillity. 

Thus,  said  the  Ministers,  the  People  of  Boston  were  fairly  tried. — 
They  were  left  to  their  own  conduct,  and  to  the  exercise  of  their        ^^ 
judgments,  and  the  result  has  given  the  lie  to  all  their  former  profes.        ^B 
sions.     Tliey  are  now  without  an  excuse,  and  all  the  powers  of  Go.       '^m 
vemnicnt  in  that  Province,  are  found  insufficient  to  prevent  the  most 
violent  outrages.     The  loyal  and  peaceable  People  of  a  mercantile 
town,  (as  th  y  aff'ctto  bo  peculiarly  considered,)  have  given  a  notable 
proof  to  the  world  of  llieir  justice,  moderation,  loyalty,  and  affection, 
for  the  Mother  Country,  by  wantonly  committing  to  the  waves  a  valu. 
able  commoility,  the  propurty  of  another  loyal  mercantile  body  of  sub- 
jects,  without  the  pretence  of  necessity,  even  supposing  that  their 
opposition  to  the  payment  of  the  duties  could  justify  such  a  plea;  as 


KING'S  MESSAGE,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


84 


Lord  Clare  said,  he  agreed  with  the  honorable  gentle- 
man, and  hoped  he  should  find  this  measure  carried  through 
with  unanimity  ;  he  should  therefore  second  the  motion. 

Mr.  DowdeswclL  1  would  be  very  far  from  offering 
any  thing  on  the  present  occasion,  which  might  wear  the 
most  distant  appearance  of  opposition,  or  a  desire  to  im- 
pede measures  of  such  high  consideration.  Nevertheless, 
I  cannot  consent  to  give  my  voice,  by  any  means,  lor  what 
I  am  convinced  in  my  soul  is  wrong ;  and  though  1  do  not 
mean  to  divide  the  House  on  any  particular  opinion  I  may 
entertain  on  the  subject,  1  wish  lo  have  it  understood,  that 
I  do  not  approve  of  the  present  hasty,  ill-digested  mode  of 
proceeding. 

Governor  Pownall.  I  think  the  motion  for  an  Address 
extremely  proper,  as  it  can  mean  no  mere  than  to  return 
thanks  to  his  Majesty  for  the  present  communication. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke  then  n)oved,  that  the  entries  in  the 
Journal  of  the  House,  of  the  8th  day  of  iSovcmLcr,  17G8, 
of  so  much  of  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Speech  to  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  and  tiie  Address  of  this  House 
thereupon,  as  relates  to  the  state  of  his  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment in  North  America,  might  be  read  : 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 

Mr.  Burke  also  moved,  that  the  entry  in  the  Journal  of 
the  House,  of  the  9th  day  of  May,  1769,  of  so  nmch  of 
his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  Par- 
liament, as  relates  to  the  state  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies 
in  North  America,  might  be  read  : 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 

Mr.  Burke  also  moved,  that  the  entries  in  the  Journal 
of  the  House,  of  the  9th  day  of  January,  1770,  of  so 
much  of  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Speech  to  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  and  the  Address  of  this  House  thereupon, 
as  relates  to  the  state  of  his  Majesty's  Government  in 
North  America,  might  be  read  : 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 

Mr.  Burke  also  moved,  that  the  entries  in  the  Journals 
of  the  House,  of  the  13th  day  of  November,  1770,  of  so 
much  of  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Speech  to  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  and  the  Address  of  this  House  thereupon, 
as  relates  to  the  stale  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in  Ameri- 
ca, might  be  read  : 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 

He  next  desired  the  Clerk  to  search  for  the  supposed 
Resolutions  that  were  entered  into  by  the  House,  in  obe- 
dience and  conformity  to  tliis  communication  from  the 
Throne ;  and  none  being  to  be  found,  he  resumed  his 
speech  :  Sir,  (addressing  himself  to  the  Clerk,)  1  am  tho- 
roughly satisfied  of  your  integrity  and  assiduity  in  the  dis- 
charge of  the  station  you  now  fill ;  but  however  high  you 

they  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  adhero  to  their  own  Resolutions,  of  non- 
consumption,  effjctually  to  evade  the  revenue  liiws. 

It  was  concluded  upon  tlie  whob,  that  by  an  impartial  review  of 
the  Papers  now  before  them,  it  would  manifestly  appear,  that  nothing 
could  be  done,  by  eithi^r  civil,  military,  or  naval  offic -rs,  to  effjctuate 
the  re. -establishment  of  tranquillity  and  order  in  that  Province,  with, 
out  additional  Parliamentary  powers  to  give  efficacy  to  th:;ir  proceed, 
ings.  That  no  parson  employxl  by  Government,  could  in  any  act, 
however  common  or  ligal,  fulfil  the  duti?8  of  his  office  or  station, 
without  its  b;ing  immediately  exclaimed  against  by  the  licentious,  as 
ein  infringsmont  of  their  liberties.  That  it  was  the  settled  opinion  of 
some  of  tile  wisjst  men,  both  in  England  and  America,  and  the  best 
acquainted  with  the  aifiirs  of  the  Colonies,  that  in  their  present  state 
of  Gov  .rnment,  no  measures  whitso:!ver  could  be  pursued  that  would, 
in  any  degree,  remedy  those  glaring  evils,  which  were  every  day 
growing  to  a  more  enormous  and  dangerous  height.  That  Parli  u 
ment,  and  Parli  imont  only,  were  cap.bb  of  reestablishing  tranquil, 
lity  among  thos;;  turbulent  Puople,  and  of  bringing  order  out  of  con. 
fusion.  And  that  it  was  therefore  incumbent  on  every  member  to 
weigh  and  consider  with  an  intention  suitable  to  the  great  importanca 
of  the  subject,  the  purport  of  the  Pipers  before  them,  and  totally  lay. 
ing  all  prejudices  aside,  to  form  his  opinion  upon  the  measures  most 
eligible  to  be  pursued,  for  supporting  the  supreme  legislative  aulhori. 
ty,  tlie  dignity  of  Parliament,  and  the  great  interesUi  of  the  British 
Empire. 

This  if*  the  substinco  of  what  was  urged  by  the  Ministry  upon  the 
subject  whi-n  th:y  presented  the  Papers;  but,  as  things  were  to  bo 
brought  to  a  crisis  with  the  Colonis,  and  very  strong  moa*ures  were 
resolved  upon,  it  was  apprehended  th  it  the  merchants  would  be  af. 
fected,  and  make  some  opposition.  To  prevent  this,  all  the  public 
papers  were  systematically  fdlad  with  writings  on  this  subject,  piint- 
ing  the  misconduct  of  the  Colonies  in  the  strongest  colours,  and  in 
particular,  urging  the  impossibility  of  tiie  future  existence  of  any 
trade  to  America,  if  this  fl  igrant  outrage  on  commerce  should  go  un- 
punished. 

These,  with  many  other  endeavours  to  the  same  end,  were  not  with, 
out  an  eifect.  Thj  spirit  raised  ag  ;inst  the  Americans  became  as 
high  and  as  strong  as  could  be  desired,  both  within  and  without  the 
House.  In  this  temper  a  motion  wai  made  for  an  Address  to  the 
Throne. — Ann.  Regia. 

Second  Series.  3 


may  stand  in  my  estimation,  1  would  much  sooner  suppose 
you  guilty  of  some  fatal  negligence,  which  now  leaves  us 
at  a  loss  lor  those  proceedings,  than  presume  the  House  to 
have  so  far  forgot  its  duty  to  its  Sovereign,  its  country,  and 
its  constituents,  as  to  omit  what  was  so  strongly  recommend- 
ed to  its  consideration  from  the  Throne,  as  well  as  what 
was  in  its  nature  so  essential  to  our  most  important  inter- 
ests. And  even  you.  Sir,  (to  the  Speaker,)  1  should  not 
hesitate  to  charge  as  guilty  of  some  improper  conduct  on 
this  occasion,  sooner  than  the  House. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  Tlie  honorable  gentleman  over 
the  way  has  endeavored  to  entertain  us  with  an  epigram, 
but  it  wants  one  of  its  most  essential  requisites,  it  seems 
rather  too  long.  Foregoing  therefore  the  wit,  which  here 
comes  in  somewhat  unseasonably,  1  should  imagine  that 
the  grand  object  we  ought  to  labor  to  accomplish,  on  the 
present  occasion,  would  be  unanimity.  The  voice  of  this 
House  should  be  that  of  one  man.  It  is  not  what  this 
Administration  has  done,  what  that  has  omitted,  or  the 
mixed  errors  of  a  third,  that  we  are  now  to  consider.  It  is 
not  this  man's  private  opinion,  or  that  man's ;  the  particu- 
lar sentiments  of  this  side  of  the  House,  or  the  other.  We 
are  arrived  at  a  certain  point,  and  the  question  now  is,  in 
what  manner  we  shall  think  proper  to  act.  The  proposed 
Address  by  no  means  precludes  us  from  giving  our  opinions 
freely,  when  the  matter  comes  properly  before  us,  accom- 
panied by  the  necessary  information.  When  this  informa- 
tion is  properly  digested,  let  us  proceed  coolly  and  with 
deliberatif.n.  We  cannot  yet  determine,  whether  the  de- 
pendence insisted  on  in  the  Message,  may  be  proper  to  be 
vindicated  or  asserted.  We  cannot  even  say  but  it  may  be 
entirely  relinquished.  We  do  not  pretend  to  judge  what 
sort  or  degree  of  connection  may  be  necessary  to  be  kept 
up  for  our  mutual  benefit.  It  perhaps  may  be  prudent  to 
grant  them  other  charters,  to  enlarge  those  they  already 
have,  or  to  enter  into  commercial  regulations  different  from 
those  which  at  present  bind  them. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  The  learned  gentleman,  who  has 
now  held  forth  with  so  much  ingenuity,  and  so  great  an 
appearance  of  candor,  has  left  his  epigram  liable  to  the 
same  objection  which  he  made  to  mine ;  it  is  not  short 
enough.  Besides,  he  forgets  to  enumerate  one  of  the 
qualities  which  distinguish  an  epigram,  and  which  mine  had: 
it,  I  think,  carried  a  sting  with  it.  The  learned  gentleman 
suggests  (and  I  presume  he  speaks  from  authority)  that 
the  several  Governments  in  America  may  be  new-modell- 
ed ;  that  connections  different  from  those  already  existing 
may  be  formed,  and  commercial  regulations,  planned  on 
another  scale,  take  place.  But  I  will  venture  to  inform 
him,  that  an  English  Government  must  be  administered  in 
the  spirit  of  one,  or  it  will  that  moment  cease  to  exist.  As 
soon,  I  say,  as  the  civil  Government  of  those  Colonies  shall 
depend  for  support  on  a  military  power,  the  former  will 
that  moment  be  at  an  end.  The  spirit  of  English  legisla- 
tion is  uniform,  permanent,  and  universal ;  it  must  execute 
itself,  or  no  power  under  heaven  will  be  able  to  effect  it. — 
[Here  Mr.  Burke  entered  into  an  historical  detail  of  the 
weakness  and  violence,  the  ill-timed  severity  and  lenity, 
the  irresolution  at  one  time,  and  the  invincible  obstinacy 
at  another,  the  arrogance  and  meanness  of  the  several  Ad- 
ministrations, relative  to  their  conduct  towards  the  Ameri- 
cans for  the  last  seven  years.  He  observed,  with  some 
degree  of  severity,  on  the  act  of  political  indemnity,  pro- 
posed by  the  learned  gentleman,  and  his  endeavors  to  con- 
found all  parties,  as  equally  involved  in  the  cause  of  the 
present  confusions  now  prevailing  in  that  country,  contend- 
ing that  all  dissentions,  occasioned  by  the  attempt  to  levy 
a  tax  there,  gave  way  to  perfect  tranquillity  on  the  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act.] 

Lord  George  Germain.  The  honorable  gentleman  who 
spoke  last  has  taken  great  pains  to  expose  the  conduct  of 
different  Administrations,  and  to  extol  those  who  advised 
the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  For  my  part,  however  great 
the  abilities  and  good  intention  of  those  gentlemen  might 
have  been,  I  was  of  opinion,  tiiat  it  should  not  be  repealed, 
and  voted  accordingly.  It  is  now  contended,  that  that 
measure  produced  tlie  desired  effect,  and  that  on  its  passing 
every  thing  was  peace  and  tranquillity.  I  know  the  con- 
trary was  the  case,  and  we  had  evidence  at  your  bar  which 
proved,  that  the  Americans  were  totally  displeased,  because 
in  the  preamble  to  the  repeal,  we  asserted  our  right  to  enact 


35 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


36 


laws  of  sufficient  force  and  authority  to  bind  tliem.  I  am,  on 
the  whole,  fully  convinced,  that  the  prej^ent  situation  of  affairs 
in  that  country,  would  have  never  been,  and  that  the  People 
there  must  and  would  have  returned  to  their  obedience,  if 
the  Stamp  Act  had  not  been  unfortunately  repealed. 

General  Conway.  1  by  no  means  agree  with  the  noble 
Lord  in  any  one  argument  lie  has  made,  or  conclusion  he 
has  drawn  from  tiieni.  1  attribute  the  very  disagreeable 
situation  we  are  now  in  to  the  weakness  of  our  counsels, 
and  to  a  series  of  misconduct.  The  noble  FiOrd  attributes 
the  present  distracted  state  of  that  country  to  the  repeal. 
1  believe  he  has  neither  fully  attended  to  the  immediate 
effects  of  that  measure,  nor  to  those  which  have  followed 
fixjni  a  contrary  conduct,  or  he  could  never  have  given  such 
a  judgment.  The  operation  of  both  are  known,  and  1  leave 
the  House  to  judge,  which  was  the  healing  and  wliicii  the 
distracting  measure. 


Colonel  Barre.  1  shall  agree  with  the  motion  for  an 
Address  as  a  mere  matter  of  course,  not  holding  myself 
engaf^ed  to  a  syllable  of  its  contents.  A  right  honorable 
gentleman  near  me,  (Mr.  DoivdesweU,)  has  very  fully 
proved  on  a  former  occasion,  tl)at  our  present  peace  estab- 
lishment is  a  ruinous  one :  and  that  it  eats  up  that  fund 
which  should  be  appropriated  towards  relieving  our  burdens 
or  preparing  for  a  war.  I  have  the  most  authentic  infor- 
mation, however  improbable  it  may  appear,  that  the  ex- 
pense of  our  military  at  this  moment,  exceeds  that  of 
France.  These  may  be  matters  well  worthy  of  our  con- 
sideration in  the  course  of  our  proceedings.  It  may  induce 
us  to  make  a  very  considerable  saving  in  that  service. 

The  motion  for  the  Address  was  then  agreed  to. 

Ordered,  That  the  Address  be  ])resented  to  his  Majesty 
by  such  members  of  this  House  as  are  of  his  Majesty's 
most  honorable  Privy  Council. 


II.     THE    BOSTON    PORT    BILL 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 

Monday,  March  7,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message 
[folio  32,]  together  with  the  Papers  this  day  presented  to 
the  House,  [folio  5 — 10]  by  the  Lord  North,  be  taken 
into  consideration  on  Friday  morning  next. 

Friday,  March  11,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  by  his  Ma- 
jesty's command  : 

No.  1.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  HutchiTison 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  28th  January, 
1774;  received  8th  March,  inclosing, 

No.  2.  Extract  from  tlie  Boston  Gazette,  of  the  27th 
January,  1774. 

Together  with  a  list  of  said  Papers. 

And  the  said  list  was  read. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  be  taken  into  considera- 
tion at  the  same  time  that  the  Papere  presented  to  the 
House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  Monday  last,  are  ordered 
to  be  taken  into  consideration. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  taking  into  conside- 
ration his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message  of  Monday  last, 
together  with  the  Papers  which  were  presented  to  the 
House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  Monday  last,  and  this  day, 
by  his  Majesty's  command. 

The  House  proceeded  to  take  the  same  into  considera- 
tion. And  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message  was  again 
read  by  Mr.  Speaker,  all  tiie  members  of  the  House  being 
uncovered.     And  the  said  Papers  were  also  read. 

Ordered,  That  his  Majesty's  said  most  gracious  Mes- 
sage, together  with  the  said  Papers,  be  taken  into  further 
consideration  upon  Monday  morning  next. 

Monday,  March  14,  1774. 

A  Petition  of  William  Bollan,  Esq.,  Agent  for  the  Council 
of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,  was 
presented  to  the  House,  and  read,  setting  forth,  that  the 
English  America)i  Colonies  were  deduced  and  planted  by 
the  adventurers  and  settlers,  at  their  expense,  in  foreign  in- 
hospitable lanils,  acquired  by  their  vigorous  efforts,  made 
under  the  authority  of  their  princes,  granted  with  the  en- 
couragement proper  for  this  spirited  and  noble  enterprise ; 
and  that  the  several  princes,  by  whose  authority  the  Colo- 
nies were  established,  and  the  numerous  nobles  and  other 
worthy  persons,  of  whom  several  were  men  of  tlie  greatest 
accomplishments,  endued  with  the  wisdom  proper  for  ob- 
taining and  preserving  Empire,  by  whose  advice,  aid,  and 
concun-cnce,  they  were  undertaken  and  advanced,  were  so 
tar  from  understanding  that  these  adventurers  and  settlers, 
who  by  their  travail,  expenses,  labors,  and  dangers,  should 
enlarge  the  public  dominion,  should  thereby,  contrary  to 
natural  justice,  lessen  their  public  liberties ;  that,  from  the 


many  letters  patent  Royal,  made  and  passed  for  obtaining 

and  regulating  new  dominion,  and  the  whole  history  of  their 
settlement,  it  manifestly  appears,  it  was  the  intent  of  all 
parties,  that  tlie  settlers,  and  their  posterity,  should  enjoy 
the  same  ;  whereupon,  they  became  adventurers  ;  and,  in- 
spirited by  their  confidence  therein,  with  their  long  and 
quiet  enjoyment  of  tiieir  public  rights,  overcoming  difficul- 
ties, perils,  and  liardsbips,  inexpressible  and  innumerable, 
they  raised  the  King's  American  Empire  out  of  a  dreary 
and  dangerous  wilderness,  with  so  great  and  continual  in- 
crease of  commerce,  that  of  late  years  it  hath  given  em- 
ployment unto  two-thirds  of  the  British  shipping,  with  a 
comfortable  support  to  no  small  part  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain,  and  great  addition  to  the  dignity  and 
strength  of  its  Naval  Empire ;  and  that,  by  the  statute  law 
of  this  Kingdom,  it  is  clearlj  supposed,  and  in  effect  fully 
declared,  that  the  Colonists  were  well  entitled  to  the  En- 
glish right,  and  the  lands  they  inhabit  free ;  and  that  the 
Acta  Regia  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  successors,  where- 
by the  acquests  of  new  dominion  were  made  and  establish- 
ed, and  security  given  to  the  adventurers,  planters,  and  their 
descendants,  of  the  ]5erpetual  enjoyment  of  tlieir  public 
liberties,  having,  as  tiie  Petitioner  presumes,  never  been 
laid  before  the  House,  nor  tiie  Colonies  ever  yet  had  any 
opportunity  to  ascertain  and  defend  their  invaluable  rights, 
and  the  House,  as  the  Petitioner  is  advised,  now  having 
under  their  consideration  the  state  of  the  Northern  Colonies, 
the  Petitioner  therefore  prays,  that  he  may  be  permitted  to 
appear,  and  lay  before  the  House,  authentic  copies  of  the 
proper  Acta  Regia,  and  to  support  the  matters  herein  con- 
tained, in  a  manner  suitable  to  their  nature,  and  to  the  in- 
clinations of  the  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  upon  the  table. 

The  order  of  the  day  then  being  called  for,  the  House 
was  silent  for  a  few  minutes,  when  Mr.  Cornwall  rose,  and 
moved  that  the  gallery  be  cleared.  This  occasioned  a 
vehement  debate.  Colonel  Barre  said,  that  if  the  motion 
was  insisted  on,  the  ladies  would  be  oliliged  to  withdraw. 
Mr.  C.  Fox  ^vas  of  the  same  opinion.  Mr.  Jtiikinson  con- 
tended, if  it  was  proper  to  shut  the  gallery  on  Friday, 
against  strangers,  it  was  much  more  so  then.  Mr.  T. 
Townshcnd  desired  that  the  standing  order  might  be  read, 
which  being  complied  with,  he  observed,  that  it  contained 
no  exceptions,  for  the  order  recited  that  all  strangers  should 
be  taken  into  custody.  Mr.  Grtnville  remarked,  that  it 
was  easily  seen  from  what  quarter  the  present  motion  origi- 
nated, as  he  could  perceive  that  applications  had  been  ma- 
king ever  since  the  House  met,  for  the  purpose  now  intend- 
ed to  be  carried  into  execution,  though  the  authors  did 
not  choose  to  appear  publicly  in  it  themselves. 

The  majority  of  the  House  did  not  seem  to  approve  of 
the  motion,  when  it  was  first  made  ;  but  the  interference  of 
the  Speaker  at  length  turned  the  scale,  and  not  only  the 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


38 


gallery  but  all  the  rooms  and  avenues  leading  to  it,  were 
cleared  about  four  o'clock. 

As  soon  a.s  the  House  had  resumed  its  former  tranquiU 
lity,  it  was 

Ordered,  That  the  order  of  the  day,  for  taking  into 
consideration  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message  of 
Monday  last,  together  with  tlie  Papers  which  were  pre- 
sented to  the  House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  tlie  7th  and 
11th  days  of  this  instant,  March,  (by  his  Majesty's  com- 
mand,) be  now  read : 

And  the  said  order  being  read  accordingly, 
The  House  proceeded  to  take  the  same  into  further  con- 
sideration. 

And  his  Majesty's  said  most  gracious  Message  was  again 
read  by  Mr.  Speaker,  (all  tiie  members  of  the  House  beuig 
uncovered.)     Upon  which. 

Lord  North  rose.     He  said  it  contained  two  proposi- 
tions :  the  one  to  enable  his  Majesty  to  put  an  end  to  the 
present  disturbances  in  America,  the  other  to  secure  the 
just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  on  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain.     His  Lordship  observed,  that  the  present  disor- 
ders originated  in  Boston,  in  the  Province  o( Massachusetts 
Bay;  and  hoped  that  the  method  he  should  propose  to  the 
House  would  be  adopted.     He  should  confine  himself  par- 
licularlv  to  those  disturbances  which  had  been  created  since 
the  1st  of  December.     He  said,  that  it  was  impossible  for 
our  commerce  to  be  safe,  whilst  it  continued  in  the  harbour 
of  Boston,  and  it  was  highly  necessary  that  some  port  or 
other  should  be  found  for  the  landing  of  our  merchandise 
where  our  laws  would  give  full  protection ;  he  therefore 
hoped  that  the  removal  of  the  custom-house  officers  from 
the  town  of  Boston,  would  be  thought  a  necessary  step ; 
and  that  the  consequence  of  that  would  produce  one  other 
proposition,  which  would  be,  the  preventmg  any  shipping 
from   endeavouring  to  land  their  wares  and  merchandise 
there,  by  blocking  up  the  use  of  that  harbour;  he  said  he 
should  move  for  leave  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  those  two  pur- 
poses.    He  observed,  that  this  was  the  third  time  the  offi- 
cers of  the  customs  had  been  prevented  from  doing  their 
duty  in  the  harbour  of  Boston ;  he  thought  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  of  Boston  deserved  punishment ;  he  said,  per- 
haps it  may  be  objected,  that  some  few  individuals  may 
suffer  on  this  account  who  ought  not ;  but  where  the  au- 
thority of  a  town  had  been,  as  it  were,  asleep  and  inactive, 
it  was  no  new  thing  for  the  whole  town  to  be  fined  for  such 
neglect ;  he  instanced  the  city  of  London,  in  King  Charles 
the  Second's  time,  when  Dr.  Lamb  was  killed  by  unknown 
persons,  the  city  was  fined  for  such  ;  and  the  case  oi Edin- 
burgh, in  Captain  Forteovss  affair,  when   a  fine  was  set 
upon  the  whole ;  and  also  at  Glasgoiv,  when  the  house  of 
Mr.  Camj)bell  Avas  pulled  down,  part  of  the  revenue  of  that 
town  was  sequestered  to  make  good  the  damage.     He  ob- 
served, that  Boston  did  not  stand  in  so  fair  a  light  as  either  of 
the  three  before  mentioned  places,  lor  that  Boston  had  been 
upwards  of  seven  years  in  riot  and  confusion,  and  associa- 
tions had  been  held  against  receiving  British  merchandise 
so  long  ago.     He  observed  that  proceedings  were  openly 
carried  on  in  the  beginning  of  last  November,  to  the  17th 
of  December,  denying  the  force  or  efficacy  of  the  laws  of 
this  country,  to  be  exerted  in  the  harbour  of  Boston;  that 
during  the  above  time,  there  was  not  the  least  interposition 
offered  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town ;  that  at  their  public 
meetings,  they    had    regularly   given    orders    for   nightly 
watches  to  be  appointed,  consisting  of  a  large  body  of 
persons,  which  were  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  tea.     As 
the  merchandise  of  Great  Britain,  this  surely  was  highly 
criminal,  and  a  direct  opposition  to  the  execution  of  an  Act 
of  Parliament ;  and  as  the  tea  belonging  to  the  India  Com- 
pany had  remained  twenty  days  in  the  harbour,  without  a 
clearance,  they  were  afraid  lest  it  should  be  seized  by  the 
custom-house  officers,    and  by  that  means  landed ;    they 
therefore  fiestroyed  it  on  tlie  20th  day.     That  this  appeared 
to  be  a  violent  and  outrageous  proceeding  done  to  our  fel- 
low subjects,  by  a  set  of  People,  who  could  not,  in   any 
shape,  claim  more  than  the  natural  privilege  of  trading  with 
their  fellow  subjects.     Tliat  Boston  had  been  the  ringlea- 
der in  all  riots,  and  had  at  all  times  shown  a  desire  of 
seeing  the  laws  of  Great  Britain  attempted  in  vain,  in  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay.     That  the  act  of  the  mob 
in  destroying  the  tea,  and  other  proceedings,  belonged  to 
the  act  of  the  public  meeting ;    and  that   though  other 


Colonies  were  peaceable  and  well  inclined  towards  the 
trade  of  this  country,  and  the  tea  would  have  been  landed 
at  New  York  without  any  opposition ;  yet,  when  the  news 
came  from  Boston,  that  the  tea  was  destroyed.  Governor 
Tryon,  from  the  advice  of  the  People,  thought  that  the  face 
of  things  being  changed  since  that  account  was  sent,  it 
would  be  more  prudent  to  send  the  tea  back  to  England, 
than  to  risk  the  landing  of  it.  His  Lordship  observed  that 
Boston  alone  was  to  blame  for  having  set  this  example, 
therefore  Boston  ought  to  be  the  principal  object  of  our 
attention  for  punishment.  He  proposed  one  clause  to  the 
Bill,  which,  he  said,  would  prevent  the  Crown  from  re- 
storing the  re-establishment,  till  full  satisfaction  was  made 
to  the  East  India  Company  for  the  loss  of  their  tea.  He 
said,  he  did  not  propose  it  by  way  of  tax,  but  by  way  of 
restitution  to  the  injured,  who  were  our  own  subjects  ;  and 
to  let  it  go  forth  to  the  world,  that  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain  will  protect  their  subjects  and  their  property ;  that 
the  Crown,  by  that  clause,  will  not  even  then  be  obliged  to 
restore  the  custom-house,  unless  his  Majesty  is  thoroughly 
convinced  that  the  laws  of  this  country  will  be  better  ob- 
served in  the  harbour  of  Boston  for  the  future  ;  this  resti- 
tution entirely  depended  upon  Boston  alone.  He  should 
be  happy  to  have  those,  who  had  been  the  promotei-s  of 
these  disturbances  in  Boston  found  out,  and  that  they  might 
be  obliged  to  make  good  the  damage  to  the  East  India 
Company ;  but  as  those  persons  are  unknown  to  us,  Boston 
will,  no  doubt,  endeavour  to  find  out  such  persons,  or  pass 
acts  of  their  own  Assembly,  to  levy  such  money  in  the  most 
equitable  and  just  manner.  We  have  only  to  request  it  for 
the  East  India  Company.  He  said  that  this  Bill  was  not 
all  he  meant  to  propose  ;  that  other  parts,  of  more  nice 
disquisition,  will  remain  for  the  future  consideration  of  Par- 
liament. There,  perhaps,  might  be  other  methods  propo- 
sed that  were  better  than  this ;  but  he  had  as  yet  found  out 
none  that  deserved  a  preference.  Some  persons  had  pro- 
posed that  the  fishery  might  be  taken  away  ;  but  this,  he 
observed,  would  affect  the  Colony  at  large.  Others  pro- 
posed tiie  Straits  trade  ;  and  this  would  be  liable  to  the 
same  objection.  No  method  of  punishment  ever  came 
from  him,  but  with  great  regret :  he  therefore  hoped  for 
that  unanimity  in  a  vote  of  this  sort,  which  would  give 
strength  to  the  measure.  It  had  been  said,  that  we  owed 
this  proceeding  of  the  Americans  to  our  own  ill  conduct  in 
taxing  and  repealing ;  but  if  gentlemen  would  recollect, 
when  the  Stamp  Act  passed,  there  was  hardly  a  dissenting 
voice  ;  and  when  it  was  repealed,  it  had  the  consent  of  a 
great  majority  of  that  House;  that  the  doctrine  then  laid 
down  was,  that  external  duties  were  our  right,  internal 
taxes  theu's;  that  when  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  took 
place  here,  the  clamour  raised  against  that  Act  in  America 
had  subsided  ;  that  the  non-importation  agreements,  it  was 
true,  were  not  remedied,  because  they  ceased  of  themselves. 
It  was  my  fate,  he  said,  to  propose  the  repeal  of  the  duties 
laid  on  in  1767,  and  to  continue  the  Tea  Duty  only.  The 
reason  was,  I  thought,  the  non-importation  agreements 
would  break  up  of  themselves ;  which  was  afterwards  the 
case.  It  was  proposed  by  some,  that  the  Tea  Duty  should 
be  taken  off;  it  was  urged  by  others,  that  it  would  then 
become  a  monopoly  of  the  Ea^t  India  Company ;  nor  did 
I  think  the  giving  up  the  duty  to  the  East  India  Company 
of  consequence  enough  to  venture  the  struggle  of  the  Le- 
gislative authority  of  this  country.  If  they  could  sell  tea 
cheaper  than  any  other  People,  they  would  certainly  have 
the  market  to  tiiemselves.  His  Lordship  observed,  that  at 
Boston  we  were  considered  as  two  independent  States  ;  but 
we  were  no  longer  to  dispute  between  legislation  and  taxa- 
tion, we  were  now  to  consider  only  whether  or  not  we 
have  any  authority  there ;  that  it  is  very  clear  we  have 
none,  if  we  suffer  the  property  of  our  subjects  to  be  de- 
stroyed. He  hoped  that  all  would  agree  with  him,  both 
peers,  members,  and  merchants,  to  jiroceed  unanimously  to 
punisli  such  parts  of  America  as  denied  the  authority  of 
this  country.  We  must,  he  said,  punish,  control,  or  yield 
to  them.  He  did  not  wish  to  molest  without  an  offence 
given  ;  he  therefore  proposed  this  measure  to  day ;  and 
observed,  if  such  conduct  was  followed,  it  would  tend  to 
cement  two  countries,  as  important  to  the  one  as  the  other ; 
he  therefore  moved,  "That  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a 
"  Bill  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  officers  concerned 
"  in  the  collection  and  management  of  his  Majesty's  duties 


39 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


40 


"  and  customs  from  the  town  of  Boston,  in  tlio  Province  of 
"  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  Amtrica  ;  and  to  discon- 
•'  tinue  the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping,  of 
''  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  at  the  said  town  of  Bos- 
"  ton,  or  within  the  liarbour  thereof." 

When  Lord  North  sat  down,  there  was  a  perfect  silence 
for  some  minutes. 

Mr.  Grosvenor  got  up  to  second  the  motion,  and  con- 
demned very  much  the  proceedings  of  Boston ;  he  said, 
they  were  all  entirely  owing  to  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act. 

Governor  Johnstone  desired  to  know,  if  it  was  to  be  left 
to  the  Crown,  to  what  part  of  America  the  custom-house 
should  be  removed  ? 

Lord  North  said,  a  clause  was  intended  to  be  inserted  in 
the  Bill  to  leave  that  matter  to  the  Crown. 

Mr.  Dempster  observed,  that  should  this  indemnification 
to  the  East  India  Company  take  place  by  way  of  tax,  it 
would  be  collected  over  America,  and  thereby  injure  tlie 
property  of  People  who  had  been  entirely  innocent  of  this 
afiair  ;  that  when  he  spoke  formerly  so  much  about  taxa- 
tion in  general,  he  meant  not  as  to  the  right  which  we  had, 
but  only  as  to  the  prudence  and  policy  of  the  measure. 

Mr.  Sawbrid^e  got  up  to  speak,  but  the  noise  of  the 
Flouse  being  great  for  the  question,  he  sat  down,  he  said, 
till  gentlemen  had  done  coughing,  and  the  House  had  done 
calling  for  the  question  ;  that  though  he  could  not  be  heard 
now,  he  should  sit  cooly  till  he  could.  The  House  being 
little  silent,  he  said,  he  always  gai-e  his  genuine  opinion, 
and  he  was  now,  and  always  had  been,  of  such  opinion, 
that  this  country  had  no  right  to  tax  America;  that  it 
might  be  said  by  some  People  here,  that  America  Is  not 
represented  ;  that  if  this  country  had  a  right  to  take  a  sin- 
gle shilling  out  of  an  American's  pocket,  they  have  a  right 
to  take  the  whole.  He  then  sat  down  a  second  time,  the 
House  being  noisy,  and  said  though  he  could  not  be  allowed 
to  speak  long,  he  could  sit  long ;  and  observed,  that  this 
destruction  of  the  tea  was  entirely  done  by  a  mob  unarmed  ; 
and  Uiat  if  a  requisition  was  to  be  sent  to  Boston  to  make 
satisfaction  to  the  India  Company  he  made  no  doubt  but 
what  it  would  be  complied  with.  He  said,  he  was  against 
the  motion. 

Mr.  Byng  sa\d,  he  only  meant  to  ask  the  noble  Lord  one 
question,  whether  this  measure  was  not  preventing  the 
English  ships  from  trading  there,  and  a  punishment  on 
ourselves  ? 

Mr.  B.  Fuller  said,  the  Bill  brought  in  would  shew 
whether  it  was  a  punishment  upon  A  or  B  ;  that  he  should 
therefore  reserve  his  opinion  until  he  saw  the  Bill, 

Mr.  Dowdesioell  rose,  upon  which  the  House  thought 
the  debate  would  continue  ;  he  said,  he  was  of  opinion 
they  were  going  to  do  very  great  mischief,  and  should 
think  it  his  duty  to  give  that  opinion  in  tliis  early  stage  of 
the  Bill:  he  said,  this  Bill  was  to  punish  the  town  of 
Boston:  why  will  you  punish  Boston  alone?  Did  not 
other  towns  send  your  tea  back  to  England,  and  refuse 
the  landing?  Have  they  committed  no  offence?  He  asked, 
if  there  was  any  evidence  of  a  general  concurrence  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston ;  he  said,  the  examples  of  punishment 
the  noble  Lord  had  mentioned,  were  not  similar  to  the  pre- 
sent case ;  that  the  counties  being  obliged  by  law  to  make 
good  the  loss  between  sun  and  sun,  wal;  an  old  established 
law,  not  made  for  a  particular  purpose  ;  that  this  Bill 
would  be  an  ex-post-facto  law  ;  that  the  case  of  a  corpora- 
tion was  different  from  the  present ;  the  corporation  chose 
their  own  officers,  the  magistrates  of  the  town  of  Boston 
were  chosen  by  the  Province  at  large.  Would  the  House 
nor  hear  what  Boston  had  to  say  in  its  defence  ?  Would 
the  House  condemn  without  evidence,  in  the  absence  of 
the  parties?  He  should  trouble  the  House  no  more  at 
present ;  he  thought  they  were  going  to  do  a  wrong  act, 
nor  could  he  think,  that  the  cases  of  London,  KHnlwgh, 
or  Glasgow,  could  at  all  be  brought  as  examples  of  pun- 
ishment in  this  case.  He  disapproved  much  of  the  Bill, 
and  said,  he  should  give  a  negative  to  it. 

Mr.  Cavendish  approved  of  the  proposition  ;  but  hoped, 
il  the  merchants  of  this  country  could  any  way  be  injured 
by  it,  that  time  would  be  given  tlioin  to  come  and  petition. 
Captain  Phipps  said,  he  felt  no  reason  to  imagine  that 
any  opposition  to  the  Bill  at  Boston  could  be  effectual : 
That  It  was  no  new  thing  to  direct  and  order  a  port  for  the 


reception  of  the  trade  of  America;  that  harbours  were  in 
great  plenty  there ;  that  all  authority  had  been  trampled 
upon  in  that  country  for  many  years;  that  if  our  subjects 
could  not  trade  to  Boston,  they  must  go  where  thev  could 
trade  with  safety  ;  that  he  did  not  attribute  the  disturbances 
to  the  Stamp  Act,  or  the  repeal  of  it.  When  he  was  in  that 
country,  he  thought  that  that  Act  might  have  been  put  in 
execution ;  that  the  repeal  might  be  proper.  He  imagined, 
one  of  the  provisions  that  would  be  adopted  by  the  House, 
would  be  to  repeal  the  Declaratory  Act,  which,  he  said,  was 
tlie  most  absurd  and  unconstitutional  Act  ever  passed.  Let 
America  alone,  and  it  would  return  of  itself  to  obedience, 
and  do  not  let  us  scare!)  for  trifling  taxes,  by  way  of  expe- 
riment, to  try  our  power ;  the  moment  they  see  that  taxa- 
tion is  not  for  effectually  collecting  of  money,  but  for 
experiment  only,  they  will  always  oppose  you. 

Lord  G.  Cavendish  said,  lie  was  not  sure  but  the  object 
before  the  House  would  be  prejudicial  to  our  trade ;  that 
he  looked  lo  the  mutual  interest  of  the  two  countries ;  that 
they  were  united  by  proper  measures,  and,  he  hoped,  they 
would  be  kept  so  ;  he  wished  tiiat  no  idle  ideas  of  superio- 
rity might  prevail,  for  that  country  which  is  kept  by  power, 
is  in  danger  of  being  lost  every  day. 

Colonel  Brrre  said,  he  was  urged  to  rise  to  discharge 
his  duty  in  not  giving  a  silent  vote  upon  the  occasion.  The 
proposition  before  tlie  House,  he  could  not  help  giving  his 
hearty  affirmative  to ;  that  he  liked  it,  harsii  as  it  was ;  he 
liked  it  for  its  moderation  ;  and  arirued,  that  the  noble  Lord's 
{Nortfi)  conduct  would  be  of  the  same  stamp  throughout. 
He  said,  I  think  BoUon  ought  to  be  punished,  she  is  your 
eldest  son.  |Here  the  House  laughed,  and  some  members 
observed  by  him,  that  he  would  be  a  proper  person  to 
direct  the  admission  of  Irish  members  into  the  House,  as 
he  had  hinted  a  day  before  that  office  for  Mr.  Bigby.] 
After  the  House  had  laughed  heartily,  he  said,  I  mean  ycur 
daughter,  she  is  a  noble  prop ;  she  gave  herself  that  form 
of  constitution  she  now  has  ;  cherish  and  support  her.  He 
wished  to  see  an  unanimous  vote  in  the  onset  of  this  busi- 
ness ;  that  when  Boston  saw  this  measure  was  carried  by 
such  a  consent,  they  would  the  more  readily  pay  the  sum 
of  money  to  the  East  India  Company ;  that  he  hoped, 
if  they  did,  that  the  Crown  would  mitigate  the  rest  of 
their  punishment ;  if  the  Crown  went  further,  perhaps 
they  could  not  do  it  witliout,  as  Governor  Tryon  ob- 
served, at  the  muzzle  of  your  guns ;  that  we  had  given 
America  limited  and  prescribed  means  to  acquire  wealth  ; 
that  he  hoped  they  would  leave  the  rest  of  the  matter  to 
themselves  ;  that  he  had  often  thought,  in  the  coolest  hours, 
that  America  ought  not  to  be  taxed  by  this  country. 
Endeavour,  says  he,  to  take  the  power  of  taxing  out  of 
their  Assemblies,  and  it  will  be  strongly  opposed ;  he 
meant  not  to  stick  to  experimental  taxes  ;  the  tax  of  the 
Stamp  Act  was  made  to  please  this  side  [meaning  Mr. 
Grcnville's  friends]  of  the  House.  Go,  says  he,  to  some 
great  request  at  once,  and  if  they  wont  comply  with  it,  try 
then  your  power.  You  have  been  paying  £4,000,000, 
for  doing  of  nothing,  only  for  teasing  and  scratching  ;  I  wish 
to  see  a  fair  decided  line  at  once  ;  I  dent,  says  he,  see  any 
appearance  of  war  at  present ;  now  is  your  time  to  try,  in 
a  civilized  manner,  your  power  over  the  Americans  ;  other 
of  your  enemies  are  not  in  a  condition  to  take  part  with 
them.  I  am  not  in  office,  that  my  advice  can  be  taken  ;  if 
I  was,  I  should  give  it  freely.  If  office  comes  to  me,  it 
comes  as  an  atonement  for  repeated  and  unmerited  affronts. 
I  shall  at  all  times  speak  the  language  of  a  free  and  disin- 
terested member. 

The  motion  of  Ixird  North,  for  leave  to  bring  in  the  Bill 
was  then  agreed  to;  and  I^ord  North,  Mr.  Onslow,  Mr. 
Charles  Townshcnd,  Mr.  Attorney  General,  Mr.  Solicitor 
General,  Mr.  Bice,  Mr.  Cooper,  and  Mr.  Robinson,  were 
ordered  to  prepare  and  bring  in  the  same. 

Ordered,  That  the  further  consideration  of  the  Message 
and  Papers  be  referred  toaCoinmittie  of  the  whole  House. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  on  Friday  morning 
next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
consider  of  the  said  Message  and  Papers. 

Friday,  March  18,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  according  to 
order,  a  Bill  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  Officers  con- 
cerned in  the  collection  and  management  of  his  Majesty's 


I 


41 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


42 


duties  of  Customs,  from  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America;  and  to  discon- 
tinue the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping,  of 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  at  the  said  town  o{ Boston, 
or  within  the  harbour  tliereof:  and  the  same  was  received  ; 
and  read  the  first  time. 

Resolved,  That  the  Bill  be  read  a  second  time. 

Ordered,  Tiiat  die  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time  upon 
Monday  next. 

A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  put,  that 
the  said  Bill  be  printed  ? 

It  passed  in  the  Negative. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  the  House  to  re- 
solve itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  take 
into  further  consideration  his  Majesty's  most  gracious 
Message  of  Monday,  the  7th  day  of  this  instant,  March, 
together  with  the  Papers  which  were  presented  to  the 
House,  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  the  7lh  and  11th  days  of 
this  instant,  March,  by  his  Majesty's  conmiand ; 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Wednesday  morn- 
ing next,  resolve  itself  into  the  said  Committee. 

Monday,  March  21 ,  1774. 

The  Bill  was  read  a  second  time,  and  committed  to  a 
Committee  of  the  whole  House. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Wednesday  movn- 
ing  next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  upon  the  said  Bill. 

Wednesday,  March  23,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  the  House  to  resolve  itself  into 
a  Committee  of  the  whole,  on  the  Message  and  Papers,  was 
discharged,  and  the  Message  together  with  the  Papers,  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  whom  the 
Bill  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  officers  concerned  in 
the  collection  and  management  of  his  Majesty's  duties  of 
Customs,  from  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  in  North  America ;  and  to  discontinue  the 
landing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping,  of  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  at  the  said  town  of  Boston,  or 
within  the  harbour  thereof,  is  committed. 

The  House  then  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee -of  the 
whole,  on  the  said  Bill. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  took  the  Chair  of  the  Com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Fuller  said,  he  intended  to  make  an  alteration  in  the 
Bill,  by  first  substituting  a  fine  before  the  blocking  up  the 
port ;  lie  should  tlierefore  propose,  that  the  words  "  from 
and  after,"  be  left  out,  in  order  to  insert  one  of  his  own. 
He  said,  that  Boston  was  a  port  of  the  gi-eatest  consequence 
to  this  country  of  any  existing ;  that  the  Bill  before  them 
was  totally  unprecedented ;  for  that  the  case  of  Edinburgh, 
Glasgow,  and  others,  that  had  been  mentioned,  was  not  in 
the  least  similar;  that  the  penalty  of  blocking  up  their 
ports  was  too  severe  for  the  first  offence ;  that  when  the 
nation  came  to  know  the  contents  of  this  Bill,  he  was  sure 
they  would  be  dissatisfied  with  it ;  that  the  Bostonians, 
upon  the  first  rcsistence,  will  tell  you  they  will  not  remit 
the  money  which  they  owe  you ;  that  nothing  but  confed- 
eracies would  spring  up  among  tliem  ;  that  he  was  strongly 
of  opinion,  that  this  Bill  could  not  be  carried  into  execution 
without  a  military  force;  that  if  we  sent  over  a  small 
number  of  men,  the  Boston  militia  would  immediately  cut 
them  to  pieces  ;  that  if  we  sent  over  a  larger  number,  six  or 
7,000,  the  Americans  would  debauch  them  ;  and  that  by 
these  means  we  should  only  hurt  ourselves.  I  would 
begin,  said  he  by  an  amercement;  nor  would  I  wish  this 
Bill  to  take  place,  until  they  had  refused  the  payment  of 
it.  He  should  apprehend,  that  about  £15,000  would 
make  amends  to  the  East  India  Company,  and  would  in 
some  measure  be  a  relief  to  poor  Malcolm  (the  custom- 
house officer,  who  had  been  tarred  and  feathered.)  It  was 
always  a  rule  in  law,  he  said,  where  damages  are  done  by 
unknown  persons,  that  the  community  should  be  made  to 
pay ;  he  therefore  wished  that  the  House  would  adopt  the 
proposition  he  had  made. 

Mr.  Herbert  opposed  the  measure  which  Mr.  Fuller 
proposed.  He  said,  the  proposition  would  by  no  means 
relieve  us,  but  throw  us  into  greater  difficulties  ;  the  Bos- 
tonians would  certainly  resist  the  payment  of  the  fine  ; 
that  we  must  then  have  recourse  to  this  method.     The 


measure  proposed  was  still  more  likely  to  be  resisted  than 
the  Bill,  because  the  fine  would  be  laid  on  all  America, 
which  would  induce  others  to  join  in  the  opposition,  who 
before  were  not  concerned  in  it.  He  said,  the  Americans 
were  a  strange  set  of  People,  and  that  it  was  in  vain  to 
expect  any  degree  of  reasoning  from  them  ;  that  instead 
of  making  their  claim  by  argument,  they  always  chose  to 
decide  the  matter  by  tarring  and  feathering ;  that  the 
method  now  proposed  in  tlie  Bill  would  become  more  a 
punishment  by  their  refusal  than  by  their  compliance  ;  that 
the  Americans  alone  were  the  persons  by  whose  behaviour 
the  lenity  or  severity  of  the  measure  was  to  be  proved  :  he 
therefore  should  agree  to  the  Bill,  in  preference  to  the 
amendment  proposed. 

Lord  North  opposed  the  amendment.  He  said,  howe- 
ver great  his  obligations  were  to  the  candour  and  public 
spirit  of  the  honorable  gentleman  who  made  the  motion,  yet 
he  differed  much  from  him  in  the  amendment  proposed. 
His  lordship  observed,  that  tliough  the  honorable  gentleman 
had  said  it  was  the  first  offence,  yet  upon  recollection  he  was 
very  sure  he  would  not  be  of  that  opinion,  as  the  People  at 
Boston  had  begun  many  years  ago  to  endeavour  to  throw 
of  all  obedience  to  this  country ;  that,  indeed,  this  was  the 
first  time  that  Parliament  had  proceeded  to  punish  them. 
He  said,  I  am  by  no  means  an  enemy  to  lenient  measures, 
but  I  find  that  resolutions  of  censure  and  warning  will  avail 
nothing ;  we  must  therefore  proceed  to  some  immediate 
remedy  ;  now  is  our  time  to  stand  out,  to  defy  them — to 
proceed  with  firmness,  and  without  fear ;  they  will  never 
reform  until  we  take  a  measure  of  this  kind.  Let  this  Bill 
produce  a  conviction  to  all  America,  that  we  are  in  earnest, 
and  that  we  will  proceed  with  firmness  and  vigour ;  that 
conviction,  will  be  lost,  if  they  see  us  hesitating  and  doubt- 
ing. It  will  be  enough  to  shew  that  Great  Britain  is  in 
earnest.  The  merchandise  now  will  be  landed  at  Marble- 
head,  in  the  port  of  Salein,  which  is  putting  Boston  about 
seventeen  miles  from  the  sea  with  respect  to  foreign  trade. 
This  restriction  will  be  continued  as  long  as  they  persist  in 
their  proceedings  ;  it  will  operate  severely  or  mildly  against 
them,  according  to  their  behaviour;  if  they  are  obstinate, 
the  measure  will  be  severe ;  if  not,  mild.  I  believe  that 
Boston  will  not  immediately  submit  to  a  fine,  nor  to  the 
intention  of  the  present  Bill,  unless  it  comes  attended  with 
a  mark  of  resolution  and  firmness  that  we  mean  to  punish 
them,  and  assert  our  right ;  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  but 
some  of  our  own  People  may  in  some  degree  suffer  a  little, 
but  we  must  compare  those  temporary  inconveniences 
with  the  loss  of  that  country,  and  its  due  obedience  to  us ; 
they  bear  no  comparison  ;  and  the  preference  must  certain- 
ly be  given  to  the  latter.  The  honorable  gentleman  tells  us, 
that  the  Americans  will  not  pay  their  debts  due  to  this 
country,  unless  we  comply  with  their  disposition.  I  believe 
things  will  remain  much  in  the  same  state  as  they  did  upon 
a  like  occasion ;  they  threatened  us  with  the  same  thing  if 
we  did  not  repeal  the  Stamp  Act ;  we  repealed  that  Act, 
and  they  did  not  pay  their  debts.  If  this  threat  is  yielded 
to,  we  may  as  well  take  no  remedy  at  all ;  their  threats 
will  hold  equally  good  to  the  fine  proposed  by  the  honorable 
gentleman,  as  to  the  operation  of  this  Bill.  I  hope  we 
every  one  feel,  that  it  is  the  common  cause  of  us  all,  and 
such  an  unanimity  will  go  half  way  to  their  obedience  to 
this  Bill.  The  honorable  gentleman  tells  us,  that  the  Act 
will  be  a  waste  piece  of  paper,  and  that  an  army  will  be  re- 
quired to  put  it  in  execution.  The  good  of  this  Act  is, 
that  four  or  five  frigates  will  do  the  business  without  any 
military  force  ;  but  if  it  is  necessary,  I  should  not  hesitate 
a  moment  to  enforce  a  due  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this 
country.  Tlie  situation  of  the  troops  in  that  country  has 
been  such,  that  no  magistrate  or  civil  officer  of  the  peace 
has  been  willing  to  call  forth  their  strength  on  proper 
occasions  ;  it  will  become  us  to  find  out  some  method 
whereby  the  military  force  may  act  with  effect,  and  with- 
out bloodshed,  in  endeavouring  to  support  and  maintain  the 
authority  of  Great  Britain;  but  I  hope  that  this  Act  will 
not,  in  any  shape,  require  a  military  force  to  put  it  in 
execution :  the  rest  of  the  Colonies  will  not  take  fire  at  the 
proper  punishment  inflicted  on  those  who  have  disobeyed 
your  authority  ;  we  shall  then  be  nearly  in  a  situation,  that 
all  lenient  measures  will  be  at  an  end  if  they  do;  but  if 
we  exert  ourselves  now  with  firmness  and  intrepidity,  it  is 
the  more  likely  they  will  submit  to  our  authority.     If  the 


43 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


44 


consequences  of  their  not  obeying  this  Act  are  likely  to 
produce  rebellion,  those  conse(juences  belong  to  tliem,  and 
not  to  us :  it  is  not  what  we  have  brought  on,  but  what 
they  alone  have  ocrasioned  ;  we  are  only  answerable  that 
our  measures  are  just  and  equitable,  l^et  us  continue  to 
proceed  with  firmness,  justice,  and  resolution :  which,  if 
pursued,  will  certainly  produce  that  due  obedience  and 
respect  to  the  laws  of  this  country,  and  the  security  of  the 
trade  of  its  People,  \vhich  I  so  ardently  wish  for. 

Mr.  Oascoi^HC  said  he  diiiered  nuich  from  the  proposi- 
tion made  by  Mr.  Fuller,  as  an  amendment  to  the  Bill. 
Will  gentlemen  consider  w]i;;t  sort  of  Acts  of  Assembly  tiie 
Bosionians  have  lately  passed  ?  They  have  sent  over  one 
law,  to  be  appro\ed  of  by  his  Majesty,  for  the  raising  and 
purchasing  twelve  pieces  of  brass  caimon  ;  these,  he  sasd, 
were  to  be  produced  against  the  present  proposition  of 
amendment.  Do  these  proceedings  look  with  a  peaceable 
eye  to  the  proposition  of  his  honorable  friend  ?  It  is  not,  says 
he,  the  acts  of  tarring  and  feathering  only  that  shew  their 
displeasure  to  persons  who  have  oftended  them  ;  tliey  have 
other  modes  of  punishment,  which  they  make  use  of  by 
way  of  argument  and  reason;  the  house  of  any  pereon  with 
whom  they  are  displeased,  they  immediately  daub  over  with 
excrement  and  tar,  by  wliich  means  the  wjiole  family  is 
obliged  to  quit  it.  These  People,  he  was  afraid,  would 
hardly  ever  be  brought  to  reason  ;  for  the  moment  a  person 
otfered  to  argue,  the  reply  was,  either  tarring,  feathering, 
or  daubing  the  house.  The  Bill  before  tiiem  now,  he  ap- 
prehended, would  brinj!;  these  tarring  and  feathering  casuists 
to  a  little  better  reason ;  nor  did  he  imagine  that  a  military 
force  would  be  in  the  least  necessary :  as  their  meetings 
were  chiefly  made  up  of  merchants,  the  prescribing  limita- 
tions to  their  trade  would  be  the  only  way  to  bring  such 
merchants  to  their  senses. 

Mr.  Montague  (second  son  of  Ix)rd  Sandwich)  rose  for 
the  first  time  in  the  House.  He  said,  that  it  was  usual  to 
begin  by  making  some  sort  of  apology  to  the  House  as  a 
virgin  orator;  that  he  should,  for  tiie  present,  wave  that 
custom,  but  should  venture  what  little  he  had  to  say  with 
as  much  propriety  and  decency  as  he  was  able.  He  said, 
he  was  the  youngest  member  in  the  House,  and  therefore, 
might  more  properly  lay  his  thoughts  before  the  House,  in 
order  that  they  might  hereafter  be  corrected  by  men  more 
able,  and  of  greater  experience  ;  and  that  he  miuht  at  last 
be  induced  to  give  his  vote  at  least  rectified  with  some 
sanction  of  autiiority.  He  expatiated  much  on  the  load  of 
debt  which  this  country  had  incurred  on  obtaining  America 
in  Germany :  that  we  had  spilt  the  dearest  and  best  blood 
we  had  in  the  attainment  of  it ;  that  it  had  been  the  result 
and  deliberation  of  our  Councils  to  obtain  tlie  possession  of 
it  by  any  means,  and  at  any  risk  whatsoever ;  that  it  had 
been  the  darling  object  of  this  country,  ever  since  we  pos- 
sessed it,  to  cherisli  and  nourish  it  as  the  main  prop  and 
support  of  the  constitutional  body  of  Great  Britain ;  that 
after  all  these  struggles  for  the  possession  of  such  a  jewel  in 
the  crown  of  this  country,  it  would  be  madness,  it  would 
be  folly  indeed  to  the  last  extremity,  were  we  not  to  pursue 
the  most  determined  conduct  to  preserve  it;  the  giving  up 
that  gem  which  we  have  so  carefully  and  so  diligently  po- 
lished, or  neglecting  to  enforce  that  due  obedience,  and  cul- 
tivate the  friendship,  would  be  as  it  were  an  actual  surren- 
der of  all  our  right  and  claim.  He  spoke  much  upon  the 
indulgence  that  had  been  shewn  to  the  Colonies  by  the 
mother  country,  and  observed,  that  we  had  re*-,eived  nothing 
in  return  but  contempt  of  Government.  Was  this  filial 
friendship  ?  Was  tliis  that  debt  of  gratitude  which  was 
owing  to  this  country?  Or  was  this  that  bond  of  mutual 
connection  which  ought  to  have  subsisted  between  the 
mother  country  and  its  Colonies?  He  said,  he  looked 
upon  the  unity  of  legislation  to  be  as  essential  to  the  body 
politic,  as  the  Deity  was  to  religion;  that  the  disorders 
abroad  had  entirely  been  owinij  to  our  weak  Coiuicils  at 
home,  and  condemned  much  the  tame,  unmanly  proceed- 
ings of  Government  towards  the  Avuricaiis.  Those  acta 
of  the  Americans  call  now  loudly  for  that  power  and  diat 
interposition  wliich  has  been  so  long,  and  with  so  much 
danirer  to  this  country  withheld.  I>etus  now  proceed,  and 
consider  wjiat  it  is  most  prudent  to  do  in  the  present  situa- 
tion of  things,  rebus  sic  stantibus.  Let  us  consider  whether 
the  Bill  before  us  w  ill  not  l)c  the  most  proper  method  that 
nan  be  adopted.     The  Bill,  he  said,  would  ojicrate  as  a  res- 


torative and  palliative;  but  if  the  amendment  was  adopted, 
which  was  proposed  by  the  honorable  member,  it  would 
indeed  produce  a  punishment,  the  sting  of  which  Great 
Britain  would  in  some  n)easure  feel.  He  expatiated  also 
upon  gentlemen  in  that  House,  who  had  been  clamorous 
against  the  measures  of  Government,  with  a  view  to  make 
diemselves  jKipular:  he  termed  diem  a  faction,  whose  very 
existence  had  arose  merely  as  it  were  from  the  vilest  ex- 
crement of  the  eartli.  He  begged  pardon  for  having  de- 
tained the  House  so  long  ;  as  they  had  been  so  kind  and 
indulgent  to  him  in  the  attention  which  they  shewed,  he 
would  conclude  with  giving  his  hearty  approbation  to  the 
Bill,  as  it  bore  on  its  face  those  distinguisiiing  lines  which 
ought  to  be  tiie  true  characteristic  of  every  British  Minister, 
moderation  and  courage. 

Mr.  Byng.  i  rise.  Sir,  to  speak  my  mind  upon  tliis 
Bill.  Whatever  principles  I  have  hitherto  adopted,  be 
tiiey  right,  or  be  tliey  wrong,  I  have  always  adhered  to  ; 
and  as  I  live  with  such  opinions,  I  hope  I  shall  die  in  them. 
Men's  characters  are  known  after  their  death,  and  to  have 
steadily  adopted  one  uniform  set  of  principles,  from  which  I 
have  not  deviated,  I  hope  will  not  be  deemed  factious. 
This  Bill  will  prevent  all  importation  of  goods  to  Boston, 
and  thereby  create  that  association  in  the  Americans  which 
you  have  so  much  wished  to  annihilate.  You  are  not 
punishing  tl;e  Bostonians ;  you  are  punishing  the  English 
merchants.  Tliey.  Sir,  would  petition  this  House  ;  but 
they  might  petition  it  in  vain.  I  am  against  both  tlie 
amendment  and  the  Bill  itself;  I  therefore  propose,  that 
after  the  words,  "  not  to  import  goods,"  the  words  "except 
of  jBrt/ijj/i  merchants,"  be  inserted. 

Mr.  Stanley  said,  that  the  place  where  trade  and  mer- 
chandise could  not  be  landed  in  safety  was  not  a  port ;  it 
was  therefore  proper  that  some  other  port  should  be  found 
out  where  the  subjects  of  this  country  might  land  their 
merchandise  in  safety.  1  think,  said  he,  the  Bill  which  is 
now  before  you,  as  far  as  it  can  convey  punishment  will  be 
unavoidable  ;  something  must  be  done  ;  an  immediate  reme- 
dy must  be  had,  and  I  think,  none  can  be  adopted  so  free 
from  objection  as  the  Bill  before  you. 

Mr.  Dempster  said,  that  he  knew  of  no  Act  to  which  he 
gave  his  hearty  consent  in  a  more  willing  manner  than  to 
that  which  was  for  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act ;  he  said, 
our  disorders  had  arisen  from  our  attempts  to  tax  the 
Americans  by  that  odious  Act ;  he  was  very  sure  the  de- 
struction o{  America  uould  be  certain  if  we  should  ofTer  to 
tax  it.  Have  we  not,  said  he,  given  an  extent  of  power  to 
his  Majesty ,  to  prevent  the  port  of  Boston  from  ever  being 
reinstated  if  tlie  King  should  tliink  proper  ?  What  limit  or 
line  is  drawn  to  define  when  it  will  be  proper,  right,  and 
just,  that  the  port  of  Boston  should  be  reinstated  ?  He  said, 
the  dignity  of  Parliament  was  by  no  means  concerned  in  the 
disputes  with  our  Colonies  ;  and  that  we  should  treat  them 
as  our  children,  nourish  and  protect  them. 

Lord  North  rose  to  explain.  When  he  mentioned  the 
threats  of  Boston  were  not  to  be  depended  upon  at  the  re- 
peal of  the  Stamp  Act,  he  said,  he  did  not  mean  to  rip  up 
wantonly  the  mention  of  the  repealing  the  Stamp  Act ; 
that  he  begged  to  be  understood  in  that  light,  only  to  siiew, 
that  the  threats  o(  Boston,  at  that  time,  in  not  paying  their 
debts,  unless  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  were  not  always 
to  be  depended  upon. 

Mr.  Ward  said,  he  was  surprised  to  hear  that  we  were 
not  now  to  tax  America  ;  that  he  was  equally  surprised  not 
to  find  that  unanimity  which  he  expected  upon  the  present 
Bill ;  that  he  himself  was  much  against  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act ;  that  he  had  presented  four  petitions  from  his 
Constituents  in  favour  of  the  repeal,  but,  that  he.  at  the 
same  time,  told  them  he  must  be  against  them.  He  ap- 
proved, he  said,  of  this  Bill,  because  there  was  no  other  re- 
source left ;  that  we  were  drove  to  the  wall.  He  disap- 
proved, he  said,  of  the  amendment. 

Mr.  Jenldnson.  I  think  Great  Britain  right ;  I  com- 
mend much  the  measure  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and,  as  the 
honorable  gentleman,  (Mr.  Grenville,)  who  was  the  au- 
thor of  that  Act,  has  been  much  praised  and  commended 
for  another  Bill,  (^le  Election  Bill,)  I  beg  leave  to  throw 
in  my  hearty  approbation  of  my  honorable  friend  for  the 
Stamp  Act.  VVhat,  said  he,  is  to  become  of  all  your  trade, 
if  the  proceedings  of  the  Bostonians  are  to  become  a  prece- 
dent to  the  rest  of  the  Colonies  ;  we  have  gone  into  a  very 


m 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


46 


expensive  war  for  tlie  attainment  of -4menea ;  the  struggle 
we  shall  now  have  to  keep  it,  will  be  but  of  little  expense. 
General  Conway  observed,  that  the  right  honorable 
gentleman  who  spoke  last,  had  spoken  with  some  degree 
of  wannth,  which  the  present  debate,  lie  apprehended,  did 
not  at  all  call  for.  1  will  just  say  one  very  short  word,  he 
said,  in  favour  of  the  Bill.  I  am  particularly  happy  in  the 
mode  of  punisiimentthat  is  adopted  in  it,  but  I  disclaim  any 
thing  in  the  debate  that  tends  to  call  up  old  sores,  or  create 
anger.  I  was  much  for  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and 
am  not  ashamed  to  own  it ;  nor  do  1  think  that  that  measure 
was  the  reason  of  these  disorders. 

Mr.  R.  Fuller  said,  we  all  agree,  that  the  Bostonians 
ought  to  be  punished,  but  we  difier  in  the  mode  of  it.  He 
did  not  insist  any  farther. 

The  debate  ended,  and  the  blanks  were  filled  up  in  the 
Bill.     It  was  then  read. 

On  the  question  u]3on  the  clause,  which  vests  the  power 
in  the  Crown  to  restore  the  port, 

Mr.  Charles  Fox  said,  he  should  give  it  his  negative,  as 
it  was  ti-usting  the  Crown  with  that  power  which  Parlia- 
ment were  afraid  to  trust  themselves  with  ;  and  if  he  did  not 
succeed  in  his  negative  to  tiiis  clause,  he  should  object  to 
the  clause  following,  which  seemed  to  militate  against  the 
measure  adopted  in  this,  as  a  restraint  was  then  laid  upon 
the  Crown  until  the  East  India  Company  were  made  satis- 
faction. This  Bill,  he  said,  was  calculated  for  three  purpo- 
ses ;  the  first  for  securing  the  trade,  the  second  for  punish- 
ing the  Bostonians,  and  the  third  for  satisfaction  to  the  East 
India  Company.  He  said,  the  first  clause  did  not  give  a 
true  and  exact  distinction  by  what  means,  and  at  what 
period,  the  Crown  was  to  exercise  that  power  vested  in  it ; 
lie  thought  that  application  for  relief  should  come  to  Par- 
liament only,  and  that  the  power  of  such  relief  should  not 
be  lodged  in  the  Crown.  The  quarrel,  he  said,  was  with 
Parliament,  and  Parliament  was  the  proper  power  to  end  it; 
not  that,  said  he,  (in  a  kind  of  sneer)  there  is  any  reason  to 
distrust  his  Majesty's  Ministers,  that  they  will  not  restore 
the  port  when  it  shall  be  proper ;  but  I  want  to  hear  the 
reason  why  this  clause  should  be  so  left  in  the  judgment  of 
the  Crown,  and  the  next  clause  should  be  so  particularly 
granted,  with  such  a  guard  upon  his  Majesty,  to  prevent 
him  from  restoring  the  port  until  the  East  India  Company 
shall  be  fully  satisfied. 

Captain  Fhip])s  said,  that  nothing  surely  was  so  proper 
as  to  allow  the  Crown  that  power  which  always  had  been 
attributed  to  it,  that  of  mercy  ;  his  Majesty  cannot  deprive 
the  People  of  a  port  without  the  leave  of  Parliament,  but 
he  may  certainly  give  one  ;  as  to  the  power  being  lodged 
in  the  Crown,  of  restoring  the  port  upon  proper  contrition, 
it  is  highly  proper,  and  not  in  Parliament,  for  Parliament 
may  not  be  sitting  at  the  time  when  the  trade  of  Boston 
ought  to  be  restored ;  that  power  wliicli  has  a  right  to  give 
a  port,  has  also  a  power  of  appointing  quays  and  wharfs ;  if 
the  power  was  not  lodged  in  the  Crown,  quays  and  wiiarfs 
might  be  made  at  places  totally  inconvenient  to  the  custom- 
house officers,  and  thereby  prevent  the  collection  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's revenue. 

Lord  North.  The  test  of  the  Bostonians  will  not  be  the 
indemnification  of  the  East  India  Company  alone,  it  will 
remain  in  the  breast  of  the  King,  not  to  restore  the  port 
until  peace  and  obedience  shall  be  observed  in  the  port  of 
Boston.  I  am  ready  to  admit  a  clause  to  secure  those 
wharfs  and  quays  which  are  now  in  use,  to  be  the  same 
when  the  port  shall  be  restored.  He  observed,  he  had 
been  charged  witli  changing  his  opinion  ;  that  the  declara- 
tion which  he  had  made  tended  chiefly  to  the  punishment  of 
the  Bostonians,  and  that  the  Bill  particularly  adhered  to  the 
views  of  making  the  India  Company  satisfaction.  He  be- 
lieved tlie  House  would  do  him  the  justice  to  say,  that  he 
had  declared  botli  those  measures  to  be  his  intention  at  the 
first  setting  out  of  the  business,  as  well  as  to  restore  tlie  trade 
to  a  proper  footing ;  that  he  hoped  he  had  never  deviated 
Crom  them,  notwithstanding  what  the  honorable  gentleman, 
(Mr.  Fox)  had  charged  him  with  ;  that  he  should  never  be 
a.shamed,  at  any  time,  to  give  up  his  opinion  upon  good 
grounds  ;  it  would  be  the  height  of  obstinacy  not  to  do  it, 
when  he  saw  any  good  reasons  to  guide  his  opinion  to  better 
judgment. 

Mr.  Van  said,  he  agreed  to  the  flagitiousness  of  the  of- 
fence in  the  Americans,  and  therefore  was  of  opinion,  that 


the  town  of  Boston  ought  to  be  knocked  about  their  ears, 
and  destroyed.  Delenda  est  Carthago :  said  he,  1  am  of 
opinion  you  will  never  meet  with  that  proper  obedience  to 
the  laws  of  this  country,  until  you  have  destroyed  that  nest 
of  locusts. 

Colonel  Barre  said,  he  had  very  little  tiioughts  of 
troubling  the  Committee  upon  this  clause,  but  for  an  expres- 
sion which  fell  from  an  honorable  gentleman  under  the  gal- 
lery, delenda  est  Carthago.  I  should  not  have  risen,  said 
he,  had  it  not  been  for  those  words.  The  Bill  before  you  is 
the  first  vengeful  step  that  you  have  taken.  We  ouo'lit  to 
go  coolly  to  this  business,  and  not  trouble  our  heads  with 
who  passed,  or  who  repealed  the  Stamp  Act,  or  other  taxes. 
We  are  to  proceed  rcbiis  sic  stantibus.  Tlie  proposition 
made  ye  I  tliought  a  moderate  one,  though  I  must  confess  I 
hate  the  word  fine  ;  it  is  a  tax,  and  as  long  as  I  sit  here 
among  you,  1  will  oppose  the  taxing  of  America.  This 
Bill,  I  am  afraid,  draws  in  the  fatal  doctrine  of  submitting 
to  taxation  ;  it  is  also  a  doubt  by  this  Bill,  whether  the  port 
is  to  be  restored  to  its  full  extent.  Keep  your  hands  out  of 
the  pockets  of  the  Americans,  and  they  will  be  obedient 
subjects.  I  have  not  a  doubt,  but  a  very  small  part  of  our 
strength  will,  at  any  time,  overpower  them.  I  think  this 
Bill  a  moderate  one  ;  but  1  augur  that  the  next  proposition 
will  be  a  black  one.  You  have  not  a  loom  nor  an  anvil  but 
what  is  stamped  with  America  ;  it  is  the  main  prop  of  your 
trade.  Parliament  may  fancy  that  they  have  rights  in  theo- 
ry, which  I  will  answer  for,  they  can  never  reduce  to  prac- 
tice. America  employs  all  your  workmen  here :  nourish 
and  protect  it,  that  they  may  be  supported. 

The  clause  objected  to  by  Mr.  Charles  Fox,  passed  in 
the  Affirmative  without  any  division,  but  one  or  .two  nega- 
tives being  given  against  it. 

The  Committee  then  rose. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made  several 
amendments  thereunto. 

The  amendments  were  agreed  to  by  the  House ;  and 
several  amendments  were  made  by  the  House  to  the  Bill. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill  with  the  amendments  be  en- 
grossed. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  the  third  time,  to- 
morrow morning,  if  the  said  Bill  shall  be  then  engrossed. 

Thursday,  March  24,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  the  third  time,  to- 
morrow at  twelve  of  the  clock. 

Friday,  March  25,  1774. 

Mr.  Crosbie  offered  to  present  a  Petition  of  William 
Bollan,  Esq.,  (styling  himself  agent)  for  and  in  behalf  of  the 
Council  of  tlie  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  likewise 
of  himself  and  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston. 

And  a  motion  being  made,  that  the  said  Petition  be 
brought  up  ;  it  produced  a  short,  but  wann  debate.* 

And  the  question  being  put,  the  House  divided;  yeas  40, 
nays  170. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

A  Petition  of  several  Natives  of  North  America,  was 
presented  to  the  House,  and  read;  setting  forth, 

*  In  the  progress  of  the  Bill,  opposition  seemed  to  collect  itself, 
and  to  take  a  more  active  part.  Mr.  Bollan,  the  agent  of  the  Council 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  presented  a  Petition,  desiring  to  be  heard  for  the 
siiid  Council,  and  in  behalf  of  himself  and  other  inhabitants  in  the 
town  of  Boston.  The  House  refused  to  receive  the  Petition.  It  was 
said  tliat  the  agent  of  the  Council  was  not  agent  for  the  Corporation, 
and  no  agent  would  bo  received,  from  a  body  corporate,  except  he  were 
appointed  by  all  the  necessary  constituent  parts  of  that  body — besides, 
the  Council  was  fluctuating,  and  the  body  by  which  ho  was  appointed 
could  not  be  then  actually  existing. 

This  vote  of  rejection  was  heavily  censured.  The  opposition  cried 
out  at  the  inconsistency  of  the  House,  who  but  a  few  days  ago  received 
a  Petition  from  this  very  man  in  this  very  character;  and  now,  only 
because  they  choose  to  exert  their  power  in  acts  of  injustice  and  con. 
tradiction,  totally  refuse  to  receive  any  tiling  from  him,  as  not  duly 
qualified.  Were  not  the  reasons  equally  strong  against  receiving  the 
first  as  the  second  Petition?  But  what,  they  asserted,  made  this  con. 
duct  the  more  unnecessary  and  outrageous,  was,  that  at  that  time  the 
House  of  I^rds  were  actually  hearing  Mr.  Bollan  on  his  Petition,  as  a 
person  duly  qualified,  at  their  bar.  Thus  said  they,  this  House  is  at 
once  in  contradiction  to  the  other  and  to  itself  As  to  the  reasons 
given  against  his  qualification,  they  are  equally  applicable  to  all 
American  agents;  none  of  whom  are  appointed  as  the  Minister  now 
required  they  should  be-and  thus  the  House  cuts  oft  all  commumca. 
tion  between  them  and  the  Colonies,  whom  they  are  affecting  by  their 
acts. — Ann.  Kegis. 


47 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL, 


48 


That  the  Petitioners,  being  natives  of  his  Majesty's  Do- 
minions  in  America,  and  deeply  interested  in  every  pro- 
ceeding of  the  House,  which  touches  the  Hfe,  hberty,  or 
property,  of  any  person  or  persons  in  tlie  said  Dominions ; 
and  that  the  Petitioners  conceive  themselves  and  their  fel- 
low subjects  entitled  to  tiie  rights  of  natural  justice,  and  to 
the  common  law  of  England,  as  their  unalienable  birtliright; 
that  they  apprehend  it  to  be  an  inviolable  rule  of  natural 
justice,  that  no  man  shall  be  condemned  unheard  ;  and  that 
according  to   hnv,  no   person  or  persons   can  be  judged 
without  being  called  upon  to  answer,  iind  being  permitted  to 
hear  the  evidence  against  tiiem,  and  to  make  their  defence; 
and  that  it  is  therefore  witii  the  deepest  sorrow  they  under- 
stand that  the  House  is  now  about  to  pass  a  Bill,  to  punish 
with  unexampled  rigour,  the  town  of  Boston,  for  a  trespass 
(MJimnitted  by  some  persons  unknown,  uj)on  tlie  properly  of 
the  East  India  Company,  without  tiie  said  town  being  ap- 
prized of  any  accusation  brought  against  them,  or  having 
i)een  permitted  to  hear  the  evidence,  or  to  make  their  de- 
fence ;  and  that  the  Petitioners  conceive  such  proceedings 
to  be  directly  repugnant  to  every  princi|)al  of  law  and  justice ; 
and  that,  under  such  a  precedent,  no  men,  or  body  of  men 
in  America,  could  enjoy  a  moment's  security  ;  for  if  judg- 
ment be  immediately  to  follow  an  accusation  against  the 
People  of  America,  supported  even  by  persons  notoriously 
at  enmity  with  them,  the  accused,  unacquainted  with  the 
charge,  and,  from  the  nature  of  their  situation,  utterly  inca- 
pable of  answering  and  defending  themselves,  every  fence 
against  false  accusation  will  be  pulled  down  ;  justice  will  no 
longer  be  theii"  shield,  nor  innocence  an  exemption  from 
punishment ;  and  representing  to  the  House,  that  the  law  in 
America  ministers  redress  for  any  injuries  sustained  there ; 
and  they  can  most  truly  affirm,  that  it  is  administered  in  that 
country  with  as  much  impartiality  as  in  any  other  part  of 
his  Majesty's  Dominions  ;  in  proof  of  this,  they  appeal  to 
an  instance  of  great  notoriety,  in  which,  under  every  cir- 
cumstance that  could  exasperate  the  People,  and  disturb  the 
course  of  justice.  Captain  Preston  and  his  soldiers  had  a 
fair  trial,  and  favourable  verdict.     While  the  due  course  of 
law  holds  out  redress  for  any  injury  sustained  in  America, 
they  apprehend  the  interposition  of  Parliamentary  power  to 
be  full  of  danger,  and  without  any  precedent.    If  the  persons 
who  conmiitted  this  trespass  are   known,  then  the    East 
India  Company  have  their  remedy  against  them  at  law ;  if 
they  are  unknown,  tlie  Petitioners  conceive  that  there  is  not 
an  instance,  even  in  the  most  arbitrary  times,  in  which  a 
city  was  punished  by  Parliamentary  authority,  without  being 
heard,  for  a  civil  offence  not  committed  in  their  jurisdic- 
tion, and  without  redress  having  been  sougin  at  common 
law.  The  cases  which  they  have  heard  adduced,  are  direct- 
ly against  it.    That  of  the  King  against  tlie  city  of  London, 
was  for  a  murder  committed  within  its  walls,  by  its  citizens, 
in  open  day ;  but  even  then,  arbitrary  as  the  times  were,  the 
trial  was  public,  in   a  court  of  common   law;  the  party 
heard,  and  the  law  laid  down  by  the  Judges  was,  that  it  was 
an  offence  at  the  common  law  to  suffer  such  a  crime  to  be , 
committed  in  a  walled  town,  tempore  diumo,  and  none  of 
the  offenders  to  be  known  or  indicted.     The  case  of  Edin- 
Imrgh,  in  which  Parliament  did  interpose,  was  the  commis- 
sion of  an  atrocious  murder  within  her  gates,  and  at^orava- 
ted  by  an  overt  act  of  high  treason,  in  executing,  aganist  the 
express  will  of  the  Crown,  the  King's  laws.     It  is  observa- 
ble, that  these  cities  had,  by  charter,  the  whole  executive 
power  within  themselves  ;   so  that  a  failure  of  justice  ne- 
cessarily ensued  from  the  connivance  in  both  cases  ;   howe- 
ver, full  time  was  allowed  tliem  to  discharge  their  duty,  and 
they  were  heard  in  their  defence.     But'neither  has  time 
been   allowed  in  tliis  case  ;  nor  is  the  accused  heard ;  nor 
is  Boston  a  walled  town,  nor  was  the  act  committed  witiiin 
it;  nor  the  Executive  power  in  their  hands,  as  it  is  in  those 
o{  London  and  Edin'mrgh;  on  the  contrary,  the  Governor 
himself  holds  that  power,  and  has  been   advised  by  his 
Majesty's  Council  to  can-y  it  into  execution  ;  if  it  has  been 
neglected,  he  alone  is  answerable  :  if  it  has  been  executed, 
perhaps  at  this  instant,  while  punishment  is  inflicting  here 
on  those  who  have  not  been  legally  tried,  the  due  course  of 
law  is  operating  there,  to  the  disr-overy  and  prosecution  of 
the  real  offenders;  and  the  Petitioners  tliink  themselves 
bound  to  declare  to  the  House,  that  they  a])prchend  a  pro- 
ceeding of  executive  rigour  and  injustice  will  sink  dixjp  in 
the  minds  of  their  countrymen,  and  tend  to  alienate  their 


affections  from  this  country  ;  and  that  the  attachment  of 
America  cannot  survive  the  justice  of  Great  Britain ;  and 
that,  if  they  see  a  different  mode  of  trial  established  for 
them,  and  for  the  People  of  this  country,  a  mode  which 
violates  the  sacred  principles  of  natural  justice,  it  must  be 
productive  of  national  distrust,  and  extinguish  those  filial 
feelings  of  respect  and  aftcction  which  have  hitherto  attach- 
ed them  to  the  Parent  State.  Urged  therefore  by  every 
motive  of  all'ection  to  both  countries,  by  the  most  earnest 
desire,  not  only  to  preserve  their  own  rights  and  those  of 
their  countrymen,  but  to  prevent  the  dissolution  of  that 
love,  harmony,  and  confidence  between  the  two  countries, 
which  were  their  mutual  blessing  and  support,  beseech  the 
House  not  to  pass  the  Bill. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  upon  the  table. 
Tiie  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accor- 
dingly read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox,  then   proposed  as  an  amendment  to 
the  Bill,  to  leave  out  the  following  clause  : — 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
"  That  whenever  it  shall  be  made  to  appear  to  his  Majesty 
"  in  his  Privy  Council,  that  peace  and  obedience  to  the  laws 
"  shall  be  so  far  restored  in  the  said  town  of  Boston,  that 
"  the  trade  of  Great  Britain  may  safely  be  caiTied  on 
'•  there,  and  his  Majesty's  customs  duly  collected,  and  his 
"  Majesty  in  his  Privy  Council  shall  adjudge  the  same  to 
"  be  true,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  his  Majesty,  by 
"  proclamation  or  order  of  Council,  to  assign  and  appoint 
"  the  extent,  bounds  and  limits,  of  the  port  or  harbour  of 
"  Boston,  and  of  every  creek  or  haven  within  the  same,  or 
"  in  the  islands  within  the  precincts  thereof;  and  also  to 
"  assign  and  appoint  such  and  so  many  open  places,  quays, 
"  and  wharfs,  within  the  said  harbour,  creeks,  havens,  and 
"  islands,  for  the  landing,  discharging,  lading  and  shipping, 
"  of  goods,  as  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors,  shall 
"judge  necessary  and  expedient;  and  also  to  appoint  such 
'•  and  so  many  officers  of  the  customs  therein,  as  his 
"  Majesty  shall  think  fit ;  after  which  it  shall  be  lawful  for 
"  any  person  or  persons  to  lade  or  put  off  from,  or  discharge 
"  and  land  upon,  such  wharfs,  quays  and  places,  so  appoin- 
"  ed  within  the  said  harbour,  and  none  other,  any  goods, 
"  wares,  and  merchandise,  whatever.  Provided  always, 
"  That  if  any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  shall  be  laden 
"  or  put  off  from,  or  discharged  or  landed  upon,  any  other 
"  place  than  the  quays,  wharfs,  or  places,  so  to  be  appoint- 
"  ed,  the  same,  together  with  the  ships,  boats  and  other  ves- 
"  sels,  employed  therein,  and  the  horses  or  otlier  cattle, 
"  and  carriages,  used  to  convey  the  same,  and  the  person  or 
"  persons  concerned  or  assisting  therein,  or  to  whose  hands 
"  the  same  shall  knowingly  come,  shall  suffer  all  the  foifei- 
"  tures  and  penalties  imposed  by  this  or  any  other  Act,  on 
"  the  illegal  shipping  or  landing  of  goods." 

And  the  question  being  put,  that  the  said  clause  stand 
part  of  the  Bill  ? 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 
Mr,  Fox  objected  to  another  clause  :  he  had  objected  to 
these  two  clauses  in  the  Committee.  He  said,  he  now- 
made  his  objections,  in  order  that  it  might  appear  on  th(> 
Journals  that  somebody  did  object  to  them.  He  then 
moved  as  a  further  amendment  to  the  Bill,  to  leave  out  the 
following  clause  : — 

"  Provided,  also,  And  it  is  hereby  declared,  and  enacted, 
'•  that  notliing  herein  contained  shall  extend,  or  be  con- 
"  stnied,  to  enable  his  Majesty  to  appoint  such  port, 
"  harbour,  creeks,  quays,  wharfs,  places,  or  officei-s,  in  the 
"  said  town  o{  Boston,  or  in  the  said  bay,  or  islands,  until  it 
"  shall  sufficiently  appear  to  his  Majesty,  tiiat  full  satisfac- 
"  tion  hath  been  made  by  or  on  behalf  of  the  said  town  of 
"  Boston,  to  the  United  Company  of  the  East  Indies,  for 
"  the  damage  sustained  by  tiie  said  Company,  by  the 
"  destruction  of  their  goods  sent  to  the  said  town  of  Bos- 
"  t:m,  on  board  certain  ships  or  vessels  as  aforesaid,  and 
•'  until  it  shall  be  certified  to  his  Majesty  in  Council,  by 
"  the  Governor  or  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  said  Pro- 
"  vince,  that  reasonable  satisfaction  hath  been  made  to  the 
"  officers  of  his  Majesty's  revenue,  and  others,  who  suffered 
"  by  the  riols  and  insurrections  above  mentioned,  in  the 
"  month  of  November." 

And  the  question  being  put,  that  those  words  stand  part 
of  tiie  Bill  ? 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 


49 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


bt} 


On  the  question,  that  this  Bill  do  Pass  : 

Mr.  Dowdeswell  said,  he  rose  to  give  his  dissent  to  pass- 
ing the  same  into  a  law;  tliat  he  had  not  the  least  degree 
of  timidity  in  rising  to  oppose  it ;  that  he  always  thought 
the  proposition  totally  unjust  and  unfair.  By  the  Bill,  a 
person  is  to  understand,  that  the  commerce  of  all  his  Ma- 
jesty's subjects  is  interrupted  ;  and,  said  he,  I  cannot  give 
my  assent  to  it,  until  I  hear  the  complaints  from  the  differ- 
ent manufactures  of  iron,  leather,  wool,  Stc,  and  the  mer- 
chants of  this  country,  which  complaints,  1  imagine,  the 
liurry  of  passing  this  Bill  totally  prevents.  It  is  not,  says 
he,  that  any  other  goods  are  interrupted  in  the  port  of 
Boston,  but  those  which  are  charged  with  a  duty  from 
hence.  Look  to  the  consequences  of  this  Bill  ;  you  are 
contending  for  a  matter  whicii  the  Bostonians  will  not  give 
up  qfiietly.  I  remember,  said  he,  when  it  was  held  a 
doctrine  in  this  House,  by  persons  of  great  and  extensive 
knowledge,  that  wc  had  no  right  to  tax  America,  There 
is  now  no  such  opinion  ;  the  question  was  then,  "  Whether 
"  with  the  profits  which  we  receive  from  all  our  manufac- 
■'■'  tures  exported  hence,  it  would  be  a  wise  measure  to  tax 
■"  America  V  What  is  the  reason,  said  he,  that  you  single 
out  Boston  for  your  particular  resentment  ?  Have  there 
been  no  other  towns  in  America  which  have  disobeyed 
your  orders  ?  Has  not  Fhiladclj)hia,  New  York,  and 
several  other  Provinces,  sent  back  their  tea  ?  Has  not  the 
East  India  Company  suffered  nearly  as  much  damage  from 
the  tea  being  sent  back,  as  indeed  where  they  have  landed 
it  ?  Charlestown  is  the  only  place  where  they  have  suf- 
fered the  tea  to  be  landed  ;  and  what  have  they  done  ? 
They  have  put  it  into  a  damp  cellar,  and  the  whole  has 
become  rotten  and  useless.  You  find  yourselves  mtich  at 
a  loss  about  this  Bill,  and  are  hurt,  because  the  innocent 
are  likely  to  be  involved  in  the  same  punishment  with  the 
guilty.  You  are  now  going  to  censure  them,  in  the  same 
manner  as  was  done  in  the  case  of  Edinburgh,  and  Glasgow, 
where  the  l*eople  at  large  were  to  suffer  for  the  neglect  of 
their  Magistrates.  There  is  a  great  difference  between  the 
Magistrates  of  Edinburgh,  and  those  of  Boston ;  those  at 
Edinburgh  are  chosen  by  the  People  ;  those  at  Boston  are 
not ;  they  are  appointed  by  the  Council,  and  the  Council 
are  elected  by  the  Province  at  large.  You  are  going  to 
appoint  a  new  port,  where  there  are  neither  sufficient 
wharfs,  quays,  or  ware-houses  for  carrying  on  business. 
You  hereby  punish  the  British  merchants  much  more- 
severely  than  the  People  of  Boston.  The  folly  and  child- 
ishness of  carrying  on  such  a  project  is  certainly  very  evi- 
dent. All  that  you  have  effected,  is  to  carry  your  mer- 
chandise seventeen  miles  further  from  the  town  of  Boston, 
so  that  the  Bostonians  shall  be  obliged  to  be  at  an  addition- 
al expense  in  conveying  their  merchandise  from  the  port 
of  Salem  by  land.  You  ask  why  the  Americans  do  not 
pay  their  debts?  If  you  stop  the  exports,  you  will  of 
course  stop  the  payment  of  those  debts.  Now,  Sir,  let  us 
consider  how  this  Bill  is  founded  upon  principles  of  justice  ; 
if  Parliament  continually  passes  Bills,  sometimes  to  punish 
the  person,  at  other  times  the  places,  you  will,  by  and  by, 
have  your  hands  fully  employed ;  you  will  soon  inflame  all 
America,  and  stir  up  a  contention  you  will  not  be  able  to 
pacify.  The  passing  this  Bill  in  a  week  or  so,  does  not 
give  time  to  the  injured  persons  in  America  to  petition  this 
House  for  redress.  I  rejoice,  that  you  have  at  least  had 
one  petition  from  the  natives  of  America  residing  in  this 
country  :  the  language  of  that  petition  bears  the  face  of  a 
well  written,  unanswerable  argument ;  it  is  no  common  pe- 
tition: it  is  the  strong  and  pathetic  language  that  tells  their 
own  feelings,  and  those  of  their  fellow  subjects  in  America. 
I  wish  to  hear  some  arguments  offered  against  what  is  con- 
tained in  it,  for  it  will  be  said,  both  here  and  in  America, 
that  such  reasons  and  arguments  deserve  an  answer. 

Mr.  Wdbore  Ellis  said,  he  did  not  rise  to  answer  the 
honorable  gentleman  to  the  first  part  of  what  he  ad- 
vanced, being  arguments  which  had,  in  a  fornner  debate, 
been  urged  and  sufficiently  replied  to.  He  said  this  beha- 
viour of  the  Americans  was  the  most  direct  opposition  to 
the  laws  of  this  country  that  could  possibly  be  conceived. 
If  this  country,  said  he,  has  not  a  right  to  pass  a  tax  on 
Am.erica.  they  have  no  right  to  pass  any  law  whatsoever 
relative  to  it.  The  present  Bill  confirms  no  tax  ;  it  enacts 
none;  it  imposes  none  ;  the  tax  upon  tea  was  introduced  to 
prevent  tea  being  smuggled  into  that  country.  The  hon- 
FouRTii  Series.  4 


orable  gentleman  (Mr.  Dowdawell)  has  said,  this  Bill 
was  unjust  and  unwise.  I  differ  much  from  him,  and  think 
it  both  just  and  wise.  This  Bill  makes  it  expedient  for 
them  to  do  their  duty,  and  puts  the  Bostonians  upon  the 
inquiry  to  find  out  who  were  the  parties  that  committed 
this  riot;  the  persons  or  magistrates  in  the  town,  not  in- 
quiring into  the  proceedings,  are  much  to  blame,  and  I  can- 
not think  this  Bill  in  the  least  unwise.  Can  it,  Sir,  be  un- 
wise, unless  it  is  unwise  to  maintain  the  authority  of  this 
country,  and  to  punish  those  who  have  been  the  a<)-"-ressors 
against  its  laws?  The  honorable  gentleman,  he  said,  had 
mentioned  that  others  were  guilty,  and  why  were  they  not 
punished  ?  There  is,  said  he,  a  different  degree  of  crime 
in  each  of  them,  and  some  are  more  to  blame  than  others. 
It  is  treason  in  the  Bostonians,  and  can  only  be  deemed  a 
high  crime  and  misdemeanor  in  the  others  ;  but,  in  my 
mind,  it  appears  to  be  wise,  first  to  single  out  Bostonas  the 
principal  ringleader  of  the  whole  disturbance,  and  begin  this 
punishment  there,  in  order  to  see  what  effect  the  proceed- 
ings will  have  ;  1  therefore  think  this  Bill  wise,  prudent, 
and  just. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  I  trouble  you.  Sir,  in  the  last 
stage  of  this  Bill,  because  I  would  not  appear  petulant 
when  my  objections  nm  to  the  whole  of  it.  I  never  knew 
any  thing  that  has  given  me  a  more  heart-felt  sorrow  than 
the  present  measure.  This  Bill  is  attempted  to  be  hasten- 
ed through  the  House  in  such  a  manner,  that  I  can  by  no 
means  assent  to  it ;  it  is  to  be  carried  bj'  force  and  threats 
into  execution ;  and  you  have  even  refused  to  hear  Mr. 
BoUan,  the  agent,  declaring  him  to  be  no  agent  for  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  or  not  properly  authorized  by  them  to  pre- 
sent such  petition  ;  you  have  not  now  one  left  in  Englaiul 
to  be  heard  in  behalf  of  any  of  the  Colonies  ;  the  only  ob- 
struction that  this  Bill  has  had,  has  been  owing  to  its  own 
vis  inertia ;  but  persons  who  oppose  this  Bill,  are  immedi- 
ately put  to  the  same  kind  of  punishment  in  the  public 
Papers  which  offenders  in  America  are.  Ix)ok,  Sir,  into  the 
public  Papers,  you  will  see  Cinna,  and  a  thousand  other 
Boman  names,  throwing  out  their  invectives,  and  tarring 
and  feathering  all  those  who  dare  oppose  the  Bill.  I  sup- 
pose 1  shall  reap  my  share  for  this  opposition  :  but,  Sir,  at 
all  events,  I  will  enter  my  protest  against  this  Bill,  and  will 
mount  my  little  palfrey,  and  speak  of  the  injustice  which 
the  Bill  contains  with  the  greatest  confidence.  The  griev- 
ance which  is  stated  in  the  Papers  before  you  on  the  table 
appears  to  be  an  universal  resistance  from  all  America 
against  any  goods  or  merchandise  that  shall  be  loaded  with 
taxes. — He  desired  that  that  part  of  General  Haldiman's 
letter,  declaring  the  resolution  of  the  Americans  not  to  sub- 
mit to  receive  goods  with  duty  upon  them,  might  be  read ; 
he  read  the  extract  he  had  made  in  his  place  ;  he  said,  the 
whole  meeting  in  the  town  of  Boston  consisted  of  six  or 
seven  hundred  men  of  the  first  rank  and  opulent  fortune  in 
the  place ;  that  the  proceedings  were  conducted  with  the 
utmost  decency.  He  said,  this  was  not  a  meeting  of  mean 
persons,  but  that  the  acts  of  resistance  were  all  counte- 
nanced by  universal  consent.  Observe,  said  he,  that  the 
disturbances  arc  general  ;  shew  me  one  port  in  all  America 
where  the  goods  have  been  landed  and  vended  ;  the  dis- 
temper is  general,  but  the  punishment  is  local,  by  way  of 
exchange.  Whether  it  will  be  effectual  or  not,  I  do  not 
know;  but,  Sir,  let  me  paint  to  this  House  the  impropriety 
of  a  measure  like  this  ;  it  is  a  remedy  of  the  most  uncertain 
operation  ;  view  but  the  consequence,  and  you  will  repent 
the  measure  ;  give  orders  at  once  to  your  Admirals  to  burn 
and  destroy  the  town  ;  that  will  be  both  effectual,  proper, 
and  moderate,  and  of  a  piece  with  the  rest  of  your  pro- 
ceedings, cventus  tristis.  One  town  in  proscription,  the  rest 
in  rebellion,  can  never  be  a  remedial  measure  for  general 
disturbances.  Have  you  considered  whether  you  have 
troops  and  ships  sufficient  to  enforce  an  universal  proscrip- 
tion to  the  trade  of  the  whole  Continent  of  America  1  If 
you  have  not,  the  attempt  is  childish,  and  the  operation 
fruitless.  Only,  Sir,  see  the  consequence  of  blocking  up 
one  port;  for  instance,  that  of  Virginia  Bay;  which,  if 
you  do,  you  will  destroy  the  tobacco  trade,  and  thereby 
bring,  as  it  were,  a  certain  ruin  on  your  own  merchants  at 
Glasgotv  and  Elinburgh.  This  Bill  has  been  thought  a 
vigorous,  but  not  a  rigorous  punishment.  It  is  my  opinion 
that  you  might  even  punish  the  individuals  who  committed 
the  violence,  without  involving  the  innocent :  I  should  ap- 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


52 


prove  inucli  of  ilr.ii;  but,  Sir,  to  f.ike  away  the  trade  from 
the  town  of  Boston,  is  surely  a  severe  punislinient.  Would 
it  not  be  a  risoroiis  measure  to  take  a\vay  the  trade  of  the 
Thames,  for  instance,  and  dirert  the  merrhandiseto  be  land- 
ed at  (fravescnd!  1  call  this  Bill  most  unjust,  for  is  il 
not  fundamentally  unjust  to  prevent  tlie  parties  who  iiave 
offended  from  hein;;  heard  in  their  defence ?  Justice,  Sir, 
is  not  to  be  measured  by  geographical  lines  nor  distances. 
Every  man,  Sir.  is  authorized  to  be  a  magistrate,  to  put  a 
stop  to  disturbances  which  he  perceives  to  be  conunitted 
against  his  Majesty's  peace  ;  but  did  you  expect  that  the 
People  wiio  were  not  present  at  sucii  disturbances,  would 
be  equally  punished  for  not  aiding  and  assisting  in  putting 
an  end  to  those  riots  which  they  never  saw  or  heard  of? 
This,  Sir,  is  surely  the  doctrine  of  devils,  to  require  men  to 
be  ))resent  in  every  part  of  America  wherever  a  riot  hap- 
l>ens:  but  this  Bill  involves  those  who  have  never  in  the 
least  been  guilty  ;  and  then  you  again  say,  tiiat  the  distur- 
bances whicii  did  happen  ought  to  liave  been  iuniiediately 
put  a  stop  to  by  the  People  o(  Boston,  and  that  they  were 
bound  to  preserve  the  good  order  of  tiie  town  ;  but.  Sir,  I 
have  too  mucii  reverence  for  the  image  of  God  to  conceive 
that  the  honorable  gentleman  (Mr.  WcJborc  Ellis)  does 
reallv  and  trulv  imbibe  such  a  doctrine.  He  then  read  part 
of  Colonel  Lsslie's  letter.  No.  45,  wiierein  the  Colonel 
said,  that  neither  the  Governor,  nor  the  Council,  nor  any 
of  the  custom-house  olHcers,  have  ever  yet  applied  to  nie 
for  any  assistance  ;  if  they  had,l  could  most  certainly  have 
put  a  stop  to  all  their  riot  and  violences,  but  not  without 
some  bloodshed,  and  firing  upon  their  town,  and  killing 
many  innocent  People.  VVhy,  Sir.  did  not  the  Governor 
at  once  send  for  this  assistance?  Was  it  contrary  to,  or  do 
you  think  he  would  have  broke  dirough  his  instructions,  if 
iie  had  endeavoured,  by  such  ways  and  means,  to  ))reserve 
the  public  peace,  and  prevent  violences  from  being  com- 
mitted ?  The  fault  of  this  Governor  ought  not  to  be  the 
means  of  punishinent  for  the  innocent.  You  have  found 
that  there  was  no  Government  there.  Why  did  not  the 
(iovernor  exercise  his  authority  ?  Why  did  not  the  ships 
execute  their  duty  ?  What  was  the  reason  they  did  not 
act  ?  Why  is  not  Mr.  Hancock,  and  the  chief  People,  who 
are  known,  punished,  and  not  the  innocent  involved  with 
the  guilty  in  one  universal  calamity  ?  You,  surely.  Sir, 
cannot  have  power  to  take  away  tiie  trade  of  a  port,  and 
■<all  it  privilege  !  Why  was  not  your  force  that  was  pre- 
sent applied  to  quell  the  disturbances  ?  How  came  they  to 
be  so  feeble  and  inactive?  How  are  you  sure  that  the  or- 
ders and  frigates  which  you  now  send  will  act  better  ?  I 
cannot  think  this,  by  any  means,  a  pmdent  measure,  in 
blocking  up  one  port  after  another ;  the  consequence  will 
be  dreadfid,  and  I  am  afraid  destructive  ;  you  will  draw  a 
foreign  force  upon  you,  perhaps,  at  a  time  when  you  little 
expect  it ;  I  will  not  say  where  th:it  will  end ;  I  will  be 
silent  upon  that  head,  and  go  no  further ;  but  think,  I  con- 
jure you,  of  the  consequence.  Again,  Sir,  in  one  of  the 
clauses  of  the  Bill  you  proscribe  the  property  of  the  People 
to  be  governed  and  measured  by  the  will  of  the  Crown. 
This  is  a  ruinous  and  dangerous  principle  to  adopt.  There 
Ls  an  universal  discontent  throughout  all  Amerirn,  from  an 
Internal  bad  Government.  There  are  but  two  ways  to 
govern  America ;  either  to  make  it  subservient  to  all  yoitr 
laws,  or  to  let  it  govern  itself  by  its  own  internal  policy.  I 
abhor  the  measure  of  taxation  where  it  is  only  for  a  quarrel, 
and  not  for  a  revenue;  a  measure  tiiat  is  teazing  and  irrita- 
ting without  any  good  effect  ;  but  a  revision  of  this  ques- 
tion will  one  day  or  other  come,  wherein  1  iiope  to  give  my 
opinion.  But  this  is  the  day,  then,  that  you  wish  to  go  to 
war  with  all  America,  in  order  to  conciliate  that  country  to 
tliis  ;  and  to  say  that  America  shall  be  ot)edient  to  all  the 
laws  of  this  country.  1  wish  to  see  a  new  regulation  and 
plan  of  a  new  legislation  in  that  country,  not  founded  upon 
your  laws  and  statutes  here,  but  grounded  upon  the  vital 
principles  of  Eniclish  lilierty. 

Mr.  Grei/  Cooper  said,  he  could  not  agree  in  the 
doctrines  laid  down  by  the  honorable  gentleman  who  spoke 
last,  that  the  Bill  was  unjust  or  unwise  ;  it  was.  in  his 
opinion,  a  temperate  and  pmdent  law,  to  preserve  the  trade 
of  this  country,  and  protect  the  peace  of  America  ;  he  was 
sorry  to  find  that  honorable  gentleman  in  particular  should 
be  upbraiding  (iovernment  for  not  making  use  of  militaiy 
force  :  nor  should  he  have  expected  that  such  u  proposition 


woidd  have  come  from  him.  It  has  been  said  that  the 
Ameiicans  cannot  be  heard  in  tiieir  ow  n  defence  before  this 
measure  takes  etl'ect.  Look  at  the  papers  on  the  table, 
where  you  see  the  resolutions  of  their  public  meetings  or- 
flered  to  be  sent  over  here,  that  we  might  be  acquainted 
witii  them.  After  such  a  defiance,  can  it  be  expected, 
that  thev  would  come  over  here  to  be  heard,  and  say  any 
thing  at  your  bar  but  what  they  had  already  told  you,  and 
sent  to  you  expressly  in  the  |)apers  on  your  table,  where 
they  refuse  a  direct  obedience  to  all  your  laws  ?  It  is  asked 
ai;ain,  Sir,  whether  the  individuals  are  not  to  be  punished 
when  they  are  found  out?  I  appreliend.  Sir,  that  this 
measure  by  no  means  excuses  the  guilty  persons  from  being 
brouuiil  to  condign  punishment.  The  IJlaik  Act  of  this 
country  is  a  similar  case  with  regard  to  this  Bill,  where  the 
hundred  are  fined  in  the  penalty  of  £200  for  not  suppress- 
ing the  offences  mentioned  in  that  Act,  such  as  cutting 
down  trees,  breaking  hanks,  and  other  misdemeanors.  The 
whole  hundred,  in  this  case,  are  not  present  at  the  commis- 
sion of  the  crime,  yet  they  are  ]ninished  for  it ;  nor  docs 
that  fine  excuse  the  criminal  from  beins:  particularly  punish- 
ed, where  the  aggressor  can  be  found  out.  The  Bill  before 
you  is  a  law  for  the  protection  of  trade  ;  it  is  a  mild  measure, 
if  they  obey  it;  if  they  oppose  it.  the  result  of  it  will  onlv 
make  the  punishinent.  The  resolves  at  Boston  I  consider 
as  direct  issue  against  the  Declaratory  Act ;  they  clearly 
proved  a  determined  resolution  in  the  Americans  to  oppose 
every  law  of  this  country  ;  hut  the  Bostonians  alone  have 
carried  into  execution  what  otliers  have  only  resolved. 
This  Bill,  Sir,  I  look  upon  to  be  the  act  of  a  father  chastis- 
ing his  son  on  one  line,  and  restoring  the  trade  and  peace 
of  America  on  the  other,  and  therefore  I  highly  approve  of 
the  measure. 

Mr.  Anthony  Bacon  said  there  was  not  a  port  in  New- 
England  but  what  had  suflicient  ware-houses  for  the  re- 
ception of  all  the  merchandise  of  Great  Britain. 

Governor  Potvnall  said,  that  he  had  always  been  of 
opinion,  that  internal  taxes  could  not  legally  be  laid,  but 
that  he  agreed  in  external  ones;  tlrat  there  wanted  a  revi- 
sion of  the  general  laws  relating  to  America;  he  said  he 
wished  that  the  Tea  Duty  was  repealed,  but  he  did  not 
think  this  the  proper  time  or  season  to  adopt  the  measure. 
There  ought  also  to  be  a  review  of  die  Governments;  the 
Americans  have  a  real  love  for  Government ;  tliev  love 
order  and  peace,  [here  the  House  laughed;]  he  said,  I  do 
aver  that  they  love  peace,  for  I  look  upon  this  to  be  the  act 
of  the  mob,  and  not  of  the  People,  and  wait  but  a  little  it 
w-ill  regulate  itself. 

The  Lord  Advocate  said,  the  question  had  been  very 
fully  argued,  and  he  should  iiive  his  heartv  affimiative  to 
the  Bill. 

Lord  John  Cavendish  spoke  a  few  words  airainst  the 
Bill,  and  said,  he  should  give  his  negative  to  its  passing  in 
its  jiresent  foim. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  spoke  also  against  the  Bill,  and  said, 
he  should  be  against  its  passing  into  a  law. 

Mr.  Sawhridge  said,  the  offence  of  destroying  the  tea 
was  done  in  the  night  time,  and  not  tempore  diurno  :  tliat 
this  was  an  ex-post-facio  law,  and  that  the  law  of  the  Black 
Act,  which  had  been  mentioned,  was  not  in  force  before  the 
offence  was  committed  ;  that  as  far  as  that,  or  any  other  pre- 
cedent participated  of  this  law,  so  far  thev  were  most  ini- 
quitous ;  that  it  was  an  act  of  cowardice  in  the  Minister  to 
come  to  Parliament  to  ask  tor  that  which  had  been  allowed, 
and  was  in  the  power  of  the  Crown  to  order  and  direct :  he 
meant,  he  said,  the  removal  of  the  custom-house  officers, 
and  other  things  mentioned  in  that  Act,  the  preservation  of 
the  peace,  and  the  executive  authority  in  that  country.  All 
these  might  have  been  done  by  the  Crown,  without  apply- 
ing to  Parliament,  but  die  Minister  was  timorous  of  pro- 
ceeding himself,  and  wanted  to  skulk  behind  the  protection 
of  the  Legislature. 

Lord  North  said,  he  rose  to  explain  himself,  and  was 
sorry  to  commit  an  offence  to  the  House  at  that  hour  of  the 
night,  and  especially  as  it  would  be  to  the  disturbance  of 
the  neighbourhood,  who  are  totally  innocent,  [alluding  to 
the  charge  that  had  been  made  by  Mr.  Saivhridge.  that  the 
innocent  People  in  the  town  of  Boston  would  suffer  equally 
with  the  offenders  ;]  nor  am  L  Sir,  ashamed,  at  any  time 
to  take  shelter  under  the  Legislature.  The  honorable 
gentleman  says,  the    Minister   might  do    certain  things. 


1 


53 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


54 


wliich  are  to  be  enacted  in  that  Bill,  without  application 
to  Piii-liaiiient,  such  as  changing  tlie  custom-house  oilicei-s, 
ordering  the  peace  to  he  preser\'ed,  and  a  better  regulation 
of  internal  Government  to  take  place  ;  but  that  they  could 
not  block  up  a  port,  or  make  it  illegal  for  the  landing,  la- 
ding, and  shipiiing  of  goods  in  any  place  heretofore  granted, 
without  the  aid  of  Parliament.  1  will  not  undertake  to  say 
what  will  he  the  consequence  or  event  of  this  measure;  I 
ain  strongly  of  opinion  it  will  be  salutary  and  effective ; 
but  I  will  say,  that  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  the  Minister 
to  sit  still  and  take  no  measure.  I  believe.  Sir,  that  no 
prosecution  in  that  country,  according  to  its  present  Ibrni  of 
Government,  will  be  effectual;  1  was  tiierefore  nuich  for 
adopting  the  measure  pro])osed.  It  certainly  may  be  right 
to  direct  a  prosecution  against  those  individuals  who  may  be 
found  offenders ;  but  can  the  honorable  gentleman  be  of 
opinion,  from  what  he  has  seen  and  read  from  the  papers 
on  the  table,  that  ;uiy  obedience  will  be  paid  to  such  a 
])rosecution,  or  that  it  will  be  in  the  least  degree  effective  ? 
This  measure  will  certainly  not  excuse  the  individual  of- 
fenders, any  more  than  the  fine  upon  a  county,  between 
sun  and  sun,  will  excuse  the  person  who  committed  tiie 
robbery.  This  is  no  ex-post-facto  law;  they  committed 
the  offence  of  destroying  the  tea,  knowing  and  declaring 
at  the  same  time,  the  law  which  they  offended  against. 
The  Committee  of  Boston,  Sir,  gave  the  directions  lor  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  and  have  declared  their  resolution 
of  resistance  to  the  obedience  of  our  laws  ;  yet  we  are  de- 
sired to  hear  them  ;  to  hear  those  very  persons  who  have 
declared  to  you,  and  to  all  the  world,  that  they  intended 
this  violence  against  the  law ;  therefore,  it  is  said,  Sir,  by 
some  honorable  gentlemen  in  this  House,  that  we  ought 
not  to  proceed  in  this  measure  till  we  have  heard  these  very 
People,  who  are  the  great  offenders,  say  at  your  bar,  in 
tJieir  defence,  that  Great  Britain  has  no  authority  to  tax 
them  :  they  can  make  no  other  plea ;  they  can  make  no 
other  declaration  than  what  they  have  already  done  ;  but. 
Sir,  we  must  adopt  the  measure,  let  what  will  be  the  conse- 
quence. I  hope  and  conclude  it  will  he  a  happy  one.  Is 
this  then  the  best  measure  in  the  present  case  ?  It  certainly 
is :  I  hear  of  none  other  preferable,  or  I  would  adopt  it. 
It  is  to  tell  America,  that  you  are  in  earnest.  If  we  do  not 
mean  totally  to  give  up  the  matter  in  question,  we  must  as- 
sert our  right  at  this  time,  while  we  can,  whilst  it  is  in  our 
power.  Instead  of  our  treating  America  like  a  foreign 
enemy,  America  has  treated  us  like  one  ;  disavowing  our 
authority,  and  declaring  against  all  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
Great  Britain.  We  are  threatened  again,  by  one  honora- 
ble gentleman,  lest  a  foreign  enemy  should,  in  this  emer- 
gency, start  up — he  stopped  short,  and  said  he  would  say 
no  more  upon  that  head.  I  suppose  he  meant  that  this 
foreign  enemy  would  lay  hold  of  America  during  our  con- 
test. Time  of  peace.  Sir,  is  the  only  season  for  adopting 
regulations.  This  is  the  crisis,  then,  in  which  that  contest 
ought  to  be  determined.  Another  honorable  friend  of  mine 
is  for  repealing  the  Tea  Duty.  1  am  of  opinion.  Sir,  that  re- 
pealing any  measure  whatever,  at  this  moment)  would  stamp 
us  with  a  degree  of  timidity,  and  would  produce  a  totally 
different  effect  from  what  I  expect  this  measure  will  do. 

Governor  Johnstone,  I  find  so  much  difficulty  in  pro- 
nouncing my  sentiments  at  any  time,  that  unless  the  House 
is  kindly  disposed  to  hear  me  at  this  late  hour,  I  shall 
patiently  sit  down,  because  I  am  conscious  it  will  require 
their  greatest  indulgence,  to  enable  me  to  express  myself 
in  a  manner  worthy  of  their  attention.  A  modesty  becom- 
ing my  situation  prevented  me  from  offering  my  opinion 
before,  when  I  saw  men  of  so  much  superior  ability  rising 
from  the  beginning  of  the  debate. 

It  may  ap|)ear  arrogant  in  a  member  so  inferior,  as  I 
confess  myself  to  be,  to  offer  objections  to  a  Bill  so  exten- 
sive in  its  consequences,  under  every  consideration,  espe- 
cially after  it  nuist  have  been  so  maturely  considered,  in 
every  article,  by  men  so  distinguished  by  their  talents,  and 
high  stations  in  office,  besides  the  general  applause  which 
has  followed  the  Bill  in  its  rapid  progress  through  this 
House :  nevertheless,  though  naturally  diffident  of  my 
opinion,  when  I  had  the  good  or  bad  fortune  (I  dont  know 
which  to  term  it)  of  prognosticating  to  the  Chairman  of  the 
East  India  Company  the  consequences  of  sending  this  tea, 
on  their  own  acrovmt,  to  America,  and  that  the  event  has 
literally  fidfilled  my  words,  as  it  is  well  known  to  some 


members  now  in  my  eye,  it  makes  mc  more  confident  in 
warning  the  House  of  what  I  apprehend  will  be  the  con- 
sequences of  this  Bill. 

I  told  the  Chairman  of  the  East  India  Company,  first 
in  conversation,  on  asking  my  opinion,  and  afterwards  by 
letter,  that  the  evidence  might  appear  in  the  progress  of 
things ;  that  I  conceived  the  East  India  Conqjany  export- 
ing tea,  on  their  own  account,  was,  under  every  consider- 
ation of  their  situation,  and  institution,  wrong,  but,  under 
the  present  discontents  and  disputed  matters  of  Government 
in  America,  criminally  absurd,  because  they  were  pre- 
senting themselves  as  the  butt  in  the  controversy,  where 
they  woidd  probably  come  off  with  the  loss  of  the  whole. 
The  event  has  justified  my  prediction  ;  for  whatever  repay- 
ment the  Company  may  obtain  from  the  town  of  Boston, 
under  these  cruel  coercive  measures  now  proposed,  (the  ef- 
fect of  which  I  still  doubt,)  yet  the  Company  must  remain 
great  losers,  even  if  the  other  Provinces,  equally  culpable, 
are  made  to  refund  the  loss  arising  from  their  conduct, 
because  it  was  not  supplies  of  cash,  at  a  distant  period,  the 
Company  wanted,  hut  an  immediate  supply,  to  answer  a 
temporary  exigency,  which  a  combina'tion  of  the  enemies 
of  the  country  iiad  produced. 

I  now  venture  to  predict  to  this  House,  that  the  effect  of 
the  present  Bill  must  be  productive  of  a  General  Confed- 
eracy, to  resist  the  power  of  this  country.  It  is  irritating, 
tempting  nay,  inviting  men ,  to  those  deeds  by  ineffectual 
expedients,  the  abortions  of  an  undecisive  mind,  incapable 
of  comprehending  the  chain  of  consequences  \jhich  must 
result  from  such  a  law.  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  believe 
that  distant  Provinces  can  be  retained  in  their  duty  by 
preaching  or  enchantments ;  I  believe  that  vorce  or 
POWER,  conducted  with  wisdom,  are  the  means  of  securing 
regular  obedience  under  every  establishment ;  but  that  such 
Ibrce  should  never  be  applied  to  any  degree  of  rigour,  unless 
it  should  carry  the  general  approbation  of  mankind  in  the 
execution.  However  much  such  approbation  may  prevail 
at  the  particular  moment  in  this  House,  it  is  impossible  to 
believe  the  sense  of  Great  Britain,  or  the  sense  of  Ame- 
rica, can  go  to  the  punishing  a  particular  town,  for  resisting 
the  payment  of  the  Tea  Tax,  which  is  universally  odious 
throughout  America,  and  is  held  in  ridicule  and  contempt 
by  every  thinking  man  in  this  country.  The  question  of 
taxing  America  is  sufficiently  nice  to  palliate  resistance, 
if  the  subject  had  never  been  litigated  in  this  country ;  but 
after  the  highest  characters  in  this  State  had  declared 
against  the  right  of  this  country  to  impose  taxes  on  Ame- 
rica, for  the  purpose  of  revenue  ;  after  the  general  voice  of 
the  Senate  had  concurred  in  repealing  the  Stamp  Act, 
upon  that  jyinciple ;  after  those  men,  who  had  maintained 
these  doctrines,  had  been  promoted  by  his  Majesty  to  the 
fii-st  stations  in  the  administration  of  civil  and  judicial 
affairs,  there  is  so  much  mitigation  to  be  pleaded  in  favor 
of  the  Americans  from  those  circumstances  (allowing  them 
in  an  error  at  present)  that  every  man  nmst  feel  the  height 
of  cruelty,  by  enforcing  contrary  maxims,  with  any  degree 
of  severity,  at  first,  before  due  warning  is  given. 

It  is  in  vain  to  say  Boston  is  more  culpable  than  the 
other  Colonies.  Sending  the  ships  from  thence,  and  obliging 
them  to  return  to  England,  is  a  more  solemn  and  deli- 
berated act  of  resistance  than  the  outrage  committed  by 
persons  in  disguise  in  the  night,  when  the  ship  refused  to 
depart.  That  of  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston,  to  pre- 
vent the  importation  of  British  manufactures,  or  the  expor- 
tation of  goods,  which  are  to  pay  for  them,  is  a  mea- 
sure equally  as  absurd  as  if  the  Parliament  here,  upon 
the  resistance  which  was  made  to  their  resolution,  by  the 
riots  at  Brentford,  and  other  disturbances  in  the  county 
o{ Middlesex,  had  decreed  by  way  of  punishment,  that  the 
freeholders  should  have  been  prohibited  from  sowing  of 
wheat.  For  whose  benefit  do  the  inliabitants  of  Boston  toil 
and  labour  ?  The  springs  in  the  circle  of  commerce  bear  so 
nicely  on  each  other,  that  few  men  can  tell  by  interruptinn 
one,  the  degree  and  extent  to  which  the  rest  may  he 
exposed.  By  excluding  the  importation  of  molasses,  and 
the  exportation  of  that  spirit  which  is  distilled  at  Boston, 
the  whole  Guinea  trade  will  be  affected,  and  in  conse- 
quence, the  sugar  trade,  that  depends  upon  it.  In  extending 
this  kind  of  punisliment  to  the  other  Colonies,  every  one 
must  see  the  danger  ;  and  yet,  if  it  can  be  approved  for  one, 
the  same  arguments  will  hold  good  to  approve  or  reject  it 


JOT 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


56 


respecting  tlie  other  ;  but  let  any  man  fisure  to  himself  the 
consequences  to  this  country,  if  a  similar  punishment  was 
applied  to  the  Colony  of  Virginia  ;  £300.000  a  year  dimi- 
nution in  revenue,  besides  the  loss  of  all  the  foreiiin  contracts, 
and  perliaps  of  that  beneticial  trade  forever.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  general  approbation  which  has  been  given  to  this 
Bill,  ancrthe  loud  a])plauses  which  have  been  re-tfchoed  to 
every  word  of  the  noble  lyord  in  explaining  it,  yet  no  man 
will  be  bold  enough  to  say,  thai  this  partial  pimisinnent  is  a 
remcdv  for  the  general  disease.  And  yet  without  knowing 
what  is  to  follow,  no  man  can  be  vindicated  (oven  supposing 
the  Bill  right  in  |)art)  for  giving  his  assent  to  it.  Those 
gentlemen  who  are  in  the  secrets  of  the  Cabinet,  and 
know  how  assuredly  every  proposition  from  them  is  adopted 
by  this  House,  may  be  excused  for  their  sanguine  accla- 
mations in  favour  of  the  measure,  but  the  general  mass,  who 
must  be  equally  ignorant  with  myself,  of  what  is  to  follow, 
can  have  no  excuse  for  giving  their  assent  so  readily  for  pun- 
ishing their  fellow  subjects  in  so  unprecedented  a  manner, 
and  their  eager  zeal  serves  only  to  shew  how  ready  they 
are  to  obey  the  will  of  another,  without  exercising  their 
own  judgment  in  the  case.  If  the  Government  of  this 
country  is  resisted  in  America,  my  opinion  is,  instead  of 
removing  the  seat  of  Government  in  the  Colony,  and  forc- 
ing the  elements  to  bend  to  our  will,  (which  is  impossible) 
that  an  effectual  force  should  be  carried  to  the  heart  of  the 
Colony  resisting,  to  crush  rebellion  in  the  bud,  before  a 
General  Confederacy  can  be  formed.  In  the  present  case 
we  abandon  the  Government,  and  drive  the  inhabitants  to 
despair,  leaving  the  multitude  a  prey  to  any  ambitious  s])irit 
that  may  arise.  For  my  own  part,  I  am  convinced,  from 
experience  in  the  Colonies,  that  good  Government  may  be 
conducted  there  upon  rational  grounds,  as  well  as  in  this 
country  ;  but  the  ])ower  and  means  of  governing,  rewards 
and  punishments,  are  taken  from  your  supreme  executive' 
Magistrate  in  every  sense,  and  then  you  are  surprised  that 
all  order  and  obedience  should  cease.  The  Colonies  can  only 
be  governed  by  their  Assemblies,  as  England  by  the  House 
of  Commons ;  the  Patent  Oftices,  as  well  as  those  in  the 
Customs,  which  were  formerly  given  at  the  recommendation 
of  the  Governors,  to  men  supporting  Government,  and  resi- 
ding in  tiie  Provinces,  are  now  in  reversion  three  or  four  lives 
deep,  to  men  living  in  this  country.  The  command  of  the 
military,  which  was  another  gi'eat  source  of  respect  and 
obedience,  is  likew  ise  taken  from  the  Governor :  so  that  in 
truth  he  remains  an  insignificant  jjageant  of  state,  fit  only 
to  transmit  tedious  accounts  of  his  own  ridiculous  situation  : 
or,  like  a  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  to  debate  with  his 
Assembly  about  abstract  doctrines  in  Government. 

I  am  far  from  wishing  to  throw  any  blame  on  Governor 
Hutchinson,  or  to  condemn  him,  like  the  town  of  Boston, 
unheard.  The  absence  of  the  man  and  the  general  clamour 
against  him,  will  restrain  me  from  saying  many  things 
respecting  his  conduct,  which  appear  reprehensible  ;  but  1 
cannot  admit  a  passage  in  the  speech  of  a  noble  Lord  to 
pass  unnoticed.  His  Ijordship  alleges, "  That  the  Governor 
"  could  not  apply  to  the  Admiral  in  the  harbour,  or  to  the 
•''  Commanding  Officer  of  the  troops  in  the  castle,  for  the 
•'  protection  of  the  custom-house  officers,  as  well  as  teas  in 
••'  question,  without  the  advice  of  his  Council."  But  I  beg 
leave  to  inform  the  noble  Lord,  as  I  served  in  that  station 
myself,  that  there  is  a  volume  of  instructions  to  every  Go- 
vernor on  this  subject,  whereby  he  is  commanded  under  the 
severest  penalties,  "  To  give  all  kind  of  protection  to  trade 
••'  andconmierce,  as  well  as  to  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's 
•'  Customs,  by  his  own  authority,  without  the  necessity 
••'  of  acting  throui;li  his  Council."  Nor  can  I  conceive  a 
passible  excuse  for  ihe  destruction  of  those  teas,  while  two 
men-of-war  lay  iu  the  harbour,  without  the  least  application 
having  been  made  to  the  Admiral  for  protection,  during  so 
long  a  transaction. 

The  fij-st  essential  point  in  those  disputes  which  are  now 
likely  to  become  so  serious  by  the  weakness  of  Adminis- 
tration, in  tills  country,  in  followin!,'  no  connected  plan, 
either  of  force  or  of  favour,  but  constantly  vibrating  between 
the  two,  is  to  put  ourselves  in  the  riglu,  and  for  this  j)ur- 
ix).se  I  would  reconnnend  the  innnediate  repeal  of  the  Tea 
Duty,  which  can  be  vindicated  upon  no  principles,  either  of 
commerce  or  policy.  Men  may  allege  this  would  be  giving 
up  the  point ;  but  if  we  have  no  better  points  to  dispute 
uj)on.  I  am  ready  to  yield  the  argument.     Raisin"  taxes 


in  America  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  I  maintain  to  be 
unnecessary  and  dangerous.  A  Stamp  Act,  as  a  measure  of 
police,  varied  for  the  difTerent  Governments,  and  leaving 
the  revenue  raised  thereby  to  be  appropriated  by  the  respec- 
tive Legislatures,  I  hold  to  be  a  measure  of  the  highest  effi- 
cacy, for  maintaining  a  due  obedience  to  the  authority  of  this 
country,  and  prolonging  that  ilependence  for  ages  to  come. 
How  far  it  can  be  executed,  alter  what  has  already  passed, 
I  am  rather  diffident,  but  of  this  I  am  certain,  that  in  case 
Great  Britain  is  dejirived  of  excr.uting  a  measure  of  that 
nature,  which  by  pervading  every  transaction,  secures  the 
execution  in  itself,  she  has  lost  one  of  the  greatest  enijines 
for  supporting  her  influence  throughout  the  Enqiire  without 
oppression.  Some  men  who  are  for  simplifyin<r  Government 
to  their  own  comprehensions,  will  not  allow  they  conceive 
that  the  supreme  legislative  authority  shall  not  be  para- 
mount in  all  things,  and  taxation  being  fullv  comprehended 
in  legislation,  they  argue,  that  the  power  of  the  one  nuist 
necessarily  follow  that  of  the  otiier;  and  yet  we  find  man- 
kind possessed  of  privileges  which  are  not  to  he  violated 
in  the  most  arbitrary  countries.  The  Province  of  Langue- 
doc  is  a  striking  example  in  refutation  of  the  doctrines  res- 
pecting taxation,  which  are  held  by  such  narrow  observers. 
The  Kingdom  of  Ireland  in  another  instance  in  our  domin- 
ions. There  is  not  one  argument  which  can  apply  for 
exempting  Ireland  from  taxation  by  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  that  does  not  equally  protect  the  Colonies 
from  the  power  of  such  partial  judges.  Every  man  should 
now  call  to  his  remembrance  by  w  hat  obstinate  infatuation 
Philip  n,  came  to  lose  the  L^nited  Provinces.  Can  it  be 
supposed  that  in  a  nation  so  wise  as  Spain  was  at  that 
time,  that  no  man  perceived  the  injustice  and  futility  of 
the  measure  in  dispute  ?  But  I  can  easily  suppose,  from 
the  pride  of  authority,  where  our  vanity  is  so  much  flatter- 
ed, that  no  man  durst  venture  a  proposition  for  receding 
from  that  cruel  measure,  after  it  had  been  resisted  by 
violence. 

These  arc  the  general  heads. 

The  particular  objections  to  the  Bill  arc,  fii-st  for  con- 
tinuing the  punishment,  "  until  satisfliction  shall  be  made 
'•  to  the  India  Company,"  without  stating  the  amount,  or 
what  that  satisfaction  sliall  be.  Next,  "  until  peace  and 
"  good  order  shall  be  certified  to  be  restored,"  when  it  is 
impossible,  as  to  the  subject  in  dispute,  that  such  certificate 
can  ever  be  granted,  because  the  custom-house  officers  are 
removed,  and  all  trade  and  commerce  prohibited.  The 
numerous  disputes  and  litigations  which  nmst  necessarily 
arise  in  carrying  this  law  into  execution,  on  contract 
made  by  parties  before  they  could  be  apprized  of  it,  and 
the  despatch  of  ships  in  harbour,  under  the  limited  time, 
without  any  exception  for  the  desertion  of  seamen,  or 
wind  and  weather,  is  altogether  melancholy  to  consider ! 
The  power  given  to  the  Admiral  or  Chief  Commander,  to 
order  the  ships  returning  lioni  foreign  voyages,  to  such 
stations  as  he  shall  direct,  is  wild,  vexatious,  and  indefinite.. 
That  of  permitting  his  Majesty  to  alter  the  value  of  all 
the  property  in  the  town  of  Boston,  upon  restoring  the 
port,  by  aflixing  such  quays  and  wharfs  as  he  only  shall 
appoint,  for  landing  and  shipping  of  goods,  is  liable  to 
such  misreprasentation  and  abuse,  that  I  expect  to  see 
every  evil  follow  the  exercise  of  it,  and  it  must  create 
infinite  jealousies  and  distraction  among  the  People. 

I  am  therefore  of  opinion,  that  this  Bill,  both  from  the 
principle  and  manner  in  which  it  has  been  passed,  and 
from  forelTjnning  the  general  regulations  that  are  intend- 
ed, and  which  ought  at  least  to  accompany  it,  instead 
of  quieting  the  disturbances  in  Boston,  it  will  promote 
them  still  further,  and  induce  the  inhabitants  to  cut  ofT 
all  communication  with  your  ships  of  war,  which  may  be 
productive  of  mutual  hostilities,  and  most  probably  will 
end  in  a  general  revolt.* 

•  To  ihe  Printer  of  the  Nortolk  Intelligencer. 
Remarks  on  Governor  Johnstone's  Speech  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
Sir: — Political  debates,  from  tlio  misguided  rafje  of  the  Speakers, 
often  rise  to  an  enormous  height ;  indeed,  it  requires  a  long  course  of 
exi)erience  to  determine  tlic  real  interest  of  the  State  in  every  impor. 
tant  point  that  occurs.  The  loudest  cavillers  against  the  measures  of 
Government  after  running  their  splendid  career,  become  lordly  efB. 
gies  of  .State,  and  exhibit  a  striking  portrait  of  the  complexion  of  the 
tim<s.  In  the  British  annals,  the  transformation  of  violent  zealots  for 
public  liberty  into  its  most  inveterate  enemies,  clearly  proves  that  tlie 
gilded  top  fur  which  ambition  panta,  has  an  irresistible  attraction ; 


57 


BOSTON  PORT  BILI.. 


58 


Mr.  Saicbrid^c  said,  lie  rose  again,  just  to  blame  the 
Minister  for  beinj;  timid  in  doing  his  duty  without  the  au- 
thority of  Parliament.  He  was  very  certain,  he  said,  that 
there'  were  three  thini!;s  in  the  Bill ;  that  there  was  this, 
and  this,  an<i  this  things  which  the  Minister  might  have 
done  without  skulking  behind  the  Legislative  authority  for 
shelter;  that  indeed  the  fourth,  of  stopping  up  their  port, 
he  believed  it  was  proper  to  apply  to  Parhanient  for ;  but 
he  was  very  certain  that  this,  and  this,  and  this,  might  have 
been  done  without  the  aid  of  Parliament. 

Lord  North.  Sir,  1  have  been  formerly  blamed  for  being 
the  onlv  ostensible  Minister  of  this  country.  1  am  now 
charged  with  not  coming  forth  and  doing  the  duty  of  an 
acting  Minister  without  applying  to  Parliament.  1  never. 
Sir,  am  ashamed  to  have  the  sanction  and  direction  of  Par- 
liament as  the  rule  and  guide  of  my  conduct ;  but.  Sir,  if  I 
had  done,  as  the  honorable  gentleman  who  spoke  last, 
wishes  me  to  have  done,  this,  and  this,  and  this,  I  had  done 
nothing,  unless  1  had  come  to  Parliament  forthat.  and  that, 
then  the  main  object,  what  the  honorable  gentleman  thinks 
I  ought  to  have  come  to  Parliament  for,  and  without  that, 
he  allows  I  should  do  nothing  ;  but  however  he  may  wish 
nie  to  have  done  this,  and  this,  and  this,  of  my  own  head  as 
a  IMinister,  the  honorable  gentleman,  (fond  as  he  is,  and 
always  has  been,  of  prerogative,)  would  have  disagreed  to 
my  proceeding,  and  objected  against  it. 

The  Bill  was  then  Passed  without  a  division. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 

Saturday,  March  26,  1774. 

A  ^^essage  was  brought  up  from  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, by  Mr.  Cooper,  and  others. 

With  a  Bill  intituled,  "  An  Act  to  discontinue,  in  such 

but  the  douceurs  of  the  Court  have  been  dealt  witli  so  cautious  a  hand 
of  lute,  and  so  accurate  an  iuspaction  into  the  meritsof  the  candidates, 
that  miiny  officious  pretenders  liave  retired  into  the  vale  of  discontent, 
dispirited,  unbctViended,  and  defeated;  common  observers  do  not 
readily  trace  tlio  various  transactions  and  refinements  which  the  pa- 
triotic character  undergoes  before  it  can  be  ripened  into ,  modern 
maturity ;  a  retrospect  into  certain  promotions  will  confirm  the  truth 
of  this  assertion,  and  it  is  as  demonstrable  to  the  full,  that  the  twinges 
of  the  political  gout  are  as  severe  and  incurable  as  the  corporal. 

I  shall  now,  !Sir,  with  steady  attention  garble  those  passages  in  the 
honorable  gcntleman^s  speech,  which  never  would  have  attracted  my 
notice,  but  for  the  influence  it  seems  to  have  had  over  the  minds  of 
some  very  narrow  connoisseurs  here.  It  is  with  the  strictest  deference 
to  the  sago  politicians  in  this  part  of  the  world,  that  I  offer  a  few  re- 
marks. I  will  then  first  warn  those  who  entertain  so  high  an  opinion 
of  it,  to  weigh  maturely  the  arguments  it  contains;  they  will  then 
find  otlicr  doctrines  blended  with  those  they  so  warmly  adopt,  rather 
unfavourable  to  the  sticklers  for  a  commonwealth.  The  elegant 
modesty  of  his  exordium  would  have  merited  applause,  had  we  not 
discerned  its  excessive  decline  through  the  whole  course  of  the  debate. 
He  is  not  unacquainted  with  the  elaborate  logic  of  the  ancients,  nor 
insensible  that  eloquence  on  all  subjects,  has  strong  pretensions  to 
lit'.'rary  ebteem,  for  he  aims  at  profound  sagacity  in  developing  the 
principles  of  moral  philosophy. 

"  I  now  venture  to  predict  to  this  House,  that  the  effeot  of  the  pre, 
"sent  Bill  nmst  be  productive  of  a  General  Confederacy  to  resist  the 
"  pow'-T  of  this  county.  It  is  irritating,  tempting,  nay  !  inviting  men 
"  to  those  deeds  by  ineft'ectual  expedients,  the  abortions  of  an  undo, 
"eisive  mind,  incapable  of  comprehending  the  chain  of  consequences 
"  wliioh  must  result  from  such  a  law.  I  am  not  one  of  those,  who 
"  believe  that  distant  Provinces  can  be  retained  in  their  duty,  by 
"preaching  or  encliantnients;  I  believe  that  force  or  power,  con. 
"ducted  with  wisdom,  are  tlie  means  of  securing  regular  obedience 
"  under  every  establishment;  but  that  sucli  force  should  never  be  ap. 
"plied  to  any  degree  of  rigour,  unless  it  shall  carry  the  general  ap. 
"probation  of  mankind  in  the  execution." 

If  the  melancholy  prospect  of  affairs,  heightened  by  alarms  from 
the  Iniliiins  on  the  frontiers,  presents  to  our  view,  evident  symptoms 
of  commercial  decline  here,  whicli  is  the  greatest  mart  for  trade  in  the 
Colony;  I  cannot  imagine,  that  tliinking  men  would  be  so  mad,  as 
to  form  a  general  revolt.  If  courts  of  justice  agree  to  annihilate 
themselves,  it  nmst  bo  wholly,  cannot  bo  conditionally.  Can  this  con- 
sist with  the  loyalty  and  good  manners  we  profess  for  the  Prince,  or 
that  virtuous  fortitude  which  combines  society  in  an  indissoluble 
union?  Can  acts  of  injustice  obtain  the  sanction  of  unanimous  con- 
DOtkt?  How  ibstracted  and  refined  is  the  gentleman's  reasoning,  to 
anticipate  the  general  approbation  of  mankind,  as  if  in  an  ingenious 
combination  of  speculalivo  sentiments,  could  destroy  tliat  dispensing 
power  which  is  the  iiKister-wheel,  or  that  discerning  policy  whicli  is 
ijitcrwoven  in  the  frame  of  all  Governments.     He  goes  on — ■ 

"  But  aft"r  the  highest  characters  iu  the  State  had  d.clared  against 
"the  right  ofthis  coimtry,  to  impose  taxes  on  Aiiifrica  for  the  purpose 
"of  raising  a  revenue;  after  the  general  voice  of  the  Senate  had  con- 
"curred  in  repealing  the  Stamp  Act,  upon  that  principle,  after  tliose 
'  "men  who  had  maintained  these  doctrines  had  been  promoted  by  his 
"  Majesty,  to  the  first  stations  in  the  administration  ol'  civil  and  judi- 
"cial  air.tirs  ;  there  is  much  mitigation  to  bo  pleaded  in  favour  of  the 
"  An}eriea7iii  Irom  those  circumstances,  (allowing  them  in  an  error  at 
"present,)  that  every  man  must  feel  the  height  of  cruelty  by  enforc- 


"  manner,  and  for  such  time  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the 
"  landing  and  discharging,  lading  or  shipping,  of  goods,. 
"  wares,  or  merchandise,  at  the  town,  and  within  the  har- 
"  hour  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
"  in  North  America ;"  to  which  they  desire  the  concurrence 
ofthis  House. 

The  said  Bill  was  read  the  first  time  : 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time,  on 
Monday  next,  and  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Monday,  March  28,  1774. 

The  Lord  Wycombe  jiresented  to  the  House,  the  fol- 
lowing Petition  of  Stephen  Sayer,  and  others,  Natives  of 
America ; 

The  same  was  read  by  tlie  Clerk,  as  follows  : 

To  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tem- 
poral, in  Parliament  assembled,  the  humble  Petition  oj 
several  Natives  of  America,  showeih  : 

That  your  Petitioners,  being  Natives  of  his  Majesty's 
Dominions  in  America,  are  deeply  interested  in  every  pro- 
ceeding of  this  right  honorable  House,  which  touches  the 
life,  liberty,  or  property,  of  any  person  or  persons  in  the 
said  Dominions. 

That  your  Petitioners  conceive  themselves  and  their  fel- 
low subjects  to  be  entitled  to  the  rights  of  natural  justice, 
and  to  the  common  law  of  England,  as  their  unalienable 
birthright ;  that  they  apprehend  it  to  be  an  invariable  rule 
of  natural  justice,  that  no  man  shall  be  condemned  unheard  ; 
and  that,  according  to  law,  no  person  or  persons  can  be 
judged  without  being  called  upon  to  answer,  and  being  per- 
mitted to  hear  the  evidence  against  them,  and  to  make  their 
defence. 

That  it  is  therefore  with  the  deepest  concern,  they  un- 
derstand that  there  is  now  before  this  right  honorable 
House,  a  Bill  of  Pains  and  Penalties,  to  be  inflicted  on  the 

"ing  maxims  with  any  degree  of  severity  at  first,  before  due  warning 
"is  given." 

When  men  grow  adepts  in  the  theory  of  rebellion,  and  form  BC-hemea 
to  emancipate  themselves  from  the  control  of  the  laws ;  when  they 
consider  all  requisitions  from  Britain,  as  unjust,  all  acts  of  Parlia. 
ment  as  tyrannical,  the  mode  of  punishment  must  be  extraordinary; 
the  levy  of  one  pound  irritates  as  much  as  one  thousand  ;  and  as  to 
the  conduct  of  certain  members  in  the  House  of  Commons,  I  cannot 
think  their  principles  impeachable,  who  advise  the  promotion  of  the 
patriotic  zealots,  if  their  preferment  could  restore  the  peace  and  har- 
mony of  the  State.  I  do  not  mean  to  impeach  the  member's  know- 
ledge of  agriculture ;  yet,  I  think  the  comparison  relative  to  sewing 
wheat  bears  a  very  far-fetched  analogy  to  the  Bustonians  punishment. 
Most  of  the  remarks  relative  to  the  event  of  the  Act,  are  too  vague  to 
aftord  any  insight  to  the  most  prying  observer.  How  are  the  People 
to  cloth  and  support  themselves  during  the  execution  of  his  Quixotte 
schemes  ?  He  is  confounded  in  his  own  ingenious  doubts,  and  leaves 
the  arduous  task  of  unravelling  all  to  the  good  natured  world.  But  what 
gleams  of  consolation  do  tiiey  derive  from  the  following  assertions  : 
"  If  the  Government  of  this  country  is  resisted  in  America,  my 
"  opinion  is,  instead  of  removing  the  seat  of  Government  iu  the  Colo- 
"ny,  and  forcing  the  elements  to  bend  to  our  will,  (which  is  impossi- 
"ble,)  that  an  etfeotual  force  should  be  carried  to  the  heart  of  the 
"Colony  resisting,  to  crush  rebellion  in  the  bud,  before  a  General  Con, 
"  federacy  can  be  formed."  So  that  you  aec  this  great  man  is  not  an 
invincible  proselyte  to  moderate  measures,  but  would  chastise  in  cases 
of  urgent  necessity. 

Can  tumultuous  meetings  remedy  the  defects  of  law  ?  Is  there  not  a 
discretionary  power  in  the  civil  police  to  summon  the  posse  comitatus  .'* 
Has  it  not  been  deemod  strictly  legal  in  Britain,  to  strengthen  that 
body  by  military  aid,  on  great  emergencies  ?  But  when  men,  in  high 
offices  of  civil  trust,  connived  at  the  base  resolves  of  an  immaculate 
body  of  select  citizens ;  the  Governor  could  not  consistently  with  his 
duty  interfere,  without  infringing  those  rights  they  pretended  they 
met  to  secure  ;  had  he  taken  any  steps  at  all,  he  must  have  suppressed 
the  whole  meeting;  and  their  heart-felt  groans  for  expiring  liberty 
would  have  re-echoed  to  the  inmost  recess  of  his  jialace.  His  inter- 
position would  not  have  been  official,  and  they  never  would  have  al- 
lowed the  greatness  of  the  emergency  to  supersede  the  force  of  their 
chartered  rights.  His  reasons  for  repealing  the  Tea  Duty,  are  ex- 
ceedingly futile ;  he  thinks  it  cannot  be  vindicated ;  a  dogmatical  as- 
sertion, of  a  similar  stamp  and  spirit  with  the  rest.  His  remarks  upon 
inherent  privileges  are  ridiculous.  Can  any  charter  grant  destroy  the 
fabric  of  that  Government  which  gave  it  birth ;  at  any  rate,  the  pre. 
cedent  would  bo  far  more  ignominious  for  Great  Britain  to  yield  to 
America,  than  America  to  testify  her  allegiance  to  Britain.  The  disputes 
and  litigations  which  the  Bostonians  have  brought  upon  themselves, 
they  must  abide  by  the  consequences  of.  They  have  baffled  the  expedi- 
ency of  the  wisest  laws  ;  such  crimes  are  heinous,  and  richly  deserve 
capital  punishment.  If  the  People  of  Boston  act  with  discretion,  they 
may  receive  continual  improvements  in  trade  ;  let  them  comply  in 
time,  and  earnestly  seize  this  grand  criterion,  to  distinguish  their  real, 
from  their  pretended  friends,  and  the  happy  consequences  resulting 
from  such  a  timely  avowal  of  their  allegiance,  and  cemented  by  the 
constant  practice  of  virtue  and  good  manners,  will  discover  a  firm  zeal 
for  their  Prince,  a  virtuous  fortitude  in  themselves,  and  be  an  eternal 
memorial  of  that  discerning  policy  which  is  the  essential  character 
ifltic  of  a  free  and  loyal  People.  OB.'SERVA.TOR. 

Norfolk  Borough,  June  30/A.  1774. 


59 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


60 


town  of  Boston,  for  a  trespass,  committed  by  some  persons 
unknown,  upon  the  property  of  the  ImsI  India  Company, 
without  tlic  said  town  havin<;  been  apprized  of  any  accusa- 
tion being  brou!;lit  ai;ainst  tiiem,  or  permitted  to  hear  the 
evidence,  if  tlierc  be  any,  and  to  maiie  llieir  defence. 

Tliat  the  Bill  takes  away  immecrialely  from  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  town,  the  use  of  property,  to  the  amount  of 
several  hundred  thousand  pounds,  vested  in  quays,  wharfs, 
stores,  8ic.  Tiiat  it  will  restrain  many  thousands  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects  from  subsistlnir  tliemsehes  and  tiieir 
liimilies,  by  their  usual  employments  :  that  it  w  ill  punisli  llio 
innocent  for  the  ;:uilty  ;  and  even  should  all  the  reparation 
r(;fjuired  by  the  Bill  be  made,  the  restoration  of  that  pro- 
jierty,  or  any  part  of  it,  is  suffered  to  depend  solely  upon 
ijie  will  of  the  Crown. 

1  our  Petitioners  conceive  such  proceeding  to  be  directly 
ropuijnant  to  every  jirinciple  of  law  and  justice  :  and  that 
under  such  a  precedent,  no  man.  or  body  of  men.  could 
I'ujoy  a  moment's  security;  for  if  judgment  be  immediately 
10  follow  an  accusation,  the  accused,  unacquainted  with  the 
charge,  and  debarred  from  defenfling  themselves,  every 
fence  against  liilse  accusation  will  be  pulled  down,  justice 
will  no  longer  be  a  shield,  nor  innocence  an  exenq)iion 
from  punishment. 

Your  Petitioners  beg  leave  to  represent,  that  the  law  in 
America,  ministers  redress  for  any  injury  sustained  there  ; 
and  they  can  most  tmly  affirm,  that  it  is  administered  in 
that  country  with  as  much  iiiq)artiality,  as  in  any  other  part 
of  his  Majesty's  Dominions.  In  proof  of  this,  tliey  appeal 
to  an  instance  oi  great  notoriety,  in  which,  under  every  cir- 
cumstance that  could  exasperate  the  People,  and  disturb 
the  course  of  justice,  Captain  Fnston  and  his  soldiers  had 
a  fair  trial,  and  a  favourable  \erdict.  The  due  course  of 
law  thus  manifestly  holding  out  redress,  they  cannot  but 
(consider  the  interposition  of  Parliamentary  power  to  be  its 
imnecessary,  as  it  is  arbitrary  and  unjust. 

Your  Petitioners  conceive,  that  this  right  honorable 
House,  being  the  supreme  judicature  of  this  A'ation,  are  too 
well  acquainted  with  the  inviolable  rules  of  justice,  to  re- 
ifiire  any  further  objections  to  the  Bill  against  the  town  of 
Boston,  now  under  consideration. 

They  therefore  trust  and  pray,  that  this  right  honorable 
House  will  not  pass  a  Bill,  which  is  to  condenui  and  punish 
jjersons  unheard,  and  therefore  deprived  of  that  privilege, 
which  every  principle  of  justice,  and  every  practice  of  law, 
allows  to  the  meanest  individual :  the  privilege  of  hearing 
and  controverting  the  evidence  against  liim,  and  maintain- 
ing his  innocence. 

And  your  Petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever  pray. 
Signed, 
Stephen  Saycr,  John  Peronncau, 

IVilliam  Lee,  Peeke  Fuller, 

Benjamin  Franklin.         E'lward  Fenicicke, 
fVilliam  Middlcton,  IViUinm  Middleto,'.,  Jim. 

Henry  Laurence,  Th'imas  Finckney, 

Ralph  Jzard,  William  Hascl  Gihhs, 

Isaac  Motte,  Thomas  Bromfteld, 

John  Ellis,  Joshua  Johnston, 

Hugh  Williamson,  John  Hobson, 

Thomas  Barker,  Daniel  Bowley, 

John  Boylston,  John  Allci/nc, 

Arthur  Lee,  fFilliam  Blake, 

Thomas  Ruston,  John  Ballendine, 

Philip  Neyle,  J.  Williams. 

Edward  Bancroft, 
Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  on  the  table. 

The  order  of  die  day  being  read,  for  taking  into  con- 
sideration the  several  Papers  laid  before  this  House,  (by  his 
Majesty's  command,)  relating  to  Disturbances  in  America  ; 
and  also  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message  in  relation 
thereto;  and  for  the  Lords  to  be  summoned  : 

And  the  said  Papers  were  accordingly  read  by  the 
Clerk. 

Then  the  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  the  second 
reading  of  the  Bill,  and  for  the  Lords  to  be  summoned  : 

Tiie  said  Bill  was  accordingly  read  the  second  time. 

It  was  moved  ■'  to  commit  the  Bill,"  which  being  ob- 
jected to ; 

After  long  debate,  the  question  was  put  thereon  ?  It  was 
resolved  in  the  .\ffinnative. 


Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  committed  to  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  whole  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  House  be  put  into  a  Committee 
upon  the  said  Bill  to-morrow,  and  the  Ix>rds  be  sum- 
moned. 

Tuesday,  March  29,   1774. 

Tlie  order  of  the  day  lieing  read,  the  House  was  put 
into  a  Committee  of  the  whole,  upon  the  Bill. 

The  Bill  was  supported  by  the  l^ords  Mansfield,  Goiaer, 
Littleton,  fVeymuuth,  and  Suffolk:  it  was  opposed  by  the 
Dukes  of  Richmond,  and  Manchester,  the  Marquis  of 
Rockisisrham,  and  the  Lords  Temple,  Shelburne,  Camden, 
and  Stair;  but  the  principal  arguments  were  between  the 
Lords  Mansfield  and  Camden. 

After  some  time,  the  House  was  resumed : 

And  the  Lord  Boston  reported  from  the  Committee, 
•'  Thai  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  directed  him  to 
"  report  the  same  to  the  House,  without  anv  amendment.' 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  he  read  a  third  time  to- 
morrow, and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Wednesday,  March  30,   1774. 

The  Earl  of  Stair  presented  to  the  House  a  Petition  of 
William  Bollan,  Esq.,  Agent  for  the  Council  oi'  the  Pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  same  was  read  by  the  Clerk  as  follow  s : 

To  the  Right  Honorable  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tempo- 
ral, in  Parliament  assembled,  the  Petition  of  William 
Bollan,  Esq.,  Agent  for  the  Council  of  the  Frovinn:  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  most  humbly  shoieeth  : 

That  the  "  Bill  for  the  immediate  removal  of  the  oflicers 
"  concerned  in  the  collection  and  management  of  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  duties  of  Customs,  from  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the 
''  Province  oi  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America ;  and  to 
'■  discontinue  tlie  landing,  discharging,  lading,  and  shipping, 
"  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  at  the  said  town  of 
"  Boston,  or  within  the  harbour  thereof,"  at  present  depcnc'- 
ing  under  consideration  of  this  right  honorable  House,  con- 
tains various  provisions  proposed  to  be  enacted,  inconsistent 
with  the  ancient  and  just  rights,  lawful  possessions,  usual 
comforts  of  life,  and  common  social  benefits,  with  other  im- 
portant interests  of  the  Petitioner's  constituents,  long  lield 
ill  amicable  conjunction  with  other  inhabitants  of  Boston, 
and  the  Province,  and  the  other  Colonies,  and  the  most  de- 
sirable connection  with  innumerable  persons  employed  in 
manufactures,  trade,  and  navigation,  in  Great  Britain, 
whereby  they  have  been  well  maintained,  and  praspered  ; 
and  moreover,  with  the  general  circulation  of  American 
commerce,  from  which  so  great  benefits  are  dailv  recei\ed 
by  this  Kingdom,  in  various  ways. 

That  the  merchants  of  Boston  were  not  jiartakers  of  the 
offence  committed  in  the  iate  destruction  of  the  tea  there, 
nor  of  any  other  act  of  violence  ;  nevertheless,  if  the  present 
Bill  be  enacted,  they  will  become  the  chief  sufferers,  totje- 
ther  with  numerous  British  merchants  and  manufacturers. 

Wherefore  your  Lordships  Petitioner  humbly  prays 
that  he  may  be  heard  before  this  riglit  honorable  House,  in 
order  to  prevent  these  provisions  from  passing  to  be  enacted. 

W.  Bollan. 

Which  done, 

The  said  Mr.  Bollan  was  called  in,  and  heard  at  the  bar, 
against  the  said  Bill.' 

He  is  directed  to  withdraw.  Then  the  said  Bill  was 
read   the  third  time. 

The  question  was  put,  "  whether  this  Bill  shall  Pass  r " 
It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative,  Ncmine  Disscntientc. 

Thursday,  7V/«rc/i  31,   1774. 

His  Majesty  being  seated  on  the  Throne,  adorned  with 
his  Crown  and  reiral  ornaments,  and  attended  bv  his  offi- 
cers of  State,  (the  Lords  being  in  their  robes,)  the  Com- 
mons with  their  Speaker,  attending;  the  Royal  assent  was 
pronounced  severally,  by  the  Clerk's  Assistant,  to  thirty- 
nine  Bills,  beginning  with  the  Boston  Port  Bill. 

The  following  Petition  of  the  IVatives  of  America,  then 
in  London,  was  presented  to  the  King,  on  the  nioming 
of  the  3l9l  of  March,  before  he  went  to  the  House 
of  Ixirds : 


61 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


«t 


7'o  the  King's  iiiost  excellent  Mnje.sti/.  the  humble  Peti- 
tion  of  several  Natives  of  America,  shoireih  : 

That  your  Majesty's  Petitioners  are  natives  of  your  Do- 
minions in  America,  and  Ijear  most  true  and  cordial  alle- 
•rianoe  to  your  Majesty's  Royal  person  and  family. 

Tliat  allei!;iance  and  protection  bein!,^  reci])rocal,  your 
Petitioners  look  up  to  your  Majesty  for  protection  under 
the  common  law  of  tiie  land,  which  is  their  birth-right. 

That,  according  to  law,  no  man  can  be  condemned  to 
punislunent  witliout  beini(  called  upon  to  answer,  nor  with- 
out an  opportunity  of  hearing-  the  evidence  ai;ainst  him,  and 
defendintc  his  innocence.  That  in  violation  of  this  law  ,  and 
of  every  principle  of  natural  justice,  a  Bill  is  now  ofiered 
lor  the  Royal  assent,  calculated  to  inflict  pains  and  penal- 
ties, with  unexampled  severity,  upon  your  Majesty's  loyal 
town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  the 
said  town  beino;  unap prized  of  the  proceedings,  and  not 
heard  in  its  defence :  that  such  Bill,  if  it  receive  your  Ma- 
jesty's assent,  will  immediately  take  away  from  the  inliabi- 
tants  of  the  town  of  Boston  the  use  of  property  to  the 
amount  of  several  himdred  thousand  pounds,  vested  in 
quays,  wharfs,  store-houses,  &c.  ;  will  restrain  many  thou- 
sands of  your  Majesty's  subjects  from  procuring  subsistence 
for  themselves  and  their  families,  by  their  ordinary  occupa- 
tions ;  may  endanger  the  community,  by  violent  commo- 
tions from  so  many  men  rendered  desperate,  by  being  de- 
prived of  their  daily  bread  ;  and,  \\hat  cannot  but  do  the 
last  violence  to  the  Royal  justice,  will  punish  the  innocent 
for  the  guilty. 

Your  Majesty's  Petitioners  most  humbly  represent,  that 
this  Bill  is  the  more  unjust,  as  the  trespass  it  is  meant  to 
jJunLsh,  has  not  been  prosecuted  in  the  Courts  of  common 
law  in  America,  where  only  according  to  law  and  the  con- 
stitution, it  is  cognizable.  That  the  interposition  of  this 
Bill  is  as  totally  unnecessary  as  the  mode  of  it  is  unjust ; 
because,  your  Majesty's  Courts  in  America,  are  open  to  the 
redress  of  any  injury  sustained  there;  and  justice  is  so  little 
liable  to  perversion,  that  under  every  impression  of  popular 
prejudice.  Captain  Prt/ston  and  others  had,  in  this  your 
Majesty's  Province  of  the  Massachusettt  Bay,  a  fair  trial, 
and  a  favourable  verdict. 

Your  Majesty's  Petitioners  ■  do  therefore  humbly  pray, 
that  your  Majesty  will  be  most  graciously  pleased  to  sus- 
pend your  Royal  assent  to  a  Bill,  calculated  to  condemn 
and  punish  their  countrymen  unheard,  and  fomi  a  prece- 
dent, which  will  take  away  every  securit)  and  protection, 
under  the  law,  from  all  your  Majesty's  subjects  in  America. 

Ajid  your  Petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  will  ever  pray. 


William  Lee, 
B.  Franklin, 
John  Ellis, 
H.  Laurence, 
miliam  Blake, 
Robert  Izard, 
Charles  Fuller, 
Isaac  Motte, 
Thomas  Barker, 
William  Middleton, 
Thomas  Ruston, 
Petke  Fuller, 
Joh.  Williams, 
Robert  Izard,  Jun., 
Philip  Neyle, 
J.   F.  Grimkb, 


Walter  Izard, 
Edward  Fenwicke, 
Thomas  Pinckney, 
William  Middleton,  Jun. 
John  Boylstov, 
John  Ballendine, 
John  Ward, 
Jos.  Johnston, 
John  Hobson, 
Daniel  Bowley, 
John  Perronneau, 
Arthur  Lee, 
Joel  Poinsett, 
William  n.  Gibbs, 
James  Marshall. 


Anno  Decimo  Quarto  Georgii  III.  Regis. 

An  Act  to  discontinue  in  ntch  Manner,  and  for  such  Time 
as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  discharging, 
lading  or  shipping,  of  Goods,  Wares,  and  Merchandise, 
at  the  Town  and  jvithin  the  Harbour  q/" Boston,  in  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America. 

Whereas  dangerous  commotions  and  insurrections  have 
been  fomented  and  raised  in  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Ncu<  England,  by 
divers  ill-afl'ected  persons,  to  the  subversion  of  his  Majes- 
ty's Govenunent,  and  to  the  utter  destniction  of  the  jniblic 
peace,  and  good  order  of  the  said  town  ;  in  which  commo- 
tions and  insurrections  certain  valuable  cargoes  of  teas, 
being  the  property  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  on 


board  certain  vessels  1\  ing  within  the  bay  or  harbour  of 
Boston,  were  seized  and  destroyed :  and  w  hereas  in  the 
present  condition  of  the  said  town  and  harbour,  the 
connnerce  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  cannot  be  safely  carried 
on  there,  nor  the  Customs  payable  to  his  Majesty  duly 
collected ;  and  it  is  therefore  expedient  that  tlie  oiKcers  of 
his  Majesty's  Customs  should  be  forthwith  removed  from 
the  said  town ;  may  it  please  you  Majesty  that  it  may  be 
enacted,  and  be  it  enacted  by  the  King's  most  excellent 
Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advise  and  consent  of  the  Lord< 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons  in  this  present 
Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 
that  from  and  after  the  lirst  (lay  of  June,  1774,  it  shall  not 
be  lawful  for  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  to  lade  or 
put,  or  cause  or  procure-  to  be  laden  or  put,  oft"  or  from 
any  quay,  wharf,  or  other  place,  within  the  said  town  of 
Boston,  or  in  or  upon  any  part  of  the  shore  of  the  bay. 
commonly  called  the  Harbour  of  Boston,  between  a  certain 
headland  or  point,  called  Nahant  Point,  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  entrance  into  the  said  bay,  and  a  certain  headland  or 
point  called  Alderton  Point,  on  the  western  side  of  the  en- 
trance into  the  said  bay,  or  in  or  upon  any  island,  creek, 
landing  place,  bank,  or  other  place,  within  the  said  bay, 
or  tieadlands,  into  any  ship,  vessel,  lighter,  boat,  or  bottom, 
any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  whatsoever,  to  be  trans- 
ported or  carried  into  any  other  country,  pro\ince,  or 
place,  whatsoever,  or  into  any  other  part  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Neiv  England;  or  to 
take  up,  discharge,  or  lay  on  land,  or  cause  or  procure  to 
be  taken  up,  discharged,  or  laid  on  land,  within  the  said 
town,  or  in  or  upon  any  of  the  places  aforesaid,  out  of  ai\\ 
boat,  lighter,  ship,  vessel,  or  bottom,  any  goods,  wares,  or 
merchandise,  whatsoever,  to  be  brought  from  any  other 
country,  province,  or  place,  or  any  other  part  of  the  said 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Neiv  England, 
upon  the  pain  of  forfeiture  of  the  said  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise,  and  of  the  said  boat,  lighter,  ship,  vessel,  or 
other  bottom,  into  which  the  same  shall  be  put,  or  out  of 
which  the  same  shall  be  taken,  and  of  the  guns,  ammuni- 
tion, tackle,  furniture,  and  stores,  in  or  belonging  to  the 
same ;  and  if  any  such  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  shall 
within  the  said  town,  or  in  any  the  places  aforesaid,  be 
laden  or  taken  in  from  the  shore  into  any  barge,  hoy,  lighter, 
wherry,  or  boat,  to.be  carried  on  board  any  ship  or  vessel 
outward  bound  to  any  other  country  or  province,  or  other 
part  of  said  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New 
England,  or  be  laden  or  taken  into  such  barge,  hoy, 
lighter,  wherry,  or  out  of  any  ship  or  vessel  coming  and 
arriving  from  any  other  country  or  province,  or  other  part 
of  the  said  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Neu- 
England,  such  barge,  hoy,  lighter,  wherry,  or  boat,  shall 
be  forfeited  and  lost. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  wharfinger,  or  keeper  of  any  wharf,  crane,  or 
quay,  or  their  servants,  or  any  of  them,  shall  take  up  or 
land,  or  knowingly  suffer  to  be  taken  up  or  landed,  or  shall 
ship  oft",  or  suffer  to  be  waterborne,  at  or  from  any  of  the 
aforesaid  wharfs,  cranes,  or  quays,  any  such  goods,  wares, 
or  merchandise ;  in  every  such  case,  all  and  every  such 
wharfinger,  and  keeper  of  such  wharf,  crane,  or  quay,  and 
every  person  whatsoever  who  shall  be  assisting,  or  otherwise 
concerned  in  the  shipping  or  in  the  loading  or  putting  on 
board  any  boat  or  other  vessel,  for  that  purpose,  or  in  the 
unshipping  such  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  or  to  whose 
hands  the  same  shall  knowingly  ceme  after  the  loading, 
shipping  or  unshipping  thereof,  shall  forfeit  and  lose  treble 
the  value  thereof,  to  be  computed  at  the  highest  price 
which  such  sort  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  shall 
bear  at  the  place  where  such  offence  shall  be  committed, 
at  the  time  when  the  same  shall  be  so  committed,  together 
with  the  vessel  and  boats,  and  all  the  horses,  cattle  and 
carriages,  whatsoever  made  use  of  in  the  shipping,  un- 
shipping, landing,  removing,  carriage,  or  conve3'ance  of 
any  of  the  aforesaid  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  ship  or  vessel  shall  be  moored  or  lie  at  anchor, 
or  be  seen  hovering  within  the  said  bay,  described  and 
bounded  as  aforesaid,  or  within  one  league  from  the  said  ba\ 
so  described,  or  the  said  headlands,  or  any  of  the  islands 
lying  between  or  within  the  same,  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  for  any  Admiral,  Chief  Commander,  or  commissioned 


68 


BOSTON  PORT  BILL. 


64 


officer,  of  his  Majesty's  fleet  or  ships  ol  war,  or  for  any 
officer  of  his  Majesty's  custowis,  to  compel  such  ship  or 
vessel  to  depart  to  some  oiIkt  ))ort  or  harhour,  or  to  such 
station  a.s  the  said  officer  shall  appoint,  and  to  use  such  force 
for  that  purpose  as  siiall  be  found  necessary  ;  and  if  such 
ship  or  vessel  shall  not  depart  accordin<:ly,  uithin  six  hours 
after  notice  for  that  purpose  c;iven  by  such  person  as 
aforesaid,  such  ship  or  vessel,  touether  with  all  the  f;oods 
laden  on  board  thereon,  and  all  the  <runs,  ammunition, 
tackle  and  furniture,  shall  be  forfeited  and  lost,  whether 
hulk  sliall  have  been  broken  or  not. 

Provided  alway.i,  That  nothino;  in  tliis  Act  contained 
shall  extend,  or  be  construed  to  extend,  to  any  military  or 
other  stores  for  his  Majesty'suse,  or  to  the  ships  or  vessels 
whereon  the  same  shall  he  laden,  which  shall  be  commis- 
sioned by,  and  in  the  immediate  pay  of,  his  Majesty,  his  heirs 
and  successors :  nor  to  any  fuel  or  \ictual  brouLdit  coastways 
from  any  part  of  the  Continent  of  America,  for  the  neces- 
sary use  and  sustenance  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town 
of  Boston  :  provided  the  vessel  wherein  the  same  are  to  be 
carried,  shall  be  duly  furnished  with  a  cocket  and  let-pass, 
after  having  been  duly  searched  by  the  proper  officers  of 
his  Majesty's  customs  at  Mnrblehead,  in  the  port  of  Sahm, 
in  the  said  Province  of  Mnssncliusdts  Bmj ;  and  the  same 
officer  of  his  Majesty's  Cusioms  he  also  jiut  on  board  the 
said  vessel,  who  is  hereby  authoriz.ed  to  go  on  hoard,  and 
proceed  with  the  said  vessel,  together  with  a  sufficient 
number  of  pereons,  properly  amied,  for  his  defence,  to  the 
said  town  or  harbour  of  Boston  ;  nor  to  any  ships  or  vessels 
which  may  happen  to  be  within  tiie  said  harbour  of  Boston, 
on  or  before  tlie  the  first  day  of  June,  1774,  and  may 
have  either  laden  or  taken  on  board,  or  be  tliere  with  intent 
to  load  or  take  on  hoard,  or  to  land  or  discharge  any  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  provided  tiie  said  ships  and  \  essels 
do  depart  the  said  harbour  within  fourteen  days  after  the 
first  day  of  June,  1774. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  Inj  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  all  seizures,  penalties,  and  forfeitures,  inflicted  by  this 
Act,  shall  be  made  and  prosecuted  by  any  Admiral,  Chief 
Commander,  or  commissioned  officer,  of  his  Majesty's  fleet, 
or  ships  of  war,  or  by  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's  Customs, 
or  some  of  them,  or  by  some  other  person  deputed  or 
authorized,  by  warrant  from  the  Lord  High  Treasurer,  or 
the  Commissioners  of  his  Majesty's  Treasury,  for  the  time 
being,  and  by  no  other  person  whatsoever  ;  and  if  any 
such  officer,  or  other  person  authorized  as  aforesaid,  shall 
directly  or  indirectly,  take  or  receive  any  bribe  or  reward, 
or  connive  at  such  lading  or  unlading,  or  shall  make  or 
commence  any  collusive  seizure,  information,  or  agreement, 
for  that  purpose,  or  sliall  do  any  other  act  whatsoever, 
whereby  the  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  prohibited  as 
aforesaid,  shall  be  suffered  to  pass  either  inwards  or  out- 
wards, or  whereby  the  forfeitures  and  penalties  inflicted  by 
this  Act  may  be  evaded,  every  such  offender  shall  forfeit 
the  sum  of  five  hundred  pounds  for  every  such  offence,  and 
shall  hecome  incapable  of  any  office  or  employment,  civil  or 
military  ;  and  every  person  who  shall  give,  offer,  or  promise, 
any  such  bribe  or  reward,  or  shall  contract,  agree,  or  treat 
with,  any  person,  so  authorized  as  aforesaid,  to  commit 
any  such  offence,  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  fifty  pounds. 

And  he  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  the  forfeitures  and  penalties  inflicted  by  this  Act  shall 
and  may  be  prosecuted,  sued  for,  and  recovered,  and  be 
divided,  paid,  and  applied,  in  like  manner,  as  other  ))enal- 
ties  and  forfeitures  inflicted  by  any  Act  or  Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment, relating  to  the  trade  or  revenues  of  the  British 
Colonies,  or  Plantations  in  America,  are  directed  to  be 
prosecuted,  sued  for,  or  recovered,  divided,  paid  and 
applied,  by  two  several  Acts  of  Parliament,  the  one  ]iassed 
in  the  fourth  year  of  his  present  Majesty,  intituled  "  An 
"  Act  fof  granting  certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies 
"  and  Plantations  in  America ;  for  continuinir,  amending, 
"  and  making  perpetual,  an  Act,  passed  in  the  sixth  year  of 
"  the  Reign  of  his  late  Majesty  King  George  the  Second, 
"  intituled,  An  Act  for  the  better  securing  and  encouraging 
"  the  tr.ule  of  his  Majesty's  Sugar  Colonies  in  America ; 
"  for  applyinj;  the  produce  of  such  duties,  and  of  the  duties 
"  to  arise  by  virtue  of  the  said  Act,  towards  defraying  the 
"  expense  of  defending,  protecting,  and  securing,  the  said 
"  Colonies  and  Plantations ;  for  explaining  an  Act  made 
"  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  the  Reign  of  King    Charles 


"  the  Second,  intituled,  An  Act  for  the  encouragement  of 
"  the  Greenland  and  Eastland  Trades,  and  for  the  better 
"  securing  the  Plantation  Trade ;  and  (or  altering  and 
"  disallowing  several  drawbacks  on  exports  from  this  King- 
"  dom,  and  more  effectually  preventing  the  clandestine 
"  conveyance  of  goods  to,  and  irom,  the  said  Colonies  and 
"  Plantations,  and  imi)roving  and  securing  the  trade  betw  een 
"  the  same  and  Great  Britain ;"  the  other  passed  in  the 
eighth  year  of  his  present  Majesty's  Reign,  intituled,  "  An 
"  Act  ibr  the  more  easy  and  effectual  recovery  of  the 
"  penalties  and  forfeitures  inflicted  by  the  Acts  of  Parlia- 
"  ment,  relating  to  the  trade  or  revenues  of  the  British 
"  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America." 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  every  charter  party  bill  of  loading,  and  other  contract, 
for  consigning,  shipping,  or  carrying  any  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise,  wh.atsoever,  to  or  iVoni  the  said  town  of  Bos- 
ton, or  any  part  of  the  bay  or  harbour  thereof,  described 
as  aforesaid,  which  have  been  made  or  entered  into,  or 
which  shall  be  made  or  entered  into,  so  long  as  this  Act 
shall  remain  in  full  force,  relating  to  any  ship  which 
shall  arrive  at  the  said  town  or  harbour,  after  the  first  day 
of  June,  1774,  shall  be,  and  the  same  an  hereby  declared 
to  be,  utterly  voiil,  to  all  intents  and  purposes  whatso- 
ever. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  whenever  it  shall  be  made  to  appear  to  his  Majesty, 
in  his  Privy  Council,  that  peace  and  obedience  to  the  laws 
shall  be  so  far  restored  in  the  saiil  town  of  Boston,  that 
the  trade  of  Great  Britain  tnay  be  safely  carried  on  there, 
and  his  Majesty's  customs  duly  collected,  and  his  Majesty, 
in  his  Privy  Council,  shall  adjudge  the  same  to  be  true,  it 
shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  his  Majesty,  by  Proclamation, 
or  Order  of  Council,  to  assign  and  appoint  the  extent, 
bounds  and  limits,  of  the  port  or  harbour  of  Boston,  and 
of  every  creek  or  haven  within  the  same,  or  in  the  islands 
within  the  precinct  thereof;  and  also  to  assign  and  appoint 
such  and  so  many  open  places,  quays,  and  wharft,  wuhin 
the  said  harbour,  creeks,  havens,  and  islands,  for  the 
landing,  discharging,  lading,  and  shipping  of  goons,  as  his 
Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors,  shall  judge  necessary  and 
expedient ;  and  also  to  appoint  such  and  so  many  officers 
of  the  Customs  therein,  as  his  Majesty  shall  think  fit ;  after 
which  it  shall  be  lawful  for  any  person  or  persons  to  lade 
or  put  oft" from,  or  to  discharge  and  land  ui)on,  such  wharfs, 
quays,  and  places,  so  appointed,  within  the  said  harbour, 
and  none  other,  any  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise,  what- 
soever. 

Provided  always,  Tliat  if  any  goods,  wares  or  merchan- 
dise, shall  be  laden  or  put  off  from,  or  discharged  or 
landed  upon,  any  other  place  than  the  quays,  wharfs,  or 
places,  so  to  be  appointed,  the  same,  together  with  the 
ships,  boats,  and  other  vessels  emjjloyed  therein,  and  the 
horses,  or  other  cattle  and  carriages  used  to  convey  the 
same,  and  the  person  or  persons  concerned  or  assisting 
therein,  or  to  whose  hands  the  same  shall  knowingly  come, 
sliall  suffer  all  the  forfeitures  and  penalties  imposed  by  this 
or  any  other  Act  on  the  illegal  shipping  or  landing  of 
goods. 

Provided  also.  And  it  is  hereby  declared  and  enacted, 
that  nothing  herein  contained  shall  extend  or  be  construed, 
to  enable  his  IMajesty  to  appoint  such  port,  harbour,  creeks, 
quays,  wharfs,  places,  or  oliicers,  in  the  said  town  ofBo'ston, 
or  in  tlie  said  bay  or  islands,  until  it  shall  sufficiently  ajipear 
to  his  Majesty,  that  full  satisfaction  hath  been  made  by  or  on 
behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town  of  Boston,  to 
the  United  Company  of  merchants  of  England,  trading  to 
the  East  Indies,  for  the  damages  sustained  by  the  said 
Company,  by  the  destruction  of  their  goods  sent  to  the 
said  town  of  Boston,  on  board  certain  ships  or  vessels,  as 
aforesaid ;  and  until  it  shall  be  certified  to  his  Majesty,  in 
Council,  by  the  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Governor,  of 
the  said  Province,  that  reasonable  satisfaction  hath  been 
made  to  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's  Revenue  and  others, 
who  suffered  by  the  riots  and  insurrections  above  men- 
tioned, in  the  months  of  November  and  Dvomber,  in  the 
year  1773,  and  in  the  month  of  January,  in  the  year  1774. 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  action  or  suit  shall  be  commenced,  either  in 
Great  Britain  or  America,  against  any  person  or  persons, 
for  any  thing  done  in  pursuance  of  this  Act  of  Parliament, 


65 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


66 


tlio  defendant  or  defendants,  in  sucli  action  or  suits,  may 
plead  the  general  issue,  and  give  the  said  Act,  and  the 
special  matter  in  evidence,  at  any  trial  to  be  had  thereupon, 
and  that  the  same  was  done  in  pursuance  and  by  the  au- 
thority of  this  Act ;  and  if  it  shall  appear  so  to  have 
been  done,  the  jury  shall  find  for  the  defendant  or  defen- 


dants ;  and  if  the  plaintiff  shall  be  nonsuited,  or  discontinue 
his  action,  after  the  defendant  or  defendants  shall  have 
appeared  ;  or  if  judgment  shall  be  given  upon  any  verdict 
or  demurrer  against  the  plaintiff,  the  defendant  or  defen- 
dants shall  recover  treble  costs,  and  have  the  like  remedy 
for  the  same  as  defendents  have  in  other  cases  by  law. 


III.    BILL   FOR    THE  BE  ITER  REGULATING    THE  GOVERNxAlENT 
OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  31ASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 
Friday,  March  25,  1774. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will  this  day,  after  the  House 
shall  have  ))roceeded  upon  the  other  orders  of  the  day,  re- 
solve itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  talie 
into  further  consideration  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Mes- 
sage of  Monday,  the  7th  day  of  this  instant,  March,  together 
with  the  Papers  which  were  presented  to  the  House  by 
Lord  North,  upon  the  7th  and  11th  days  of  this  instant, 
March,  by  his  Majesty's  command. 

Ordered,  That  the  several  Papers  which  were  presented 
to  the  House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  the  28th  day  of 
November  and  7th  day  of  December,  1768,  and  the  20th 
day  of  January,  \  769  ;  and  also  the  several  Papers  pre- 
sented to  the  House  by  Mr.  Vice  Ciiamberlain,  upon  the 
7th  day  of  May,  1770,  from  No.  1,  to  No.  9,  inclusive, 
relating  to  his  Majesty's  Colonies,  in  North  America,  be 
referred  to  the  said  Committee. 

Ordered,  That  tiie  Paper,  intituled  "  Massachusetts 
"  Bay  Charter,  granted  by  King  fVilliamand  Queen.  Mary, 
"  in  the  tliird  year  of  their  reign,"  which  was  presented  to 
the  House  upon  the  22d  day  o(  January,  1740,  be  referred 
to  the  said  Committee. 

Monday,  March  28,  1774. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will  immediately  resolve 
itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  take  into 
further  consideration  his  Majesty's  most  gracious  Message 
of  Monday,  the  7th  day  of  this  instant,  March,  together 
with  the  Papers  which  were  presented  to  the  House  by  the 
Lord  North,  upon  the  7th  and  11th  days  of  this  instant, 
March,  by  his  Majesty's  command. 

The  House  accordingly  resolved  itself  into  the  said  Com- 
mittee. 

Mr.  Speaker  left  the  Chair. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  took  the  Chair  of  the  Com- 
mittee. 

Lord  North  rose  and  said,  he  meant  now  to  open  the 
plan  of  the  Bill  which  he  proposed  to  bring  in  ;  and  as  it 
might  very  well  be  understood  by  gentlemen  in  that  House, 
from  the  Papers  relating  to  America,  that  then  laid  before 
them,  that  an  executive  power  was  wanting  in  tiiat  country, 
and  that  it  was  highly  necessary  to  strengthen  the  magis- 
tracy of  it;  that  the  force  of  the  civil  power  consisted  in 
the  posse  comitatus ;  and  when  it  is  considered,  said  his 
Lordship,  that  the  posse  are  the  very  People  who  have 
committed  all  these  riots,  little  obedience  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  peace  is  to  be  expected  from  them.  There 
appears  to  be  a  total  defect  in  the  constitutional  power 
throughout.  If  the  democratic  part  shows  that  contempt 
of  obedience  to  the  laws,  how  is  the  Governor  to  execute 
any  authority  vested  in  him  ?  If  he  wants  any  magistrate 
to  act,  whom  he  knows  will  be  willing  to  execute  the  laws, 
he  has  not  the  power  of  appointing  one,  nor  of  removing 
one  that  will  not  act ;  the  Council  have  alone  that  power, 
whose  dependence  is  on  the  democratic  part  of  tlie  consti- 
tution. It  appears  tliat  the  Civil  Magistrate  has  been,  for  a 
series  of  years,  uniforndy  inactive  ;  there  is  sometliing  radi- 
cally wrong  in  that  constitution,  in  which  no  magistrate 
Fourth  Series.  5 


for  such  a  number  of  years,  has  ever  done  his  duty  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  force  obedience  to  the  laws.  If  the  Govern- 
or issued  a  proclamation,  there  was  hardly  found  a  magis- 
trate to  obey  it ;  the  Governor,  of  his  own  authority,  can  do 
nothing ;  he  cannot  act,  or  give  out  any  order,  without 
seven  of  the  Council  consenting  ;  the  authority  of  that  Go- 
vernment is  in  so  forlorn  a  situation  that  no  Governor  can 
act ;  and,  where  there  is  such  a  want  of  civil  authority,  can 
it  be  supposed  that  the  military,  be  they  ever  so  numerous, 
can  be  of  the  least  service  ?  For  I  shall  always  consider 
that  a  military  power,  acting  under  the  authority  and  con- 
troul  of  a  Civil  Magistrate,  is  part  of  the  constitution ;  but 
the  military  alone  ought  not,  and  cannot  act  without  the 
controul  of  the  Civil  Magistrate.  How  was  it  possible  for 
the  military  to  maintain  good  Government  when  they  were 
not  called  upon  by  the  civil  authority  ?  I  propose,  in  this 
Bill,  to  take  the  executive  power  from  the  hands  of  the 
democratic  part  of  Government ;  I  would  propose,  that  the 
Governor  should  act  as  a  Justice  of  Peace,  and  that  he 
should  have  the  power  to  appoint  the  officers  throughout 
the  whole  civil  authority,  such  as  the  sheriffs,  provost, 
marshal,  &,c. — The  Chief  Justice  and  Judges  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  excepted.  I  would  have  them  only  remova- 
ble by  his  Majesty,  under  his  sign  manual,  and  upon  good 
representations  made  here.  Every  gentleman  will  naturally 
see  the  impropriety  of  such  irregular  assemblies,  or  town- 
meetings,  which  are  now  held  in  Boston ;  I  would  have 
them  brought  under  some  regulation,  and  would  not  suffer 
them  to  be  held  widiout  the  consent  of  the  Governor,  un- 
less upon  the  annual  election  of  certain  officers,  which  it  is 
their  province  to  choose.  Their  juries  are  improperly 
chosen ;  I  think  a  degree  of  regulation  highly  necessary  ; 
I  am  always  ready  and  open  to  hear  those  matters  discussed, 
and  inclined  to  alter  my  opinion,  when  I  hear  better  reasons 
for  adopting  any  other  mode  of  putting  the  civil  magistracy 
of  that  country  upon  a  good  footing  ;  but  until  the  execu- 
tive power  is  free,  it  cannot  act ;  our  regulations  here  are  of 
no  import,  if  you  have  nobody  in  that  country  to  give  them 
force.  Some  immediate,  as  well  as  permanent  remedy, 
must  be  adopted.  I  therefore  propose  the  present  Bill, 
which  I  apprehend  will  effectually  purge  that  constitution 
of  all  its  crudities,  and  give  a  degree  of  strength  and  spirit 
to  the  civil  magistracy,  and  to  the  executive  power.  I 
therefore  move  you,  Sir,  "  That  leave  be  given  to  bring  in 
"  a  Bill  for  the  better  regulating  the  Government  of  the 
"  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay."  I  propose  that  this 
Bill  shall  be  brought  in,  and  lie  upon  tlie  table,  for  tlie  in- 
spection of  the  House  and  gentlemen  who  wish  to  make  the 
propriety  of  such  a  Bill  the  measure  of  their  conduct. 

Mr.  Byng  said,  that  he  could  not  be  at  all  surprised  at 
hearing  that  the  Governor  of  Boston  had  no  power,  when 
lie  had  not  a  single  place  in  his  gift.  It  was  now  become  a 
fashion,  he  said,  to  give  awaydiose  places  of  emolument  to 
men  of  this  country,  widi  reversions  to  one,  two,  or  three 
sons ;  to  men  who  had  never  been  of  the  least  public  ser- 
vice to  this  country,  in  his  apprehensions,  [meaning  Mr. 
Bradshaic]  Whilst  places  continue  to  be  given  away  to 
men  of  this  country,  the  emoluments  of  which  arise  from 
the  labour  and  sweat  of  an  American  brow,  it  will  undoubt- 
edly, and  very  property,  totally  annihilate  the  power  of  any 


67 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


68 


supreme  officer  in  thai  country.  Men  look  up  to  their  su- 
periors, and  obey  tlieir  directions  according  to  the  emolu- 
ments received  from  Uiem ;  and  when  once  their  is  no  de- 
pendence in  it,  there  will  be  no  obedience. 

Sir  F.  Norton  (Speaker)  said,  he  only  got  up  to  know, 
whether  there  was  to  be  an  Assembly  left  to  the  Arnerican.i 
or  not?  For  he  was  not  able  to  say,  from  what  lie  had 
heard  from  the  noble  Lord,  whether  tlie  Assembly  was  to 
be  annihilated  or  not. 

Lord  North  assured  the  right  honorable  member,  that 
there  would  be  nothing;  in  this  Bill  that  affected  either  the 
Assembly  or  the  Council  in  iJieir  legislative  power. 

Mr.  Stephen  Fot.  Can  there  be  any  thing  so  necessa- 
ry to  alter  as  that  Govermnent  which  can  neither  govern 
nor  manage  itself?  The  People  of  Boston  have  behaved 
in  a  most  outrageous  manner,  militating  against  every  prin- 
ciple of  law  and  justice,  combating  against  its  own  consti- 
tutional power,  and  totally  subverting  every  idea  of  order 
and  regularity.  Would  you  let  these  men  go  on  in  the 
chaos  of  disturbance  ?  Would  you  wish  them  to  proceed 
so  precipitately  to  their  destruction  without  once  lending 
the  aid  of  your  deliberations  to  rescue  them  from  the  self- 
conceived  and  false  opinions  which  they  have  imbibed.  I 
ho]>e.  Sir,  this  House  will  lend  its  advice,  and  endeavour  to 
save  these  hot-headed  Americans,  not  by  violent  measures 
but  by  firm  and  manly  proceedings. 

Lord  George  Germain.  It  may  not  be  improper.  Sir, 
I  hope,  to  throw  out  a  little  upon  this  occasion,  and  to  ask 
for  further  information,  to  know  whether  this  is  to  be  the 
extent  of  the  proposition  with  regard  to  the  salutary 
measures  that  are  to  be  made  and  taken  in  tiiis  Committee, 
during  this  whole  Session ;  if  so.  Sir,  I  should  be  glad  to 
give  my  poor  opinion,  and  add  my  mile  of  preservation  to 
that  country.  I  could  have  wished  that  the  noble  Lord, 
when  he  was  forming  this  scheme  of  salvation  to  this  coun- 
trj^,  would  have,  at  least,  considered  that  there  were  other 
parts  of  the  internal  Government  necessary  to  be  put  under 
some  regulation.  I  mean  particularly  the  internal  Govern- 
ment of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Baij.  I  wish  to 
see  the  Council  of  that  country  on  the  same  footing  as  other 
Colonies.  There  is  a  degree  of  absurdity,  at  present,  in 
the  election  of  the  Council.  I  cannot.  Sir,  disagree  with 
the  noble  Lord,  nor  can  I  think  he  will  do  a  better  thing, 
than  to  put  an  end  to  their  town  meetings.  I  would  not 
have  men  of  a  mercantile  cast  every  day  collecting  them- 
selves together,  and  debating  about  political  matters  ;  I 
would  have  them  follow  their  occupations  as  Merchants, 
and  not  consider  themselves  as  Ministers  of  that  country. 
I  would  also  wish,  that  all  corporate  powers  might  be  given 
to  certain  People  in  every  town,  in  the  same  manner  that 
Corporations  are  formed  here  ;  1  should  then  expect  to  see 
some  subordination,  some  authority  and  order.  I  do  not 
know  by  what  power  those  are  to  be  formed,  but  I  wish 
that  they  may  be  formed  by  some.  Again,  Sir,  1  think 
that  the  method  of  Grand  Juries  ought  to  be  much  attend- 
ed to ;  tliey  are  now  chosen  for  life,  and  have  a  yearly 
salary,  and  these  are  the  men  to  whom  your  life  and  pro- 
perty is  entrusted.  Your  People  know  to  whom  to  make 
application,  when  law  and  justice  are  wished  to  be  subvert- 
ed by  favour  and  affection.  Your  Petty  Juries  are  elected 
annually,  so  many  persons  in  each  town ;  to  these  men  of- 
fenders know  how  to  apply  ;  and  when  any  riot  happens 
between  the  military  power  and  the  People  of  the  town, 
the  Jury,  being  taken  principally  out  of  that  town,  the 
power  of  life  and  death  of  the  offender  is  lodged  in  those 
who  are  offended.  These  juries,  I  think,  require  great 
regulation  ;  they  are  totally  different  from  ours,  and  in  my 
idea,  carry  with  them  not  only  the  highest  degree  of  ab- 
surdity, but  are  subject  to  be  led  aside  to  commit  the  high- 
est and  most  palpable  enormities  against  justice  and  the 
laws  of  the  lanfl.  I  would  not  wish  to  protract  the  noble 
Lord's  Bill,  by  lengthening  it  out  to  a  degree  which  he 
does  not  wish  it  to  go,  nor  to  oppose  the  measures  which 
he  has  already  adopted.  I  would  wish  to  bring  the  con- 
stitution of  America  as  similar  to  our  own  as  possible.  I 
would  wish  to  see  the  Council  of  that  country  similar  to  a 
House  of  Lords  in  this.  I  would  v.ish  to  see  chancei-y 
suits  determined  by  a  Court  of  Chancery,  and  not  by  the 
Assembly  of  that  Province.  At  present  tlieir  Assembly  is 
a  downright  clog  upon  all  the  proceedings  of  the  Governor, 
and  the  Council  are  continually  thwarting  and  opposing 


any  proposition  he  may  make  for  the  security  and  welfare 
of  that  Government.  You  have.  Sir,  no  Government,  no 
Governor ;  tlie  whole  are  the  proceedings  of  a  tumultuous 
and  riotous  rabble,  who  ought,  if  they  had  the  least  pru- 
dence, to  follow  their  mercantile  employment,  and  not 
trouble  themselves  with  politics  and  Govermnent,  which 
they  do  not  undei-stand.  We  are  told  by  some  gentlemen, 
oh  !  do  not  break  the  charter ;  do  not  take  away  their 
rights  that  lu-e  granted  to  them  by  the  predecessors  of  the 
Crown  ;  whoever.  Sir,  wishes  to  preserve  such  charters, 
without  a  due  correction  and  regulation ;  ^^  hoever.  Sir, 
wishes  for  such  subjects,  I  wish  them  no  worse  than  to  go- 
vern them.  Put  this  People,  Sir,  upon  a  free  fooring  of 
Government ;  do  not  let  us  be  every  day  asnerting  our 
rights  by  words,  and  they  denying  our  authority,  and  pre- 
venting the  execution  of  our  laws.  Let  us.  Sir,  persevere 
in  refining  that  Government  which  cannot  support  itself, 
and  proceed  on  in  the  manner  we  have  begun,  and  I  make 
no  doubt  but,  by  a  manly  and  steady  perseverance,  things 
may  be  restored  from  a  state  of  anarchy  and  confusion,  to 
peace,  quietude,  and  a  due  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this 
country. 

Lord  North.  I  thank  the  noble  Lord  for  every  propo- 
sition he  lias  held  out ;  they  are  worthy  of  a  great  mind, 
and  such  as  ought  to  be  adopted  ;  and  indeed  I  cannot  say 
that  at  present  there  is  any  objection  to  what  is  proposed 
being  regulated  at  some  future  period  ;  if  any  thing  can 
tend  to  the  relief  of  the  present  distresses  in  America,  it  is 
the  unanimity  of  this  House,  and  of  men  of  such  abilities  as 
the  noble  Lord,  in  the  projection  of  measures  necessary  to 
be  taken.  Every  proposition  the  noble  liOrd  has  mentioned 
coincides  with  my  mind;  1  see  the  propriety  of  them,  and 
1  would  wish  to  adopt  them.  It  is  not  my  proposition  to 
close  this  Committee  before  other  measures  may  be  ofliered, 
which,  for  any  thing  I  know,  may  have  a  degree  of  prefer- 
ence to  those  I  have  this  day  proposed.  I,  for  my  part. 
Sir,  shall  think  of  the  propositions  made,  and  receive  them 
to  be  canvassed  by  greater  wisdom  and  abilities  than  mine. 
1  am  clear,  with  the  noble  Lord,  that  the  constitution  of 
this  charter  ought  not  to  prevent  Parliament  from  inter- 
fering to  regulate  those  matters  in  America,  which  the  in- 
digested measures  of  their  charter  have,  perhaps,  precipi- 
tately been,  in  some  degree,  a  means  of  preventing  the 
peace  and  quietness  of  that  country  from  being  restored. 

Mr.  Phipps  got  up,  but  the  House  being  noisy,  he  was 
not  much  attended  to. 

Mr.  Fownall  used  much  the  same  kind  of  arguments 
he  had  done  in  the  former  debates,  and  gave  a  judicious 
account  of  the  Government  of  Avierica.  He  concluded 
with  giving  to  the  Americans  the  character  of  a  conscien- 
tious, good,  religious,  peaceable  set  of  People,  and  said  that 
there  was  not  in  all  liis  Majesty's  Dominions  a  more  re- 
spectable set  of  persons  existing. 

Lord  North's  motion  was  then  agreed   to,  and 

Mr.  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair. 

Sir  Charles  Wkiticorth  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  he  was  directed  by  the  Committee  to  move  the  House 
that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  Bill  lor  the  better  regula- 
ting the  Goveniment  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachmctts 
Bay  in  North  America. 

Ordered,  That  leave  be  granted  to  bring  in  the  Bill  ; 
and  that  Sir  Charles  Whitjvorth,  the  Lord  North,  Mr.  At- 
torney General,  and  Mr.  Solicitor  General,  do  prepare  and 
bring  in  the  same. 

Friday,  April  15,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  according  to 
order,  a  Bill  for  the  better  regulating  the  Government  of 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America : 
and  the  same  was  received. 

Lord  North,  on  presenting  the  Bill,  (after  the  breviat 
was  read,  containing  the  projiositions  wliich  in  moving  for 
the  Bill,  he  had  mentioned  as  the  ground  of  it,  with  this  ad-      S 
dition  and  alteration,  "  that  the  nomination  of  the  Council      ^ 
should  be  by  the  Crown,")  said,  in  this  Bill  there  would 
be  no  negative  voice  in  the  Council ;  nor  was  the  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  and  Secretary  to  be  of  the  Council,  unless 
nominated  by  his  Majesty ;  that  the  Council  would  have 
much  the  same  power  as  before,  except  the  nomination  of  ' 
judicial  officers  ;  that  he  had  altered  the  mode  of  choosing 
of  juries,  from  the  hints  that  were  thrown  out  the  other  day 


t 


69 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


70 


in  the  debate  by  a  noble  Lord,  (George  Germain;)  that 
the  principle  on  which  our  juries  were  formed  seemed  to  be 
highly  approved  of,  and  that  of  the  juries  of  America  dis- 
approved of;  that  he  had  now  adopted  the  mode  of  choice 
as  near  the  method  of  choosing  the  juries  in  England  as 
possible ;  that  this  was  a  regulation  of  a  very  nice  kind ; 
and  if  gentlemen  did  not  like  to  have  it  made  part  of  the 
present  Bill,  it  might  be  separated  and  made  a  Bill  of 
Itself. 

Mr.  R.  Fuller  gave  notice,  that  he  intended  to  move  for 
a  Committee  to  inquire  into  the  Tea  Duty  on  Thursday 
next,  to  see  whether  or  not  it  was  possible  to  repeal  that 
Act  before  the  present  one  took  place. 

Mr.  Dempster  desired  to  ask  the  noble  Lord,  by  whom 
the  Governors  and  Judges  were  appointed  formerly,  and 
by  whom  paid  ? 

Lord  North  said,  the  Judges  were  paid  by  the  Crown  ; 
and  that  their  salaries  were  to  accrue  out  of  the  duties 
cliargeable  on  the  tea. 

Mr.  Dowdeswell  said,  he  was  unwilling  to  let  the  day 
pass  without  some  observations  on  the  Bill,  as  it  was 
brought  in  upon  a  different  plan  to  what  it  was  moved. 
He  observed,  that  Government  had  now  received  sufficient 
advice  for  regulating  their  conduct,  and  coming  to  some 
decision  about  what  was  proper  to  be  done  ;  but  the  further 
tJiey  went,  the  worse  they  were ;  that  the  House  had  now 
a  Bill  before  them,  which  was  calculated  to  destroy  the 
charter  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  that  if,  in- 
deed, we  were  now  to  make  a  new  charter  for  governing 
and  regulating  the  number  of  emigrants  that  are   daily 
going  to  America,  we  should,  perhaps,  make  it  in  a  diffe- 
rent manner,  and  suit  it  more  to  the  disposition  of  the  times : 
but  I  wish,  said  he,  to  see  no  new  charter  granted.     The 
Americans   have  laboured  with  unwearied  industry,   and 
flourished  for  near  fourscore  years  under  that  democratic 
charter ;  they  have  increased  their  possessions,  and  im- 
proved their  lands  to  a  pitch  we  could  not  have  expected, 
and  we  have  reaped  the  benefit  of  their  labour,  yet  you  are 
now  going  to  destroy  that  very  charter  which  has  subsisted 
to  the  mutual  benefit  of  both  countries  ;  the  charter  which 
they  have,  breathes  a  spirit  of  liberty  superiour  to  any  thing 
either  of  the  former  or  present  times.     It  was  granted  in 
King  William's  time,  and  is  more  adapted  to  the  spirit  of  a 
free  people,  than  any  charter  that  can  possibly  be  framed 
by  any  Minister  now  ;  but,  I  hope,  before  this  Bill  passes, 
that  you  will,  at  least,  recollect  yourselves  in  a  cool,  dispas- 
sionate manner,  and  look  upon  Americans  as  your  children, 
and  call  them  by  whatever  name  you  will,  rebellious  or  diso- 
bedient, that  you  will  consider,  at  the  same  time,  that  they 
are  froward  children,  that  there  are  also  peevish  parents,  and 
that  the  ill-humour  and  disposition  of  a  child  is  oftentimes 
brought  about  by  the  petulant  obstinacy  of  a  foolish  parent. 
The  ridiculous  doctrine  that  parents  are  apt  to  instil  into 
their  children,  of  "  you  shall  do  it — you  shall  do  it,"  is 
oftentimes  the  means  of  enforcing  the  same  disposition  in 
the  child,  of  "  I  wont."     I  hate  that  absurd  obstinacy,  of 
"  you  shall,"  and,  "  I  wont,"  between  parent  and  child. 
You  are  not  now  contending  for  a  point  of  honour ;  you  are 
struggling  to  obtain  a  most  ridiculous  superiority,  to  which 
1  hardly  know  a  name  bad  enough  to  stamp  it  with.     The 
regulations  which  you  are  going  to  enact,  will  be  so  inade- 
quate and  so  improper  a  remedy,  that,  in  my  opinion,  it 
would  be  better  to  give  up  the  whole,  than   to  correct  in 
such  a  violent  and  imprudent  manner ;  let  me  at  least  advise 
temper  in  your  proceedings,  and  that  whatever  is  done, 
may  not  be  effected  with  rigour  and  severity. 

Governor  Pownall  rose  to  give  tlie  House  an  account  of 
the  mode  in  which  juries  were  chosen  in  America ;  the 
House  at  first  did  not  much  attend,  but  his  extensive  know- 
ledge in  American  affairs,  soon  drew  that  attention  to  what 
he  said,  which  his  abilities  so  justly  deserved.  He  gave  an 
account  in  what  manner  the  Council  were  chosen  hereto- 
fore ;  that  they  were  elected  by  the  whole  Legislature,  and 
not  (as  had  been  mistakenly  represented)  by  the  People  at 
large ;  that  the  Selectmen  were  a  kind  of  Aldermen, 
much  the  same  as  those  in  Corporations  in  England ;  that 
about  forty  were  chosen  in  each  town,  after  which  the  re- 
maining ones  were  generally  appointed  as  persons  proper 
to  serve  upon  juries,  from  which  five  or  six  people  were 
taken,  as  occasion  required ;  that  the  Grand  Juries  were 
struck  off  from  capital  men,  who  were  appointed  for  that 


purpose.  He  said  great  inconvenience  would  arise  from  the 
town  meetings  not  being  held  without  the  consent  of  the 
Governor ;  that  all  business  of  a  municipal  nature  was  done 
at  a  town  meeting  ;  that  these  towns  were,  in  many  places, 
three  hundred  miles  from  the  Capital,  and  that  business 
must  stand  still  in  many  instances,  in  these  towns,  till  the 
Governor's  consent  could  be  obtained.  He  concluded 
with  expressing  a  wish  that  the  laws  of  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  as  far  as  related  to  the  present  Bill, 
might  be  laid  before  the  House. 

The  Bill  was  then  read  the  first  time. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time  upon 
this  day  sevennight. 

Ordered,  (on  the  motion  of  Mr.  Doivdeswell,)  That 
such  a  number  of  copies  of  the  said  Bill  be  printed,  as  shall 
be  sufficient  for  the  use  of  the  members  of  the  House. 

Tuesday,  April  19,  1774. 

Resolved,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  direc- 
tions, that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  a  copy  of  an 
Act  of  the  General  Court  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  made  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  William 
and  Queen  Mary,  entituled,  "  An  Act  for  regulating  of 
"  Townships,  choice  of  Town  Officers,  and  setting  forth 
"  their  powers ;"  and  also  copies  of  all  other  Acts  of  the 
General  Court  of  the  said  Province,  for  the  regulation  of 
Townships  and  Town  Meetings. 

Resolved,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  directions 
that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  a  copy  of  an  Act  of  the 
General  Court  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Buy, 
made  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  King  William  the 
Third,  for  summoning,  returning,  and  regulating  the  choice 
of  Grand  and  Petty  Juries  ;  together  with  copies  of  all  other 
permanent  or  temporary  Acts  of  the  said  General  Court, 
relative  thereto. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Addresses  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty  by  such  members  of  this  House  as  are  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's most  honorable  Privy  Council. 

Resolved,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  directions 
that  there  be  laid  before  this  House : — 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Bernard  to  the  Lords 
Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  dated  Boston, 
7th  July,  1766. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Bernard  to  the 
Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  30th  May,  1768. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to  the 
Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  6th  July,  1771 ;  with 
a  copy  of  his  Message  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  of  the  Answer  of  the  said  House. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to  the 
Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  29th  May,  1772. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to  the 

Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  22d  February,  1773. 

Copies  of  the  Speeches  of  Governor  Hutchinson  to  the 

General   Assembly  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  the 

Answers  of  the  Council  and  House  of  Representatives. 

Copy  of  a  Petition  and  Remonstrance  from  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
of  the  14th  July,  1772. 

Copy  of  a  Petition  to  his  Majesty  from  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  dated  6th  March, 
1773. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty  by  such  members  of  this  House  as  are  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's most  honorable  Privy  Council. 

Thursday,  April  21,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  pursuant  to 
their  Address  to  his  Majesty  : — 

No.  1 .  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Bernard  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  dated  Boston,  7th  July,  1766. 

No.  2.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Bernard  to 
the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  30th  May,  1768. 

No.  3.  Extractof  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hu/cAi/ison  to 
the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  6th  July,  1771 ; 
with  a  copy  of  his  Message  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and  the  Answer  of  the  said  House. 

No.  4.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson 


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to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  dated  Boston,  Q9th  May,  1772; 
with  an  Enclosure. 

No.  5.  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  iiti  February, 
1773. 

No.  6.  Printed  Copy  of  the  Speeches  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  to  the  General  Assembly  odhe  Massachusetts 
Bay,  with  the  Answer  of  the  Council  and  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. 

No.  7.  Copy  of  a  Petition  and  Remonstrance  to  the 
Kins,  f'om  tl'e  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  dated  14th  July,  1772. 

No.  8.  Copy  of  a  Petition  to  the  Kin<(,  from  the  House 
of  Representatives  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
dated  6lh  March,  177:3. 

Together  with  a  List  of  said  Papers ;  and  the  said  List 
was  read. 

Ordered,  that  the  said  Papers  do  lie  upon  the  table, 
to  be  perused  by  the  members  of  the  House. 

Friday,  April  22,  1774. 

The  Order  of  the  Day,  for  the  second  reading  of  the 
Bill,  was  read. 

Air.  Fuller  said,  he  did  not  rise  to  make  any  debate,  for 
he  was  not  enabled  as  yet  to  form  any  opinion  whether  the 
Bill  before  the  House  was  a  proper  one  or  not;  as  copies  of 
the  charters  which  had  been  ordered,  were  not  yet  laid 
before  the  House,  he  would  venture  to  say  that  no  man 
knew  the  constitution  of  that  Government ;  it  was,  there- 
fore, impossible  for  him  to  say,  in  what  manner  he  would 
correct  and  amend  it. 

Sir  George  Savile  said,  he  had  not  troubled  the  House 
before  on  the  occasion,  but  he  could  not  help  observing, 
that  the  measure  now  before  the  House  was  a  very  doubtful 
and  dangerous  one  ;  doubtful  as  to  the  matter  and  proprie- 
ty of  regulation,  and  dangerous  as  to  its  consequence ;  that 
charters  by  Government  were  sacred  things,  and  are  only  to 
be  taken  away  by  a  due  course  of  law,  either  as  a  punish- 
ment for  an  offence,  or  for  a  breach  of  the  contract,  and  that 
can  only  be  by  evidence  of  the  facts ;  nor  could  he  con- 
ceive that  in  either  of  those  cases  there  could  be  any  such 
thing  as  proceeding  without  a  fair  hearing  of  both  parties. 
This  measure  before  us  seems  to  be  a  most  extraordinary 
exertion  of  Legislative  power.  Let  us  suppose  a  lease 
granted  to  a  man,  wherein  was  a  covenant,  the  breach  of 
which  would  subject  him  to  a  forfeiture  of  his  lease — would 
not  a  court  of  justice  require  evidence  of  the  fact  ?  Why, 
then,  will  you  proceed  different  from  the  line  which  is  al- 
ways observed  in  courts  of  justice.  You  are  now  going  to 
alter  the  charter,  because  it  is  convenient.  In  what  manner 
does  the  House  mean  to  take  away  this  charter,  when  in 
fact  they  refuse  to  hear  the  parties,  or  to  go  through  a  legal 
course  of  evidence  of  the  facts  ?  Chartered  rights  have,  at 
all  times,  when  attempted  to  be  altered  or  taken  away,  oc- 
casioned much  bloodshed  and  strife  ;  and  whatever  persons 
in  this  House  may  have  advanced,  that  they  do  not  proceed 
upon  this  business  but  with  trembling  hands,  I  do  also  as- 
sure them  that  I  have  shewn  my  fears  upon  this  occasion, 
for  I  have  run  away  from  every  question,  except  one,  to 
which  I  gave  my  negative.  I  do  not  like  to  be  present  at 
a  business  which  I  think  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  and 
justice  of  this  House ;  I  tremble  when  I  am,  for  fear  of  the 
consequences  ;  and  I  think  it  a  little  extraordinary  that  Mr. 
Bollan  should  be  admitted  to  be  heard  as  an  American 
Agent  in  the  House  of  Lords,  when  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons he  was  refused.  I  believe  it  is  true,  that  the  facts  set 
forth  in  his  petition  to  this  House,  were  different  from  those 
which  he  presented  to  the  House  of  Lords  ;  in  one  declarinu' 
himself  an  inhabitant  of  Baton,  and  in  the  other  omitting 
it.  I  cannot  conceive  it  possible  to  proceed  on  this  Bill 
upon  the  small  ground  of  evidence  which  you  have  had. 

Mr.  Welbore  Ellis.  I  must  rise,  Sir,  with  great  diffi- 
dence, when  I  differ  from  the  honorable  gentleman  who 
spoke  last,  whose  abilities  are  so  eminently  great;  but  I 
think,  that  chartered  rights  are  by  no  means  those  sacred 
things  which  never  can  or  ought  to  be  altered ;  they  are 
vested  in  the  Crown,  as  a  prerogative,  for  the  good  of  the 
People  at  large  ;  if  the  Supreme  Legislature  find  that  those 
charters  so  granted,  are  both  unfit  and  inconvenient  for  the 
public  utility,  they  have  a  right  to  make  them  fit  and  con- 
venient: wherever  private  property  is  concerned,  the  Le- 


gislature will  not  take  it  away  without  making  a  full  recom- 
pense ;  but  wlierever  the  regulation  of  public  matter  is  the 
object,  they  have  a  right  to  correct,  control,  or  take  it  away 
as  may  best  suit  the  public  welfare.  The  Crown  may 
sometimes  grant  improper  powers  with  regard  to  Govern- 
ments that  are  to  be  establislied — will  it  not  be  highly  pro- 
per and  necessary  that  the  Legislature,  seeing  in  what 
manner  the  Crown  has  been  ill-advised,  should  take  it  into 
their  consideration,  and  alter  it,  as  far  as  necessary  ?  It  is 
the  Legislature's  duty  to  correct  the  errors  that  have  been 
established  in  the  infancy  of  that  constitution,  and  regulate 
them  for  the  public  welfare.  Is  a  charter,  not  consistent 
with  the  public  good,  to  be  continued  ?  Tlie  honorable 
gentleman  says  much  bloodshed  has  been  occasioned  by 
taking  away  or  altering  of  chartered  rights  ;  I  grant  it ;  but  it 
has  always  been  where  encroachments  have  been  made  by 
improper  parties,  and  the  attack  has  been  carried  on  by 
improper  powers.  He  also  says,  this  form  of  Government  in 
America  ought  not  to  be  altered  without  hearing  the  parties  ; 
the  papers  on  your  table,  surely,  are  sufiicient  evidence 
what  they  have  to  say  in  their  defence.  Look  only  into 
the  letter  dated  the  19th  of  November,  1773,  wherein  the 
Governor  applied  to  the  Council  for  advice,  and  they  neg- 
lected giving  it  to  him ;  and  also  wherein  a  Petition  was 
presented  to  the  Council  by  certain  persons  who  applied 
for  protection  to  their  property  during  these  disturbances ; 
the  Council,  without  giving  any  answer,  adjourned  for  ten 
days,  and  the  Governor  was  not  able  to  do  any  thing  himself 
without  their  opinion.  Look  again,  Sir,  into  the  resolution 
which  the  Council  came  to  when  they  met  again,  stating 
the  total  insufficiency  of  their  power.  This,  surely.  Sir,  is 
an  evidence  competent  to  ground  this  bill  upon.  We  have 
now  got  no  farther  than  just  to  alter  these  two  parts,  as 
stated  by  themselves.  Surely,  Sir,  that  form  of  Govern- 
ment which  will  not  protect  your  property,  ought  to  be 
altered  in  such  a  manner  as  it  may  be  able  to  do  it. 

General  Comvay.  What  I  intend  to  say,  will  not  delay 
the  House  long.  [The  House  being  rather  noisy,  the  Gene- 
ral said,  I  beg  leave  once  more  to  say  a  short  word.]  I  am 
very  sure  what  I  intend  to  say  will  little  deserve  the  atten- 
tion of  the  House,  but  the  subject  is  of  that  importance,  that 
it  requires  it.  The  consequence  of  this  Bill  will  be  very 
important  and  dangerous.  Parliament  cannot  break  into  a 
right  without  hearing  the  parties.  The  question,  then,  is 
simply  this :  have  they  been  heard  ?  What  1  because  the 
Papers  say  a  murder  has  been  committed,  does  it  follow 
they  have  proved  it  ?  '  Audi  alteram  partem'  is  a  maxim 
I  have  long  adhered  to ;  but  it  is  something  so  inconsistent 
with  Parliamentary  proceedings  not  to  do  it,  that  I  am  as- 
tonished at  it.  The  Council  are  blamed,  because  they  did 
not  give  that  advice  to  the  Governor  which  he  wanted.  I 
think,  Sir,  the  Governor  might  have  acted  alone,  without 
their  assistance.  Gentlemen  will  consider,  that  this  is  not 
only  the  charter  of  Boston,  or  of  any  particular  part,  but 
the  charter  of  all  America.  Are  the  Americans  not  to  be 
heard  ?  Do  they  not  choose  to  consent  and  agree  about 
appointing  an  agent?  I  think  there  is  no  harm,  upon  this 
occasion,  in  stretching  a  point ;  and  I  would  rather  hear  Mr. 
Bollan  as  an  agent  of  America  (though  he  is  a  little  irregu- 
lar in  his  appointment)  sooner  than  leave  it  to  be  said,  that 
this  Bill  passed  without  it.  The  House  being  vociferous, 
he  said,  I  am  afraid  I  tire  the  House  with  my  weak  voice;  if 
that  is  the  case,  I  will  not  proceed,  but  I  do  think,  and  it  is 
my  sincere  opinion,  that  we  are  the  aggressors  and  innova- 
tors, and  not  the  Colonies.  We  have  irritated  and  forced 
laws  upon  them  for  these  six  or  seven  years  last  past.  We 
liave  enacted  such  a  variety  of  laws,  with  these  new  taxes, 
together  with  a  refusal  to  repeal  the  trifling  duty  on  tea  ; 
all  these  things  have  served  no  other  purpose  but  to  distress 
and  perplex.  I  think  the  Americans  have  done  no  more 
than  every  subject  would  do  in  an  arbitrary  state,  where 
laws  are  imposed  against  their  will.  In  my  conscience,  I 
think,  taxation  and  legislation  are  in  this  case  inconsistent. 
Have  you  not  a  Legislative  right  over  Irelandl  And  yet 
no  one  will  dare  to  say  we  have  a  right  to  tax.  These 
Acts,  respecting  America,  will  involve  this  country  and  its 
Ministers  in  misfortunes,  and  I  wish  I  may  not  add,  in  ruin. 

Lord  North.  I  do  not  consider  this  matter  of  regulation 
to  be  taking  away  their  charters  in  such  manner  as  is  repre- 
sented ;  it  is  a  regulation  of  Government  to  assist  the  Crown  ; 
it  appears  to  me,  not  to  be  a  matter  of  political  expediency, 


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BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


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but  of  necessity.  If  it  does  not  stand  upon  that  ground,  it 
stands  on  nolliing.  The  account  whicli  has  just  now  been 
read  to  you  is  an  authentic  paper,  transmitted  to  Govern- 
ment here,  shewing  that  the  Council  refused,  in  every  case, 
their  assistance  and  advice ;  and  will  tliis  country  sit  still, 
when  they  see  the  Colony  proceeding  against  your  own 
subjects,  tarring  and  feathering  your  servants ;  denying  your 
laws  and  authority;  refusing  every  direction  and  advice 
which  you  send  ?  Are  we,  Sir,  seeing  all  this,  to  be  silent, 
and  give  the  Governor  no  support  ?  Gentlemen  say,  let 
tlie  Colony  come  to  your  bar,  and  be  heard  in  their  defence  ; 
though  it  is  not  likely  that  they  will  come,  when  they  deny 
your  authority  in  every  instance.  Can  we  remain  in  this 
situation  long  ?  We  must,  effectually,  take  some  measure 
to  correct  and  amend  the  defects  of  that  Government.  I 
have  heard  so  many  different  opinions  in  regard  to  our  con- 
duct in  America,  I  hardly  know  how  to  answer  them. 
The  honourable  gentleman,  who  spoke  last,  formerly  blamed 
the  tame  and  insipid  conduct  of  Government ;  now  he  con- 
demns this  measure  as  harsh  and  severe.  The  Ameiicans 
have  tarred  and  feathered  your  subjects,  plundered  your 
merchants,  burnt  your  ships,  denied  all  obedience  to  your 
laws  and  authority  ;  yet  so  clement,  and  so  long  forbearing 
has  our  conduct  been,  that  it  is  incumbent  on  us  now  to 
take  a  different  course.  Whatever  may  be  the  conse- 
quence, we  must  risk  something ;  if  we  do  not,  all  is  over. 
The  measure  now  proposed,  is  nothing  more  than  taking 
the  election  of  Counsellors  out  of  the  hands  of  those  people, 
who  are  continually  acting  in  defiance  and  resistance  of 
your  laws.  It  has  also  been  said  by  gentlemen — send  for 
the  Americans  to  your  bar — 'give  them  redress  a  twelve- 
month hence.  Surely,  Sir,  this  cannot  be  the  language 
that  is  to  give  effectual  relief  to  America ;  it  is  not  I  say, 
again,  political  convenience,  it  is  political  necessity  that 
urges  this  measure :  if  this  is  not  the  proper  method,  shew 
me  any  other  which  is  preferable,  and  I  will  postpone  it. 

Sir  George  Yonge.  It  appears  to  me,  Sir,  that  it  is  un- 
answered and  unanswerable,  what  has  been  advanced  by 
the  honorable  gentleman  who  spoke  second,  that  the  parties 
should  be  heard,  though  even  at  a  twelvemonth  hence. 
Nothing,  Sir,  but  fatal  necessity  can  countenance  this  mea- 
sure. No  body  of  men  ought  to  be  proceeded  against 
without  being  heard,  much  less  ought  the  regulation  of  a 
whole  Government  to  take  place,  without  the  parties  at- 
tending in  their  defence  against  such  alterations. 

Governor  Johnstone.  I  see,  Sir,  a  great  disposition  in 
this  House  to  proceed  in  this  business  without  knowing  any 
thing  of  the  constitution  of  America ;  several  inconvenien- 
ces will  arise  if  the  Sheriff  is  to  be  appointed  by  the  Go- 
vernor ;  the  jury  will  of  course  be  biased  by  some  influence 
or  other ;  special  juries  will  be  most  liable  to  this.  [Here 
the  Governor  gave  an  account  of  the  different  riots  which 
had  happened  in  England,  and  compared  them  with  what 
he  called  the  false  account  of  those  from  America.]  I  im- 
pute, says  he,  all  the  misfortunes  which  have  happened  in 
America,  to  the  taking  away  the  power  of  the  Governor. 
No  man  of  common  sense,  can  apprehend  that  the  Go- 
vernor would  ever  have  gone  for  two  or  three  days  in 
the  country  during  these  disturbances,  if  he  had  had  the 
command  of  the  military  power.  The  natural  spirit  of 
man  would  be  fired,  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  actuate  him  to 
show  resistance  ;  but  in  this  Governor  no  power  was  lodged. 
I  disapprove  much  of  the  measure  which  is  before  us,  and 
1  cannot  think  but  its  consequences  will  be  prejudicial. 

Mr.  C.  Jenlcinson.  I  rise,  Sir,  only  to  observe,  that  if 
the  Colony  has  not  that  power  within  itself  to  maintain  its 
own  peace  and  order,  the  Legislature  should,  and  ought  to 
have.  Let  me  ask.  Sir,  whether  the  Colony  took  any  step, 
in  any  shape,  to  quell  the  riots  and  disturbances  ?  No, 
they  took  none.  Let  me  ask  again,  whether  all  the  checks 
and  control  that  are  necessary,  are  not  put  into  the  com- 
mission of  the  Governments  ?  Much  has  been  said  about 
hearing  the  parties,  and  taking  away  tliis  chartered  right ; 
I  am  of  opinion,  that  where  the  right  is  a  high  political 
regulation,  you  are  not  in  that  instance  bound  to  hear  them  ; 
but  the  hearing  of  parties  is  necessary  where  private  pro- 
perty is  concerned.  It  is  not  only  in  the  late  proceedings, 
but  in  all  former,  that  they  have  denied  your  authority 
over  them;  they  have  refused  protection  to  his  Majesty's 
subjects,  and  in  every  instance  disobeyed  the  laws  of  this 
country ;    either  let  this  country  forsake   its   trade  with 


America,  or  let  us  give  that  due  protection   to  it  which 
safety  requires. 

Mr.  Harris.  I  cannot  see,  Sir,  any  reason  for  so  wide 
a  separation  between  America  and  England  as  other  gen- 
tlemen are  apt  to  think  there  ought  to  be  ;  that  country.  Sir, 
was  hatched  from  this ;  and  I  hope  we  shall  always  keep 
it  under  the  shadow  of  our  wings.  It  has  been  said,  no 
representation,  no  taxation.  This  was  the  system  formerly 
adopted,  but  I  do  not  find  it  authorized  in  any  book  of 
jurisprudence,  nor  do  I  deem  it  to  be  a  doctrine  either  rea- 
sonable or  constitutional.  1  insist  upon  it,  they  are  bound 
to  obey  both  the  Crown  and  Parliament.  The  last  twelve 
years  of  our  proceedings  have  been  a  scene  of  lenity  and 
inactivity.  Let  us  proceed  and  mend  our  method,  or  else 
I  shall  believe,  as  an  honorable  gentleman  has  observed, 
that  we  are  the  aggressors. 

Sir  Edward  Astley.  If  we  have  had  a  twelve  years' 
lenity  and  inactivity,  I  hope  we  shall  not  now  proceed  to 
have  a  twelve  years'  cruelty  and  oppression.  By  the  reso- 
lution and  firmness  which  I  perceive  in  the  House,  it  seems 
to  indicate  a  perseverance  in  the  measure  now  proposed, 
which  1  deem  to  be  a  harsh  one,  and  unworthy  of  a  British 
Legislature. 

Mr.  Ward  found  fault  with  the  charter  being  left  too 
much,  as  to  the  execution  of  its  powers,  in  the  People,  and 
he  could  not  think  that  the  Lesislature  was  doing  any  thinf^ 
which  it  had  not  a  right  to  do,  as  he  had  looked  upon  all 
charters  to  be  granted  with  a  particular  clause  in  it,  ex- 
pressing that  it  should  not  be  taken  away  but  by  the 
Parliament. 

Governor  Pownall.  Sir,  the  few  words  that  I  shall 
trouble  the  House  with  on  this  occasion,  will  be  directed 
simply  to  facts,  and  to  the  rectifying  some  matters  of  fact 
respecting  the  constitution  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  which  some  gentlemen,  on  both  sides  the  House, 
seem  to  me  to  have  mistaken,  and  to  have  mis-stated. 

As  to  opinions,  I  shall  never  more  trouble  the  House 
with  mine  on  this  subject.  While  the  affairs  of  America 
remained  on  that  ground,  that  opinions  might  operate  on 
measures  of  policy,  I  never  withheld  mine,  poor  as  they 
may  have  been — I  always  avowed  them  openly  and  pub- 
licly. In  this  House  I  delivered  my  sentiments  explicitly 
and  directly.  It  was  my  duty  so  to  do — I  consider  it  as  of 
perfect  obligation  ;  and  I  hope  I  have  fulfilled  that  duty. 
I  could  not  but  think  it  a  matter  of  imperfect  obligation, 
even  to  obtrude  my  sentiments,  and  the  best  information 
that  I  could  give,  in  other  places,  out  of  this  House.  I 
hope  I  have  not  there  exceeded  my  duty ;  1  have  ex- 
pressed the  same  sentiments  at  all  limes,  and  have  given 
the  same  opinion  in  what  I  have  written  to  America.  All 
tended  to  one  point — the  pointing  out  the  grounds  of  recon- 
ciliation and  peace. 

The  case  at  present  ceases  to  be  matter  of  opinion — it  is 
come  to  action.  The  measure  which  you  are  pursuing  will 
be  resisted,  not  by  force,  or  the  effect  of  arms,  as  was  said 
by  an  honorable  gentleman  on  the  late  occasion,  but  by  a 
regular  united  system  of  resistance. 

I  told  this  House,  (it  is  now  four  years  past,)  that  the 
People  of  America  would  resist  the  tax  which  lay  then 
upon  them — that  they  would  not  oppose  power  to  your 
power,  but  that  they  would  become  impracticable.  Have 
they  not  been  so  from  that  time  to  this  very  hour?  I  tell 
you  now,  that  they  will  resist  the  measures  now  pursued,  in 
a  more  vigorous  way.  You  will  find  them  prepared  for 
such  resistance,  not  by  arms,  but  by  a  system  of  measures. 
The  Committees  of  Correspondence  in  the  different  Prov- 
inces, are  in  constant  coinmunication — they  do  not  trust 
the  conveyance  of  the  Post-Office — they  have  set  up  a 
constitutional  courier,  which  will  soon  grow  up  to  the 
superseding  of  your  Post  Office.  As  soon  as  intelligence 
of  these  affairs  reach  them,  they  will  judge  it  necessary  to 
communicate  with  each  other.  It  will  be  found  inconve- 
nient and  ineffectual  so  to  do  by  letters — they  must  confer. 
They  will  hold  a  conference — and  to  what  these  Commit- 
tees, thus  met  in  Congress,  will  grow  up,  I  will  not  say. 

On  the  other  point,  should  matters  ever  come  to  arms, 
you  will  hear  of  other  officers  than  those  appointed  by  your 
Governors.  When  matters  once  come  to  that  it  will  be,  as 
it  was  in  the  late  civil  wars  of  this  country,  of  little  conse- 
quence to  dispute  who  were  the  aggressors — that  will  be 
merely  matter  of  opinion.     It  is  of  more  consequence  at 


75 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


76 


this  niomeni  so  to  act — to  take  such  measures — that  no 
such  misfortune  may  come  into  event. 

I  hope  the  House  will  excuse  my  trespassing  on  their 
patience — it  is  the  last  time  that  1  shall  speak  on  this  sub- 
ject. If,  however,  the  knowledge  which  my  situation  must 
necessarily  have  supplied  me  with,  can  enable  me  to  be  ot 
any  use  in  matter  of  information,  on  any  points  which  come 
before  you,  I  shall  constantly  attend  in  my  place,  and  in  my 
place  be  ready  to  answer  to  any  questions  on  such  matter, 
as  any  gentleman  may  wish  to  receive  information  upon,  as 
far  as  1  may  be  able  to  inform  him  ;  and  in  this  light  1  beg 
leave  to  state,  that  althougii  by  the  charter  of  the  Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  the  Governor  is  obliged  to  take  with 
him,  not  simply  the  advice,  but  tlie  consent  of  the  Council, 
in  the  nomination  of  judges  and  other  civil  officers — yet  it  is 
from  the  power  of  the  Governor's  commission  held  under  the 
broad  seal,  that  all  the  commissions  in  the  Province  are  de- 
rived ;  and  cease  with  the  determination  of  that  commission. 
All  those  officers,  except  the  Attorney  General,  even  the 
Sherifl's,  which  an  honorable  gentleman  had  conceived  not 
to  be  so,  and  which  the  present  proposed  Bill  directs  to  be 
appointed  and  removed  by  the  Governor,  are  according  to 
the  powers  and  privileges  of  the  present  charter,  appointed 
by  the  Governor  in  Council.  The  difference  is,  that  in 
those  Governments  which  are  established  by  the  King's 
patent  commissions,  the  whole  act  of  appointment  is  in  the 
Governor — which  act,  indeed,  he  is  by  his  instructions  di- 
rected to  do  in  the  Act.  He  is  the  sole  efficient :  he  may 
advise  with  the  Council,  but  he  is  not  bound  to  take  their 
consent — he  is  not  incompetent  to  the  act,  without  their 
consent.  His  commission  gives  him  full  power  to  act — if 
he  acts  without  the  advice  of  his  Council,  he  does,  indeed, 
break  through  his  instructions,  and  may  incur  his  Majesty's 
displeasure  ;  but  yet  the  appointment  is  good  to  all  intents 
and  purposes.  The  first  is  the  act  of  legal  power,  derived 
from  the  commission  ;  the  second,  is  a  matter  prudential, 
with  which  the  mode  of  the  act  is  properly  and  wisely  ac- 
companied. 

In  the  charter  under  consideration,  the  matter  of  instruc- 
tion was  made  a  component  part  of  the  act — by  which  the 
Council  were  made  a  component  part  of  the  Governor,  and 
so  far  forth  of  the  supreme  executive  magistrate.  This  I 
have  always  thought  to  be  an  original  and  radical  blunder. 
If  the  Bill,  as  it  was  first  proposed,  had  gone  no  farther  than 
to  the  remedy  of  this  error,  I  think  there  could  not  have 
been  a  reasonable  objection  to  it — but  of  that  I  shall  say 
no  more  now — 1  have  already  given  ray  opinion  on  that 
point. 

Another  gentleman  (misled  by  a  construction  which  some 
Governors  have  made  of  their  powers)  thinks  that  the 
Council  are  so  much,  in  all  cases  of  Government,  a  part  of 
the  supreme  executive  magistrate,  that  if  they  refuse  to  act 
with  the  Governor,  he  cannot  do  any  act  of  Government 
either  civil  or  military.  I  know  of  no  Act  in  which  they 
are  constituted  such  part,  but  in  the  case  of  the  nomination 
of  civil  officers.  In  every  other,  the  Governor,  both  by 
the  charter  and  by  his  commission  is,  perfect  and  complete, 
supreme  executive  magistrate.  I  am  sure  I  can  speak  from 
fact ; — 1  have,  as  Governor,  without  communion  of  power 
with  the  Council,  done  every  civil  act  of  Government, 
which  the  King,  actuating  the  powers  of  the  Crown,  does 
here  within  the  Realm.  And  as  to  the  military,  if  it  had 
been  my  misfortune  to  have  been  Governor  in  these  times, 
and  if  the  interposition  of  the  military  had  been  necessary, 
I  would  not  have  applied  to  them  for  their  aid — I  would 
have  sent  them  an  order.  I  am  sure  there  is  no  officer 
within  the  Province  would  have  dared  to  have  disobeyed  it. 
They  must  have  obeyed.  The  power  to  give  such  order 
is,  both  by  the  charter  and  the  conmiission  (which  are  both 
under  the  broad  seal,)  in  the  Governor,  as  Commander-in- 
chief;  and  I  know  of  no  revocation  of  it,  but  by  the  mere 
letter  of  a  Secretary  of  State,  which  could  have  no  effect ; 
but  which  was  at  the  same  time  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
measures  ever  taken. 

Upon  this  ground,  supposed  to  be  the  fact,  that  the 
Council  are  part  of  the  executive  magistrate,  it  is  alleged  as 
matter  of  crime  against  them,  that  they  refused  to  act  with 
the  Governor  at  the  time  of  the  late  riots ;  by  which  the 
powers  of  Government  were  suspended,  the  power  of  the 
•barter  misused,  so  that  the  Governor  could  not  act ;  but  as 
I  have  shewn  that  this  is  not  the  fact,  the  allegation  of  crime 


vanishes :  yet  I  must  own,  and  I  must  say,  that  as  it  is  al- 
ways for  the  benefit  of  the  public,  that  the  Governor  should 
advise  with,  and  liave  the  advice  of  his  Council — that  as  it 
is  always  of  benefit  to  Government,  that  he  should  take 
with  him  and  be  supported  by  the  authority  of  his  Council, 
and,  especially,  in  this  Province,  where  the  authority  of  the 
country  is  of  more  solid  effect  than  in  any  other — the 
Council,  and  every  member  of  it,  are  highly  biameable,  are, 
indeed,  inexcusable,  whenever  they  refuse  to  advise,  when- 
ever they  withhold  their  authority  from  the  aid  and  support 
of  Government.  1  do  not  know  whether  they  be  not  liable 
to  censure  in  refusing  their  assistance,  as  they  are  by  the 
charter  expressly  called  Assistants;  but  surely  their  conduct 
was  inexcusable,  when,  instead  of  assisting,  they  sought 
and  took  occasion  in  the  midst  of  these  disturbances,  to 
bring  forward  as  an  act  of  Council,  a  report  fraught  with  all 
the  matters  of  contest  and  dispute,  which  were  the  very 
grounds  taken  as  principles  by  the  People  engaged  in  the 
disturbances.  Thus  far  as  to  matter  of  fact;  as  to  matter 
of  opinion,  I  shall  not  trouble  the  House  with  it.  [The 
few  words  afterwards  spoken  by  way  of  explanation,  were 
so  far  from  signifying  that  the  People  were  going  to  rebel, 
that  they  were  expressly  spoken  to  obviate  that  misappre- 
hension of  what  had  been  said.] 

Mr.  Rigby.  LTpon  my  word,  Sir,  what  was  just  now 
said  is  very  worthy  the  consideration  of  this  House;  and 
if,  from  what  the  honourable  gentleman  says,  it  is  true,  and 
I  believe  he  is  well  informed,  it  appears  that  America  is 
preparing  to  arm ;  and  that  the  deliberations  of  their  town- 
meetings  tend  chiefly  to  oppose  the  measures  of  this  coun- 
try by  force.  He  has  told  you.  Sir,  that  the  Americant 
will  appoint  other  officers  than  those  sent  by  Government 
to  command  their  troops.  He  has  told  you  that  a  Post- 
Office  is  established  on  their  account  from  town  to  town,  in 
order  to  carry  their  treacherous  correspondence  from  one  to 
another.  He  has  told  you,  the  Post-Office  revenue  will 
soon  be  annihilated.  If  these  things  are  true.  Sir,  I  find 
we  have  been  the  aggressors,  by  continually  doing  acts  of 
lenity  for  these  twelve  years  last  past.  I  think,  Sir,  and 
speak  out  boldly  when  I  say  it,  that  this  country  has  a  right 
to  tax  America;  but,  Sir,  it  is  matter  of  astonishment  to 
me,  how  an  honourable  gentleman,  (General  Conway)  can 
be  the  author  or  bringer  in  of  a  Declaratory  Law  over  all 
America,  and  yet  saying  at  one  and  the  same  time,  that 
we  have  no  right  to  tax  America !  If  I  were  to  begin  to 
say  that  America  should  not  be  taxed,  and  that  these 
measures  were  not  proper,  I  would  first  desire  my  own 
Declaratory  Law  to  be  repealed  ;  but  being  of  opinion  that 
the  Americans  are  the  subjects  of  this  country,  I  will  de- 
clare freely,  that  I  think  this  country  has  a  right  to  tax 
America ;  but  1  do  not  say  I  w^ould  put  any  new  tax  on  at 
this  particular  crisis ;  but  when  things  are  returned  to  a 
peaceable  state,  I  would  then  begin  to  exercise  it.  And  I 
am  free  to  declare  my  opinion,  that  I  think  we  have  a  right 
to  tax  Ireland,  if  there  was  a  necessity  so  to  do,  in  order 
to  help  the  mother  country.  If  Ireland  was  to  rebel  and 
resist  our  laws,  I  would  tax  it.  The  mother  country  has 
an  undoubted  right  and  control  over  the  whole  of  its  Colo- 
nies. Again,  Sir,  a  great  deal  has  been  said  concerning 
requisition.  Pray,  in  what  manner  is  it  to  be  obtained? 
Is  the  King  to  demand  it?  Or  are  we,  the  Legislative 
power  of  this  country,  to  send  a  very  civil,  polite  gentle- 
man over  to  treat  with  their  Assembly  ?  How  and  in  what 
manner  is  he  to  address  that  Assembly?  Is  he  to  tell  the 
Speaker  of  it,  that  we  have  been  extremely  ill-used  by  our 
neighbours,  the  French;  that  they  have  attacked  us  in 
several  quarters ;  that  the  finances  of  this  country  are  in  a 
bad  state  ;  and,  therefore,  we  desire  you  will  be  kind  enough 
to  assist  us,  and  give  us  some  money  ?  Is  this  to  be  the 
language  of  this  country  to  that ;  and  are  we  thus  to  go 
cap  in  hand  ?  I  am  of  opinion,  that  if  the  Administration 
of  this  country  had  not  been  changed  soon  after  the  pass- 
ing of  the  Stamp  Act,  that  tax  would  have  been  collected 
with  as  iDuch  ease  as  the  land  tax  is  in  Great  Britain.  I 
have  acted,  with  regard  to  America,  one  consistent  part, 
and  shall  continue  in  it  till  I  hear  better  reason  to  convince 
me  to  the  contrary. 

Governor  Powtiall  to  explain.  I  apprehend  I  have  been 
totally  misunderstood.  I  did  not  assert  the  Americans 
were  now  in  rebellion,  but  that  they  are  going  to  rebel ; 
when  that  comes  to  pass,  the  question  will  be,  who  was  the 


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BILL  FOR  GOVERKMEiNT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


78 


occasion  of  it.  Something  lias  been  said  relative  to  requi- 
sition :  I  think  I  gave  several  instances  wlierein  the  same 
had  been  complied  with  in  time  of  war. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox.  I  am  i;lad  to  hear  from  the  lionora- 
ble  gentleman  who  spoke  last,  that  now  is  not  the  time  to 
tax  America:  tiiat  the  only  time  for  that  is,  when  all  these 
disturbances  are  quelled,  and  they  are  returned  to  their 
duty ;  so,  I  find,  taxes  are  to  be  the  reward  of  obedience ; 
and  the  Americans,  who  are  considered  to  have  been  in 
open  rebellion,  are  to  be  rewarded  by  acquiescing  to  their 
measures.  VVlicn  will  be  the  tune  when  America  ought  to 
have  heavy  taxes  laid  upon  it  ?  The  honorable  gentleman 
(Mr.  Right/)  tells  you,  that  that  time  is  when  the  Ameri- 
cans are  returned  to  jieace  and  quietness.  The  honorable 
gentleman  tells  us  also,  that  we  have  a  right  to  tax  Ireland; 
however,  I  may  agree  with  him  in  regard  to  the  principle, 
it  would  not  be  policy  to  exercise  it ;  I  believe  we  have 
no  more  right  to  tax  the  one  than  the  other.  I  believe 
America  is  wrong  in  resisting  against  this  country  with  re- 
gard to  its  l^egislative  authority.  It  v\as  an  old  ojiinion, 
and  I  believe  a  very  true  one,  that  there  was  a  dispensing 
power  in  the  Crown,  but  whenever  that  dispensing  ]30wer 
was  pretended  to  be  exercised,  it  was  always  rejected  and 
opposed  to  the  utmost,  because  it  operated  to  me,  as  a  sub- 
ject, as  a  detriment  to  my  property  and  liberty ;  but.  Sir, 
there  has  been  a  constant  conduct  practised  in  this  country, 
consisting  of  violence  and  weakness,  I  wish  those  measures 
may  not  continue ;  nor  can  I  think  that  the  Stamp  Act 
would  have  been  submitted  to  without  resistance,  if  the  Ad- 
ministration had  not  been  changed  :  the  present  Bill  before 
you  is  not  what  you  want ;  it  irritates  the  minds  of  the 
l^eople,  but  does  not  correct  the  deficiencies  of  that  Govern- 
ment. 

Sir  Gilbert  Elliot  said,  there  was  not  the  least  degree  of 
absurdity  in  taxing  your  own  subjects,  over  whom  you  de- 
clared you  had  an  absolute  right ;  though  that  tax  should 
through  necessity,  be  enacted  at  a  time  when  peace  and 
quietness  were  the  reigning  system  of  the  times  :  you  de- 
clare you  have  that  -right,  where  is  the  absurdity  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  it  ? 

Sir  Richard  Sutton  read  a  copy  of  a  letter  relative  to  the 
Government  of  America,  from  a  Governor  in  America  to 
the  Board  of  Trade,  showing,  that  at  the  most  quiet  times, 
the  disposition  to  oppose  the  law"s  of  this  country  were 
strongly  engrafted  in  them,  and  that  all  their  actions  con- 
veyed a  spirit  and  wish  for  independence.  If  you  ask  an 
American  who  is  his  master,  he  will  tell  you  he  has  none, 
nor  any  Governor,  but  Jesus  Christ.  I  do  believe  it,  and 
it  is  my  firm  opinion,  that  the  opposition  to  the  measures  of 
the  Legislature  of  this  country,  is  a  determined  preposses- 
sion of  the  idea  of  total  independence. 

The  Bill  was  then  read  a  second  time. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Wednesday  morn- 
ing next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  upon  the  Bill. 

Monday,  April  25,  1774. 

Mr.  Gascoigne  presented  to  the  House,  pursuant  to  their 
Address  to  his  Majesty  : — 

No.  I.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
William  and  Queen  Mary,  intituled  "  An  Act  for  regula- 
"  ting  of  townshij)s,  choice  of  town  officers,  and  setting 
"  forth  their  power." 

No.  2.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
William  and  Queen  Mary,  intituled,  "  An  Act  to  enable 
"  towns,  villages,  and  proprietors  in  common  and  undivi- 
"  ded  lands,  &,c.,  to  sue  and  be  sued." 

No.  3.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Mttssachuictts  Buy,  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reiijn  of  Queen 
Anne,  intituled  "  An  Act  for  a  new  choice  of  town  officers, 
"  on  special  occasions." 

No.  4.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  ninth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Queen  Anne,  intituled  "  An  Act  directing  the  levying  and 
"  collecting  of  county  and  town  assessments." 

No.  5.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
fireor^ethe  Fourth,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regu- 
"  lating  of  town  and  proprietary  meetings." 


No.  6.  Extract  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
George  the  Second,  intituled,  "An  Act  in  addition 
to  an  Act  for  highways." 

No.  7.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  years  of  the 
reign  of  King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "  An  Act  in 
"  explanation  of,  and  farther  addition  to,  an  Act,  intituled, 
"  an  Act  for  regulating  of  townships,  choice  of  town  offi- 
"  cers,  and  setting  forth  their  power.'  " 

No.  8.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "  An  Act  in  furdier 
"  addition  to  an  explanation  of  an  Act,  intituled,  '  an  Act 
"  for  regiUating  townships,  choice  of  town  officers,  and 
"  setting  forth  their  power.'  " 

No.  9.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  the  reign 
of  King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  revi- 
"  ving  and  continuing  sundry  laws,  that  are  expired,  or 
"  near  expiring." 

No.  10.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  George  the  Second,  indtuled,  "  An  Act  in  further 
"  addition  to  an  Act,  iiitituled,  '  an  Act  for  regulating  of 
"  townships,  and  choice  of  town  officers,  and  setting  forth 
"  their  power.'  " 

No.  IL  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  first  year  of  his  present  Majesty's 
reign,  intituled  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  districts 
"  within  this  Province." 

No.  12.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  second  year  of  his  present  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  reviving  andcontinu- 
"  ing  sundry  laws,  that  are  expired,  or  near  expiring. 

No.  13.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  present  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  reviving  and  continu- 
"  ing  sundry  laws,  that  are  expired,  or  near  expiring." 

No.  14.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  tenth  year  of  his  present  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  reviving  and  continu- 
"  ing  sundry  laws,  that  are  expired,  or  near  expiring." 

No.  15.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  present  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  regulating  town-meet- 
"  ings  in  the  town  of  Danvers." 

No.  16.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  William  the  Third,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  Grand 
"  Jurors  serving  at  the  Quarter  Session  of  the  Peace,  and 
"  punishing  defaulters  of  Jurors  attendance." 

No.  17.  Extract  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  William  the  Third,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  holding 
"  of  Courts  of  General  Session  of  the  Peace,  and  ascertain- 
"  ing  the  times  and  places  for  the  same." 

No.  18.  Extract  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign 
of  King  William  the  Third,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  es- 
"  tablishing  of  Inferior  Courts  of  Common  Pleas,  in  the 
"  several  counties  of  this  Province," 

No.  19.  Extract  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign 
of  King  William  the  Third,  intituled  "  An  Act  for  esta- 
"  blishing  a  Superior  Court  of  Judicature,  Court  of  Assize, 
"  and  General  Gaol  Delivery,  within  this  Province." 

No.  20.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  William  the  Third,  intituled,  "  An  Act  relating  to 
"  the  office  and  duty  of  a  Coroner." 

No.  21.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
George  the  First,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  more  effec- 
"  tual  preventing  default  in  the  appearance  of  Juiors." 

No.  22.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Provuice  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  the  reign 
of  King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "An  Act  for  the 
"  better  regulating  the  choice  of  Petit  Jurors." 

No.  23.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  reign  of 


79 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


RO 


King  George  tlie  Second,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the 
"  better  regulating  tlie  choice  of  Petit  Jurors." 

No.  24.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  tlie 
Massachusetts  6ay,  in  the  thirtieth  3ear  of  the  reijfn  oi 
King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "  An  Act  in  addition 
"  to  an  Act,  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  the 
"  choice  of  Petit  Jurors.'  " 

No.  25.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massarhusctts  Bay,  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  the  roign  of 
King  George  the  Second,  intituled,  "An  Act  for  the  better 
"  regulating  the  choice  of  Petit  Jurors." 

No.  26.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  thirty-third  year  of  the  reign  of 
King  George  the  Second,  Intituled,  "  An  Act  in  addition 
"  to  an  Act^  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  tlie 
"  choice  of  Petit  Jurors.'  " 

No.  27.  Copy  of  an  Act  passed  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  seventh  year  of  his  present  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  reviving  and  continu- 
"  ing  sundry  laws,  that  are  expired,  or  near  expiring." 

Together  with  a  list  of  the  said  Papers. 

And  the  said  list  was  reiid. 

Ordered,  That  tiiesaid  Papers  do  lie  on  the  table  to  be 
perused  by  the  members  of  the  House. 

Wednesday,  April  27,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  order  of  the  day,  for  the  House  to 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  upon 
the  Bill,  be  now  read. 

And  the  said  order  being  read  accordingly, 

Ordered,  That  the  Paper,  intituled  "  Massachusetts 
"  Bay  Charter,  granted  by  King  JVilliam  and  Queen  Mary, 
•'  in  the  tiiird  year  of  their  reign,"  which  was  presented  to 
the  House  upon  the  twenty-second  day  of  January,  1740, 
be  referred  to  the  said  Committee. 

Ordered,  That  the  several  Papers  which  were  presented 
to  the  House  upon  Monday  last,  by  Mr.  Gascoigne,  be  re- 
ferred to  the  said  Committee. 

Ordered,  That  the  several  Papers  which  were  presented 
to  the  House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  the  7th  and  lltli 
days  of  March  last,  and  the  15tli  and  21st  days  of  this  in- 
stant, April,  be  referred  to  the  said  Connnillee. 

Then  the  House  resolved  itself  into  the  said  Committee. 

Mr.  Speaker  left  the  Chair. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  took  the  Chair  of  the  Committee. 

Mr.  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair. 

Sir  Charles  fVhitvorth  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made  several 
amendments  thereunto ;  which  they  had  directed  him  to 
report,  when  the  House  will  please  to  receive  the  same. 

Ordered,  That  the  Report  be  received  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. 

Thuhsday,  April  28,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  receiving  the  Report  was 
read  ;  and 

A  Petition  of  William  Botlan,  Esq.,  stylmg  himself 
Agent  for  the  Council  of  his  Majesty's  Province  oi  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  in  New-England,  being  offered  to  be  pre- 
sented to  the  House,  by  Mr.  DowdesiceU,  which  Pethioner, 
he  said,  desired  that  the  Bill  for  regulating  the  Civil  Gov- 
ernment, and  the  Bill  for  the  more  Impartial  Administra- 
tion of  Justice,  might  not  pass  into  a  law,  until  he  should 
have  time  to  receive  an  answer  from  the  above  Province  to 
letters  he  had  sent. 

Mr.  Dowdeswell  said,  after  the  part  I  have  taken  in  the 
progress  of  these  affairs,  and  the  direct  manner  in  which  I 
have  expressed  myself  on  fonner  occasions,  I  shall  have  the 
less  to  trouble  the  House  with  on  this  occasion.  The  pe- 
tition I  have  now  brought  up  is,  in  the  matter  of  its  request 
so  reasonable,  that  I  cannot  persuade  myself  the  House  will 
reject  it.  I  should  wish  the  affair  might  be  seriously  con- 
sidered. What  is  the  present  stage  of  your  progress? 
You  are  carrying  through  an  Act  tliat  is  to  work  a  total 
change  in  the  chartered  constitution  of  a  free  country,  in 
order  to  prevent  riots  and  an  improper  conduct  in  the  mob 
of  that  country ; — and  lest  in  cai-rying  that  Act  into  execu- 
tion, you  meet  with  a  resistance  that  you  expect,  (and  in 
that  very  expectation  jirove  that  they  may  resist  vvitliout 
the  imputation  of  an  unexpected  crime,)  you  hrin<r  in 
another  to  regulate  the  trial  of  offenders,  by  which  you 


destroy  the  trial  by  jury,  and  drag  the  People  across  the 
Atlantic  10  give  evidence  in  Westminster  Hall:  regulations, 
the  flagrancy  of  which  has  been  sufficiently  ex|)osed,  and 
branded  in  the  manner  they  deserve.  The  Agent  of  the 
Province,  alarmed  at  so  weighty  a  resentment,  and  so  cruel 
a  punishment  on  the  constitution  and  liberty  of  his  country, 
for  the  evil  actions  of  t!ie  scum  of  the  People,  presents  a 
petition  to  you.  What  is  the  purport  of  it  ?  Only  to  pray 
you  to  suspend  your  judgment  until  he  can  recei\e  instruc- 
tions from  his  constituents ; — that  is,  lie  begs  a  whole 
country  may  not  be  condenmed  witl:out  a  single  person  au- 
thorized by  it  to  appear  in  its  defence.  Now,  Sir,  I  think 
the  pi-ayer  of  this  petition  so  perfectly  reasonable,  that  it 
a])pears  impossible  to  be  rejected  out  of  the  Court  of  In- 
quisition. It  is  no  in<juiry  whether  your  measure  is  just  or 
uot ; — we  may  admit  it  to  be,  in  our  opinions,  just,  ])roper, 
and  political  ;  and  yet  assert  the  necessity  of  hearing  the 
Province  before  you  condemn  it  to  a  severe  punishment. 
I  will  not  say  it  is  wrong  to  act  thus — I  say  it  is  imjjossible 
— common  justice — the  feelings  of  mankind,  condemn  it. 

Sir  George  Savik  spoke  ably  on  tlie  same  side  of  the 
question,  as  did  Mr.  Burke,  Mr.  T.  Townshend,  &;c.,  who 
all  urged  how  highly  cruel  it  was  to  pass  a  law  against  any 
body  of  People,  without  hearing  either  them,  or  their 
Agent,  in  their  defence. 

To  the  aguments  of  the  above  gentlemen.  Lord  North, 
made  the  following  reply : 

I  do  not  rise  with  a  design  to  attempt  answering  every 
objection  that  ingenuity  can  frame  against  the  measure. 
The  most  ingenious  man  will  iiever  be  able  to  sketch  a 
plan,  however  simple,  to  which  objections  may  not  be 
started.  The  only  point  at  present  before  us  is,  should 
we  delay  passing  these  Acts,  in  order  to  hear  what  the 
town  of  Boston  can  say,  in  defence  of  themselves.  Is  there 
or  is  there  not  propriety  in  such  a  delay  ?  I  reply,  that  it 
would  be  absurd  ;  the  fact  of  their  crimes  is  authenticated ; 
we  want  no  fresh  proofs  ;  no  gentlem;m  has  expressed  any 
doubts ;  we  should  therefore  wait  to  hear  how  they  might 
exculpate  themselves  (that  is,  the  Council  and  Assembly) 
and  lay  the  blame  on  the  mob  possibly  ;  we  should  suspend 
our  measures,  to  know  what  recompense  they  would  make ; 
we  should  stop  to  hear  their  concessions.  Are  the  friends 
of  these  acts  every  moment  to  recal  to  the  minds  of  their 
opposers,  the  sentiments  they  were  full  of  at  the  opening 
of  the  business  ?  "  Go  to  the  bottom  of  the  evil,  or  let  it 
"  alone ;  no  more  palliatives."  So,  Sir,  if  the  town  of 
Boston  makes  concessions  and  recompenses,  our  business 
is  done,  and  our  purpose  answered.  Very  far  from  it — 
these  Bills  are  not  brought  in  for  one  or  the  other :  they  are 
to  prevent  such  horrid  evils  in  future  ;  to  regulate  the  con- 
stitution on  the  plan  of  other  Colonies,  that  flourish  under 
their  constitution  as  much  as  Boston  with  its  anarchy,  and 
to  indemnify  the  legal  executors  of  your  decrees.  View 
the  affair  in  this  light,  and  all  you  objections  fall.  Let  the 
whole  Colony  appear  at  your  bar,  and  every  argument 
they  can  use,  every  concession  they  can  make,  will  all  be 
relative  to  the  past,  not  to  the  future.  These  Bills  Sir, 
have  much  more  uscfol  and  more  necessary  dLStination, 
the  prevention  of  future  evils.  Should  we  now  delay  the 
progress  of  this  important  business,  in  order  to  go  back  into 
our  old  system  of  palliatives,  under  tiie  pretence  of  hearing 
what  arguments  may  be  used  in  defence  of  the  most 
atrocious  actions  ? 

The.  motion  \\as  also  very  strongly  opposed  by  Mr. 
Wedderljuijif,,  Mr.  Dyson,  he. 

The  House  was  moved,  that  the  Proceedings  of  the 
House,  cf  the  14th  day  of  March  last,  on  receiving  the 
Petition  of  Wi  Ham  Botlan,  Esquire,  Agent  for  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  Eng- 
land, miiiht  be  read : 

And  ti;e  same  were  read  accordingly. 

And  the  question  being  but,  that  the  Petition  he 
brought  up  ? 

The  House  divided  ;  Yeas,  32;  Nays,  95. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

The  House  was  moved,  that  the  entry  in  the  Journals 
of  the  House,  of  the  9th  of  November,  1696,  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  House,  in  relation  to  ttie  Bill  for 
attainting  Sir  John  Fenwick,  Baronet,  of  High  Treason, 
might  be  read: 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 


I 


«t 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


82 


I 


Tlie  House  was  moved,  that  the  entries  in  the  Journals 
of  the  House,  of  the  19th  day  of  March,  \T22,  of  the 
proceedings  of  the  House,  in  rehition  to  the  Bills  for  inflict- 
inoj  certain  pains  and  penalties  upon  John  Flunlcctt  and 
Georffc  Kelly,  alias  Johnson,  might  he  read : 

And  the  same  were  read  accordingly. 

The  House  was  also  moved,  that  the  entry  in  the 
Journals  of  the  House,  of  the  iJ2d  day  of  March,  172iJ, 
of  the  proceedings  of  the  Hou^e,  in  relation  to  the  Bill  for 
inflicting  certain  pains  and  penalties  upon  Francis  Lord 
Bishop  of  Rochester,  might  be  read  : 

And  the  same  was  read  accorflingly. 

Tlien  a  motion  being  made,  and  the  question  being  put, 
that  the  Report  of  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  be 
received  this  day  four  months. 

It  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Report  be  now  received. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  accordingly  rejwrted  the  amend- 
ments of  the  Committee,  which  were  all  agreed  to  by  the 
House  except  one. 

A  clause  was  then  added  to  the  Bill  authorizing  the 
Court,  where  an  action  is  depending,  to  grant  a  view,  upon 
application  of  either  of  the  parties. 

Another  clause  was  offered,  to  be  added  to  the  Bill, 
that  no  Sheriff  shall  continue  in  office  longer  then  one 
year ;  and  no  Sheriff,  or  Lender  Sheriff,  shall  continue  more 
than  two  years  successively. 

And  the  said  clause  was  once  read,  and,  with  leave  of 
the  House,  withdrawn. 

Then  an  amendment  was  made,  by  the  House,  to  the 
Bill. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  be  en- 
grossed. 

Friday,  April  29,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill  for  the  better  Regulating  the 
Government  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
North  America,  be  read  the  third  time  upon  Monday 
morning  next,  if  tiie  said  Bill  shall  be  then  engrossed. 

Monday,  May  2,  1774. 

Sir  George  Sitvile  presented  a  Petition  of  several 
Natives  of  America,  to  the  House,  which  was  read  ;  setting 
forth, — 

That  the  Petitioners  are  again  constrained  to  complain 
to  the  House  of  two  Bills,  which  if  carried  into  execution, 
will  be  fatal  to  the  Rights,  Liberties,  and  Peace  of  all  Ame- 
rica, and  that  the  Petitioners  have  already  seen,  with  equal 
astonishment  and  grief,  proceedings  adopted  against  them, 
which,  in  violation  of  the  first  principles  of  justice,  and  of 
the  laws  of  the  land,  inflict  the  severest  punishments, 
without  hearing  the  accused :  Upon  the  same  principle  of 
injustice,  a  Bill  is  now  brought  in,  which,  under  the  pro- 
fession of  better  regulating  the  Government  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  is  calculated  to  deprive  a  whole  Province, 
without  any  form  of  trial,  of  its  chartered  rights,  solemnly 
secured  to  it  by  mutual  compact  between  the  Crown 
and  the  People.  The  Petitioners  are  well  informed,  that  a 
charter  so  granted,  was  never  before  altered,  or  resumed, 
but  upon  a  full  and  fair  hearing ;  that  therefore  the  present 
proceeding  is  totally  unconstitutional,  and  sets  an  example 
which  renders  every  charter  in  Great  Britain  and  Ameri- 
ca utterly  insecure ;  the  a))pointment  and  removal  of  the 
Judges,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Governor,  with  salaries 
payable  by  the  Crown,  puts  the  property,  liberty,  and  life, 
of  the  subject,  depending  upon  judicial  integrity,  in  his 
power.  The  Petitioners  perceive  a  system  of  judicial 
tyranny  deliberately  at  this  day  imposed  upon  them,  which 
from  the  hitter  experience  of  its  intolerable  injuries,  has 
been  abolished  in  this  country.  Of  the  same  unexampled 
and  alarming  nature  is  the  Bill,  which,  under  the  title  of  a 
more  impartial  administration  of  justice  in  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  empowers  the  Governor  to  withdraw 
offenders  from  justice  in  the  said  Province ;  holding  out  to 
the  soldiery  an  exemption  from  legal  prosecution  for  mur- 
der; and,  in  effect,  subjecting  that  Colony  to  military 
execution.  The  Petitioners  entreat  the  House  to  consider 
what  must  be  the  consequence  of  sending  troops,  not 
really  under  the  control  of  the  civil  power,  and  unamenable 
to  the  law,  among  a  People  whom  they  have  been  indus- 
triously taught,  by  the  incendiary  arts  of  wicked  men,  to 

Fourth  Series.  6 


regard  as  deserving  of  every  sjjecies  of  insults  and  abuse ; 
the  insults  and  injuries  of  a  lawless  soldiery  are  such  as  no 
free  People  can  long  endure ;  and  the  Petitioners  appre- 
hend, in  the  consequences  of  this  Bill,  the  horrid  outrages 
of  military  oppression,  followed  by  the  desolation  of  civil 
commotions.  The  dispensing  power  which  this  Bill  intends 
to  give  to  the  Governor,  advanced  as  he  is  already,  above 
the  law,  and  not  liable  to  any  impeachment  from  the  People 
he  may  oppress,  must  constitute  him  an  absolute  tyrant ; 
that  the  Petitioners  would  be  utterly  unworthy  of  their 
English  ancestry,  which  is  their  claim  and  pride,  if  they 
did  not  feel  a  virtuous  indignation  at  the  reproach  of  disaf- 
fection and  rebellion,  with  which  they  have  been  cruelly 
aspersed;  they  can  with  confidence  say,  no  imputation 
was  ever  less  deserved  ;  they  appeal  to  the  experience  of  a 
century,  in  which  the  glory,  the  honour  and  the  prosperity, 
of  England,  has  been,  in  their  estimation,  their  own ;  in 
which  they  have  not  only  borne  the  burden  of  Provincial 
wars,  but  have  shared  with  this  country  in  the  dangers  and 
expenses  of  every  national  war ;  their  zeal  for  the  service 
of  the  Crown,  and  the  defence  of  the  General  Empire,  has 
prompted  them  whenever  it  was  required,  to  vote  supplies 
of  men  and  money,  to  the  utmost  exertion  of  their  abilities  ; 
the  journals  of  the  House  will  bear  witness  to  their  extraordi- 
nary zeal  and  services  during  the  last  war,  and  that  but  a 
very  short  time  before  it  was  resolved  here  to  take  from 
them  the  right  of  giving  and  granting  their  own  money.  If 
disturbances  have  happened  in  the  Colonies,  they  entreat 
the  House  to  consider  the  causes  which  have  produced 
them,  among  a  People  hitherto  remarkable  for  their  loyalty 
to  the  Crown,  and  affection  for  this  Kingdom.  No  history 
can  show,  nor  will  human  nature  admit  of,  an  instance  of 
general  discontent,  but  from  a  general  sense  of  oppression. 
The  Petitioners  conceived,  that  when  they  had  acquired 
property  under  all  the  restraints  this  Country  thought 
necessary  to  impose  upon  their  commerce,  trade,  and 
manufactures,  that  to  property  was  sacred  and  secure ;  they 
felt  a  very  material  difference  between  being  restrained  in 
the  acquisition  of  property,  and  holding  it,  when  required 
under  those  restraints  at  the  disposal  of  others ;  they 
understand  subordination  in  the  one,  and  slavery  in  the 
other ;  the  Petitioners  wish  they  could  possibly  perceive 
any  difference  between  the  most  abject  slavery,  and  such 
entire  subjection  to  a  Legislature,  in  the  constitution  of  which 
they  have  not  a  single  voice,  nor  the  least  influence,  and  in 
which  no  one  is  present  on  their  behalf;  they  regard  the 
giving  their  property  by  their  own  consent  alone,  as  the 
unalienable  right  of  the  subject,  and  the  last  sacred  bul- 
wark of  constitutional  liberty.  If  they  are  wrong  in  this 
they  have  been  misled  by  the  love  of  liberty,  which  is 
there  dearest  brithright,  by  the  most  solemn  statutes,  and 
the  resolves  of  this  House  itself,  declaratory  of  the  inherent 
right  of  the  subject,  by  the  authority  of  all  great  constitu- 
tional writers,  and  by  the  uninterrupted  practice  of  Ireland 
and  America,  who  have  ever  voted  their  own  supplies  to 
the  Crown,  all  which  combine  to  prove  that  the  property 
of  an  English  subject,  being  a  freeman  or  a  freeholder, 
cannot  be  taken  from  him  but  by  his  own  consent.  To 
deprive  the  Colonies  therefore  of  this  right  is  to  reduce 
them  to  a  state  of  vassalage,  leaving  them  nothing  they  can 
call  their  own,  nor  capable  of  any  acquisition  but  for  the 
benefit  of  others.  It  is  with  infinite  and  inexpressible 
concern,  that  the  Petitioners  see  in  these  Bills,  and  in  the 
principles  of  them,  a  direct  tendency  to  reduce  their 
countrymen  to  the  dreadful  alternative  of  being  totally  en- 
slaved, or  compelled  into  a  contest  the  most  shocking  and 
unnatural,  with  a  Parent  State,  which  has  ever  been  the 
object  of  their  veneration  and  their  love.  They  entreat 
the  House  to  consider,  that  the  restraints  which  examples 
of  such  severity  and  injustice  impose  are  ever  attended 
with  the  most  dangerous  hatred,  in  a  distress  of  mind,  which 
cannot  be  described.  The  Petitioners  conjure  the  House 
not  to  convert  that  zeal  and  affection,  which  have  hitherto 
united  every  American  hand  and  heart  in  the  interest  ot 
England,  into  passions  the  most  painful  and  pernicious ; 
most  earnestly  tliey  beseech  the  House,  not  to  attempt 
reducing  them  to  a  state  of  slavery,  which  the  English 
principles  of  liberty,  they  inherit  from  their  motlier  country, 
will  render  worse  than  death  ;  and  therefore  praying  the 
House  will  not,  by  passing  these  Bills,  overwhelm  them 
with  affliction,  and  reduce  their  countrymen  to  the  most 


88 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


84 


abject  state  of  misery  and  liuiniliation,  or  drive  to  the  last 
resources  of  despair. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  upon  the  table. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  the  tliird  reading  of  the  Bill, 
was  read ; 

A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  being  put,  that 
tlie  said  Bill  be  now  read  a  third  time  r 

Mr.  Dunning.  There  seems  to  me  to  be  a  system  of 
tyranny  adojncd  throughout  the  whole  of  the  three  Bills 
which  have  been  brought  into  this  House,  one  of  which  is 
passed,  and  the  other  two  are  now  under  consideration. 
AV'hiie  the  first  proposition  stood  single,  1  mean  tlie  Boston 
Port  Bill,  1  did  not  think  it  of  sulHcient  magnitude  to 
oppose  it,  till  it  was  followed  by  these  two  others.  It  now 
appears  to  me,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  are  mucii  in 
the  same  condition  as  prisoners  surrendering  at  discretion, 
as  it  is  in  the  jiower  of  the  Minister  to  allow  or  disallow 
the  restoration  of  its  port  and  trade.  (He  then  gave  a 
long  history  to  tiie  House  of  tlie  manner  in  which  the 
Bills  had  been  moved  for  and  brought  in  ;  he  animadverted 
on  the  contents  of  the  three  Bills,  and  commented  on  the 
preamble  of  the  Bill  now  before  tiie  House.]  I  have  not, 
said  he,  heard  of,  nor  do  I  see  any  overt  act  of  treason 
stated  in  tlie  preamble  of  tiiis  Bill,  so  as  to  authorize  the 
severe  punishments  which  it  enacts :  we  are  now,  I  find, 
in  possession  of  the  whole  of  that  fatal  secret,  which  was 
intended  as  a  corrective  for  all  tiie  disturbances  in  America; 
but  it  does  not  appear  to  be  either  peace  or  the  olive- 
branch — it  is  war,  severe  revenge,  and  hatred,  against  our 
own  subjects.  We  are  now  come  to  that  fatal  dilemma, 
"  resist,  and  we  will  cut  your  throats ;  submit,  and  we  will 
tix  you" — such  is  the  reward  of  obedience.  There  appears 
to  me  nothing  of  a  system  or  jilan  throughout  the  whole 
that  has  been  adopted  or  intended,  because  the  Bills  have 
been  so  altered,  in  the  Committee,  that  there  is  scarce  a 
word  remaining  of  the  original  plan,  if  there  was  any ; 
the  preamble  of  the  Bill  now  before  us  seems  to  have  a 
presumption  of  open  resistance,  of  which  no  proof  has  as 
yet  been  had,  or  appeared  at  your  bar,  so  as  to  countenance 
such  an  assertion ;  if  indeed,  that  military  guard,  which 
was  appointed  by  the  town,  had  been  employed  in  the 
manner  as  the  preamble  mentions,  it  might  then  have  been 
deemed  an  open  resistance,  but  nothing  of  that  kind  hap- 
pened ;  the  whole  resistance  that  was  made  was  by  a  few 
rof  the  mob,  urged  on  by  the  impetuosity  of  riot  and  distur- 
bance. Had  any  thing  appeared  that  bore  the  least  simi- 
larity to  treason  or  rebellion,  my  honorable  and  learned 
friends  would  have  told  us  that  it  was  treason,  and  I  will 
give  them  credit  for  their  willingness  upon  such  an  occa- 
sion ;  but  if  there  was  treason,  there  were  traitors,  and 
they  would  have  been  known  and  punished  ;  and  if  not 
known,  they  would  at  least  have  been  inriuired  after  ;  but 
as  no  inquiry  has  yet  been  set  on  foot,  1  will  be  bold  to 
say,  there  was  neither  treason  nor  traitors.  We  seem  to 
be  in  a  strange  condition,  not  knowing  wliom  we  have  to 
deal  with,  nor  in  what  manner  to  act.  If  gentlemen  will 
look  into  the  charter,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Governor 
complained  without  cause  of  the  want  of  power ;  it  was 
the  ignorance  of  the  Governor  ;  he  had  power,  but  did  not 
know  it;  and  I  think  that  tlie  gendemen  who  had  the 
planning  of  these  Boston  Bills,  have  made  alterations  in 
the  Government  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  without  the  pre- 
vious ceremony  of  knowing  the  old  one.  There  must  be, 
and  certainly  is,  a  complete  legislative  power  vested  in  the 
Assembly  of  the  Province,  to  have  given  this  power  to  the 
Governor,  had  the  charter  been  deficient,  I  mean  for  the 
preservation  of  peace  and  good  order.  [He  spoke  a  lone 
time  to  prove  that  the  constitution  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
was  in  no  manner  defective,  but  that  the  defect  was  owing 
to  some  unknown  cause ;  and,  said  he,  to  what  I  profess 
I  do  not  know.]  When  1  talk  of  the  Minister,  I  mean  to 
speak  with  all  due  respect  to  the  noble  Lord,  though  I  do 
not  consider  him  as  the  immediate  actor  of  all  this.  I 
know  not  the  age,  the  person,  or  the  sex,  but  that  I  may 
not  be  wrong,  I  will  use  the  language  of  Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment, which  I  imagine  will  comprehend,  and  will  say,  he, 
she,  or  they ;  to  that  person  or  pei-sons  alone  do  I  mean  to 
address  myself.  Let  me  ask,  said  he,  whether  these  mis- 
cliiefs  arising  from  the  charter,  are  peculiar  to  Massachu- 
setts Bay  1  Are  there  no  deficiencies  in  others  ?  Yet  it 
is  said  an  alteration  is  necessary  to  make  the  charter  con- 


formable to  the  Royal  Government.  Now,  do  you  know 
tliat  when  you  have  altered  it,  it  will  not  be  dissimilar  to 
many  of  the  others,  when  the  ignorance  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  one  Province  appears  to  me  to  be  as  great  in  those 
who  are  to  alter  it,  as  in  the  others.  1  find  great  fault. 
Sir,  that  the  whole  of  this  arrangement  is  to  be  under  the 
direction  of  the  Crown  ;  and  that  the  whole  civil  and  mili- 
tary ])ower  of  that  country  is  to  be  totally  at  the  disposal 
of  the  Ministers  of  this.  1  really  think  the  motto  of  this 
Bill  should  have  been  Tua  Casar  tctas.  He  then  went 
through  the  different  clauses  of  the  Bill,  objecting  princi- 
pally against  the  prisoners  being  brought  over  here,  as  eoii- 
laiiied  in  the  last  Bill;  and  that  diliiculties  would  arise 
which  would  convince  gentlemen  who  had  a  concern  in 
the  management  of  these  affairs,  that  what  they  had  done 
had  tended  to  disunite  the  affections  of  the  American  sub- 
jects from  this  country  ;  and,  instead  of  promoting  peace, 
order,  and  obedience,  would  produce  nothing  but  clamour, 
discontent,  and  rebellion. 

Sir  William  Meredith  said,  that  if  necessity  gave  a 
right  to  tax  America,  tlie  stale  of  our  finances  at  the  close 
of  the  last  war  fully  justified  the  Stamp  Act.  That  he 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Great  Britain  over  Ame- 
rica ;  but  that  the  Legislature  of  a  free  country  must  not, 
in  taxation,  or  any  other  act  of  power,  deprive  the  subject 
of  his  right  to  freedom  i:i  person  and  projjerty.  The 
security  an  Englishman  has  in  property  consists  in  this, 
that  no  tax  can  be  imposed  ujion  him  but  by  the  very 
members  of  Parliament  who  pay  the  tax  themselves, 
equally  with  all  those  on  wliom  they  impose  it ;  that  no 
man  had  any  thing  he  could  call  his  own,  if  another  could 
take  his  property,  and  use  it,  either  for  his  advantage,  or 
in  order  to  prevent  the  diminution  of  his  own  fortune ; 
but  that  such  taxes  only  might  be  raised  as  were  conse- 
quential to  regulations  of  trade — «uch  were  port  duties. 
That  a  tax  similar  to  that  upon  tea  was  imposed  by  the 
25th  of  Charles  H.,  since  that  time  upon  molasses,  and 
other  articles,  which  the  Americans  had  acquiesced  in. 
That  he  (Sir  JVilliam)  never  ajiproved  the  tax  upon  tea ; 
had  opposed  it,  as  he  would  always  oppose  the  taxation 
of  America.  But  now,  that  the  Americans  had  not 
only  resisted  the  Act  of  Parliament,  but  laid  violent  hands 
on  the  merchants'  property,  it  was  high  time  to  regulate 
the  course  of  justice,  so  that  our  merchants  might  trade 
thither  with  security.  That  the  present  Regulation  Bills 
went  no  further.  That  they  established  the  trial  by  Jurv 
in  America  the  same  as  in  England ;  whereas  the  juries 
were  now  appointed  according  to  the  mere  will  and  plea- 
sure of  the  Selectmen,  some  of  whom  had  been  fonvard 
in  committing  tliose  excesses  that  occasioned  the  present 
uneasinesses.  That  the  Council  was  now  appointed  by 
the  Assembly,  and  could  contrcul  every  act  of  the  Go- 
vernor ;  the  execution  therefore  of  every  law  enacted  by 
the  British  Parliament,  was  at  their  option  ;  but  that  all 
executive  power  must  be  subservient  to  the  legislative, 
otherwise  the  IjCgislature  itself  would  be  a  mere  cypher. 
We  must  therefore  either  relinquish  at  once  the  right  of 
enacting  laws,  or  take  the  execution  of  them  out  of  the 
hands  of  those  fhat  have  denied  our  authority  to  make 
them.  That  we  had  better  break  at  once  all  connections 
with  America,  than  encourage  our  merchants  to  trade 
thither  without  the  full  protection  of  the  laws  of  their 
country,  both  in  securing  their  effects,  and  in  obtaining 
redress  for  such  injuries  as  they  may  sustain. 

Mr.  Stanley.  These  Bills  certainly  affect  the  interior 
policy  of  America,  and  are  intended  for  the  better  regu- 
lation of  its  internal  Goxernment.  Whatever  may  be  the 
opinion  of  that  propriety  of  regulation  with  the  American, 
I  know  not ;  but  their  submission  to  the  laws  of  some 
country  is  necessary,  as  I  cannot  conceive  the  indepen- 
dence of  an  American  Colony  to  exist,  whilst  the  balance 
of  power  remains  in  Europe,  supported  and  protected 
by  armies  and  navies.  These  People  must  resort  to  some 
State,  and  it  must  be  to  a  Protestant  one ;  and  were  they 
to  unite  themselves  with  any  other  State  than  this,  they 
would  meet  with  a  yoke  and  burden  which  they  would  not 
wish  to  bear.  It  is  said  by  some,  that  this  is  driving  them 
to  a  state  of  slavery ;  by  others,  that  this  proceeding  will 
be  ineffectual.  As  to  the  latter,  if  we  do  not  go  far 
enough,  we  are  certainly  on  the  right  side  ;  but  I  cannot 
sit  still,  and  see   with   indifference  the  authority  of  this 


85 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


86 


country  submitting  to  every  indignity  they  shall  offer  us. 
There  are  but  two  ways  of  governing  mankind,  by  force, 
or  by  consent.  Mankind  are  to  be  governed  by  legal 
power,  acting  by  prescribed  rules  of  law  and  justice ;  and 
a  measure  established  on  this  doctrine,  deserves  the  con- 
currence of  the  House.  [Here  he  gave  a  long  account  of 
the  rise  of  the  American  Government,  and  sheued,  that 
an  inattention  to  it,  in  its  infancy,  had  induced  the  A7ne- 
ricans  so  to  think  of  themselves,  as  to  throw  the  Govern- 
ment into  a  wild  democracy ;  that  it  was  not  till  after 
the  Restoration  that  any  degree  of  attention  was  paid 
them  :  He  then  read  an  extract  from  some  old  papers, 
shewing  that  the  Americans  had,  so  long  ago  as  King 
William's  time,  refused  obedience  to  the  prerogative  in 
many  instances.]  America,  says  he,  is  not  now  to  be 
governed  as  it  might  be  a  hundred  years  ago ;  and  how 
is  it  possible  that  tiie  Council  should,  in  any  shape,  have 
power,  when  it  appears,  that  if  any  person,  of  moderate 
passions  towards  the  degree  of  respect  or  authority  to 
this  country,  is  chosen  of  the  Council,  and  is  inclined  to 
assist  the  Governor,  he  has  always  soon  after  been  dis- 
placed ?  Let  me  ask  gentlemen,  if  the  property  of  the 
subjects  of  this  country  had  been  injured  in  France,  would 
they  have  thought  it  a  prudent  conduct  to  have  sat  still 
and  done  nothing  ?  I  had  much  rather  that  this  dispute 
had  passed  nine  years  ago,  but  I  would  rather  meet  the 
attack  now  than  nine  years  hence ;  and  I  should  blame 
myself  much  if,  by  any  vote  of  mine,  I  should  separate 
so  valuable  a  Province  from  this  country. 

Mr.  T.  Towiishend.  The  importance  of  this  subject, 
and  the  melancholy  consequences  which  are  likely  to 
ensue,  deserve  the  serious  attention  of  this  House.  1  am 
not  in  a  hurry  to  adopt  the  opinion  of  Administration,  but 
I  should"  be  the  lowest  wretch  upon  earth  if  1  suffered 
private  opinion  to  be  smothered.  I  was  determined  to 
give  support  to  the  most  plausible  method  that  was  pro- 
posed, and  I  will  say,  as  to  this  method.  Si  quid  novisti 
rcctius  istis,  candidus  imperti,  si  non,  his  utere  mecum. 
I  am  much  averse  to  the  meddling  with  charters,  but 
when  1  see  the  inconveniencies  that  arise  from  the  town- 
meetings,  I  don't  think  myself  unreasonable  in  wishing  to 
adopt  an  amendment.  1  think  the  Juries  are  properly 
altered,  according  to  the  constitution  of  this  country,  nor 
have  I  any  objection  to  men  being  brought  over  to  England 
to  be  tried,  if  it  is  impossible  to  find  men  of  cool  dispo- 
sition and  proper  temper  to  try  them  in  that  country ; 
and  if  I  see  this  Bill  left  to  the  e^xecution  of  the  abilities 
of  General  Gage,  I  fear  not  the  success  of  it.  I  remem- 
ber, Sir,  that  men  who  were  the  most  violent  in  opposition 
to  the  Stamp  Act,  at  the  time  it  was  agitating,  afterwards, 
when  they  found  it  was  likely  to  pass,  were  applying 
(or  Stampmaster's  places.  I  wished  much  Sir,  to  have 
coupled  this  measure  with  another;  I  mean  the  repeal 
of  the  Tea  Tax,  which  we  might  have  done  without 
showing  the  least  timidity,  but  shall  content  myself  with 
giving  my  affirmative  to  the  present  Bill  before  you. 

Colonel  Barre.  The  question  now  before  us  is,  whe- 
ther we  will  chuse  to  bring  over  the  afi'ections  of  all  our 
Colonies  by  lenient  measures,  or  to  wage  war  with  them  ? 
I  shall  content  myself  with  stating — [Here  he  gave  a  long 
history  in  what  manner  Mr.  Grenville,  as  an  able  financier, 
wished  to  search  for  means  to  liberate  this  country  from 
its  load  of  debts]  that  when  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed, 
it  produced  quiet  and  ease  :  was  it  then  in  the  contem- 
plation of  any  sober,  honest  mind,  that  any  odier  tax  would 
1)6  laid  on  for  at  least  a  century?  He  blamed  die  late 
Mr.  C.  Toivnshend,  with  all  his  eloquence,  for  loading 
America  with  a  tax ;  nor  was  he,  said  he,  sufficiently 
cautious  in  choosing  proper  Commissioners  for  executing 
his  trust ;  it  was  this  which  disgusted  the  inhabitants  of 
Boston,  and  there  has  been  nothing  but  riots  ever  since. 
It  is  the  duty  of  the  governing  State  to  correct  errors 
and  wrong  opinions.  (Here  he  read  several  extracts  of 
Mr.  Dickinson's  (of  Vhiladelphia)  book,  entitled,  "  Fai- 
mer's  Letters,"  and  from  Mr.  Otis's  book,  entitled  "  The 
"  Rights  of  the  British  Colonies."]  You  sent  over  troops, 
said  he,  in  1768,  and  in  1770  you  were  obliged  to  recall 
them.  The  People  were  fired  at  by  a  lawless  soldiery, 
and  seven  or  eight  innocent  persons  were  killed.  They 
were  carried  about  the  town  as  victims  of  your  revenge,  to 
incite  the  compassion  of  the  friend&^^d  relations  of  the 


deceased,  and  next  morning  you  were  forced  to  order  the 
troops  out  of  town.    He  condemned  much  the  behaviour  of 
Governor  Hutchinson,  as  an  accomplice  in  the  present 
disturbances,  and  commended  the  beliaviour  of  Governor 
Tryon,  who,  knowing  that  he  could  only  land  the  tea  at 
the  muzzle  of  his  guns,  pnidendy  sent  it  back  to  England. 
All  other  Colonies,  he  said,  had  behaved  with  nearly  the 
same  degree  of  resistance,  and  yet  you  point  all  your 
revenge  at  Boston  alone  ;  but  I  think  you  will  very  soon 
have    the  rest    of  Colonies   on   your   back.     You    have 
blocked  up  the  port  of  Boston ;  1  supported  you  in  that, 
and    I    think    1    have  no  great  guilt  on   that  head,  as  I 
thought  it  was  a  measure  arlopted  to  produce  ^  compromise 
for  the  damage  the  East  India  Company  had  sustained. 
You  propose,  by  this  Bill,  to  make  the  Council  of  Boston 
nearly  similar  to  those  of  the  other  Royal  Governments ; 
have  not  the  others  behaved  in  as  bad  a  manner  as  Bos- 
ton ?    And  it  is  ray  opinion,  tliat  the  office  of  Council, 
being  chosen  by  the  Crown,  will  become  so  odious,  that 
you  will  not  get  a  respectable  man   that  dares  to  accept 
of  it,  unless  you  have  the  military  officers  for  tlie  Council, 
whom  I  think,  in  my  conscience,  will  behave  well.     Let 
me  ask  again,  what  security  the  rest  of  the  Colonies  will 
have,  that  upon  the  least  pretence  of  disobedience,  you 
will  not  take  away  the  Assembly  from  the  next  of  them 
that  is  refractory.     [Here   he    blamed    the    House   very 
much  for  not  receiving  the  petition  of  Mr.  BoUan,  who, 
he  said,  had  corresponded  with  the  new  Council,  and  had 
been  allowed  and  received  at  the  public  offices  as  Agent 
for  the  Colonies.]     Why,  said  he,  will  you   pretend  to 
alter  the  charter  of  that  constitution,  of  which  you  know- 
not  its  present  form  of  Government ;   for,  he  said,  he  had 
observed  that  the   late    Governor   of  Boston  (Governor 
PownaU)  had  been,  during  the  different  stages  in  which 
the  Bill  had  been  debated,  going  from  side  to  side  of  the 
House,  to  give  information  about  the   Government  and 
its  laws,  many  of  which  he  remembered ;  some  few  the 
Governor  had   forgot.     In  France,  Sir,  it  is  a  custom, 
said  he,  to  judge  upon  one-sixth,  seventh,  or  eighth,  of 
a  proof — the  unfortunate   Calas,  of  Thoulouse,  was  con- 
demned upon  eight  hearsays,  which  in  France  amounted 
to  a  proof;  but,  surely,   a  British  House  of  Commons 
will  not  condemn  on  such   evidence ;  and  I  hope  never 
to  see    Thoxdouse  arguments   [here  a  member   observed 
he  meant  too   loose  arguments]  admitted   as  proof  here. 
I  do  not  know  of  any  precedent  for  this  Bill — it  is  impos- 
sible to  put  it  in  execution — and  I  will  tell  the  House 
a  story  that  happened  to  us  when  we  marched  at  Ticon- 
deroga ;    "  The    inhabitants   of  that   town   looked  upon 
"  the  officers  of  the  corps  as  men  of  superior  beings  to 
"  themselves,   and    the    youngest   amongst   them,  I    will 
"  answer  for  it,  was  highly  treated,  and   indulged  by  the 
"  fair  sex  to  the  utmost  of  our  wishes,  even  their  wives 
"  and  daughters  were   at  our  service ;"  and  if  the  same 
degree  of  civility  prevails,  think  you  that  it  is  possible 
the  execution  of  this  Bill  can  ever  be  observed  by  your 
army  ?    I  was  of  the  profession  myself,  and  I  beg  leave 
to  tell  the  House  that  I  am  no  deserter  from  it.     I  w-as 
forced   out  of  it  by  means  which  a  man  of  spirit  could 
not  submit  to.     I  take  this  opportunity  to  say  again,  tliat 
I  am  no    deserter   from   my    profession.     [Here    it   was 
strongly  imagined,  that  the  Colonel  meant  to  give  a  broad 
hint  to  Administration,  that  the  line  of  his  profession  was 
not  disagreeable  to  him.]    I  think  this  Bill  is,   in  every 
shape,  to  be  condemned  ;  for  that  law  which  shocks  Equity 
is  Reason's  murderer;    and  all   the    protection  that  you 
mean  to  give  to  the  military,  whilst  in  the  execution  of 
their  duty,  will  serve  but  to  make  them  odious ;  and  what 
is  so  to  others,  will   soon  become  so  to  themselves.     I 
would  rather  see  General    Gage  invested  with  a  power 
of  pardon,  than   to  have  men  brought  over  here  to  be 
tried ;  and  the  state  of  the  case  upon  the  trial,  I  mean 
in  America,  would,  I  am  sure,  justify  such  pardon.     You 
are,  by  this  Bill,   at  war  with   your  Colonies ;  you  may 
march  your  troops  from  North  to  South,  and  meet  no 
enemy  ;  but  the   People  there  will   soon  turn   out,  Jike 
the  sullen  Hollanders,  a  set  of  sturdy  rebels ;  a  perpetual 
exertion  of  your  authority  will  soon  ruin  you ;  therefore, 
let  me  advise  you  to  desist.     Let  us  but  look  a  little 
into  our  behaviour.     When  we  are    insulted  by  France 
and    Spain,  we   negotiate — when    we    dispute    with   our 


87 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


88 


Colonies,  we  prepare  our  sliips  and  our  troops  to  attack 
them.  It  lias  been  the  lanj-uage  of  a  noble  Lord,  that 
when  America  is  at  our  feet,  we  will  forgive  them,  and 
tax  them ;  but  let  me  recommend  lenient  measures,  and 
to  50  cap  in  hand  to  your  subjects  ;  if  you  do  not,  you 
will  ruin  them.  The  great  Minister  of  this  country  (Lord 
Chatham)  always  went  cap  in  hand  to  all :  his  measures 
were  lenient  and  palliative ;  but  we  have  now  adopted 
another  system.  In  one  House  of  Parliament  '•  we  have 
pa.ssed  the  Rubicon,^''  in  tlie  other  "  ileknda  est  Carthago." 
[He  gave  a  history  here  of  tlie  dilferont  state  of  finance 
in  which  France  was :  that  it  was  superior  in  every  degree 
to  this  country  ;  that  tlieir  establishments  were  lower  in 
point  of  expense ;  and  that  France  was  more  ready  and 
fit  to  go  to  war  than  we  were  ;  and  tliat  during  these 
troubles  with  oar  Colonies,  France  would  not  lie  quiel;] — 
But  I  see  nothing,  said  he,  in  the  present  measures  but 
inhumanity,  injustice,  and  wickedness ;  and  I  fear  that 
the  hand  of  Heaven  will  fall  down  on  this  country  with 
the  same  degree  of  vengeance. 

Mr.  6'.  For.  I  rise.  Sir,  with  an  utter  detestation  and 
abhorrence  of  the  present  measures.  It  is  asserted  by 
many  gentlemen,  that  tliese  measures  are  adopted  to  keep 
up  the  regard  of  tiie  People,  b\it  I  can  by  no  means 
acquiesce  in  that ;  a\\  these  Bills  have  no  (|ualilies  relative 
to  those  lenient  measures.  As  to  the  second  Bill,  it  has 
a  most  wanton  and  wicked  purpose ;  we  are  either  to 
treat  the  Americans  as  subjects  or  as  rebels.  If  we  treat 
them  as  subjects,  the  Bill  goes  too  far;  if  as  rebels,  it 
does  not  go  far  enough.  They  have  never  yet  submitted, 
and  I  trust  they  never  will.  We  have  refused  to  hear 
the  parties  in  their  defence,  and  we  are  going  to  destroy 
their  charter  without  knowing  the  constitution  of  their 
Government.  I  am  utterly  against  such  measures  as  these, 
which  can  tend  to  nothing  but  to  raise  disturbance  and 
rebellion. 

The  Marquis  of  Carmarthen.  I  do  not  mean  to  trespass 
long  at  tills  hour  of  tlie  night ;  but  there  is  not  a  person  in 
the  world  a  stranger  to  the  practices  carried  on  in  America, 
with  a  direct  intention  to  throw  off  their  dependance  on 
this  country.  The  opposition  which  they  fomented,  was 
not  made  on  acconnt  of  the  tax,  but  a  systematic  measure 
of  opposition  to  every  part  of  the  law  of  this  country. 
It  might  have  been  tliought  by  sober-minded  People,  that 
the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  would  have  brought  them 
back  to  a  sense  of  their  duty :  but,  alas !  Sir,  it  had  a 
contrary  effect.  [He  read  an  extract  of  a  letter  from 
Governor  Bernard,  setting  forth,  that  "  upon  coercive 
"  measures  being  adopted  in  this  country,  the  Americans 
"  seemed  to  give  an  acquiescence  ;  but  whenever  lenient 
"  ones  were  the  system  of  Administration,  they  have 
"  always  been  turbulent  and  riotous."]  It  has  been  ob- 
served, Sir,  by  an  honorable  gentleman  (Colonel  Barri) 
that  a  great  Minister  (Lord  Chatham)  ])roceeded  u[)on 
cap-in-hand  measures.  I  do  not  agree  with  him  on  tiiat 
point,  as  I  never  heard  that  Minister  celebrated  for  that 
part  of  his  character.  I  always  understood  that  his  mea- 
sures were  deemed  spirited  and  vigorous,  and  that  he  was 
the  farthest  man  in  the  world  from  making  use  of  cap-in- 
hand  measures  ;  his  character  was  of  a  far  different  nature. 
But  I  refer  the  House  to  all  the  panegyrics  that  have 
been  passed  on  that  noble  Lord,  for  confirming  what  I 
say.  But,  Sir,  the  time  may  soon  come,  when  that  noble 
liord  will  have  an  opportunity,  in  the  other  House  of 
Parliament,  to  adopt  and  make  use  of  those  cap-in-hand 
measures  which  the  honorable  gentleman  has  just  now 
attributed  to  him,  as  a  part  of  his  character ;  but  1  strongly 
believe  his  synem  will  be  of  a  different  kind. 

Mr.  St.  John.  I  rise.  Sir,  to  take  up  a  few  minutes  of 
the  House's  time,  and  to  make  a  few  observations  upon 
what  has  been  said.  It  has  been  stated  that  this  Bill  is 
taking  away  all  the  rights  of  the  Americans  in  one  day, 
and  that  it  is  a  total  destruction  of  their  charter.  What  is 
this.  Sir,  but  a  gross  misrepresentation  of  Parliamentary 
proceedings  ?  I  hold  it,  Sir,  imprudent  to  meddle  with 
chartered  rights,  but  in  cases  where  the  rights  of  that 
charter  are  exercised  to  the  detriment  and  injury  of  the 
People.  Sir,  Parliament  has  saved  America  from  the 
jaws  of  tyranny,  by  amending  their  constitution  ;  and  to 
say  that  we  have  no  right  to  alter  their  Government  for 
such  purpose,  appears  to  me  the  highest  absurditv;  we 


are  perpetually  altering  and  ameliorating  our  own  constitu- 
tion, upon  emergencies  ;  is  there  then  no  emergency  at 
this  present  instant,  when  your  officers  are  obliged  to  take 
shelter  in  your  castle ;  when  the  magistrates  refuse  to 
execute  their  authority  to  keep  the  ])eace ;  when  your 
ships  are  plundered,  and  your  trade  obstructed  ;  and 
whenever  a  ])erson  endeavours  to  reform  the  constitution 
of  that  country,  he  incui-s  nought  but  pains  and  penalties  ? 
Is  it  no  defect,  that  the  inhabitants,  when  they  meet  to 
choose  their  officers  of  the  town,  that  they  determine  u]ion 
points  that  go  to  the  very  vitals  of  the  constitution  ?  Not 
to  correct  these  deficiencies  in  their  constitution,  hut  to 
give  up  the  points  which  they  contend  for,  would  be  a 
base  surrender  of  the  rights  of  posterity.  It  has  been 
said,  this  law  is  partial,  but  that  that  partiality  is  applica- 
ble only  to  the  People  of  Boston,  who  have  been  the 
ringleaders  of  the  whole  disturbances  ;  that  it  is  slow,  I 
agree,  because  measures  of  this  sort,  when  adopted  on  the 
line  of  security,  proceed  with  an  aUentive  step.  But  I 
cannot  agree  that  the  measure  is  hostile ;  if  it  is,  it  is 
hostility  adopted  for  the  prevention  of  bloodshed.  Have 
we  not  been  provoked  to  this  from  the  manifold  injuries 
Avhicli  this  country  has  received  ?  It  is  not,  Sir,  the 
strength  of  America  that  we  dread  ;  tliey  have  neither 
men,  amiy,  nor  navy.  What  then  have  we  to  fear — do 
we  dread  the  loss  of  our  trade  ?  No,  Sir,  the  avarice  of 
the  Americans  will  prevent  that.  They  threaten  us  with 
not  paying  their  debts;  but  I  am  afraid,  if  we  give  way 
to  them,  they  \vill  not  allow  tliat  they  owe  us  an)- : 
however.  Sir,  let  us  not  proceed  weakly  nor  violently,  but 
with  resolution  and  firmness.  I  approve  of  the  system 
that  is  adopted  ;  and  with  regard  to  a  fair  and  impartial 
trial  in  that  country,  1  think  it  not  only  improbable  but 
impossible  ;  I  therefore  wish  well  to  the  present  Bill. 

Mr.  Bi/ng.  I  am  sorry.  Sir,  to  find  that  we  are  not 
now  proceeding  in  our  judicial  capacity,  but  in  our  legis- 
lative one ;  I  could  wish  that  we  instilled  into  the  measure 
more  judgment,  and  less  of  our  jiower.  It  is  said  this 
measure  is  adopted  to  prevent  bloodshed  ;  is  it  then  that 
you  send  armies  there  for  that  purpose  ?  It  has  been  said, 
that  Parliament  has  bowed  its  head  to  every  Minister  as 
often  as  measures  have  been  adopted.  It  bowed  when 
the  Stamp  Act  was  made!  It  bowed  when  it  was  re- 
pealed I  I  wish,  however,  in  this  present  instance,  it 
would  for  once  not  be  quite  so  civil.  It  has  been  said, 
tiiat  these  Bills  are  for  amending  the  constitution.  Will 
gentlemen  call  that  amendment  a  good  one,  which  directs, 
that  the  Judges'  places  shall  be  at  the  disposed  of  the 
Crown  ?  Surely  not.  It  has  been  said,  Sir,  that  there  has 
been  treason  and  traitors,  but  that  the  traitors  are  not  known. 
There  can  be  no  treason  without  traitors,  therefore  en- 
deavour to  find  out  the  traitors  first,  that  they  may  be 
punished,  to  save  the  destmction  cf  an  innocent  People. 
It  has  been  urged,  that  this  Bill  is  only  for  a  slioit  time  ; 
but  the  same  argument  that  operates  for  its  continuance 
for  an  hour,  will  operate  equally  for  its  perpetuity. 

Mr.  Rigby.  1  ri^e.  Sir,  only  just  to  contradict  an 
opinion  which  has  been  imbibed,  that,  in  the  debate  the 
other  day,  I  wislied  to  tax  Ireland.  I  only  used  it  as  an 
argument  in  my  speech  to  tax  America,  but  never  expres- 
sed a  hint  that  it  was  proper  to  tax  it.  It  has  also  been 
observed,  that  1  treated  requisition  in  a  ridiculous  light ;  1 
did  so ;  and  I  think  any  requisition  to  the  Americans  for 
their  quota  of  their  taxes,  would  be  both  ridiculous  and 
ineffectual.  But  the  honorable  gentleman's  (Mr.  Barri) 
ideas  of  requisition,  go  no  further  than  furnishing  provision 
for  a  regiment.  Tiie  honorable  gentleman  has  taken  three 
or  four  days  to  consider  of  my  speech,  in  order  to  give  it 
an  answer.  I  say  stand  and  deliver,  to  the  Americans, 
just  as  much  as  I  say  to  my  constituents,  when  I  give  my  _ 

vote  to  passing  the  Land  Tax  Bill  ;  but  the  honorable  gen-  9 
tieman  was  very  desirous  to  have  a  fling  at  me.  I  desire, 
Sir,  to  support  the  present  Ministry,  because  I  regard 
them  ;  because  I  have  respect  for  their  abilities  and  resolu- 
tion. That  great  Minister,  Sir,  who  has  been  so  much 
famed  for  cap-in-hand  measures,  did  make  his  country  too 
big  for  any  one,  even  himself,  to  govern.  There  is  not 
a  symptom  that  any  of  the  People  out  of  doors  are 
displeased  with  our  measures  ;  but  I  am  told  quite  the 
contrary.  America,  at  this  instant,  is  in  a  state  of  down- 
right anarchy  ;  let  us  give  it  a  Government.     I  always,  Sir, 


99 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


90 


speak,  when  I  like,  and  hold  my  tongue  when  I  think  pro- 
per ;  and  whatever  weight  and  force  1  may  have  been  re- 
presented to  have,  connected  with  my  friends,  1  would  give 
it  in  support  of  the  noble  Lord ;  I  would  vote,  Sir,  for 
these  measures,  were  I  upon  my  oatli,  \vhich  seems  now  to 
be  the  fashionable  Parliamentary  test  [alluding  to  those  ob- 
jections he  always  made  to  the  oath  of  the  Connnittee 
appointed  to  try  controverted  elections ;]  and  w  hether  1 
am  upon  my  honour,  or  my  oath,  i  will  give  a  hearty 
concurrence  to  these  measures. 

General  Conway.  I  would  not  take  up  the  time  of  the 
House  at  tiiis  late  "hour  of  the  night,  but  for  a  very  short 
time.  I  never  did  maintain  that  Great  Britain  had  no 
riffht  to  tax  America ;  I  said  taxation  and  legislation  had 
no  connection ;  I  allowed  tJiat  we  had  an  abstract  right 
to  tax  Ireland,  and  also  America,  in  die  Declaratory  Act  ; 
but  1  do  not  know  the  time  when  it  w  ill  be  proper  and 
right  so  to  tax.  This  measure  will  throw-  us  into  great 
dirticulties,  which  1  do  not  know  when  we  shall  get  out 
of  The  tax  upon  tea  does  nothing  for  our  revenue,  it  is 
no  object ;  as  long  as  you  continue  the  doctrine  of  taxing 
America,  you  will  never  be  at  rest.  Where  is  this  olive 
branch  I  have  heard  so  nmch  talk  about  ?  It  is  not  to  be 
found  in  these  measures.  I  do  not  wish  to  see  tiie  military 
protected  from  the  laws  of  their  country  ;  if  they  commit 
an  offence,  why  not  leave  them  open  in  the  same  manner 
as  others  are  ?  I  have  said,  "  that  we  are  the  aggi-essors," 
and  I  say  so  still ;  after  so  many  innovations  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  and  other  taxes,  1  am  for  cap-in-hand  measures — 
for  lenity  and  tenderness  to  the  Americans.  There  is 
an  universal  right  in  persons  to  be  heard  at  this  Bar  in 
judicial  cases,  when  they  apply  for  it ;  but  I  rise,  Sir, 
only  to  lament  what  1  cannot  prevent ;  and  that  this 
spirit  may  be  rightly  directed,  1  do  hope  that  the  Ameri- 
cans will  wait  till  better  times  ;  for  I  tliink  it  is  better 
to  have  peace  with  America,  and  war  with  all  the  world, 
than  be  at  war  with  America ;  because,  if  they  are 
at  peace  with  us,  they  will  contribute  to  support  us  in  time 
of  war. 

Lord  G.  Germaine.  I  hope  I  shall  be  excused,  Sir, 
for  trespassing  a  few  minutes  on  the  House.  I  should 
be  sorry  to  be  a  supporter  of  those  measures,  which  are 
termed  wicked  and  tyrannical ;  but  as  I  cannot  think  that 
this  Bill  has  any  such  designs,  1  shall  readily  adopt  it. 
Tlie  trial  of  the  military  has  been  much  objected  to. 
What  is  it,  Sir,  but  a  protection  of  innocence  ?  Will  you 
not  wish  for  that,  Sir?  America,  at  this  instant,  is  no- 
thing but  anarchy  and  confusion.  Have  they  any  one 
measure  but  what  depends  upon  the  will  of  a  lawless 
nmltitude?  Where  are  the  Courts  of  Justice  ?  Shut  up. 
Where  are  your  Judges?  One  of  them  taking  refuge  in 
your  Court.  WHere  are  your  Council  ?  Where  is  your 
Governor  ?  All  of  them  intimidated  by  a  lawless  rabble. 
Can  these  men  expect  a  fair  trial  ?  No,  Sir,  at  present  they 
liave  no  existence  as  any  part  of  the  executive  power. 
It  is  objected,  that  the  Judges  receive  their  salaries  from 
the  Crown,  and  not  from  the  People.  It  is  to  me  a  matter 
of  surprise,  that  any  gentleman  could  think  seriously  a  mo- 
ment, tiiat  this  Government  wanted  no  amendment.  It 
has  been  said,  give  up  the  Tea  Tax  :  Can  you  give  up  the 
Tea  Tax,  without  the  constitution  ?  Support  your  suprema- 
cy, whatever  you  do ;  legislation  cannot  but  be  part  of  it. 
It  has  been  observed,  that  we  negotiated  about  Falkland's 
Island;  I  wish.  Sir,  we  could  negodate  with  the  Aine- 
rirans  upon  the  same  terms.  If  they  would  do  as  the 
Spaniards  did,  that  is,  disown  the  fact,  and  give  up  the 
point  in  question,  we  might  then  negotiate.  The  Ame- 
ricans, it  is  true,  have  made  this  claim  several  years,  of 
exemption  from  taxation,  but  they  have  never  yet  carried 
it.  Great  Britain,  is  desired  to  be  at  peace  with  her 
Colonies,  by  an  accjuiescence  in  their  claim  ;  but  do  you 
call  such  a  submission  to  be  a  peace  ?  1  really  think  the 
(ii-st  Bill,  for  blocking  up  the  port,  is  the  only  Bill  of  pains 
and  penalties,  when  you  deprive  that  port  of  its  trade ; 
and  this  was  tlie  Bill  to  which  the  honorable  gentleman 
(Colonel  Barre)  gave  his  hearty  concurrence.  The  Bill 
before  you  is  not  such  a  Bill :  there  are  no  pains  nor 
penalties  ;  their  Government  will  be  restored,  and  private 
property  protected.  It  has  been  said,  go  to  the  King's 
Bench  with  this  complaint,  as  in  former  times;  but  let  me 
ask  gentlemen,  whether  thev  can  ameliorate  or  alter  their 


charter  ?  No,  Sir,  they  can  do  nothing  but  say  ginlty  or 
not  guilty,  by  forfeiting  their  charter.  It  is  incumbent  on 
every  man  to  give  his  opinion  from  his  own  breast  upon 
this  great  occasion ;  but  Sir,  I  cannot  help  once  more 
condemning  that  mob  of  People,  which,  under  the  profes- 
sion of  libeity,  carries  dark  designs  in  its  execution  ;  but 
my  utmost  wish  is,  that  these  measures,  in  tlieir  conse- 
quences, may  turn  out  well,  and  contrary  to  what  has 
been  apprehended. 

Mr.  C.  Fox.  I  take  this  to  be  the  question — whether 
America  is  to  be  gov(;nied  by  force,  or  management? 
I  never  could  conceive  that  the  Americans  could  be 
taxed  without  their  consent.  Just  as  the  House  of  Com- 
mons stands  to  the  House  of  I^ords,  with  regard  to  taxa- 
tion and  legislation,  so  stands  America  with  Great  Britain. 
There  is  not  an  American,  but  who  must  reject  and  resist 
the  principle  and  right  of  our  taxing  them.  The  question 
then  is  shortly  this :  Whether  we  ought  to  govern  America 
on  these  principles?  Can  this  country  gain  strength  by 
keeping  uj)  such  a  dispute  as  this  ?  Tell  me  when  Ame- 
rica is  to  be  taxed,  so  as  to  relieve  the  burthens  of  this 
country.  I  look  upon  this  measure  to  be  in  effect  taking 
away  their  charter ;  if  their  charier  is  to  be  taken  away, 
for  God's  sake  let  it  be  taken  away  by  law,  and  not  by 
a  legislative  coercion :  but  I  cannot  conceive  that  any  law 
whatever,  while  their  charter  continues,  will  make  them 
think  that  you  have  a  right  to  tax  them.  If  a  system  of 
force  is  to  be  established,  there  is  no  provision  for  that  in 
this  Bill ;  it  does  not  go  far  enough ;  if  it  is  to  induce  them 
by  fair  means,  it  goes  too  far.  The  only  method  by 
which  the  Americans  will  ever  think  they  are  attached 
to  this  country,  will  be  by  laying  aside  the  right  of  taxing. 
I  consider  this  Bill  as  a  bill  of  pains  and  penalties,  for  it 
begins  with  a  crime,  and  ends  with  a  punishment ;  but  I 
wish  gentlemen  would  consider,  whether  it  is  more  proper 
to  govern  by  military  force,  or  by  management. 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Tliurlow.  The  form  of  the 
present  law  was  adopted  to  give  magistracy  that  degree  of 
authority  which  it  ought  to  be  vested  with  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  laws  ;  but  this  Bill  carries  with  it  no  degree  of 
severity,  unless  the  pleasure  of  disobeying  is  greater  than 
that  of  the  punishment.  To  say  that  we  have  a  right  to 
tax  America,  and  never  to  exercise  that  right,  is  redicu- 
lous,  and  a  man  must  abuse  his  own  understanding  very 
much  not  to  allow  of  that  right.  To  procure  the  tax 
by  requisition  is  a  most  ridiculous  absurdity,  while  the 
sovereignty  remains  in  this  country ;  and  the  right  of 
taxing  was  nevei'  in  the  least  given  up  to  the  Americans. 
Their  charter  is  mere  matter  of  legislative  power ;  and 
whoever  looks  into  that  charter,  will  see  that  no  power 
whatever  was  meant  to  be  given  them  so  as  to  controwl 
the  right  of  taxation  from  Great  Britain. 

Mr.  E.  Burke.  I  have  little  to  say.  Sir,  with  hopes  to 
convince  the  House,  but  what  I  have  to  offer,  1  shall 
do  with  freedom.  It  has  been  asserted,  that  the  nation 
is  not  alarmed,  that  no  petitions  of  discontent  are  received. 
How  can  persons  complain,  when  sufficient  time  is  not 
given  them  to  know  what  you  are  about  ?  We  have  now 
seen  the  whole  of  this  great  work  ;  1  wish  all  was  good 
that  it  contained.  I  am  afraid  a  long  series  of  labours  and 
troubles  will  succeed.  The  question  that  is  before  you 
is  a  great  one ;  it  is  no  less  than  the  proscription  of 
provinces,  and  cities,  and  nations,  upon  their  trial ;  except 
that  when  the  saints  of  God  are  to  judge  the  world  I  do 
not  know  one  of  greater  importance.  I  will  endeavour 
to  comply  with  the  temper  of  the  House,  and  be  short 
in  what  1  have  to  offer.  [The  HoUse  being  noisy,  several 
members  going  out,  soon  after  which  he  got  up  and  said,] 
I  find.  Sir,  I  have  got  my  voice,  and  I  shall  beat  down 
the  noise  of  the  House.  Why  did  I  compromise  ?  [Here 
he  produced  the  letters  from  Ijord  Hillsborough  to  the 
Americans,  which  declared,  that  his  Majesty,  or  his  Mini.«;- 
ters,  had  not  any  intention  of  laying  any  further  taxes  on 
Amenca.]  He  dwelt  some  considerable  time  on  the 
words  which  the  letter  contained,  as  a  sort  of  declaration 
to  the  Americans  that  they  should  not  be  taxed.  If  you 
govern  America  at  all.  Sir,  it  must  be  by  an  army ;  but 
the  Bill  before  us,  cairies  with  it  the  force  of  that  army  ; 
and  1  am  of  opinion,  they  never  will  consent  without  force 
being  used.  1  have  to  protest  against  this  Bill,  because 
you  refuse  to  bear  tlie  parties  aggrieved.     Consider  what 


»r 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


92 


von  are  doing,  when  you  are  taking  tlic  trial  over  the 
Atlantic  seas,  three  thousand  miles  to  Great  Britain ;  wit- 
nesses may  be  subpoened,  and  called  upon  by  tlie  prisoner, 
as  many  as  lie  ])leases.  Let  me,  for  Clod's  sake,  wish  that 
gentlemen  would  think  a  little  more  that  a  fair  trial  may 
be  had  in  America ;  and  tiiat  while  the  King  appoints  the 
Judge,  there  is  a  degree  of  fairness  that  People  should  the 
Jury.  Repeal,  Sir,  the  Act  which  gave  rise  to  this 
liisturbance  ;  this  will  be  the  remedy  to  bring  peace  and 
quietness,  and  restore  authority ;  but  a  crcat  bluck  book, 
and  a  great  many  red  coats,  will  never  he  able  to  govern 
it.  It  is  tnie,  the  Americans  cannot  resist  llic  force  of 
this  country,  but  it  will  cause  wranglings,  scuffling,  and 
discontent.  Such  remedies  as  the  foregoing,  will  make 
such  disturbances  as  are  not  to  be  quieted. 

Lord  iWorth  arose  to  answer  Mr.  Burke.  He  desired 
leave  to  look  at  Ixird  Hillshormgh's  letter,  as  he  had 
not  a  copy  of  it ;  and  explained  tlie  passages  in  that 
letter  very' different  from  what  Mr.  Burke  had:  he  read 
the  words,  "  That  neither  the  King,  or  any  of  his  Minis- 
ters, wished  to  tax  America."  His  Ixjrdship  observed, 
Tiiat  this  was  not  an  expression  that  carried  with  it  a 
denial  of  the  right,  but  only  a  wish  that  no  further  taxes 
"  should  be  laid  on."  A  man,  says  he,  is  not  factious, 
that  says  America  may  be  taxed ;  tlie  letter  contains  an 
opinion,  that  no  further  taxes,  at  that  time,  ought  to 
be  laid.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  a  charge  thrown  out,  that 
these  proceedings  are  to  deprive  persons  of  their  natural 
right.  Let  me  ask  of  what  natural  right,  whether  that 
of  smugslins,  or  of  throwing  tea  overboard  ?  Or  of  another 
natural  right,  wliich  is  not  paying  their  debts  ?  But  surely 
this  Bill  does  not  destroy  any  of  their  civil  rigiits  ?  You 
have  given  them  a  Civil  Magistrate  and  a  Council,  which 
they  had  not  before ;  you  have  given  the  innocent  man 
a  fair  trial  in  some  Colony  or  other ;  and  if  he  cannot 
get  a  fair  trial  in  that  country,  the  whole  being  in  a 
distempered  state  of  disturbance  and  opposition  to  the 
laws  of  the  mother  country,  then,  in  that  case,  and  in 
that  only,  he  must  be  sent  to  Great  Britain.  All  that 
these  Acts  profess  to  do,  is  to  restore  some  order  to  the 
Province.  None  thai  admit  the  least  degree  of  sovereignty, 
can  possibly  deny  the  provision  of  this  Bill ;  it  is  not 
a  military  Government  that  is  established,  but  the  altera- 
tion of  a  civil  one.  1  am  sure  that  this  is  adopted  as  the 
best  method  at  present ;  I  do  not  say  it  wjU  succeed,  but 
I  hope  for  the  good  consequences  of  it ;  and  if  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  is  to  be  governed  by  management, 
this  is  the  only  remedy.  By  what  means  is  authority 
to  be  maintained,  but  by  establishing  that  authority  from 
Parliament  ?  1  do  not  know,  Sir,  what  is  the  proper  time 
to  lay  a  fresh  tax  on  America ;  but  this  I  know,  that  this 
is  net  the  proper  time  to  repeal  one.  We  are  now  to 
establish  our  authority,  or  give  it  up  entirely  ;  when  they 
are  quiet,  and  return  to  their  duty,  we  shall  be  kind, 
whether  by  repealing  this  tax,  or  what  not,  I  cannot 
tell;  but  this  1  will  answer,  that  when  they  are  quiet, 
and  have  a  respect  for  their  mother  country,  their  mother 
country  will  be  good-natured  to  them. 

Sir  George  Savile.  I  shall  say  not  a  word  of  preface 
at  this  late  hour ;  I  do  not  hold  it  improper  to  take  this 
into  consideration  in  a  legislative  ca])acity,  in  ])reference 
to  a  judicial  one ;  but  I  hold  this  to  be  i  principle  of 
justice,  that  a  charter  which  conveys  a  sacred  right,  ought 
not  to  be  taken  away  without  hearing  the  parties,  either 
in  a  judicial  or  legislative  way,  which  has  not  been  done, 
but  from  their  own  declaration  in  the  papers  on  the 
table,  and  which  I,  in  my  mind,  do  not  think  sufficient 
evidence. 

Then  the  House  divided: 
Yeas,  239  ;  Yays,  64. 

So  it  was  resolved  in  tlie  Affirmative: 

And   the  Bill  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

And  after  several  amendments  were  made,  the  Bill  was 
Piissed. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Cooper  do  carry  the  Bill  to  the 
Lords,  and  desire  their  concurrence. 

Thursday,  May  12,  lTt4. 

The  Bill  was  returned  from  the  House  of  Lords,  with 
several  amendments. 


Friday,  May  13,  1774. 

Tlie  House  proceeded  to  take  into  consideration  the 
amendments  made  by  the  House  of  Lords,  which  were 
severally  agreed  to. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 
Tuesday,  May  3,   1774. 

A  message  was  brought  up  from  the  House  of  Commons, 
by  Mr.  Cooper  and  others  : 

With  a  Bill,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regula- 
"  ting  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachu- 
"  setts  Bay,  in  Acmj  England,"  to  whicii  they  desire  the 
concurrence  of  this  House. 

The  said  Bill  was  read  the  first  time. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time  on 
Fnday  next;  and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Ordered,  That  tlie  said  Bill  be  printed. 

Friday,  May  6,  1774. 

Tlie  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  a  second  time,  and  connnitted  to  a  Committee 
of  the  whole  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  House  be  put  into  a  Committee 
upon  the  said  Bill,  on  Monday  next,  and  that  the  I^ords  be 
summoned. 

Monday,  May  9,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  House  was  accord- 
ingly adjourned  during  pleasure,  and  put  into  a  Committee 
upon  the  Bilk 

After  some  time,  the  House  was  resumed. 

And  the  Ix)rd  Boston  reported  from  tlie  Committee, 
that  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made  several 
amendments  thereto. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Report  be  received  to-morrow. 

Tuesday,  May  10,  1774. 

The  Lord  Boston  reported  the  amendments  made  by 
the  Committee  of  the  whole  to  the  Bill ; 

And  the  amendments  were  severally  agreed  to  by  the 
House. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  be 
read  a  third  time  to-morrow,  and  that  the  Lords  be  sum- 
moned. 

Wednesday,  May  11,  1774. 

Upon  reading  the  Petition  of  several  pei"sons,  Natives  of 
America,  whose  names  are  thereimto  subscribed,  taking 
notice  of  two  Bills  depending  in  this  House,  the  first,  inti- 
tuled, "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regulating  the  Government 
"  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New 
"England;"  and  the  other.  Intituled,  "An  Act  for  tlie 
"  Impartial  Administration  of  Justice  in  cases  of  persons 
"  questioned  for  any  acts  done  by  them  in  the  execution  of 
"  tiie  law  ;  or  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults  in  the 
"  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England ;" 
and  ])rayin^,  "  that  the  said  Bills  may  not  pass  into  a 
law," 

It  is  Ordered,  that  tlie  said  Petition  do  lie  on  the  table. 

Upon  readini;  the  Petition  of  William  Bollan,  Esquire, 
Agent  for  the  Council  of  his  Majesty's  Province  of  iV/a«««- 
chusctts  Buy,  in  New  England,  taking  notice  of  a  Bill  de- 
pending ill  tliis  House,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better 
"  Regulating  the  Government  of  the  Piovince  of  the  Mas- 
"  sachusctts  Bay,  in  New  England ;"  and  praying,  "  this 
"  right  honorable  House  will  be  pleased  to  suspend  all 
"  other  proceedings  therein,  until  he  can  give  the  Council 
'*  notice  thereof,  and  they  can  prepare  their  defence,  and 
"  give  proper  corjiorate  authority  for  the  regular  defence  of 
"  their  corporate  rights  and  privileges;  and  that  he  may  be 
"  heard  by  their  Lordships  in  support  of  this  Petition  ;" 

It  is  Ordered,  that  the  said  Petition  do  lie  on  the  table. 

Moved,  "  That  Mr.  Bollan  be  called  in,  and  heard  at 
the  Bar?" 

Which  being  objected  to ; 


»s 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


94 


I 


After  debate, 

The  question  was  put  tiiereupon  ? 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Negative. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  the  third  reading  of 
the  Bill,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better  Regulating  the 
"  GoverniiieiU  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
"  in  New  Enirland"  and  for  the  Lords  to  be  summoned, 

The  said  Bill  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 

Moved,  "  That  the  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  do  Pass  ?" 

Which  being  objected  to; 

After  long  debate,* 

The  question  was  put,  "  whether  this  Bill,  with  the 
amendments,  shall  Pass  ?" 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 

Dissentient. 

Because  this  Bill,  forming  a  principal  part  in  a  system  of 
))unisliment  and  regulation,  has  been  carried  through  the 
House  without  a  due  regard  to  those  indispensable  rules  of 
public  proceeding,  without  the  observance  of  which,  no  regu- 
lation can  be  prudently  made,  and  no  punishment  justly  in- 
flicted. Before  it  can  be  pretended,  that  those  rights  of  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  election  of  Counsellors 
Magistrates,  and  Judges,  and  in  the  return  of  Jurors,  which 
they  derive  from  their  charter,  could,  with  propriety,  be  taken 
away,  the  definite  legal  offence,  by  which  a  forfeiture  of 
that  charter  is  incurred,  ought  to  have  been  clearly  stated, 
and  fully  proved ;  notice  of  this  adverse  proceeding  ought 
to  have  been  given  to  the  parties  affected ;  and  they  ought 
to  have  been  heard  in  their  own  defence.  Such  a  princi- 
])le  of  proceeding  would  have  been  inviolably  observed  in 
the  courts  below.  It  is  not  technical  formality,  but  sub- 
stantial justice.  When  therefore,  the  magnitude  of  such  a 
cause  transfers  it  from  the  cognizance  of  the  inferior  courts, 
to  the  high  judicature  of  Parlianrent,  the  Lords  are  so  far 
from  authorized  to  reject  this  equitable  principle,  that  we 
are  bound  to  an  extraordinary  and  religious  strictness  in  the 
observance  of  it.  Tlie  subject  ought  to  be  indemnified  by 
a  more  liberal  and  beneficial  justice  in  Parliament,  for  what 
he  must  inevitably  suffer,  by  being  deprived  of  many  of  the 
forms  which  are  wisely  established  in  the  courts  of  ordinary 
resort,  for  his  protection  against  the  dangerous  promptitude 
of  arbitrary  discretion. 

'idly.  Because  the  necessity  alleged  for  this  precipitate 
mode  of  judicial  proceeding  cannot  exist.  If  the  numerous 
land  and  marine  foi-ces,  which  are  ordered  to  assemble  in 

*  Tho  Bill  pissed  (the  Commons)  by  a  prodigious  majority,  after  a 
debate  wliich  lasted  with  uncommon  spirit  for  many  hours.  Equally 
warm  debates  attended  tlie  Bill  in  the  House  of  Lords.  The  objec- 
tions were  nearly  the  same  witli  those  made  in  the  House  ol"  Com. 
mons,  with  p-^rlicular  reflections  upon  the  greater  rapidity  witii  whicli 
it  was  hurried  through  the  House  of  Lords :  and  the  peculiar  impro- 
priety in  a  court  of  justice,  of  condemning  the  Colony,  and  taking 
away  its  charter,  witliout  any  form  of  process.  The  Lords  in  oppo. 
sition,  cried  out  against  a  Bill  altering  the  constitution  of  a  Colony 
without  h  iving  so  much  as  the  charter  contiining  the  constitution  so 
altered,  Ijid  b-  fore  them.  Tliat  the  Bill  had  also  altered  the  courts 
and  tlie  mode  of  judicial  proceedings  in  the  Colony,  without  an  offer 
of  tlie  slightest  evidence  to  prova  any  one  of  tlie  inconvonieuces, 
which  wore  stated  in  gemral  terms  in  the  preamble,  as  arising  from 
the  pres^:nt  mode  of  trial  in  tile  Province. 

Tlic  absolute  necessity  of  a  powerful  and  speedy  remedy  for  the  cure 
of  a  Gov  'rnmcnt,  wiiich  was  nothing  but  disorder,  was,  in  substance, 
tlie  principal  reason  alk^ged  for  tho  omission  of  inquiry  and  evidence, 
and  the  supersrjding  tho  ordinary  rules  of  judicial  proc  'eding.  Besides, 
the  Ministeri  il  Lords  denied,  that  tlio  process  was  of  a  penal  nature ; 
they  insisted  that  it  w;is  beneficial  and  remedial,  and  a  great  improve- 
ment of  their  constitution,  as  it  brought  it  nearer  to  the  English 
model.  This  again  was  denied  by  the  Lords  of  the  minority,  wiio 
said  tliat  the  taking  a^vay  of  francliisos  granted  by  charters,  had  cvjr 
been  considered  as  penal,  and  all  proceedings  for  tliat  purpose  con- 
ducted criininjlly.  Otherwise,  it  was  said,  nothing  could  be  safe  in 
any  man's  hands,  tho  taking  away  of  which  another  man  might  con- 
sider as  bon^ficiil.  Tliat  a  Council  holding  their  places  at  the 
pl-:a8urc  of  tho  Crown,  did  not  rosomhio  the  House  of  Lords  ;  nor 
approach  in  any  thing  to  tlie  perfection  of  the  Briiisit  constitution. 

The  debate  on  tho  third  reading  was  long,  but  tlie  division  only 
twenty  to  ninety.two. — Ann.  Regis. 

This  Bill  occasionod  several  long  and  warm  debates.  But  the 
Lords  still  keeping  their  Mouse  shut,  and  not  even  admitting  tho 
memb  rs  of  tho  House  of  Commons,  unloss  lo  deliver  Bills,  and  then 
to  depart  iminedi  itely,  it  is  not  known  that  any  account  of  these 
debates  has  been  preserved  any  where. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  next  Session,  (which  was  tho  first  Session 
of  the  fourteenth  Parii  imont,)  tho  Duke  of  Manche.iter  recommended  to 
the  House  a  relaxation  of  tho  standing  order,  excluding  all  strangers 
from  admission  below  the  bar  of  the  House;  and  also  recommended 
the  admission  of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Commons,  as  formerly. 
Both  rocoinmendations  were  agreed  to ;  and  from  that  time  the  debates 
of  the  Lords  have  been  preserved. — Pari.  Deb. 


Massachusetts  Bay,  are  not  sufficient  to  keep  that  single 
Colony  in  any  tolerable  state  of  order,  until  the  cause  of  its 
charter  can  be  fairly  and  equally  tried,  no  regulation  in 
this  Bill,  or  in  any  of  those  hitherto  brought  into  the  House, 
are  sufficient  for  that  purpose ;  and  we  conceive  that  the 
mere  celerity  of  a  decision  against  the  charter  of  that  Pro- 
vinc-3,  will  not  reconcile  the  minds  of  the  People  to  that 
mode  of  Government,  which  is  to  be  established  upon  its 
ruins. 

3dly.  Because  Lords  are  not  in  a  situation  to  determine 
how  far  the  regulations,  of  which  this  Bill  is  composed, 
agree  or  disagree  with  those  parts  of  the  constitution  of  the 
Colony  that  are  not  altered,  with  the  circumstances  of  the 
People,  and  with  tiie  whole  detail  of  their  municipal  insti- 
tutions. Neither  the  charter  of  the  Colony,  nor  any  ac- 
count whatsoever  of  its  courts  and  judicial  proceedings, 
their  mode  or  exercise  of  their  present  powers,  have  been 
produced  to  the  House.  The  sliglitest  evidence  concern- 
ing any  one  of  tlie  many  inconveniences  stated  in  the 
preamble  of  the  Bill  to  have  arisen  frow  the  present  con- 
stitution of  the  Colony  judicatures,  has  not  been  produced, 
or  even  attempted.  On  the  same  general  allegations  of  a  de- 
clamatory preamble,  any  other  right,  or  all  the  rights,  of 
this,  or  any  other  public  body,  may  be  taken  away,  and 
any  visionary  scheme  of  Government  substituted  in  their 
place. 

4thly.  Because  we  think  that  the  appointment  of  all  the 
members  of  the  Council,  which  by  this  Bill,  is  vested  in  the 
Crown,  is  not  a  proper  provision  for  preserving  the  equili- 
brium of  the  Colony  constitution.  The  power  given  to  the 
Crown  of  occasionally  increasing  or  lessening  the  number  of 
the  Council,  on  the  re]X)rt  of  Governors,  and  at  the  pleasure 
of  Ministers,  must  make  these  Governors  and  Ministers 
masters  of  every  question  in  that  Assembly  ;  and  by  destroy- 
ing its  freedom  of  deliberation,  will  wholly  annihilate  its  use. 
The  intention  avowed  in  this  Bill,  of  bringing  the  Council  to 
the  platform  of  other  Colonies,  is  not  likely  to  answer  its  own 
end  ;  as  the  (Colonies,  where  the  Council  is  named  by  the 
Crown,  are  not  at  all  better  disposed  to  a  submission  to  the 
practice  of  taxing  for  supply,  without  their  consent,  than 
this  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  And  no  pretence  of  bringing 
it  to  the  model  of  the  English  constitution  can  be  support- 
ed, as  none  of  those  American  Councils  have  the  least  re- 
semblance to  the  House  of  Peers,  so  that  this  new  scheme 
of  a  Council  stands  upon  no  sort  of  foundation,  which  the 
proposers  of  it  think  proper  to  acknowledge. 

5thly.  Because  the  new  constitution  of  judicature  pro- 
vided by  this  Bill,  is  improper  and  incongruous  with  the 
plan  of  the  administration  of  justice  in  Great  Britain.  All 
the  Judges  are  to  be  henceforth  nominated,  (not  by  the 
Crown,)  but  by  the  Governor;  and  all,  except  the  Judges 
of  the  Superior  Court,  are  to  be  removable  at  his  pleasure, 
and  expressly  without  the  consent  of  that  very  Council 
which  has  been  nominated  by  the  Crown.  The  appoint- 
ment of  the  Sheriff  is  by  the  will  of  the  Governor  only  ; 
and  without  requiring  in  the  person  appointed,  any  local  or 
other  qualification  ;  that  a  Sheriff",  a  magistrate  of  great  im- 
portance to  the  whole  administration  and  execution  of  all 
justice,  civil  and  criminal,  and  who,  in  England,  is  not  re- 
movable even  by  the  royal  authority  diu-ing  the  continu- 
ance of  the  term  of  his  office,  is  by  this  Bill  made  chang- 
able  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  as  often,  and  for  such 
purposes  as  they  shall  think  expedient.  The  Governor 
and  Council  thus  entrusted  with  powers  with  which  the 
British  constitution  has  not  trusted  his  Majesty  and  his 
Privy  Council,  have  the  means  of  returning  such  a  Jury,  in 
each  particular  cause,  as  may  best  suit  with  the  gratifica- 
tion of  their  passions  and  interests.  The  lives,  liberties, 
and  properties  of  the  subject  are  put  into  their  hands 
without  controul  ;  and  the  invaluable  right  of  trial  by  Jury, 
is  turned  into  a  snare  for  the  People,  who  have  hitherto 
looked  upon  it  as  their  main  security  against  the  licentious- 
ness of  power. 

6thly.  Because  we  see  in  this  Bill  the  same  scheme  of 
strengthening  the  authority  of  the  Officers  and  Ministers  of 
State,  at  the  expense  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  sub- 
ject, which  was  indicated  by  the  inauspicious  Act  for  shut- 
ting up  the  harbour  of  Boston.  By  that  Act,  which  is  im- 
mediately connected  with  this  Bill,  the  example  was  set  of 
a  large  important  city,  containing  vast  multitudes  of  People, 


9)S 


BILL  FOR  G0VERN:ME\T  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


96 


manv  of  wliom  must  be  intiooent,  and  all  of  whom  are  un- 
heard, by  an  arhitnuy  sentence,  deiirived  of  the  advantage 
of  that  port,  upon  whirli  all  means  of  acquirin!;  their  liveli- 
hood did  immediately  depend.  This  proscription  is  not 
made  determinable  on  the  payment  of  a  tine  for  an  offence, 
or  a  compensation  for  an  injury  :  but  is  to  continue  uniil 
the  Ministers  of  the  Crown  shall  think  fit  to  advise  the 
Kin<;  in  Council  to  revoke  it.  Tiie  les^al  condition  of  the 
subject  (staudinK  uuatlainted  by  conviction  for  treason  or 
felony)  ought  never  to  depend  upon  the  arbitrary  will  oi 
any  person  whatsoever.  This  Act,  uncxam()led  on  the 
records  of  Parliament,  has  been  entered  on  the  joiu'nals  of 
this  House,  as  voted  ncminc  disscnticnte,  and  has  been 
stated,  in  the  debate  of  this  day,  to  have  been  sent  to  the 
Colonies,  as  passed  without  a  division  in  either  House,  and 
therefore  as  conveying  the  uncontroverted  univereal  sense 
of  the  nation.  The  despair  of  making  effectual  opposition 
to  an  unjust  measure,  has  been  construed  into  an  approba- 
tion of  it ;  an  unfair  advantage  has  been  taken  on  the  final 
question  for  passing  that  penal  Bill,  of  the  absence  of  those 
l^rds  who  iiad  debated  it  for  several  hours,  and  strongly 
dissented  from  it  on  the  second  reading,  that  period  on 
which  it  is  most  usual  to  debate  the  principle  of  a  Bill.  If 
this  pixx>eeding  were  to  pass,  witjiout  miimadvei-sion.  Lords 
might  think  themselves  obliged  to  reiterate  their  debates  at 
every  stage  of  every  Bill  which  they  oppose,  and  to  make 
a  formal  division  whenever  they  debate. 

Tthly.  Because  tliis  Bill,  and  the  otiier  proceedings  that 
accompany  it,  are  intended  for  the  sujiport  of  that  unadvised 
scheme  of  taxing  the  Colonies  in  a  m:\nner  new  and  un- 
suitable to  their  situation  and  constitutional  circumstances. 
Parliament  has  asserted  the  authority  of  the  Legislature  of 
this  Kingdom,  supreme  and  unlimited  over  all  the  members 
of  the  British  Empire.  Bvt  the  legal  extent  of  this  au- 
thority furnishes  no  argument  in  favour  of  an  unwarrantable 
use  of  it.  The  sense  of  the  nation  on  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act  was,  that,  in  equity  and  sound  policy,  the  taxa- 
tion of  the  Colonies  for  the  ordinary  purposes  of  su})ply, 
ought  to  be  forborn  ;  and  that  this  Kingdom  ought  to  satisfy 
itself  with  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  flourishing 
and  increasing  trade,  and  with  the  free  grants  of  the  Ameri- 
can Assemblies,  as  being  far  more  beneficial,  liir  more  easily 
obtained,  less  oppressive,  and  more  likely  to  be  lasting,  than 
any  revenue  to  be  acquired  by  Parliamentary  taxes,  ac- 
companied by  a  total  alienation  of  the  affections  of  those 
who  were  to  pay  them.  This  principle  of  repeal  was 
nothing  more  than  a  return  to  the  ancient  standing  policy 
of  this  Empire.  Tlie  unhappy  departure  from  it  has  led  to 
that  course  of  shifting  and  contradictory  measures,  Avhich 
has  since  given  rise  to  such  continued  distractions ;  by 
which  unadvised  plan,  new  duties  have  been  imposed  in 
the  very  year  after  the  former  had  been  repealed.  These 
new  duties  afterwards  in  part  repealed,  and  in  part  con- 
tinued, in  contradiction  to  the  principles  upon  which  those 
repealed  were  given  up  ;  all  which,  with  many  weak,  in- 
judicious, and  precipitate  steps,  taken  to  enforce  a  compli- 
ance, have  kept  up  that  jealousy,  which  on  the  repeal  of 
the  Stamp  Act  was  subsiding ;  revived  dangerous  questions, 
and  gradually  estranged  the  affections  of  the  Colonies  from 
the  mother  country,  without  any  object  of  advantage  to 
either.  If  the  force  proposed  should  have  its  full  effect, 
that  effect  we  greatly  appreiiend  may  not  continue  longer 
than  whilst  the  sword  is  held  up.  To  render  the  Colonies 
permanently  advantageous,  they  must  ba  satisfied  with  their 
condition.  Tliat  satisfaction  ^ve  see  no  chance  of  restoring 
whatever  measures  maybe  pursued,  except  by  recurring,  in 
the  whole,  to  the  wise  and  salutary  principles  on  which  the 
Stamp  Act  was  repealed. 

Richmond,         Abingdon, 
Effingham,        Rockingham, 
Leinster,  Fitzwilliam, 

Portlanri,  King, 

Ponsonby,         Abergavenny. 
Craven, 

A  Message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons,  by  the 
former  Messengers : 

To  return  the  said  Bill,  and  acquaint  them,  tliat  the 
Ijords  have  agreed  to  the  same,  with  some  amendments,  to 
which  their  Lordships  desire  tlieir  concurrence. 


Monday,  May  16,  1774. 

A  Message  was  brought  from  the  House  of  Commons, 
by  Mr.  Cooper  and  others  : 

To  return  the  Bill,  and  to  acquaint  this  House,  that 
they  have  agreed  to  their  Lordships  amendments  made 
thereto. 

Thi'rsday,  May  19,  1774. 

The  folloicing  Petition  from  Natives  q/"  America,  then  in 
Ivoudon,  against  the  passage  of  the  Bill,  was  presented 
to  the  King: 

To  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty, 

The  Petition  of  several  Natives  of  America,  most  humbly 
showeth : 

That  your  Petitioners,  being  your  Majesty's  n)ost  faith- 
ful subjects,  are  obliged  to  implore  your  gracious  interposi- 
tion, to  protect  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  those  privileges, 
which  are  the  right  of  all  your  People. 

Your  Majesty's  Petitioners  have  already  seen  with  un- 
speakable grief,  their  earnest  prayers  rejected,  and  heavy 
penalties  inflicted,  even  on  the  innocent  amonsr  their  coun- 
trymen, to  the  subversion  of  every  princii)le  of  justice, 
without  their  being  heard.  By  this  alarming  procedure, 
all  property  was  rendered  insecure  ;  and  they  now  see  in 
two  Bills,  (for  altering  the  Government  of  Massachuxctts 
Bay,  and  the  impartial  administration  of  justice  there,)  the 
intended  subversion  of  the  two  grand  objects  of  civil 
society,  and  constitutional  protection,  to  wit.  Liberties  and 
Life. 

Your  Petitioners  most  humbly  represent  to  your  Majes- 
ty, that  to  destroy  or  assume  their  chartered  rights,  without 
a  full  and  fair  hearing,  with  legal  jiroof  of  forfeiture  ;  and 
the  abrogating  of  their  most  valuable  laws,  which  had  duly 
received  the  solenm  confirmation  of  your  Majesty's  Royal 
predecessors,  and  were  thence  deemed  unchangeable  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  People ;  is  such  a  proceeding,  as 
renders  the  enjoyment  of  every  privilege  they  possess,  un- 
certain and  precarious.  That  an  exemption  of  the  soldiery 
from  being  tried  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay  for  murder,  or 
other  felony,  committed  upon  your  Majesty's  subjects  there, 
is  such  an  encouragement  for  licentiousness,  and  incentive 
to  outrage,  as  must  subject  your  Majesty's  liege  People  to 
continued  danger. 

Your  Petitioners  and  their  countrymen,  have  been  ever 
most  zealously  attached  to  your  Majesty's  person  and  fami- 
ly. It  is  therefore,  with  inexpressible  affliction  that  they 
see  an  attempt,  in  these  proceedings  against  them,  to 
change  the  principle  of  obedience  to  the  Government,  from 
the  love  of  the  subject  towards  their  Sovereign,  founded 
on  the  opinion  of  his  wisdom,  justice,  and  benevolence,  into 
the  dread  of  absolute  power  and  laws  of  extreme  rigour, 
insupportable  to  a  free  Peojile. 

Should  the  Bills  above  mentioned,  receive  your  royal 
sanction,  }'our  Majesty's  faithful  subjects  will  be  overwhelm- 
ed with  grief  and  despair. 

It  is  therefore  our  earnest  prayer,  that  your  Majesty  will 
be  graciously  pleased  to  suspend  your  royal  assent,  to  the 
said  Bills. 


Stephen  Sayre, 
William  Lee, 
Arthur  Lee, 
K Im und  Jmn ings , 
Joshua  Johnson, 
Daniel  Bowley, 


Willicm  H.  Gibbs, 
William  Blake, 
Isaac  Mottc, 
Jhnry  Laurence, 
Thomas  Binckney, 
Jacob  Rend, 


Benjamin  Franklin,  John  F.  Grimke, 

Tliomas  Busten,  Philip  Neylc, 

Edward  Bancroft,  Edward  Femvicke, 

Thomas  Bromfield,  Elward  Fenicicke,  Jun. 

John  Boylston,  John  P tronneau, 

John  Eilis,  William  Middleton, 

John  ll^tlianu,  William  Middleton,  Jun. 

John  Ailcyne,  Ralph  Izard,  Jun. 

Ralph  Izard,  '  William  Heyward. 

Friday,  May  20,  1774. 

His  Majesty  being  seated  in  the  Throne,  and  the  Com- 
mons attending  with  their  Speaker,  the  royal  assent  to  the 
Bill  was  pronounced  by  the  Clerk's  Assistant. 


•f* 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY, 


98 


A  Speech  intended  to  have  been  spoken  on  the  Bill  for 
Altering  the  Charters  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.* 

It  is  of  such  great  importance  to  compose  or  even  to  mo- 
derate the  dissention.s,  which  subsist  at  present  l)et\veen  our 
unhappy  country  and  her  Colonies,  tliat  I  cajuiot  help  en- 
deavouring, from  the  faint  prospect  1  have  of  contributing 
soniediing  to  so  good  an  end,  to  overcome  the  inexpressi- 
ble reluctance  I  feel  at  uttering  my  thoughts  before  the 
most  respectable  of  all  audiences. 

The  true  object  of  all  our  deliberations  on  this  occasion, 
which  1  hope  we  shall  never  lose  sight  of,  is  a  full  and 
cordial  reconciliation  with  North  America.  Now,  I  own, 
my  Lords,  I  have  many  doubts  whether  the  teiTors  and 
punishments,  we  hang  out  to  them  at  present,  are  the  surest 
means  of  producing  this  reconciliation.  Let  us  at  least  do 
this  justice  to  the  People  of  North  America,  to  own,  that 
we  can  all  remember  a  time  when  they  were  much  better 
friends  than  at  present  to  their  mother  country.  They  are 
neither  our  natural  nor  our  determined  enemies.  Before 
the  Stamp  Act  we  considered  them  in  the  light  of  as  good 
subjects  as  the  natives  of  any  county  in  England. 

it  is  worth  while  to  inquire  by  what  steps  we  first  gained 
their  affection,  and  preserved  it  so  long  ;  and,  by  what  con- 
duct we  have  lately  lost  it.  Such  an  inquiry  may  point 
out  the  means  of  restoring  peace,  and  make  die  use  of  force 
unnecessary  .against  a  People,  whom  I  cannot  yet  forbear 
to  consider  as  our  brethren. 

It  has  always  been  a  most  arduous  task  to  govern  distant 
Provinces,  with  even  a  tolerable  appearance  of  justice. 
The  Viceroys  and  Governors  of  other  nations  are  usually 
temporary  tyrants,  who  think  themselves  obliged  to  make 
the  most  of  their  time ;  who  not  only  plunder  the  People, 
but  carry  away  their  spoils,  and  dry  up  all  tlie  sources  of 
commerce  and  industry.  Taxation,  in  their  hands,  is  an 
unlimited  power  of  oppression  :  but  in  whatever  hands  the 
power  of  taxation  is  lodged,  it  implies  and  includes  all  other 
powers.  Arbitrary  taxation  is  plunder  audiorized  by  law  : 
it  is  the  support  and  thee  sscnce  of  tyranny  ;  and  has  done 
more  mischief  to  mankind,  than  those  other  three  scourges 
from  heaven,  famine,  pestilence,  and  the  sword.  I  need 
not  carry  your  Lordships  out  of  your  own  knowledge,  or 
out  of  your  own  Dominions,  to  make  you  conceive  what 
misery  this  right  of  taxation  is  ca])able  of  producing  in  a 
Provincial  Government.  We  need  only  recollect  that  our 
countrymen  in  India,  have  in  the  space  of  five  or  six 
years,  in  virtue  of  this  right,  destroyed,  starved,  and  driven 
away,  more  inhabitants  from  Bengal,  than  are  to  be  found 
at  present  in  all  our  American  Colonies ;    more  than  all 

*  Tliis  Speech  by  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  who  voted  against  the 
Bill  in  the  Hous3  of  Lords,  though  not  delivered  in  the  House  on 
that  occasion,  was  written  and  published  by  him  at  the  time.  It  is 
considered  especially  proper  to  insert  it  here,  because  none  of  the 
speeches,  in  the  "  long  debate"  on  the  question,  have  been  preserved. 
His  reasons  for  the  publication,  given  in  the  Advcrtisnient,  are  as 
follows : — 

"  The  Author  of  the  following  speech  might  justify  his  manner  of 
publishing  it  by  very  great  authorities.  Some  of  the  noblest  pieces 
of  eloquence,  tlie  world  is  in  possession  of,  were  not  spoken  on  the 
great  occasions  tliey  were  intended  to  serve,  and  seem  to  have  been 
preserved  merely  from  the  high  sense  that  was  entertained  of  their 
merit. 

"  The  present  porformance  appears  in  public  from  humbler  but  juster 
motives:  fVo'U  the  great  national  importance  of  the  subject;  from  a 
very  warm  desire  and  some  faint  hope  of  serving  our  country,  by 
suggesting  a  few  of  the  useful  truths  whieh  great  men  are  apt  to 
overlook. 

"  Tlie  .\uthor  has  abstained  most  religiously  from  personal  reflec. 
tions.  He  has  censured  no  man,  and  therefore  hopes  he  has  offended 
no  man.  He  feels  most  sensibly  the  misfortune  of  ditlering  from 
many  of  those  wliom  he  wishes  to  live  and  act  with ;  and  from  some 
of  as  much  virtue  and  ability  as  this  kingdom  affords.  But  there  are 
also  groat  authorit-ies  on  the  other  side ;  and  the  greatest  authority  can 
never  persuade  him,  that  it  is  better  to  extort  by  force,  what  he 
thinks  may  be  gained  more  surely  by  gontlo  means. 

*'  He  looks  upon  pov/cr  as  a  coarse  and  mechanical  instrument  of 
Government,  and  holds  tiie  use  of  it  to  be  particularly  dangerous  to 
the  relation  that  subsists  l)etween  a  mother  country  and  her  Colonies. 
In  such  a  case  he  doubts  whether  any  point  ouglit  to  be  pursued, 
which  cannot  bo  carried  by  persuasion,  by  tlio  sense  of  a  common 
interest,  and  the  exi^rcisa  of  a  molnrate  authority.  He  thinks  it 
unnecessary  to  lay  down  the  limits  of  sovereignty  and  obedience,  and 
more  unnecessary  to  figlit  for  them.  If  we  can  but  restore  that 
mutual  regard  and  confidence,  whicli  Ibrmerly  governed  our  whole 
intercourse  with  our  (Jolonies,  particular  cases  will  easily  provide  for 
themselves.  He  acts  the  part  of  the  truest  patriot  in  this  dangerous 
crisis,  whether  he  lives  at  London  or  at  liosloii,  who  pursues  sincerely 
the  most  lenient  and  conciliating  measures  ;  and  wishes  to  restore  the 
public  peace  by  some  better  method  than  the  slaughter  of  our  fellow, 
citizens." 

Foi^TH  Series. 


those  formidable  numbers,  which  we  have  been  nui-sing  up 
for  the  space  of  two  hundred  years,  widi  so  much  care  and 
success,  to  the  astonishment  of  all  Europe.  This  is  no 
exaggeration,  my  Lords,  but  plain  matter  of  fact,  collected 
from  the  accounts  sent  over  by  Mr.  Hastings,  whose  name 
I  mention  with  honour  and  veneration.  And  I  must  own, 
such  accounts  have  very  much  lessened  the  pleasure  I  used 
to  feel  in  diinking  myself  an  Englishman.  We  ought 
surely  not  to  hold  our  Colonies  totally  inexcusable  for  wish- 
ing to  exempt  themselves  from  a  grievance  which  has  caus- 
ed such  unexampled  devastation  ;  and,  my  Lords,  it  would 
be  too  disgraceful  to  ourselves,  to  try  so  cruel  an  experi- 
ment more  than  once.  Let  us  reflect,  that  before  these 
innovations  were  diought  of,  by  following  the  line  of  good 
conduct  which  had  been  marked  out  by  our  ancestors,  we 
governed  North  America  with  mutual  benefit  to  them  and 
ourselves.  It  was  a  happy  idea  that  made  us  first  consider 
them  rather  as  instruments  of  commerce  than  as  objects  of 
Government.  It  was  wise  and  generous  to  give  them  the 
form  and  spirit  of  our  own  constitution ;  an  Assembly  in 
which  a  greater  equality  of  representation  has  been  pre- 
served than  at  home ;  and  Councils  and  Governors,  such 
as  were  adapted  to  their  situation,  though  they  must  be  ac- 
knowledged to  be  very  inferior  copies  of  the  dignity  of  this 
House,  and  the  majesty  of  the  Crown. 

But  what  is  far  more  valuable  dian  all  the  rest,  we  gave 
them  liberty.  We  allowed  them  to  use  their  own  judgment 
in  the  management  of  their  own  interest.  The  idea  of 
taxing  them  never  entered  our  heads.  On  the  contrary, 
they  have  experienced  our  liberality  on  many  public  occa- 
sions: we  have  given  them  bounties  to  encourage  dieir  in- 
dustry, and  have  demanded  no  return  but  what  every  State 
exacts  from  its  Colonies,  the  advantages  of  an  exclusive 
commerce,  and  the  regulations  that  are  necessary  to  secure 
it.  We  made  requisitions  to  them  on  great  occasions,  in 
the  same  manner  as  our  Princes  formerly  asked  benevolen- 
ces of  their  subjects  ;  and  as  nothing  was  asked  but  what  was 
visibly  for  the  public  good,  it  was  always  granted  ;  and  they 
themselves  did  more  than  we  expected.  The  matter  of 
right  was  neither  disputed,  nor  even  considered.  And  let 
us  not  forget  that  the  People  of  New  England  were  them- 
selves, during  the  last  war,  the  most  forward  of  all  in  the 
national  cause  ;  that  every  year  we  voted  them  a  consider- 
able sum,  in  acknowledgment  of  their  zeal  and  their  ser- 
vices ;  that  in  the  preceding  war,  they  alone  enabled  us  to 
make  the  treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle,  by  furnishing  us  with 
the  only  equivalent  for  the  towns  that  were  taken  from  our 
allies  in  Flanders ;  and  that  in  times  of  peace,  they  alone 
have  taken  from  us  six  times  as  much  of  our  woollen  man- 
ufactures, as  the  whole  Kingdom  of  Ireland.  Such  a  Co- 
lony, my  Lords,  not  only  from  the  justice,  but  from  the 
gratitude  we  owe  them,  have  a  right  to  be  heard  in  their 
defence  ;  and  if  their  crimes  are  not  of  the  most  inexpiable 
kind,  I  could  almost  say,  they  have  a  right  to  be  forgiven. 
But  in  die  times  we  speak  of,  our  public  intercourse  was 
carried  on  with  ease  and  satisfaction.  We  regarded  them 
as  our  friends  and  fellow-citizens,  and  relied  as  much .  upon 
their  fidelity  as  on  die  inhabitants  of  our  own  country. 
They  saw  our  pow  er  with  pleasure ;  for  they  considered 
it  only  as  dieir  protection.  They  inherited  our  laws,  our 
language,  and  our  customs;  diey  preferred  our  manufac- 
tures, and  followed  our  fashions  with  a  partiality  that  secur- 
ed our  exclusive  trade  with  diem,  more  effectually  than  all 
the  regulations  and  vigilance  of  the  custom-house.  Had 
we  suffered  tliem  to  enrich  us  a  little  longer,  and  to  grow  a 
little  richer  themselves,  their  men  of  fortune,  like  the  West 
Indians,  would  undoubtedly  have  made  this  country  their 
place  of  education  and  resort.  For  they 'looked  up  to 
England  with  reverence  and  affection,  as  to  the  country 
of  their  friends  and  ancestors.  They  esteemed  and  they 
called  it  their  home,  and  thought  of  it  as  the  Jews  once 
diought  of  the  Land  of  Canaan. 

Now,  my  Lords,  consider  with  yourselves  what  were  the 
chains  and  ties  that  united  diis  People  to  their  mother 
country,  with  so  much  warmth  and  affection,  at  so  amazing 
a  distance.  The  Colonies  of  other  nations  have  been  dis- 
contented with  their  treatment,  and  not  without  sufficient 
cause ;  always  murmuring  at  their  grievances,  and_  some- 
times breaking  out  into  acts  of  rebellion.  Our  subjects  at 
home,  with  all  their  reasons  for  satisfaction,  have  never 
been  entirely  satisfied.     Since  the  beginning  of  this  centu- 


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100 


ly  we  have  liad  two  rebellions,  several  plots  and  conspira- 
cies; and  we  ourselves  have  been  witnesses  to  the  most 
dangerous  excesses  of  sedition.  But  the  Provinces  in 
North  America  have  engaged  in  no  party,  have  excited 
no  opposition  ;  they  iiave  been  utter  strangers  even  to  the 
name  of  Wiiig  and  Tory.  In  all  chiuiges,  in  all  revolu- 
tions, they  have  quietly  followed  the  fortunes  and  submitted 
to  the  Government  of  England. 

Now  let  me  appeal  to  your  Lordships  as  to  men  of  en- 
larged and  liberal  minds,  who  have  been  led  by  your  office 
and  rank  to  the  study  of  history.  Can  you  fmd  in  the 
long  succession  of  ages,  in  the  whole  extent  of  human  af- 
fairs, a  single  instance,  where  distant  Provinces  liave  been 
preserved  in  so  flourishing  a  state,  and  kej)!  at  the  same 
time  in  such  due  subjection  to  their  mother  country  ?  My 
Ijords,  there  is  no  instance ;  the  case  never  existed  before. 
It  is  perhaps  the  most  singular  phenomenon  in  all  civil 
history  ;  and  the  cause  of  it  well  deserves  your  serious  con- 
sideration. The  true  cause  is,  that  a  motlier  country  never 
existed  before,  wJio  placed  her  natives  and  her  Colonies 
on  the  same  equal  footing ;  and  joined  with  them  in  fairly 
canying  on  one  common  interest. 

y  ou  ought  to  consider  this,  my  Lords,  not  as  a  mere 
iiistorical  fact,  but  as  a  most  important  and  invaluable  dis- 
covery. It  enlarges  our  ideas  of  the  power  and  energy  of 
good  Government,  beyond  all  former  exanq>les  ;  and  shews 
that  it  can  act  like  gravitation  at  tlie  greatest  distances. 
It  proves  to  a  demonstration  that  you  may  have  good  sub- 
jects in  the  remotest  corners  of  the  earth,  if  you  will  but 
treat  them  with  kindness  and  equity.  If  you  have  any 
doubts  of  the  truth  of  this  kind  of  reasoning,  the  experience 
we  have  had  of  a  different  kind  will  entirely  remove  them. 

The  good  genius  of  our  country  had  led  us  to  the  simple 
and  happy  method  of  governing  freemen,  which  I  have 
endeavoured  to  describe.  Our  Ministers  received  it  from 
their  predecessors,  and  for  some  tune  continued  to  observe 
it ;  but  without  knowing  its  value.  At  length,  presuming 
on  their  own  wisdom,  and  the  quiet  disposition  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, they  flattered  themselves  that  we  might  reap  great 
advantages  from  their  prosperity  by  destroying  liie  cause 
of  it.  They  chose  in  an  unlucky  hour  to  treat  them  as 
other  nations  have  thought  fit  to  treat  their  Colonies  ;  they 
threatened  and  they  taxed  them. 

1  do  not  now  inquire  whether  taxation  is  matter  of  right; 
I  only  consider  it  as  matter  of  experiment ;  for  surely  the 
art  of  government  itself  is  founded  on  experience.  I  need 
not  suggest  what  were  the  consequences  of  this  change  of 
measures.  The  evils  produced  by  it  were  such  as  we  still 
remember  and  still  feel.  We  suflljred  more  by  our  loss  of 
trade  with  them,  than  the  wealth  flowing  in  from  India  was 
able  to  recompense.  The  bankmptcy  of  the  East  India 
Company,  may  be  sufficiently  ficcounted  for  by  the  rapine 
abroad  and  the  knavery  at  home ;  but  it  certainly  would 
have  been  delayed  some  years,  harl  we  continued  our  com- 
merce with  them  in  the  single  article  of  tea.  But  that  and 
many  other  branches  of  trade  have  been  diverted  into  other 
channels,  any  may  probably  never  return  entire  to  their  old 
course.  But  what  is  worst  of  all,  we  have  lost  their  confi- 
dence and  friendship;  we  have  ignorantly  undermined  the 
most  solid  foundation  of  our  own  power. 

In  order  to  observe  the  strictest  impartiality,  it  is  but 
just  for  us  to  inquire  what  we  have  gained  by  these 
taxes  as  well  as  what  we  have  lost.  I  am  assured  that 
out  of  all  the  sums  raised  in  America  the  last  year  but 
one,  if  the  expenses  are  deducted,  which  the  natives 
would  else  have  discharged  themselves,  the  net  revenue 
paid  into  the  Treasury  to  go  in  aid  of  the  sinking  fund, 
or  to  be  employed  in  wiiatever  public  services  Parliament 
shall  think  fit,  is  eighty-five  pounds.  Eighty-five  pounds, 
my  Lords,  is  the  whole  equivalent,  we  have  received 
for  all  the  hatred  and  mischief,  and  all  the  infinite  losses 
this  Kingdom  has  suffered  during  that  year  in  her  disputes 
with  North  America.  Money  that  is  earned  so  dearly 
as  this,  ought  to  be  expended  with  great  ivisdom  and 
economy.  My  Lords,  were  you  to  take  up  but  one 
thousand  pounds  more  from  North  America  upon  the 
same  terms,  the  nation  itself  would  be  a  bankrupt.  But 
the  most  amazing  and  the  most  alarming  circumstance  is 
still  behind.  It  is  that  our  case  is  so  incurable,  that  all 
this  experience  has  made  no  impression  upon  us.  And 
yet,  my  Lords,  if  you  could  but  keep  these  facts,  which 


I  have  ventured  to  lay  before  you,  for  a  few  moments  in 
your  minds  (supposing  your  right  of  taxation  to  be  never 
so  clear)  yet  I  think  you  must  necessarily  perceive  that  it 
cannot  be  exercised  in  any  manner  that  can  be  advanta- 
geous to  ourselves  or  them.  We  have  not  always  the 
w  isdom  to  tax  ourselves  with  propriety ;  and  I  am  confi- 
dent we  could  never  tax  a  People  at  that  distance,  without 
infinite  blnndei-s,  and  infinite  oppression.  And  to  own  the 
truth,  my  Lords,  we  are  not  honest  enough  to  trust 
ourselves  with  the  power  of  shifting  our  own  burthens 
upon  them.  Allow  me,  therefore,  to  conclude,  I  think, 
unanswerably,  that  the  inconvenience  and  distress  we  have 
.felt  in  this  change  of  our  conduct,  no  less  than  the  ease 
and  tranquillity  we  formerly  found  in  the  ))ursuit  of  it, 
will  force  us,  if  we  have  any  sense  left,  to  return  to  the 
good  old  path  we  trod  in  so  long,  and  found  it  the  way 
of  pleasantness. 

I  desire  to  have  it  understood,  that  I  am  opposing  no 
rights  that  our  legislature  may  think  proper  to  claim  :  I 
am  only  comparing  two  different  methods  of  government. 
By  your  old  rational  and  generous  administration,  by 
treating  the  Americans  as  your  friends  and  fellow-citizens, 
you  made  them  the  happiest  of  human  kind ;  and  at  the 
same  time  drew  from  them,  by  commerce,  more  clear 
profit  than  Spain  has  drawn  from  all  its  mines ;  and  their 
growing  numbers  w-ere  a  daily-increasing  addition  to  your 
strength.  There  was  no  room  for  improvement  or  altera- 
tion in  so  noble  a  system  of  policy  as  this.  It  was 
sanctified  by  time,  by  experience,  by  public  utility.  I  will 
venture  to  use  a  bold  language,  my  Ijords;  I  will  assert, 
that  if  we  had  uniformly  adopted  this  equitable  administra- 
tion in  all  our  distant  Provinces  as  far  as  circumstances  would 
admit,  it  would  have  placed  this  country,  for  ages,  at  the 
head  of  human  affaire  in  every  quarter  of  the  world.  My 
Lords,  this  is  no  visionary  or  chimerical  doctrine.  The 
idea  of  governing  Provinces  and  Colonies  by  force  is 
visionary  and  chimerical.  The  experiment  has  often  been 
tried  and  it  has  never  succeeded.  It  ends  infallibly  in  the 
niin  of  the  one  country  or  the  other,  or  in  the  last  degree 
of  wretchedness. 

If  there  is  any  tnith,  my  Lords,  in  what  I  have  said, 
and  I  most  firmly  believe  it  all  to  be  true,  let  me  recom- 
mend it  to  you  to  resume  that  generous  and  benevolent 
spirit  in  the  discussion  of  our  differences,  which  used  to 
be  the  source  of  our  union.  We  certainly  did  wrong  in 
taxing  them :  when  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  we  did 
wrong  in  laying  on  other  taxes,  which  tended  only  to  keep 
alive  a  claim,  that  was  mischevious,  impracticable,  and 
useless.  We  acted  contrary  to  our  own  principles  of 
liberty,  and  to  the  generous  sentiments  of  our  Sovereign, 
when  we  desired  to  have  their  judges  dependent  on  the 
Crown  for  their  stipends,  as  well  as  their  continuance.  It 
was  equally  unwise  to  wish  to  make  the  Governors  inde- 
pendent of  the  People  for  their  salaries.  We  ought  to 
consider  the  Governors,  not  as  spies  entrusted  with  the 
management  of  our  interest,  but  as  the  servants  of  the 
People,  recommended  to  them  by  us.  Our  ears  ought  to 
be  open  to  every  complaint  against  the  Governors ;  but 
we  ought  not  to  suffer  the  Govcnioi-s  to  complain  of  the 
People.  We  have  taken  a  different  method,  to  which  no 
small  part  of  our  difficulties  arc  owing.  Our  ears  have 
been  open  to  the  Governors  and  shut  to  the  People. 
This  must  necessarily  lead  us  to  countenance  the  jobs  of 
interested  men,  under  the  pretence  of  defending  the  rights 
of  the  Crown,  But  the  People  are  certainly  the  best 
judges  whether  they  are  well  governed ;  and  the  Crown 
can  have  no  rights  inconsistent  with  the  happiness  of  the 
People. 

Now,  my  Lords,  we  ought  to  do  what  I  have  suggested, 
and  many  things  more,  out  of  prudence  and  justice,  to 
win  their  affection,  and  to  do  them  public  service.  If 
we  have  a  right  to  govern  them,  let  us  exert  it  for  the  tnie 
ends  of  Government,  But,  my  Lords,  what  we  ought 
to  do,  from  motives  of  reason  and  justice,  is  much  more 
than  is  sufficient  to  bring  them  to  a  reasonable  accommo- 
dation. For  thus,  as  I  apprehend,  stands  the  case.  They 
petition  for  the  repeal  of  an  Act  of  Parliament,  which 
they  complain  of  as  unjust  and  oppi-cssive.  And  there  is 
not  a  man  amongst  us,  not  the  warmest  friend  of  Adminis- 
tration, who  does  not  sincerely  wish  that  act  had  never 
been  made.     In  fact,  they  only  ask  for  what  we  wish  to 


101 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


102 


be  rid  of.  Under  such  a  disposition  of  mind,  one  would 
imagine  there  could  be  no  occasion  for  fleets  and  armies 
to  bring  men  to  a  good  understanding.  But,  my  Lords, 
our  difficulty  lies  in  the  point  of  lionour.  We  must  not 
let  down  the  dignity  of  the  motlier  country  ;  but  preserve 
her  sovereignty  over  all  the  parts  of  the  Briiish  Empire. 
This  language  has  something  in  it  that  sounds  pleasant 
to  the  ears  of  Englishmen,  but  is  otherwise  of  little 
weight.  For  sure,  my  Lords,  there  are  niediods  of  making 
reasonable  concessions,  and  yet  without  injuring  our  dignity. 
Ministers  are  generally  fi-uitfiil  in  expedients  to  reconcile 
difficulties  of  this  kind,  to  escape  the  embarrassments  of 
forms,  the  competitions  of  dignity  and  precedency ;  and 
to  let  clashing  rights  sleep,  while  tliey  transact  their  busi- 
ness. Now,  my  Lords,  on  this  occasion  can  they  find 
no  excuse,  no  pretence,  no  invention,  no  happy  turn  of 
language,  not  one  colourable  argument  for  doing  the  great- 
est service,  they  can  ever  render  to  their  country  ?  It 
must  be  something  more  than  incapacity  that  makes  men 
barren  of  expedients  at  sucii  a  season  as  this.  Do,  but 
for  once,  remove  this  impracticable  stateliness  and  dignity, 
and  treat  the  matter  with  a  little  common  sense  and  a 
little  good  humour,  and  our  reconciliation  would  not  be  the 
work  of  an  hour.  But  after  all,  my  Lords,  if  there  is 
any  thing  mortifying  in  undoing  the  errors  of  our  Ministers, 
it  is  a  mortification  we  ought  to  submit  to.  If  it  was 
unjust  to  tax  them,  we  ought  to  repeal  it  for  their  sakes ; 
if  it  was  unwise  to  tax  them,  we  ought  to  repeal  it  for  our 
own.  A  matter  so  trivial  in  itself  as  the  three-penny 
duty  upon  tea,  but  which  has  given  cause  to  so  much 
national  hatred  and  reproach,  ought  not  to  be  sufiered  to 
subsist  an  unnecessary  day.  Must  the  interest,  the  com- 
merce, and  the  union  of  this  country  and  her  Colonies,  be 
all  of  them  sacrificed  to  save  the  credit  of  one  imprudent 
measure  of  Administration  ?  I  own  I  cannot  comprehend 
that  there  is  any  dignity  either  in  being  in  the  wrong,  or 
persisting  in  it.  I  have  known  friendship  preserved  and 
afliection  gained,  but  I  never  knew  dignity  lost,  by  the 
candid  acknowledgment  of  an  error.  And,  my  Lords,  let 
me  appeal  to  your  own  experience  of  a  few  years  back- 
ward, (I  vsrill  not  mention  particulars,  because  I  would  pass 
no  censures  and  revive  no  unpleasant  reflections,)  but  I 
think  every  candid  Minister  must  own,  that  Administration 
has  suffered  in  more  instances  than  one,  both  in  interest 
and  credit,  by  not  chusing  to  give  up  points,  that  could 
not  be  defended. 

With  regard  to  the  People  of  Hoston,  I  am  free  to  own 
that  I  neither  approve  of  their  riots  nor  their  punishment. 
And  yet  if  we  inflict  it  as  we  ought,  with  a  consciousness 
that  we  were  ourselves  the  aggressors,  that  we  gave  the 
provocation,  and  that  their  disobedience  is  the  fruit  of  our 
own  imprudent  and  imperious  conduct,  I  think  the  punish- 
ment cannot  rise  to  any  great  degree  of  severity. 

I  own  my  Lords,  I  have  read  the  report  of  the 
Lords  Committees  of  this  House,  with  very  different  senti- 
ments from  those  with  which  it  was  drawn  up.  It  seems  to 
be  designed,  that  we  should  consider  their  violent  measures 
and  speeches,  as  so  many  determined  acts  of  opposition 
to  the  sovereignty  of  England,  arising  from  the  malignity 
of  their  own  hearts.  One  would  think  the  mother  coun- 
try had  been  totally  silent  and  passive  in  the  progress  of 
the  whole  affair.  I,  on  the  contrary,  consider  these  violen- 
ces as'  the  natural  cftects  of  such  measures  as  ours  on  the 
minds  of  freemen.  And  this  is  the  most  useful  point  of 
view  in  which  Government  can  consider  them.  In  their 
situation,  a  wise  man  would  expect  to  meet  with  the 
strongest  marks  of  passion  and  imprudence,  and  be  pre- 
parecl  to  forgive  them.  The  first  and  easiest  thing  to  be 
done  is  to  correct  our  own  errors ;  and  I  am  confident  we 
should  find  it  the  most  effectual  method  to  correct  theirs. 
At  any  rate  let  us  put  ourselves  in  the  right ;  and  then 
if  we  must  contend  with  North  America,  we  shall  be 
unanimous  at  home,  and  the  wise  and  the  moderate  there 
will  be  our  friends.  At  present  we  force  every  North 
American  to  be  our  enemy  ;  and  the  wise  and  moderate 
at  home,  and  those  immense  multitudes,  which  must  soon 
begin  to  suffer  by  the  madness  of  our  rulers,  will  unite  to 
oppose  them.  It  is  a  strange  idea  we  have  taken  up,  to 
cure  their  resentments  by  increasing  their  provocations :  to 
remove  the  efibcts  of  our  own  ill  conduct,  by  multiplying 
the  instances  of  it.     But  the  spirit  of  blindness  and  infat- 


uation is  gone  forth.  We  are  hurrying  wildly  on  without 
any  fixed  design,  without  any  important  object.  We 
pursue  a  vain  phantom  of  unlimited  sovereignty,  which 
was  not  made  for  man,  and  reject  the  solid  advantages  ol' 
a  moderate,  useful  and  intelligible  authority.  That  just 
God,  whom  we  have  all  so  deeply  offended,  can  hardly 
inflict  a  severer  national  punishment,  than  by  committing 
us  to  the  natural  consequences  of  our  own  conduct.  In- 
deed, in  my  opinion,  a  blacker  cloud  never  hung  over  this 
island. 

To  reason  consistently  with  the  principles  of  justice 
and  national  friendship,  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  es- 
tablish, or  rather  to  revive  what  was  established  by  our 
ancestors,  as  our  wisest  rule  of  conduct  for  the  government 
of  America,  I  must  necessarily  disapprove  of  the  Bill 
before  us ;  for  it  contradicts  every  one  of  them.  In  our 
present  situation  every  act  of  the  legislature,  even  our 
acts  of  severity,  ought  to  be  so  many  steps  towards  the 
reconciliation  we  wish  for.  But  to  change  the  Government 
of  a  People,  without  their  consent,  is  the  highest  and  most 
arbitrary  act  of  sovereignty,  that  one  nation  can  exercise 
over  another.  The  Romans  hardly  ever  proceeded  to  this 
extremity  even  over  a  conquered  nation,  till  its  frequent 
revolts  and  insurrections  had  made  them  deem  it  incorrigi- 
ble. The  very  idea  of  it  implies  a  most  total  abject  and 
slavish  dependency  in  the  inferior  State.  Recollect  that 
the  Americans  are  men  of  like  passions  with  ourselves, 
and  think  how  deeply  this  treatment  must  affect  them. 
They  have  the  same  veneration  for  their  charters  that  we 
have  for  our  Magna  Charta,  and  they  ought  in  reason  to 
have  greater.  They  are  the  title  deeds  to  all  their  rights 
both  public  and  private.  What  ?  my  Lords,  must  these 
rights  never  acquire  any  legal  assurance  and  stability  ?  Can 
they  derive  no  force  from  the  peaceable  possession  of  near 
two  hundred  years  ?  And  must  the  fundamental  constitu- 
tion of  a  powerful  State  be  for  ever  subject  to  as  capri- 
cious alterations  as  you  may  think  fit  to  make  in  the  char- 
ters of  a  little  mercantile  company,  or  the  corporation  of  a 
borough  ?  This  will  undoubtedly  furnish  matter  for  a  more 
pernicious  debate  than  has  yet  been  moved.  Every  other 
Colony  will  make  the  case  its  own.  They  will  complain 
that  their  rights  can  never  be  ascertained  ;  that  every  thing 
belonging  to  them  depends  upon  our  arbitrary  will ;  and 
may  think  it  better  to  run  any  hazard,  than  to  submit  to  the 
violence  of  their  mother  country,  in  a  matter  in  wliich  they 
can  see  neither  moderation  nor  end. 

But  let  us  coolly  inquire,  what  is  the  reason  of  this  un- 
heard of  innovation.  Is  it  to  make  them  peaceable  ?  My 
Lords,  it  will  make  them  mad.  Will  they  be  belter  go- 
verned if  we  introduce  this  change  ?  Will  they  be  more 
our  friends  ?  The  least  that  such  a  measure  can  do  is  to 
make  them  hate  us.  And  would  to  God,  my  Lords,  we 
had  governed  ourselves  with  as  much  economy,  integrity, 
and  prudence,  as  they  have  done.  Let  them  continue  to 
enjoy  the  liberty  our  fathere  gave  them.  Gave  them,  did 
I  say  ?  They  are  coheirs  of  liberty  with  ourselves ;  and 
their  portion  of  the  inheritance  has  been  much  better  look- 
ed after  than  ours.  Suffer  them  to  enjoy  a  little  longer 
that  short  period  of  public  integrity  and  domestic  happi- 
ness, which  seems  to  be  the  portion  allotted  by  Providence 
to  young  rising  States.  Instead  of  hoping  that  t'leir  con- 
stitution may  receive  improvement  from  our  skill  in  Go- 
vernment, the  most  useful  wish  I  can  form  in  their  favour 
is,  that  heaven  may  long  preserve  them  from  our  vices  and 
our  politics. 

Let  me  add  farther,  that  to  make  any  changes  in  their 
Government,  without  their  consent,  would  be  to  transgress 
the  wisest  ndes  of  policy,  and  to  wound  our  most  impor- 
tant interests.  As  they  increase  in  numbers  and  in  riches, 
our  comparative  strength  must  lessen.  In  another  age, 
when  our  power  has  begun  to  lose  something  of  its  superi- 
ority, we  should  be  happy  if  we  could  support  our  authori- 
ty by  mutual  good  will  and  the  habit  of  commanding ;  but 
chiefly  by  those  original  establishments,  which  time  and 
public  honour  might  have  rendered  inviolable.  Our  pos- 
terity will  then  have  reason  to  lament  that  they  cannot 
avail  themselves  of  those  treasures  of  public  friendship  and 
confidence  which  our  fathers  had  wisely  hoarded  up,  and 
we  are  throwing  away.  'Tis  hard,  'tis  cruel,  besides  all 
our  debts  and  taxes,  and  those  enoi-mous  expenses  which 
are  multiplying  upon  us  every  year,  to  load  our  unhappy 


103 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


104 


sons  witli  the  hatred  and  curses  of  North  America.  Indeed, 
my  Lords,  we  are  treating  posterity  very  scurvily.  We 
have  mortgaged  all  the  lands;  we  have  cut  down  all  the 
oaks ;  we  are  now  traniplins;  down  the  fences,  rooting  up 
the  seedlings  and  sajjliiigs,  and  mining  all  the  resources  ot 
another  age.  We  shall  send  tlie  next  generation  into  the 
world,  like  the  wretched  heir  of  a  worthless  father,  without 
money,  credit,  or  friends  ;  with  a  stripped,  encumbered,  and 
perhaps  untenanted  estate. 

Having  spoke  so  largely  against  the  principles  of  the 
Bill,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  enter  into  the  merits  of  it.  1 
siiall  only  observe,  that  even  if  we  had  the  consent  of  the 
People  to  alter  their  Government,  it  would  be  unwise  to 
make  such  alterations  as  these.  To  give  the  afjpointnient 
of  the  Governor  and  Council  to  the  Crown,  and  the  dispo- 
sal of  all  places,  even  of  the  Judges,  and  with  a  power  of 
removing  them,  to  the  Governor,  is  evidently  calculated 
with  a  view  to  form  a  strong  jxirty  in  our  favour.  This  I 
know  has  been  done  in  other  Colonies ;  but  still  this  is 
opening  a  source  of  perpetual  discord,  where  it  is  our  in- 
terest always  to  agree.  If  we  mean  any  thing  by  this 
establishment,  it  is  to  support  the  Go\ernor  and  the  Coun- 
cil against  the  People,  i.  e.  to  quarrel  with  our  friends,  that 
we  may  please  their  servants.  This  scheme  of  governing 
them  by  a  party  is  not  wisely  unagined,  it  is  nnicli  too  pre- 
mature, and  at  all  events,  must  turn  to  our  disadvantage. 
If  it  fails,  it  will  only  make  us  contemptible;  if  it  succeeds, 
it  will  make  us  odious.  It  is  our  interest  to  take  very 
little  part  in  their  domestic  administration  of  Government, 
but  purely  to  watch  over  them  for  their  good.  We  never 
gained  so  much  by  North  America  as  when  we  let  them 
govern  themselves,  and  were  content  to  trade  with  them 
and  to  protect  them.  One  would  think,  my  Lords,  there 
was  some  statute  law,  prohibiting  us,  under  the  severest 
penalties,  to  profit  by  experience. 

My  Ijords,  I  have  ventured  to  lay  my  tliouglus  before 
you,  on  the  greatest  national  concern  that  ever  came  under 
your  deliberation,  with  as  much  honesty  as  you  will  meet 
with  from  abler  men,  and  with  a  melancholy  assurance, 
that  not  a  word  of  it  will  be  regarded.  And  yet,  my 
Lords,  with  your  permission,  I  will  waste  one  short  argu- 
ment more  on  the  same  cause,  one  that  I  own  I  am  fond 
of,  and  which  contains  in  it,  what,  I  think,  must  affect 
every  generous  mind.  My  Lords,  I  look  upon  North  Ame- 
rica as  the  only  great  nui-sery  of  freemen  now  left  ujjon 
the  face  of  the  earth.  We  have  seen  the  liberties  of  Po- 
land and  Sweden  swept  away,  in  the  course  of  one  year, 
by  treachery  and  usurpation.  The  free  towns  ui  Germany 
are  like  so  many  dying  sparks,  that  go  out  one  after  ano- 
thw,  and  which  must  all  be  soon  extinguished  under  the 
destructive  greatness  of  their  neighbours.  Holland  is  little 
more  than  a  great  trading  company,  with  luxurious  man- 
ners, and  an  exhausted  revenue ;  with  little  strength  and 
with  less  spirit.  Switzerland  alone  is  free  and  happy  with- 
in the  narrow  enclosure  of  its  rocks  and  vallies.  As  for 
the  state  of  this  country,  my  I^rds,  I  can  only  refer  my- 
self to  your  own  secret  thoughts.  I  am  disposed  to  think 
and  hope  the  best  of  Public  Liljerty.  Were  I  to  describe 
her,  according  to  my  own  ideas  at  present,  I  should  say 
that  she  has  a  sickly  countenance,  but  I  trust  she  has  a 
strong  constitution. 

But  whatever  may  be  our  future  fate,  the  greatest  glory 
that  attends  this  country,  a  greater  than  any  other  nation 
ever  acquired,  is  to  have  formed  and  nursed  up  to  such  a 
state  of  happiness,  those  Colonies  whom  we  are  now  so 
eager  to  butcher.  We  ought  to  cherish  them  as  the 
immortal  monuments  of  our  public  justice  and  wisdom ; 
as  the  heii-s  of  our  better  days,  of  our  old  arts  and  man- 
ners, and  of  our  expiring  national  virtues.  What  work  of 
art,  or  power,  or  public  utility,  has  ever  eijualled  the  glory 
of  having  peopled  a  continent  without  guilt  or  bloodshed, 
with  a  multitude  of  free  and  happy  commonwealths;  to 
have  given  them  the  best  arts  of  life;  and  Government, 
and  to  have  suffered  them  under  the  shelter  of  our  author- 
ity, to  acquire  in  peace  the  skill  to  use  tiiem.  In  compa- 
rison of  this,  the  policy  of  governing  by  influence,  and 
even  the  pride  of  war  and  victory,  are  dishonest  tricks  and 
poor  contemptible  pageantr)'. 

We  seem  not  to  be  sensible  of  the  high  and  important 
trust  which  Providence  has  committed  to  our  charge. 
The  most  precious  remains  of  civil  liberty,  that  the  world 


can  now  boast  of,  are  lodged  in  our  hands ;  and  God  forbid 
that  we  should  violate  so  sacred  a  deposit.  By  enslaving 
your  Colonies,  you  not  only  ruin  the  peace,  tlie  commerce, 
and  the  fortunes  of  both  countries,  but  you  extinguisii 
the  fairest  hopes,  shut  up  the  last  asylum  of  mankind.  I 
tliink,  my  Lords,  without  being  weakly  superstitious,  that 
a  good  nian  may  hope  tiiat  heaven  will  take  part  against 
tiie  execution  of  a  plan  which  seems  big,  not  oidy  witii 
mischief,  but  inqjiely. 

Let  us  be  content  witli  the  spoils  and  the  destruction  of 
the  East.  If  your  l^ordsliips  can  see  no  impropriety  in  it, 
let  the  ])lunderer  and  tlie  oppressor  still  go  free.  But  let 
not  the  love  of  liberty  be  tlie  only  crime  you  tliink  worthy 
of  punishment.  I  fear  we  shall  soon  make  it  a  part  of 
our  national  character,  to  ruin  every  thing  that  has  li.e 
misfortune  to  depend  upon  us. 

i\o  nation  has  ever  before  contrived,  in  so  short  a  space 
of  time,  without  any  war  or  public  calamity  (unless  unwise 
measures  may  be  so  called)  to  jjestroy  such  ample  resour- 
ces of  commerce,  wealth,  and  power,  as  of  late  were 
ours,  and  which,  if  they  had  been  rightly  improved,  might 
have  raised  us  to  a  state  of  more  honorable  and  more 
permanent  greatness  tiian  die  world  has  yet  seen. 

Let  me  remind  tlie  noble  Lords  in  Administration,  that 
before  the  Stamp  Act,  they  had  power  sulHcient  to  answer 
all  the  just  ends  of  Government,  and  they  were  all 
completely  answered.  If  that  is  the  power  they  want, 
tiiough  we  have  lost  much  of  it  at  present,  a  few  kind 
words  would  recover  it  all. 

But  if  the  tendency  of  this  Bill  is,  as  I  own  it  appears 
to  me,  to  acquire  a  power  of  governing  them  by  influence 
and  corruption  ;  in  the  first  place,  my  I^ords,  this  is  not 
true  Government,  but  a  sopiiisticated  kind  which  counter- 
feits the  appearance,  but  without  tlie  spirit  or  virtue  of  the 
tmc  :  and  then,  as  it  tends  to  debase  their  spirits  and 
corrupt  their  mannei-s,  to  destroy  all  that  is  great  and 
respectable  in  so  considerable  a  part  of  the  human  species, 
and  by  degrees  to  gather  them  together  with  the  rest  of 
the  world,  under  the  yoke  of  universal  slavery;  I  think, 
for  these  reasons,  it  is  the  duty  of  every  wise  man,  of 
every  honest  man,  and  of  every  Ensrlishman.  by  all  lawful 
means,  to  oppose  it. 


Anno  Decimo  (Quarto  Georgii  III.  Regis. 

An  Act  for  the  Better  Regulating  the  Government  of  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England. 

Whereas  by  Letters  Patent  under  the  great  seal  of  Eng- 
land, made  in  the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  their  late 
Majesties  King  William  and  Queen  Mary,  for  uniting, 
erecting,  and  incorporating,  the  several  Colonies,  Territo- 
ries, and  tracts  of  land  therein  mentioned,  into  one  real 
Province,  by  the  name  of  Their  Majesties  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  iSeiv  England;  whereby  it  was, 
amongst  other  things,  ordained  and  established,  that  the 
Governor  of  the  said  Province  should,  from  thenceforth,  be 
appointed  and  commissionated  by  their  Majesties,  their 
heirs  and  successors;  it  was,  however,  granted  and  ordain- 
ed, that,  from  the  expiration  of  the  term  for  and  during 
which  the  eight  and  twenty  persons  named  in  the  said 
letters  patent  were  appointed  to  be  the  first  Counsellors  or 
Assistants  to  the  Governor  of  the  said  Province  for  the  time 
being,  the  aforesaid  number  of  eight  and  twenty  Counsel- 
loi-s  or  Assistants  should  yearly,  once  in  every  year,  for  ever 
thereafter,  be,  by  the  General  Court  or  Assembly,  newly 
chosen :  and  whereas  the  said  method  of  electing  such 
Counsellors  or  Assistants,  to  be  vested  with  the  several 
powers,  authorities,  and  privileges,  therein  mentioned,  al- 
ihouffh  conformal)le  to  the  practice  theretofore  used  in  such 
of  the  Colonies  thereby  united,  in  which  the  appointment 
of  the  respective  Governors  had  been  vested  in  the  General 
Courts  or  Assemblies  of  the  said  Colonies,  hath,  by  re- 
peated experience,  been  found  to  be  extremely  ill  adapted 
to  the  plan  of  Government  established  in  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  by  the  said  letters  patent  herein-before 
mentioned,  and  hath  been  so  far  from  contributing  to  the 
attainment  of  the  good  ends  and  jjurposes  thereby  intended 
and  to  the  promoting  of  the  internal  welfare,  peace,  and 
good  government,  of  the  said  Province,  or  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  just  subordination  to,  and  confonnitv  with,  the 


105 


BILL  FOR  GOVERNMEIVT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY, 


106 


laws  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  manner  of  exercising  the 
powers,  authorities,  and  privileges  aforesaid,  by  the  persons 
so  annually  elected,  hath,  for  some  time  past,  been  such  as 
had  the  most  manifest  tendency  to  obstruct,  and,  in  great 
measure  defeat,  the  execution  of  the  laws ;  to  weaken  the 
attachment  of  his  Majesty's  well  disposed  subjects  in  the 
said  Province  to  his  Majesty's  Government,  and  to  en- 
courage the  ill  disposed  among  them  to  proceed  even  to 
acts  of  direct  resistance  to,  and  defiance  of,  liis  Majesty's 
authority :  and  it  hath  accordingly  happened,  that  an  open 
resistance  to  the  execution  ol  the  laws  hath  actually  taken 
place  in  the  town  of  Boston,  and  the  neighbourhood  tliereof, 
within  the  said  Province:  and  whereas  it  is,  under  these 
circumstances,  become  absolutely  necessary,  in  order  to  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  and  good  order  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, the  protection  of  his  Majesty's  well  disposed  subjects 
therein  resident,  the  continuance  of  the  mutual  benefits 
arisiiii;  from  the  commerce  and  correspondence  between 
this  Kingdom  and  the  said  Province,  and  the  maintaining 
of  the  just  dependence  of  the  said  Province  upon  the  Crown 
and  Parliament  of  Great  Biitain,  that  the  said  method  of 
annuallv  electing  the  Counsellors  or  Assistants  of  the  said 
Province  should  no  longer  be  suffered  to  continue,  but  that 
the  appointment  of  the  said  Counsellors  or  Assistants  should 
henceforth  be  put  upon  the  like  footing  as  is  established  in 
such  other  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  or  Plantations  in 
America,  the  Governors  whereof,  are  appointed  by  his 
Majesty's  commission,  under  the  great  seal  of  Great 
Britain  :  Be  it  therefore  enacted  by  the  King's  most  ex- 
cellent Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
I^ords  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  this 
present  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
same,  that  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  August,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  so  much  of  the 
charter  granted  by  their  Majesties  King  William  and 
Queen  Mary,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,  and  all  and  every 
clause,  matter,  and  thing,  therein  contained,  which  relates 
to  the  tune  and  manner  of  electing  the  Assistants  or  Coun- 
sellors for  the  said  Province,  be  revoked,  and  is  hereby  re- 
voked and  made  void  and  of  none  effect ;  and  that  the  offi- 
ces of  all  Counsellors  and  Assistants,  elected  and  appointed 
in  pursuance  thereof,  shall  from  thenceforth  cease  and  de- 
termine; and  that,  from  and  after  the  said  first  day  of 
August,  one  thousand  seven  himdred  and  seventy-four,  the 
Council,  or  Court  of  Assistants  of  the  said  Province  for  the 
time  being,  shall  be  composed  of  such  of  the  inhabitants  or 
proprietors  of  lands  within  the  same  as  shall  be  thereunto 
nominated  and  appointed  by  his  Majesty,  his  heirs  and 
successors,  from  tinv?  to  time,  by  warrant  under  his  or  their 
signet  or  sign  manual,  and  with  the  advice  of  the  Privy 
Council,  agreeable  to  the  practice  now  used  in  respect  to 
the  appointment  of  Counsellors  in  such  of  his  Majesty's 
other  Colonies  in  America,  the  Governors  whereof  aie  ap- 
pointed by  commission  under  tlie  great  seal  of  Great 
Britain :  provided,  that  the  number  of  the  said  Assistants 
or  Counsellors  shall  not,  at  any  one  time,  exceed  thirty-six, 
nor  be  less  than  twelve. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  enacted,  That  the  said  Assis- 
tants or  Counsellors,  so  to  be  appointed  as  aforesaid,  shall 
hold  their  ofiices  respectively,  for  and  during  the  pleasure 
of  his  Majesty,  his  heirs  or  successors  ;  and  shall  have  and 
enjoy  all  the  powers,  privileges,  and  immunities,  at  present 
held,  exercised,  and  enjoyed,  by  the  Assistants  or  Coun- 
sellors of  the  said  Province,  constituted  and  elected,  from 
time  to  time,  under  the  said  charter,  (except  as  hereinafter 
excepted  :)  and  shall  also,  upon  their  admission  into  the 
said  Council,  and  before  they  enter  upon  the  execution  of 
their  offices  respectively,  take  the  oaths,  and  make,  repeat, 
and  subscribe,  the  declarations  required,  as  well  by  the 
said  charter  as  by  any  law  or  laws  of  the  said  Province  now 
in  force,  to  be  taken  by  the  Assistants  or  Counsellors  who 
have  been  so  elected  and  constituted  as  aforesaid. 

Anil  he  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  from  an<l  after  the  first  day  of  July,  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  it  shall  and  may  be  law- 
ful for  his  Majesty's  Governor  for  the  time  being  of  the 
said  Province,  or,  in  his  absence,  for  the  Lieutenant  Gover- 
nor, to  nominate  and  appoint,  under  the  seal  of  the  Pro- 
vince, from  time  to  time,  and  also  to  remove,  without  the 
I'onsent  of  the  Council,  all  Judges  of  the  Inferior  Courts  of 


Common  Pleas,  Commissioners  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  llie 
Attorney  General,  Provosts,  Marshals,  Justices  of  the 
Peace,  and  other  officers  to  the  Council  or  Courts  of 
Justice  belonging  ;  and  that  all  Judges  of  the  Inferior 
Courts  of  Common  Picas,  Conmiissioners  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer,  the  Attorney  General,  Provosts,  Marshals, 
Justices,  and  other  olHcers  so  appointed  by  the  Governor, 
or,  in  his  absence,  by  the  Lieutenant  Governor  alone,  shall 
and  may  have,  hold,  and  exercise  their  said  offices,  powers, 
and  authorities,  as  fully  and  completely,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  as  any  Judges  of  the  Inferior  Courts  of  Common 
Pleas,  Commissioners  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  Attorney 
General,  Provosts,  Marshals,  or  other  officei-s,  have  or 
might  have  done  heretofore  under  the  said  letters  patent,  in 
the  third  year  of  the  reign  of  their  late  Majesties  King 
f-Villiam  and  Queen  Mary  ;  an}-  law,  statute,  or  usage,  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

Provided  ahvays,  and  be  it  enacted,  That  nothing  herein 
contained  shall  extend,  or  be  construed  to  extend,  to  annul 
or  make  void  the  commission  granted  before  the  said  first 
day  of  July,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sevent}-four, 
to  any  Judges  of  the  Inferior  Courts  of  Common  Pleas, 
Commissioners  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  the  Attorney  Gene- 
ral, Provosts,  Marshals,  Justices  of  the  Peace,  or  other 
oiKcers  ;  but  that  they  may  hold  and  exercise  the  same,  as 
if  this  act  had  never  been  made,  until  the  same  shall  be 
determined  by  death,  removal  by  the  Govenior,  or  other 
avoidance,  as  the  case  may  happen. 

A7td  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That,  from  and  after  the  said  first  day  of  July,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  for  his  Majesty's  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  for 
the  Lieutenant  Governor  for  the  time  being  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, irom  time  to  time,  to  nominate  and  appoint  the 
Sheriffs  without  the  consent  of  the  Council,  and  to  remove 
sucii  Sheriffs  with  such  consent,  and  not  otherwise. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That,  upon  every  vacancy  of  the  offices  of  Chief  Justice 
and  Judges  of  the  Superior  Court  of  the  said  Province, 
from  and  after  the  said  first  day  of  July,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  seventy-four,  the  Governor  for  the  time  being, 
or,  in  his  absence,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Council,  shall  have  full  power  and  authority 
to  nominate  and  appoint  the  persons  to  succeed  to  the  said 
offices,  who  shall  hold  their  commissions  during  the  pleasure 
of  his  Majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors :  and  that  neither 
the  Chief  Justice  and  Judges  appointed  before  the  said 
first  day  of  July,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
four,  nor  those  who  shall  hereafter  be  appointed  pursuant 
to  this  Act,  shall  be  removed,  unless  by  the  order  of  his 
Majesty,  his  heii-s  or  successors,  under  his  or  their  sign 
manual. 

And  whereas,  by  several  Acts  of  the  General  Court, 
which  have  been  from  time  to  time  enacted  and  passed 
within  the  said  Province,  the  freeholders  and  inhabitants  of 
the  several  townships,  districts,  and  precincts,  qualified,  as 
is  therein  expressed,  are  authorized  to  assemble  together, 
annually,  or  occasionally,  upon  notice  given,  in  such  man- 
ner as  the  said  Acts  direct,  for  the  choice  of  Selectmen, 
Constables,  and  other  officers,  and  for  the  making  and 
agreeing  upon  such  necessary  rides,  orders,  and  bye-laws, 
for  the  directing,  managing,  and  ordering,  the  prudential  af- 
fairs of  such  townships,  districts,  and  precincts,  and  for 
odier  purposes ;  and  w  hereas  a  great  abuse  has  been  made 
of  the  power  of  calling  such  meetings,  and  the  inhabitants 
have,  contrary  to  the  design  of  their  institution,  been  misled 
to  treat  upon  matters  of  the  most  general  concern,  and  to 
})ass  many  dangerous  and  unwarrantable  resolves  :  for  reme- 
dv  whereof,  Be  it  enacted,  that  from  and  after  the  said  first 
day  of  August,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
four,  no  meeting  shall  be  called  by  the  Selectmen,  or  at 
the  request  of  any  number  of  freeholder  of  any  township, 
district,  or  precinct,  without  the  leave  of  the  Governor,  or. 
in  his  absence,  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  in  writing,  ex- 
pressing the  special  business  of  the  said  meeting,  first  had 
and  obtained,  except  the  annual  meeting  in  the  months  of 
March  or  May,  for  the  choice  of  Selectmen,  Constables, 
and  other  officers,  or  except  for  the  choice  of  persons  to 
fill  up  the  offices  aforesaid,  on  the  deatli  or  removal  of  any 
of  the  persons  first  elected  to  such  offices,  and  also,  except 
any  meeting  for  the  election  of  a  Representative  or  Repre- 


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BILL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


108 


sentatives  in  the  General  Court ;  and  that  no  other  matter 
shall  be  treated  of  at  such  meetings,  except  tlie  election  oi 
their  aforesaid  ofiicers  or  Representatives,  nor  at  ajiy  other 
iiiectini;,  except  tlie  business  expressed  "ui  the  leave  given 
by  tlie  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  by  tlie  Lieutenant 
Governor. 

And  wliereas  the  method  at  present  used  in  the  Pro- 
vince of  Massac/iusetts  Bay,  in  America ,  of  electin;;:  ])ei-sons 
to  serve  on  Grand  Juries,  and  other  juries,  by  tiie  free- 
holders and  inhabitants  of  tlie  several  towns,  affords  occasion 
for  many  evil  practices,  and  tends  to  pervert  the  free  and 
impartial  administration  of  justice :  for  remedy  whereof, 
Be  it  further  enactvil  by  the  (iiithority  nforcsaid,  That  trom 
and  after  the  respective  times  appointed  for  the  holding  o( 
the  General  Sessions  of  tlie  Peace,  in  the  several  counties 
within  tlie  said  Province,  next  after  the  month  of  Stjitem- 
ber,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  the 
Jurors  to  serve  at  the  Superior  Courts  of  Judicature,  Courts 
of  Assize,  General  Gaol  Delivery,  General  Sessions  of  the 
Peace,  and  Inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  in  the  several 
counties  within  the  said  Province,  shall  not  be  elected, 
nominated,  or  appointed,  by  the  freelioldere  and  inhabitants 
of  the  several  towns  within  the  said  respective  counties, 
nor  summoned  or  returned  by  the  Constables  of  the  said 
towns ;  but  that,  from  thenceforth,  the  Jurors  to  serve  at 
the  Superior  Courts  of  Judicature,  Courts  of  Assize,  Gene- 
ral (iaol  Delivery,  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  and  In- 
ferior Court  of  Common  Pleas,  within  the  said  Province, 
shall  be  summoned  and  returned  by  the  Sherifis  of  the  re- 
spective counties  within  the  said  Province  ;  and  all  writs  of 
Venire  Facias,  or  other  process  or  warrants  to  be  issued 
for  the  return  of  Jurors  to  serve  at  the  said  Courts,  shall  be 
directed  to  the  Sheriffs  of  the  said  counties  respectively, 
any  law,  custom,  or  usage,  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 
Provided  always,  and  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  au- 
thority aforesaid,  That  wherever  the  Sheriff  of  any  county 
shall  happen  to  be  a  part)-,  or  interested  or  related  to  any 
party  or  person  interested  in  any  prosecution  or  suit  de- 
pending in  any  of  the  said  Courts,  that  then,  in  such  case, 
the  writ  of  Venire  Facias,  or  other  process  or  warrant  for 
the  summoning  and  return  of  a  Jury,  for  the  trial  of  such 
prosecution  or  suit,  shall  be  directed  to,  and  executed  by, 
the  Coroner  of  such  county ;  and  in  case  such  Coroner 
shall  be  also  a  party,  or  interested  in,  or  related  to,  any 
party  or  person  interested  in  such  prosecution  oi'  suit,  then 
the  Venire  Facias,  or  other  process  or  warrant,  for  the 
summoning  and  return  of  a  Jury  for  the  trial  of  such  prose- 
cution or  suit,  shall  be  directed  to,  and  executed  by,  a 
proper  and  hidifferent  person,  to  be  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose by  the  Court  wherein  such  prosecution  or  suit  shall  be 
depending. 

And  that  all  Sheriffs  may  be  better  informed  of  persons 
qualified  to  serve  on  Juries  at  the  Superior  Courts  of  Judi- 
cature, Courts  of  Assize,  General  Gaol  Delivery,  General 
Sessions  of  the  Peace,  and  Inferior  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  within  the  said  Province,  Be  it  further  enacted  by 
the  authority  aforesaid.  That  the  Constables  of  the  respec- 
tive towns,  within  the  several  counties  of  the  said  Province, 
shall,  at  the  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  to  be  holden  for 
each  county,  next  after  the  month  of  September,  in  every 
year,  upon  the  first  day  of  the  said   Sessions,  return  and 
deliver  to  the  Justices  of  the  Peace,  in  open  Court,  a  true 
list,  in  writing,  of  the  names  and  places  of  abode  of  all 
persons  within  the  respective  towns  for  which  they  serve, 
or  the  districts  thereof,  qualified  to  serve  upon  Juries,  with 
their  titles    and   additions,  between   the  age  of  one  and 
twenty  years,  and  the  age  of  seventy  years  ;  which  said 
Justices,  or  any  two  of  them,  at  the  said  Sessions  in  the  re- 
spective counties,  shall  cause  to  be  delivered  a  duplicate  of 
the  aforesaid   lists,  by  the  Clerk  of  the   Peace  of  every 
county,  to  the  Sheriffs,  or  their  Deputies,  within  ten  days 
after  such  Sessions ;  and  cause  each  of  the  said  lists  to  be 
fairly  entered  into  a  book,  by  die  Clerk  of  the  Peace,  to  be 
by  him  provided,  and  kept  for  that  purpose  amongst  the 
records  of  the  said  Court ;  and  no  Sheriff  shall  empannel  or 
return  any  person  or  persons  to  serve  upon  any  Grand  Jury, 
or  Petit  Jury,  whatsoever,  in  any  of  the  said  Courts  that 
shall  not  be  named  or  mentioned  in  such  list :  and,  to  pre- 
vent the  failure  of  justice,  through  the  neglect  of  Consta- 
bles to  make  such  returns  of  persons  qualified  to  serve  on 
such  Juries,  as  in  and  by  this  Act  is  directed,  the  Clerks 


of  the  Peace  of  the  said  several  counties  are  hereby  required 
and  commanded,  twenty   days  at  least  next    before  the 
mondi  of  September,  yearly,  and  every  year,  to  issue  forth 
precepts  or   warrants,  under  their    respective  hands  and 
seals,  to  the  respective  Constables  of  the  several  towns 
within  the  said  respective  counties,  requiring  them,  and 
every  of  them,  to  make  such  return  of  persons,  qualified  to 
serve  upon  Juries  as   hereby  respectively   directed  ;  and 
every   Constable   failing  at  any  time  to  make  and  deliver 
such  return  to  the  Justices  in  open  Court,  as  aforesaid, 
shall  forfeit  and  incur  the  penalty  of  five  pounds  sterling  to 
his  Majesty,  and  his  successors,  to  be  recovered  by  bill, 
plaint,  or  information,  to  be  prosecuted  in  any  of  the  Courts 
aforesaid  ;  and,   in  order  that  the  Constables  may  be  the 
better  enabled  to  make  complete  lists  of  all  persons  qualified 
to  serve  on  Juries,  die  Constables  of  the  several  towns  shall 
have  free  liberty,  at  all  seasonable  times,  upon  recjuest  by 
them  made  to  any  officer  or  officers,  who  shall  have  in  his  or 
their  custody  any  book  or  account  of  rates  or  taxes  on  the 
freeholders  or  inhabitants  within  such  respective  towns,  to 
inspect  the  same,  and  take  from  thence  the  names  of  such 
persons  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries,  dwelling  wuthin  the  re- 
spective towns  for  which  such  lists  are  to  be  given  in  and 
returned,  pursuant  to  this  Act ;  and  shall,  in  the  month  of 
September,  yearly,  and  every    year,  upon  two  or  more 
Sundays,   fix  upon  the   door  of  the  church,  chapel,  and 
every  other  public  place  of  religious  worship,  within  their 
respective  precincts,  a  true  and  exact  list  of  all  such  persons 
intended  to  be  returned  to  the  said  General  Sessions  of  the 
Peace,  as  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries,  pursuant  to  the  di- 
rections of  this  Act ;  and  leave  at  the  same  time  a  duplicate 
of  such  list  with  the  Town  Clerk  of  the  said  place,  to  be 
perused  by  the  freeholders  and  inhabitants  thereof,  to  the 
end  that  notice  may  be  given  of  persons  duly  qualified  vvho 
are  omitted,  or  of  persons  inserted  by  mistake  who  ought  to 
be  omitted  out  of  such  lists  ;  and  it  shall  and  may  be  law- 
ful to  and  for  the  Justices,  at  the  General  Sessions  of  the 
Peace  to  which  the  said  list  shall  be  so  returned,  upon  due 
proof  made  before  them  of  any  person  or  persons  duly 
([ualified  to  serve  on  Juries  being  omitted  in  such   lists,  or 
of  any  pereon  or  persons  being  inserted  therein  who  ought 
to  have  been  omitted,  to  order  his  or  their  name  or  names 
to  be  inserted  or  struck  out,  as  the  case  may  require  :  and 
in  case  any  Constable  shall  wilfully  omit,  out  of  such  list, 
any  person  or  pei-sons,  whose  name  or  names  ought  to  be 
inserted,  or  shall  wilfully  insert  any  ]ierson  or  persons  who 
ought  to  be  omitted,  eveiy  Constable  so  oflending,  shall, 
for  every  person  so  omitted  or  inserted  in  such  list,  con- 
trary to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  this  Act,  be  fined 
by  the  said  Justices,  in   the  said  General  Sessions  of  the 
Peace,  in  the  sum  of  forty  shillings  sterling. 

Provided  always,  and  be  it  chactcd  by  the  authority 
aforesaid.  That  in  case  default  shall  at  any  time  hereafter 
be  made,  by  any  Constable  or  Constables,  to  return  lists  of 
persons  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries  within  any  of  the  said 
towns  to  the  said  Court  of  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace, 
then,  and  in  such  case,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the 
Sheriff  of  the  county,  in  which  such  default  shall  be  made, 
to  summon  and  return  to  the  several  Courts  aforesaid,  or 
any  of  thein,  such  and  so  many  jiersons  dwelling  in  such 
towns,  or  the  districts  thereof,  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries, 
as  he  shall  think  fit  to  serve  on  Juries  at  such  respective 
Courts  ;  any  tliinsr  herein  contained  to  the  contrary  thereof 
in  any  wise  notwithstanding. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  every  summons  of  any  person,  to  serve  upon  any  of 
the  Juries  at  the  said  Courts,  or  any  of  them,  shall  be  made 
by  the  Sheriff,  or  other  ])erson,  ten  days  at  the  least  before 
the  holdinu'  of  every  such  Court;  and  in  case  any  Jurors, 
so  to  be  summoned,  he  absent  from  the  usual  place  of  his 
habitation  at  the  time  of  such  summons,  notice  of  such 
summons  shall  be  given,  by  leaving  a  note,  in  writing,  under 
the  hand  of  such  Sheriff,  or  person,  containing  the  contents 
thereof,  at  the  dwelling  house  of  such  Juror,  with  some 
person  iiiliahiting  in  the  same. 

Provided  always,  and  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  au- 
thority aforesaid.  That  in  case  a  sufficient  number  of 
persons  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries  shall  not  appear  at  the 
said  Courts,  or  any  of  them,  to  perform  the  service  of 
Grand  or  Petit  Jurors,  that  then,  and  in  such  case,  it  shall 
be  lawful  for  the  said  Court  to  issue  a  writ  or  precept  to 


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BILL  FOR  GOVERMVIENT  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


110 


the  Sheriff,  requiring  him  to  summon  a  sufficient  number 
of  other  persons  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries,  immediately 
to  appear  at  such  Court,  to  fill  up  and  complete  the  num- 
ber of  Jurors  to  serve  at  such  Court ;  and  such  persons  are 
liereby  required  to  appear  and  serve  as  Jurors  at  the  said 
Courts  accordingly. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  no  person  who  shall  serve  as  a  Juror,  at  any  of  the 
said  Courts,  shall  be  liable  to  serve  again  as  a  Juror  at  the 
same  Court,  or  any  other  of  the  Courts  aforesaid,  for  the 
space  of  three  years  then  next  following,  except  upon 
special  Juries. 

And,  in  order  that  the  Sheriffs  may  be  informed  of  the 
persons  who  have  served  as  Jurors,  It  is  hereby  further 
enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  every  Slieritr 
sjiall  prepare  and  keep  a  book,  or  register,  wherein  the 
names  of  all  such  persons  who  have  served  as  Jurors,  with 
their  additions  and  places  of  abode,  and  the  times  when, 
and  tiie  Courts  in  wiiich  they  served,  siiall  be  alphabetically 
entered  and  registered ;  which  books  or  registers  shall, 
from  time  to  time,  be  delivered  over  to  the  succeeding 
Sheriff  of  the  said  county,  within  ten  days  after  he  shall 
enter  upon  his  oflice ;  and  every  Juror,  who  shall  attend 
and  serve  at  any  of  the  Courts  aforesaid,  may,  at  the  expi- 
ration of  the  time  of  holding  every,  such  Court,  upon  ap- 
plication to  the  Sheriff,  or  his  Deputy,  have  a  certificate 
immediately,  §Ta^M,  from  the  Sheriff,  or  his  Deputy,  testify- 
ing such  his  attendance  and  service  ;  which  said  certificate 
the  said  Sheriff,  or  his  Deputy,  is  required  to  give  to  every 
such  Juror. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if,  by  reason  of  challenges,  or  otherw'ise,  their  shall 
not  be  a  sufficient  number  of  Jurors  for  the  trial  of  any 
prosecution  for  any  misdemeanor,  or  any  action  depending 
in  any  of  the  said  Courts,  then,  and  in  such  case,  the  Jury 
shall  be  filled  up  de  talibus  circumstantibus,  to  be  returned 
by  the  Sheriff,  unless  he  be  a  party,  or  interested  or  rela- 
ted to  any  party  or  person  interested  in  such  prosecution  or 
action  ;  and,  in  any  of  which  cases,  to  be  returned  by  the 
Coroner,  unless  he  be  a  party,  or  interested  or  related  to 
any  party  or  person  interested  in  such  prosecution  or  action  ; 
and,  in  any  of  these  cases,  to  be  returned  by  a  proper  and 
indifferent  person,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Court  for  tliat 
purpose. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  in  case  any  person  summoned  to  serve  upon  the 
Grand  or  Petit  Jury,  at  any  of  the  Courts  aforesaid,  or 
upon  the  Jury,  in  any  prosecution,  action,  or  suit,  depend- 
ing in  any  of  the  said  Courts,  shall  not  appear  and  serve  at 
the  said  Courts,  according  to  the  said  summons,  (not  having 
any  reasonable  excuse  to  be  allowed  by  the  Judges  or 
Justices  at  such  Court,)  he  shall  be  fined  by  the  Judges  or 
Justices  of  such  Court  in  any  sum  not  exceeding  tlie  sum 
of  ten  pounds,  nor  less  than  twenty  shillings  sterling. 

And  be  it  further  enapted  by  the  authority  .aforesaid, 
That  every  Sheriff,  or  other  officer,  to  whom  the  Venire 
Facias,  or  other  process  or  warrant,  for  the  trial  of  causes, 
or  summoning  of  Juries,  shall  be  directed,  shall,  upon  his 
return  of  every  such  writ,  or  other  process  or  warrant, 
(unless  in  cases  where  a  special  Jury  shall  be  stuck  by 
order  or  mle  of  Court,  pursuant  to  this  Act,)  annex  a 
pannel  to  tlie  said  writ,  or  process,  or  warrant,  containing 
the  christian  and  surnames,  additions,  and  places  of  abode, 
of  a  competent  number  of  Jurors,  named  in  such  lists, 
which  number  of  Jurors  shall  not  be  less  than  twenty-foin-, 
nor  more  than  forty-eight,  without  direction  of  the  Judges 
or  Justices  of  such  Court  of  Session,  or  one  of  them,  who 
are  hereby  respectively  empowered  and  required,  if  he  or 
they  see  cause,  by  order,  under  his  or  their  respective  hand 
or  hands,  to  direct  a  greater  number ;  and  then  such 
number  as  shall  be  so  directed  shall  be  the  number  to  be 
returned  to  serve  on  such  Jury. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  for  the  trials  of  all  actions  or  suits  depending  in  any 
of  tlie  said  Courts,  the  name  of  each  and  every  person  who 
shall  be  summoned  and  returned  as  aforesaid,  with  his  ad- 
dition, and  the  place  of  his  abode,  shall  be  written  in  several 
and  distinct  pieces  of  parchment,  or  paper,  being  all  as 
near  as  may  be  of  equal  size  and  bigness,  and  shall  be  de- 
livered unto  the  officer  to  be  appointed  by  the  Court  for 
that  purpose,  by  the  Sheriff,  Under  Sheriff,  or  some  Agent 


of  his ;  and  shall,  by  direction  and  care  of  such  officer,  be 
rolled  up  all  as  near  as  may  be,  in  the  same  manner,  and 
put  together  in  a  box  or  gliiss,  to  be  provided  for  that  pur- 
jiose  ;  and  when  any  cause  shall  be  brought  on  to  be  tried, 
some  indifferent  person,  by  direction  of  the  Court,  may  and 
shall,  in  open  Court,  draw  out  twelve  of  the  said  parch- 
ments or  papers,  one  after  anotlier;  and  if  any  of  the 
persons,  wliose  names  siiall  be  so  drawn,  shall  not  appear, 
or  shall  be  challenged,  and  such  challenge  allowed,  then 
such  person  shall  proceed  to  draw  other  parciiments  or 
papers  from  the  said  box,  till  twelve  indifferent  persons 
shall  be  drawn ;  which  twelve  indifferent  persons  being 
sworn  shall  be  tlio  Jury  to  try  the  said  cause :  and  the 
names  of  the  persons  so  drawn  and  sworn  shall  be  kept 
apai't  by  tiiemselves  in  some  other  box  or  glass,  to  be  kept 
for  that  purpose,  till  such  Jury  shall  have  given  in  their 
verdict,  and  the  same  is  recorded,  or  until  such  Jury  shall, 
by  consent  of  tlie  parties,  or  leave  of  the  Court,  be  dis- 
charged ;  and  tiien  the  same  names  shall  be  rolled  up  again, 
and  returned  to  tiie  former  box  or  glass,  there  to  be  kept, 
witii  the  other  names  remaining  at  that  time  undrawn,  and 
so  toties  quoties,  as  long  as  any  cause  remahis  then  to  be 
tried. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  Superior 
Court  of  Assize,  and  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  upon  motion 
made  on  behalf  of  his  Majesty,  his  heirs  or  successors,  or  on 
the  motion  of  any  prosecutor  or  defendant,  in  any  indict- 
ment or  information  for  any  misdemeanor  depending,  or  to 
be  brought  or  prosecuted  in  the  said  Court,  or  on  the 
motion  of  any  plaintiff  or  plaintiffs,  defendant,  or  defen- 
dants, in  any  action,  cause,  or  suit  whatsoever,  depending, 
or  to  be  brought  and  carried  on  in  the  said  Court,  and  the 
said  Court  is  hereby  authorized  and  required,  upon  motion 
as  aforesaid,  in  any  of  the  cases  before  mentioned,  to  order 
and  appoint  a  Jury  to  be  struck  for  the  trial  of  any  issue 
joined  in  any  of  the  said  cases,  and  triable  by  a  Jury  of 
twelve  men,  by  such  officer  of  the  said  Court  as  the  Court 
shall  appoint ;  and  for  that  purpose  the  Sheriff,  or  his 
Deputy,  shall  attend  such  officer  with  the  duplicate  of  the 
lists  of  persons  qualified  to  serve  on  Juries ;  and  such  offi- 
cer shall  thereupon  take  down,  in  writing,  from  the  said 
duplicate,  the  names  of  forty-eight  persons  qualified  to 
serve  on  Juries,  with  their  additions,  and  places  of  abode, 
a  copy  whereof  shall  forthwith  be  delivered  to  the  prosecu- 
tors or  plaintiffs,  their  attorneys  or  agents,  and  another 
copy  thereof  to  the  defendants,  their  attorneys  or  agents,  in 
such  prosecutions  and  causes ;  and  the  said  officer  of  the 
Court  aforesaid  shall,  at  a  time  to  be  fixed  by  him  for  that 
purjiose,  strike  out  the  names  of  twelve  of  the  said  persons 
at  the  nomination  of  the  prosecutors  or  plaintiffs,  their  at- 
torneys or  agents,  and  also  the  names  of  twelve  others  of 
the  said  persons,  at  the  nomination  of  the  said  defendants 
in  such  prosecutions  and  suits,  and  the  twenty-four  remain- 
ing persons  shall  be  struck  and  summoned,  and  returned  to 
the  said  Court  as  Jurors,  for  the  trial  of  such  issues. 

Provided  always.  That  in  case  the  prosecutors  or  plain- 
tiffs, or  defendants,  their  attorneys  or  agents,  shall  neglect 
or  refuse  to  attend  the  officer  at  the  time  fixed  for  striking 
the  names  of  twenty-four  persons  as  aforesaid,  or  nominate 
the  persons  to  be  struck  out,  then,  and  in  such  case,  the 
said  officer  shall,  and  he  is  hereby  required  to  strike  out  the 
names  of  such  number  of  the  said  persons  as  such  prosecu- 
tors or  plaintiffs,  or  defendants,  might  have  nominated  to 
be  struck  out. 

And  he  it  further  enacted,  That  the  person  or  party 
who  shall  apply  for  such  special  Jury  as  aforesaid,  shall  not 
only  bear  and  pay  the  fees  for  striking  such  Jury,  but  shall 
also  pay  and  discharge  all  the  expenses  occasioned  by  the 
trial  of  the  cause  by  such  Special  Jury,  and  shall  not  have 
an)-  further  or  other  allowance  for  the  same,  upon  taxation 
of  costs,  than  such  person  or  party  would  be  entitled  unto  in 
case  the  cause  had  been  tried  by  a  Common  Jur)',  unless 
the  Judge,  before  whom  the  cause  is  tried,  shall,  immedi- 
ately after  the  trial,  certify,  in  open  Court,  under  his  hand, 
upon  the  back  of  the  record,  that  the  same  was  a  cause 
proper  to  be  tried  by  a  Special  Jury. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That,  in  all  actions  brought  in  any  of  the  said  Courts, 
where  it  shall  appear  to  the  Court  in  which  such  actions 
are  depending,  that  it  will  be  proper  and  necessary  that 


ill 


Bir.L  FOR  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE  IN  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


112 


the  Juroi-s  who  are  to  try  the  issues  in  any  such  actions, 
siiouki  have  the  view  of  the  messuages,  lauds,  or  phice  in 
question,  in  order  to  tiieir  better  understandiuif  the  evidence 
that  will  be  given  upon  the  trial  of  such  issues  ;  in  every 
such  ciise  tiie  respective  Courts  in  which  sucii  actions  shall 
be  depending,  may  order  the  Jury  to  the  place  in  question, 
who  tiion  and  there  shall  liave  the  mailers  in  question 
shewn  them  by  two  persons  to  he  appointed  by  the  Court; 
and  the  special  costs  of  all  such  views  as  allowed  by  the 
Court,  shall,  before  the  trial,  be  paid  by  the  ])arty  who 
moved  for  the  view,  (the  adverse  party  not  consenting 
thereto  ;)  and  shall  at  the  taxation  of  the  bill  of  costs,  have 
the  same  allowed  him,  upon  his  recovering  judgement  in 


sucli  trial ;  and  upon  all  views  with  the  consent  of  jiarties, 
ordered  by  tlie  Court,  tiie  costs  thereof,  as  allowed  by  the 
Court,  shall,  before  trial,  be  equally  paid  by  the  said 
parties  ;  and  in  the  taxation  of  the  bill  of  costs,  the  party 
recovering  judgment  shall  have  the  sum  by  him  j)aid,  al- 
lowed to  him  ;  any  law,  usage,  or  custom,  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  action  shall  be  brought  against  any  SherifT,  for 
what  he  sliall  do  in  execution,  or  by  virtue  of  this  Act,  he 
may  plead  the  general  issue,  and  give  the  special  matter  in 
evidence ;  and  if  a  verdict  shall  be  found  for  him,  he  shall 
recover  treble  costs. 


IV.  BILL  FOR  THE  LMPARTIAL  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE  IIV 
TIIE  PROVINCE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 
Monday,  March  28,  1774. 

The  House  having  had  under  consideration,  in  Commit- 
tee of  the  Whole,  on  Friday,  the  '25th  instant,  the  King's 
Message  of  die  7th,  and  sundry  other  Papers,  received  the 
Report  diis  day,  and  granted  leave  to  bring  in  the  Bill  lor 
the  better  regulating  the  Government  of  the  Province  of 
Mnssachmetts  Bay. 

Sir  Charles  fVhitworth,  dien  acquainted  die  House  that 
he  was  directed  by  the  Committee  to  move,  that  they  may 
have  leave  to  sit  again. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Wednesday  fort- 
night, the  13th  day  of  April  next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  whole  House,  to  consider  further  of  the  said 
Message  and  Papers. 

Wednesday,  April  13,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  considering  the  Message  and 
Papers,  in  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  was  read  : 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Friday  morning 
next,  resolve  itself  into  the  said  Committee. 

Friday,  April  15,  1774. 

Tlie  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  by  his  Ma- 
jesty's command. 

No.  1 .  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to 
the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  14th  February, 
1774  ;  received  5th  of  April,  enclosing, 

No.  2.  Copy  of  Governor  Hutchinson's  Speech  to  the 
Council  and  House  of  Representatives  ;  and  their 
Answer. 
No.  3.  Copy  of  a  Requisition  from  the  House  of 
Representatives   of    Massachusetts   Bay,    to   the 
Judges  of  the  Superior  Court. 
No.  4.  Copy  of  a  Remonstrance  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  against  the 
Chief  Justice. 
No.  5.  Copy  of  the  Vote  of  the  Council  and  House 
of  Representatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  for  ad- 
journing the  Superior  Court,  not  consented  to  by 
the  Governor. 
No.  6.  Copy  of  Governor  Hutchinson^s  Answer  to 
the  Remonstrance  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
against  the  Chief  Justice. 
Together  witli  a  list  of  the  said  Papers. 
And  the  said  list  was  read  : 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  be  referred  to  the  con- 
sideration of  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  whom 
it  is  referred  to  take  into  further  consideration  his  Majesty's 
most  gracious  Message  of  Monday,  the  7th  day  of  March 
last,  together  with  the  Papers  which  were  presented  to  the 


House  by  the  Lord  North,  upon  the  7th  and  11th  da\s  of 
March  last,  by  his  Majesty's  command. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  the  House  to  resolve  itself  into 
a  Committee  of  the  whole  on  the  said  Message  and  Papers, 
was  read,  and 

The  House  resolved  itself  into  the  said  Committee,  Sir 
Charles  IfTiittoorth  in  the  Chair. 

The  Papers  presented  this  day  were  then  read ;  when 
the  reading  was  finished, 

Lord  North  rose,  and  said,  he  meant  now  to  propose  a 
third  Bill,  which  he  hoped  wouh'  eflectually  secure  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  from  future  disturbances. 
The  Bill  that  he  meant  to  propose  was,  to  give  every  man 
a  fair  and  hiipartial  trial ;  that  the  Juries  of  that  country  it 
was  true,  were  not  established  after  the  manner  in  which 
our  Juries  here  were,  and  therefore  were  not  so  likely  to 
give  to  each  offender  that  impartial  trial,  which,  by  the  laws 
of  this  country,  he  was  entitled  to ;  for  if  it  shall  be  found 
in  that  country,  that  a  man  is  not  likely  to  meet  with  a  fair 
and  impartial  trial,  the  Governor  will  be  empowered  to  send 
him  to  any  of  the  other  Colonies,  where  the  same  kind  of 
spirit  has  not  prevailed ;  but  if  it  shall  be  thought  that  he 
cannot  have  such  fair  and  impartial  trial  in  any  of  the  Colo- 
nies, in  that  case  he  is  to  be  sent  to  Great  Britain,  to  be 
tried  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  the  expenses  of 
which  trial  were  to  be  drawn  for  on  the  Customs  ui 
England.  Unless  such  a  Bill  as  this  now  proposed  should 
pass  into  a  law,  the  Executive  power  will  be  imwilling  to 
act,  thinkuig  they  will  not  have  a  fair  trial  without  it.  I 
would  not,  said  his  Lordship,  wish  to  see  the  least  doubt  or 
imperfection  remain  in  the  jjlan  w  Inch  we  have  adopted  :  if 
there  does,  the  consequence  may  be  that  it  may  produce 
bloodshed  ;  that  the  whole  plan  may  be  clear  and  decisive  ; 
that  every  part  of  it  may  be  properiy  supported  ;  and  I  tmst 
that  such  a  measure  as  this,  which  we  have  now  taken,  will 
shew  to  that  country,  that  this  nation  is  roused  to  defend 
their  rights,  and  protect  the  security  of  peace  in  its  Colo- 
nies; and  when  roused,  that  the  measures  which  they  lake 
are  not  cruel  nor  vindictive,  but  necessary  and  efficacious. 
Temporary  distress  requires  temporary  relief;  I  shall  there- 
fore only  propose  this  Bill  for  the  limited  time  of  three  or 
four  years.  We  must  consider,  that  every  thing  that  we 
have  that  is  valuable  to  us  is  now  at  stake :  and  the  ques- 
tion_  is  very  shortly  this  :  Whether  they  shall  continue  the 
subjects  of  Great  Britain  or  not  ?  This  I  propose  as  the 
last  measure  that  Parliament  will  take ;  after  which,  it  re- 
quires, that  his  Majesty's  servants  shall  be  vigilant  in  the 
execution  of  their  duty,  and  keep  a  watchful  eye  over  every 
encroachment  against  the  power  we  shall  now  pass,  and  not 
suffer  the  least  degree  of  disobedience  to  our  measures  to 
take  place  in  that  country.  Such  a  watchful  and  carefid 
eye  to  prevent  the  first  rise  of  disobedience,  may  be  a  sure 
peventive  agauist  future  mischiefs.     The  customary  relief 


113 


BILL  FOR  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE  IN  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


114 


of  troops  that  is  ordered  for  that  country,  is  ordered,  in  the 
first  place,  to  Boston,  four  regiments  being  the  usual  relief. 
Governor  Hutchinson  comes  liome,  and  his  Majesty  has 
appointed  General  Gage  as  Commander  and  Governor  in 
Chief,  a  man  whose  great  abilities,  and  extensive  know- 
ledge of  that  country,  will  give  him  a  superior  advantage, 
and  his  occasional  residence  there  will  prevent  him  from 
shewing  any  impolitic  partiality  to  the  Americans,  and 
thereby  enforce  a  due  observance  of  those  measures  which 
we  have  taken,  and  shall  send  out.  There  is  one  thing  I 
much  wish,  which  is,  the  punishment  of  those  individuals 
who  have  been  the  ringleaders  and  forerunners  of  these 
mischiefs.  Our  attention  will  be  continually  active  in  that 
point.  A  prosecution  has  been  already  ordered  against 
them  by  his  Majesty's  servants,  but  I  cannot  promise 
myself  any  very  good  effijct  until  this  law  shall  have  reached 
the  Province.  We  must  particularly  guard  against  any  il- 
legal or  ineffectual  proceedings,  or  else,  after  all  our  trouble, 
we  shall  find  ourselves  at  last  in  the  same  dilemma  we 
were  in  at  first.  We  must  observe  a  perfect  innocence,  and 
a  conscientious  avoidance  of  the  breach  of  any  laws.  His 
Majesty's  servants,  I  make  no  doubt,  will  be  thoroughly 
watchful  against  such  breach,  nor  will  they  at  any  time  pro- 
ceed upon  slight  grounds.  They  have  the  happiness  to  be 
assisted  by  the  ablest  lawyers,  who  have  both  great  reso- 
lution and  abilities ;  and  guarded  by  such  outlines,  I  make 
no  doubt,  that  tiie  spirit  of  disobedience,  which  has  hitherto 
unfortunately  prevailed,  will  be  tempered  and  brought  to 
reason  by  a  due  observance  of  those  measures  which  we 
have  now  taken,  and,  1  trust,  will  secure  to  us  the  blessings 
of  peace,  radicated  out  of  the  boiling  disturbances  and  vio- 
lent spirit  of  opposition  in  that  country.  When  those 
measures  are  pursued  with  that  resolution,  and  those  abili- 
ties which  I  have  mentioned,  I  doubt  not  the  event  will  be 
advantageous  to  this  country.  I  have  no  more.  Sir,  to  add 
but  with  permission  will  make  the  motion,  "  That  the  Chair- 
"  man  be  directed  to  move  the  House,  that  leave  be  given 
"  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  the  impartial  administration  of  justice, 
"  in  the  cases  of  persons  questioned  for  any  acts  done  by 
"  them  in  the  execution  of  the  laws,  or  for  the  suppression 
"  of  the  riots  and  tumults  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
'•  Bay,  in  New  England." 

[It  was  observed  that  Lord  North  trembled  and  faultered 
at  every  word  of  his  motion.] 

Colonel  Barre.  I  rise.  Sir,  with  great  unwillingness  to 
oppose  this  measure  in  its  very  infancy,  before  its  features 
are  well  formed,  or  to  claim  that  attention  which  this  House 
seems  to  bestow  with  so  much  reluctance  on  any  arguments 
in  behalf  of  America.  But  I  must  call  you  to  witness  that 
1  have  been  hitherto  silent,  or  acquiescing,  to  an  unexpect- 
ed degree  of  moderation.  While  your  proceedings,  severe 
as  they  were,  had  the  least  colour  of  foundation  in  justice, 
1  desisted  from  opposing  them ;  nay  more — though  your 
Bill  for  stopping  up  the  port  of  Boston  contained  in  it  many 
things  most  cruel,  unwarrantable,  and  unjust,  yet,  as  they 
were  couched  under  those  general  principles  of  justice, 
retribution  for  injury,  and  compensation  for  loss  sustained,  I 
not  only  desisted  from  opposing,  but  assented  to  its  passing. 
The  Bill  was  a  bad  way  of  doing  what  was  right ;  but 
still  it  was  doing  what  was  right.  I  would  not  therefore, 
by  opposing  it,  seem  to  countenance  those  violences  which 
had  been  committed  abroad ;  and  of  which  no  man  disap- 
proves more  than  1  do. 

Upon  the  present  question  I  am  totally  unprepared. 
The  motion  itself  bears  no  sort  of  resemblance  to  what  was 
formerly  announced.  The  noble  Lord  and  his  friends  have 
had  every  advantage  of  preparation.  They  have  reconnoi- 
tred the  field,  and  chosen  tiieir  ground.  To  attack  them  in 
these  circumstances  may,  perhaps,  favour  more  of  the  gal- 
lantry of  a  soldier  than  of  the  wisdom  of  a  senator. 

But,  Sir,  the  proposition  is  so  glaring;  so  unprecedented 
in  any  former  proceedings  of  Parliament ;  so  unwarranted 
by  any  delay,  denial,  or  perversion  of  justice  in  America; 
so  big  with  misery  and  oppression  to  that  country,  and  with 
danger  to  this — that  the  first  blush  of  it  is  sufficient  to  alarm 
and  rouse  me  to  opposition. 

It  is  proposed  to  stigmatize  a  whole  People  as  persecu- 
tors of  innocence,  and  men  incapable  of  doing  justice  ;  yet 
you  have  not  a  single  fact  on  which  to  ground  that  imputa- 
tion. I  expected  the  noble  Lord  would  have  supported 
this  motion  by  producing  instances  of  the  officers  of  Go- 
Fourth  Series. 


vemnnent  in  America  having  been  prosecuted  with  unremit- 
ting vengeance,  and  brought  to  cruel  and  dishonourable 
deaths,  by  the  violence  and  injustice  of  American  Juries. 
But  he  has  not  produced  one  such  instance  ;  and  I  will  tell 
you  more.  Sir, — he  cannot  produce  one.  The  instances 
which  have  happened  are  directly  in  the  teeth  of  his  propo- 
sition. Captain  Freston  and  the  soldiers,  who  shed  the 
blood  of  the  People,  were  fairly  tried,  and  fully  acquitted. 
It  was  an  American  Jury,  a  Nexo  England  Jury,  a  Boston 
Jury,  which  tried  and  acquitted  them.  Captain  Preston 
has,  under  his  hand,  publicly  declared,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  the  very  town  in  which  their  fellow-citizens  had  been 
sacrificed,  were  his  advocates  and  defenders.  Is  this  the 
return  you  make  them  ?  Is  this  the  encouragement  you 
give  them  to  persevere  in  so  laudable  a  spirit  of  justice  and 
moderation  ?  When  a  Commissioner  of  the  Customs, 
aided  by  a  number  of  ruffians,  assaulted  the  celebrated  Mr. 
Otis  in  the  midst  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  with  the  most 
barbarous  violence  almost  murdered  him,  did  the  mob. 
which  is  said  to  rule  that  town,  take  vengeance  on  the  per- 
petrators of  this  inhuman  outrage  against  a  person  who  is 
supposed  to  be  their  demagogue  ?  No,  Sir,  the  law  tried 
them ;  the  law  gave  heavy  damages  against  them  ;  which 
the  irreparably  injured  Mr.  Otis  most  generously  forgave 
upon  an  acknowledgment  of  the  offence.  Can  you  expect 
any  more  such  instances  of  magnanimity  under  the  princi- 
ple of  the  Bill  now  proposed  ? 

But  the  noble  Ijord  says,  "  We  must  now  shew  the 
"  Americans  that  we  will  no  longer  sit  quiet  under  their 
"  insults."  Sir,  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  this  is  declamation, 
unbecoming  the  character  and  place  of  him  who  utters  it. 
In  what  moment  have  you  been  quiet?  Has  not  your 
Government  for  many  years  past  been  a  series  of  irritating 
and  offensive  measures,  without  policy,  principle,  or 
moderation  ?  Have  not  your  troops  and  your  ships  made 
a  vain  and  insulting  parade  in  their  streets  and  in  their 
harbours  ?  It  has  seemed  to  be  your  study  to  irritate  and 
inflame  them.  You  have  stimulated  discontent  into  disaf- 
fection, and  you  are  now  goading  that  disaffection  into  re- 
bellion. Can  you  expect  to  be  well  informed  when  you 
listen  only  to  partizans  ?  Can  you  expect  to  do  justice 
when  you  will  not  hear  the  accused  ? 

Let  us  consider.  Sir,  the  precedents  which  are  offered  to 
warrant  this  proceeding — the  suspension  of  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  in  1745 — the  making  smugglers  triable  in 
Middlesex,  and  the  Scotch  rebels  in  England.  Sir,  the 
first  was  done  upon  the  most  pressing  necessity ,  flagrante 
bello,  with  a  dangerous  rebellion  in  the  very  heart  of  the 
Kingdom  ;  the  second,  you  well  know,  was  warranted  by 
the  most  evident  facts  :  armed  bodies  of  smugglers  marched 
publicly  without  presentment  or  molestation  from  the 
People  of  the  county  of  Sussex ;  who,  even  to  their  Ma- 
gistrates, were  notoriously  connected  with  them.  They 
murdered  the  officers  of  the  revenue,  engaged  your  troops, 
and  openly  violated  the  laws.  Experience  convinced  you. 
that  the  Juries  of  that,  and  of  the  counties  similarly  cir- 
cumstanced, would  never  find  such  criminals  guilty;  and 
upon  the  conviction  of  this  necessity  you  passed  the  Act. 
The  same  necessity  justified  the  trying  Scotch  rebels  in 
England.  Rebellion  had  reared  its  dangerous  standard  in 
Scotland,  and  the  principles  of  it  had  so  universally  tainted 
that  People,  that  it  was  manifestly  in  vain  to  expect 
justice  from  them  against  their  countrymen.  But  in  Ameri- 
ca, not  a  single  act  of  rebellion  has  been  committed.  Let 
the  Crown  law  ofiicers,  who  sit  by  the  noble  Lord,  declare, 
if  they  can,  that  there  is  upon  your  table  a  single  evidence 
of  treason  or  rebellion  mAinerica.  They  know.  Sir,  there 
is  not  one,  and  yet  are  proceeding  as  if  there  were  a 
thousand. 

Having  thus  proved,  Sir,  that  the  proposed  Bill  is  with- 
out precedent  to  support,  and  without  facts  to  warrant  it, 
let  us  now  view  the  consequences  it  is  like  to  produce.  A 
soldier  feels  himself  so  much  above  the  rest  of  mankind, 
that  the  strict  hand  of  the  civil  power  is  necessary  to  con - 
troul  the  haughtiness  of  disposition  which  .such  supenority 
inspires.  You  know.  Sir,  what  constant  care  is  taken  in 
this  country  to  remind  the  military  that  they  are  under  the 
restraint  of  the  civil  power.  In  America  their  superionty 
is  felt  still  greater.  Remove  the  check  of  the  law,  as  this 
Bill  intends,  and  what  insolence,  what  outrage  may  you  not 
expect  ?     Every  passion  that  is  pernicious  to  society  will 


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116 


be  let  loose  upon  a  People  unaccustomed  to  licentiousness 
and  intemperance.  On  the  one  hand  will  be  a  People  who 
have  been  long  complaining  of  oppression,  and  see  in  the 
soldiery  those  who  are  to  enforce  it  upon  them ;  on  the 
other,  an  army  studiously  prepossessed  with  the  idea  of  that 
People  being  rebellious,  unawed  by  the  apprehension  of 
civil  conlroul,  and  actuated  by  that  arbitrary  sjiirit  which 
prevails  even  among  the  best  of  troops.  In  this  situation  the 
prudent  officer  will  find  it  impossible  to  restrain  his  soldiers 
or  prevent  that  provocation  which  will  rouse  the  tamest 
People  to  resistance.  Tlie  inevitable  consequence  will  be 
that  you  will  produce  the  rebellion  you  pretend  to  obviate. 

I  have  been  bred  a  soldier ;  have  served  long.  1  respect 
the  profession,  and  live  in  the  strictest  habits  of  friendship 
with  a  great  many  officers;  but  there  is  not  a  country 
gentleman  of  you  all,  who  looks  upon  the  army  with  a 
more  jealous  eye,  or  would  more  strenuously  resist  the  set- 
ting them  alK)ve  the  controul  of  the  civil  power.  No  man 
is  to  be  trusted  in  such  a  situation ;  it  is  not  a  fault  of  the 
soldier,  but  the  vice  of  human  nature,  which,  unbridled  by 
law,  becomes  insolent  and  licentious,  wantonly  violates  the 
peace  of  society,  and  tramples  upon  the  rights  of  human  kind. 

With  respect  to  those  gentlemen  who  are  destined  to 
this  service,  they  are  much  to  be  pitied.  It  is  a  service, 
which  an  officer  of  feeling  and  of  worth  must  enter  upon 
with  infinite  reluctance ;  a  service,  in  which  his  only 
merit  must  be,  to  bear  much,  and  do  little.  With  the  me- 
lancholy prospect  before  him  of  commencing  a  civil  war, 
and  embruing  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  his  fellow  subjects, 
his  feelings,  his  life,  his  honour,  are  hazarded,  without  a 
possibility  of  any  equivalent  or  compensation.  You  may 
perhaps  think  a  law,  founded  upon  this  motion  will  be  his 
protection.  I  am  mistaken  if  it  will.  Who  is  to  execute 
it  ?  He  must  be  a  bold  man  indeed  who  makes  the  at- 
tempt. If  the  People  are  so  exasperated,  that  it  is  unsafe 
to  bring  the  man  who  has  injured  them  to  trial,  let  the 
Governor  who  withdraws  him  from  justice  look  to  himself. 
Tlie  People  will  not  endure  it ;  they  would  no  longer  de- 
serve the  reputation  of  being  descended  from  the  loins  of 
Englishmen,  if  they  did  endure  it. 

When  I  stand  up  as  an  advocate  for  America,  I  feel 
myself  the  firmest  friend  of  this  country.  We  stand  upon 
the  commerce  of  America.  Alienate  your  Colonies,  and 
you  will  subvert  tlie  foundation  of  your  riches  and  your 
strength.  Let  the  banners  of  rebellion  be  once  spread  in 
America,  and  you  are  an  undone  People.  You  are  urging 
it  with  such  violence,  and  by  measures  tending  so  manifestly 
to  that  fatal  point,  that,  but  that  a  state  of  madness  only 
could  inspire  such  an  intention,  it  would  appear  to  be  your 
deliberate  purpose.  In  assenting  to  your  late  Bill  I  resist- 
ed the  violence  of  America,  at  the  hazard  of  my  popularity 
there.  I  now  resist  your  phrenzy  at  the  same  risk  here. 
Yon  have  changed  your  ground.  You  are  becoming  the 
aggressors,  and  offering  the  last  of  human  outrages  to  the 
People  of  America,  by  subjecting  them,  in  effect,  to  mili- 
tary execution.  I  know  the  vast  superiority  of  your  dis- 
ciplined troops  over  the  provincials  ;  but  beware  how  you 
supply  the  want  of  discipline  by  desperation.  Instead  of 
sending  them  the  olive  branch,  you  have  sent  the  naked 
sword.  By  the  olive  branch,  I  mean  a  repeal  of  all  the 
late  laws,  fruitless  to  you,  and  oppressive  to  them. 

Ask  their  aid  in  a  constitutional  manner,  and  they  will 
give  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability.  They  never  yet  re- 
fused it,  when  properly  required.  Your  Journals  bear  the 
recorded  acknowledgments  of  the  zeal  with  which  they 
have  contributed  to  the  general  necessities  of  the  State. 
What  madness  is  it  that  prompts  you  to  attempt  obtaining 
that  by  force  which  you  may  more  certainly  procure  by 
requisition  ?  They  may  be  flattered  into  any  thin",  but 
they  are  too  much  like  yourselves  to  be  driven.  Have 
some  indulgence  for  your  own  likeness  ;  respect  their  sturdy 
English  virtue  ;  retract  your  odious  exertions  of  authority, 
and  remember  that  the  first  step  towards  makinj;  them  con- 
tribute to  your  wants,  is  it  to  reconcile  them  to  your  Go- 
vernment. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wcddtrhurn.  I  take  this  Bill  to 
be  nothing  more  than  conveying  a  general  security  to  all 
persons  whatsoever,  as  well  as  the  military.  It  is  necessa- 
ry there  should  be  a  reform  of  the  laws,  and  a  proper  secu- 
rity under  such  magisterial  authority.  The  Americans  do 
not  attack  the  law,  otherwise  than  attacking  the  Legislature 


that  made  it.  It  is  not  this  nor  that  law  that  is  particulai'ly 
disagreeable  to  them  ;  they  say,  no  laws  shall  be  put  in 
force  there:  you  say,  all  laws  shall.  A  singular  case  may 
happen  of  not  meeting  with  that  fair  trial  which  is  expected ; 
this  Bill  will  be  a  remedy  for  it ;  it  is  a  temporary  relief 
for  the  limited  space  of  three  years.  They  have,  m  that 
country,  an  unwillingness  to  obey  all  Magistrates,  who  have 
authority  from  this  country,  acting  under  its  laws ;  nay, 
they  even  dispute  the  commission,  and  may  not  allow  the 
appointment ;  a  trial,  in  such  a  case,  would  certainly  be 
doubtful.  The  revenue  law  gives  the  power  of  trial  in 
another  country  ;  this  case  is  a  direct  precedent  of  that 
impartial  trial  at  which  you  want  to  come ;  for  if  you  can- 
not have  it  in  one  county,  you  must  remove  and  try  to 
find  it  in  another.  No  man  will  deny  me  the  doctrine, 
that  such  fair  trial  ought  and  must  be  had.  It  is  now  no 
longer  a  question  of  expediency,  it  is  a  question  of  necessi- 
ty ;  and  it  will  he  found  necessary,  at  all  events  to  break 
into  their  charters,  if  you  mean  to  produce  that  subordina- 
tion which  you  are  seeking  ;  but  I  hope,  and  firmly  wish,  that 
even  the  idea  of  your  authority  being  known  to  them,  will 
at  once  prevent  the  exertion  of  it.  I  agree  with  tlie 
honorable  gentleman,  that  the  olive  branch  ought  to  go  in 
one  hand,  but  the  sword  should  be  carried  in  the  otlier. 
Peace  will  be  established  upon  proper  princii)les,  when  there 
is  a  power  to  enforce  it ;  and  your  authority  once  establish- 
ed, I  would  tlien  drop  the  point  of  the  sword,  and  make  use 
of  the  olive  branch,  as  far  and  as  much  as  possible.  I  could 
very  easily  tell  the  colour  of  all  which  has  already  happened 
in  America,  and  the  ground  from  which  it  arose ;  but  1 
stop  short,  hoping  that  when  they  see  and  know  that  you 
have  both  courage  and  firmness  to  jjroceed  in  your  plan,  it 
will  prevent  even  the  exertion  of  this  necessary  measure. 
I  would  not  have  them  be  too  confident  in  our  weakness 
and  irresolution,  but  adopt  the  measure  of  reformation,  as 
arising  and  occasioned  by  our  firmness  and  courage  in  the 
exertion  of  those  powers  which  are  entrusted  to  us  for  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  of  our  Colonies. 

Captain  Phipps.  I  commend  much,  and  am  glad  to 
hear  of,  the  appointment  of  General  Gage.  I  think  his 
abilities  and  knowledge  of  the  People  of  that  country  will 
sufficiently  ensure  to  him  their  affections,  and  be  a  means  of 
inducing  them  to  obey  those  measures  which  are  to  be  exe- 
cuted under  his  direction ;  and  as  much  approve  of  the  re- 
moval of  one  of  the  worst,  one  of  the  most  exceptionable 
servants  the  Crown  ever  had,  I  mean  Governor  Hutchin- 
son. I  wish  to  see  the  Bill  before  us  without  the  trial  by 
Jury,  for  I  always  apprehended  that  the  advantage  of  such 
trial  was  from  the  vicinage,  and  by  men  who  knew  the  cir- 
cumstaoces,  as  well  as  the  characters  of  the  ofl'enders ;  nor 
do  I  wish  to  see  men  sent  to  England  to  be  tried.  These 
men  in  America  are  all  brought  up  to  mercantile  business, 
and  I  do  not  know  any  recompense  or  satisfaction  whatever 
that  can  be  made  to  a  man  for  the  loss  of  his  time  in  coming 
here  and  going  back.  I  wish  much  for  unanimity,  becaust 
I  think  it  would  add  a  chief  support  to  our  measures ;  but 
I  think  it  impossible  to  send  a  man  from  America  to  be  tried 
here,  when  we  are  three  thousand  miles  asunder.  It  would 
be  better  that  America  and  England  were  separated  en- 
tirely, than  to  offer  to  bring  men  here  to  be  tried.  I  wish 
this  Bill  to  go  on  without  that  trial  by  Jury.  I  wish  much 
also  the  removal  of"  Governor  Bernard,  because  he  was  the 
first  man  who  opposed  a  revenue  law.  He  did  it  upon  the 
same  principle  as  a  smuggler  does,  because  he  would  lose 
by  it.  If  this  Bill  goes  on  in  its  present  form,  it  will  extort 
from  me  that  opinion  ininy  vote  of  affirmative,  which  I  am 
unwiUing  to  give. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  I  cannot.  Sir,  agree  with  my  hon- 
orable friend,  in  approving  of  the  removal  of  Governor 
Hutchinson.  The  Bill  is  one  of  those  measures  to  which 
I  can  easily  give  my  consent  as,  I  think,  it  contains  a  secu- 
rity that  the  lives  of  innocent  men  may  be  safe.  I  approve 
much  of  the  appointment  of  General  Gage  ;  and  as  I  do 
not  find  that  the  troops  are  with  him,  1  nmst  express  a  wish 
that  they  may  be  able  to  arrive  time  enough  to  prevent  a 
riot,  sooner  than  to  quell  one,  and  to  let  America  see  we 
do  not  want  to  quiirrel  with  tiiemupon  mere  punctilio  ;  do 
not  let  us,  for  God's  sake,  when  we  have  asserted  our  au- 
thority to  all  that  we  wish  to  do,  and  enforced  that  obe- 
dience, continue  that  little  paltry  duty  upon  tea;  let  us, 
then,  nobly  lay  aside  those  little,  teazing,  irritating  measures. 


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118 


having  once  gained  the  grand  point  of  peace  and  submis- 
sion to  our  laws. 

Mr.  Dowdesrvell.  I  am  the  last  man  to  entertain  pre- 
judices against  Juries.  I  revere  and  honour  the  institution. 
1  rejoice  also  that  Governor  Hutchinson  is  removed,  be- 
cause he  has  not  acted  as  he  ought  to  do,  either  towards 
this  country  or  America. 

Lord  Carmarthen.  I  do  not  mean,  Sir,  to  trouble  the 
House  long,  but  I  hope  I  am  justified,  by  the  importance 
of  the  question,  in  delivering  my  sentiments.  Great 
Britain  neither  can  nor  ought  to  sit  silent,  and  behold  the 
riots  and  disturbances  that  have  been  committed  in  Ameri- 
ca ;  committed,  I  say,  by  a  People  sent  out  from  this  coun- 
try, as  it  were  from  our  own  bowels ;  to  see  these  men 
disobey  the  laws  and  precepts  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  sit 
tamely,  and  take  no  notice,  would  be  insipid  conduct,  high- 
ly unworthy  the  British  Legislature.  For  what  purpose 
were  they  suffered  to  go  to  that  country,  unless  the  profit 
of  their  labour  should  return  to  their  masters  here  ?  I  think 
the  policy  of  colonization  is  highly  culpable,  if  the  advan- 
tages of  it  should  not  redound  to  the  interests  of  Great 
Britain.  I  cannot  see  this  Act  in  any  other  light,  than  as 
giving  that  same  degree  of  relief  to  every  subject  in  Ameri- 
ca, in  the  same  manner  as  it  gives  protection  and  security 
to  the  military ;  I  shall  therefore  give  it  my  affirmative, 
and  hope,  upon  some  future  day,  to  express  my  further 
sentiments  upon  that  part  relating  to  the  trial  by  Juries. 

Lord  North.  I  rise  once  more  to  wipe  off  the  aspersion 
that  has  been  thrown  upon  Governor  Hutchinson,  and  I 
am  much  surprised  to  find  that  it  was  the  sentiment  of  even 
one  gentleman  in  this  House,  that  the  removal  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  was  considered  as  part  of  the  merit  of  this 
measure.  I  do  not  know  a  man  who  has  a  greater  share 
of  merit ;  nor  did  I  ever  hear  any  charge  brought  against 
him.  He  was  shamefully  abandoned  in  the  execution  of 
his  duty,  by  those  who  ought  to  have  supported  him. 
Governor  Hutchinson  had  before  this  affair  desired  and 
obtained  leave  to  come  home.  A  shij)  is  now  arrived  at 
Bristol,  in  which  he  had  taken  a  passage,  but  as  the  go- 
ven.ment  of  the  Province,  in  those  disturbed  times,  would 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Council  in  his  absence,  in 
case  of  the  death  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  who  was 
then  very  ill,  he  chose  rather  to  adhere  to  his  duty,  and 
stay  in  that  country,  to  endeavour  to  quiet  those  alarming 
disturbances.  This  surel}'.  Sir,  was  acting  the  part  of  a 
faithful  servant  of  tiie  Crown;  I  would  only  tell  the  House 
that  Governor  Hutchinson  is  not  recalled  home  upon  ac- 
count of  any  misconduct ;  and  that  he  is  not  here  at  pre- 
sent is  certainly  a  mark  of  his  duty,  and  deserves  the  thanks 
of  this  Assembly. 

Captain  Phipps  rose  to  explain,  and  said,  that  he  did 
not  blame  Governor  Hutchinson  for  his  conduct  without 
reason,  which  he  would  give  to  the  House ;  he  thought 
liim  culpable  upon  two  occasions,  the  one  for  suffering  his 
son  to  be  appointed  a  consignee  of  the  tea,  and  the  other 
for  setting  at  defiance  the  Assembly.  1  think  him  also 
highly  blaineable  (says  he)  for  not  acting  without  his  Coun- 
cil. Here  seems  to  be  in  him  a  pretended  mildness,  and  a 
determined  prepossession  of  irritation. 

General  Conway.  We  ought  not.  Sir,  I  think  to  dive 
into  People's  characters  ;  the  more  important  business  re- 
quires our  serious  consideration  ;  the  measure  that  is  now 
before  you  is  full  of  difficulties  ;  it  has  given  a  serious  turn 
to  his  Majesty's  Ministers ;  and  this  Bill  is  the  produce  of 
many  laboured  hours,  whicli  we  may  felicitate  ourselves 
upon.  I  shall  not  give  my  opinion  now.  I  am  for  this 
plan,  and  for  giving  it  its  due  consideration,  though  I  am 
apt  to  think  that  this  measure  will  have  no  other  tendency 
than  a  distrust  of  the  Americans.  lam  a  friend  to  Ameri- 
ca. There  must  be  a  kind  of  connection  with  Great 
Bntain,  whicli  is  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  the 
measures  of  Government.  Let  us  preserve  temper  in  our 
proceedings.  The  Americans  have  obeyed  the  laws,  ex- 
cept that  of  taxation  ;  and  1  should  be  glad  to  hear  how 
this  olive  branch,  that  is  so  much  talked  of,  is  to  go  out. 
Nothing  less  than  non-taxation,  in  my  opinion,  can  be  the 
olive  branch  ;  if  the  system  of  taxation  is  to  be  maintained, 
I  am  sure  it  will  give  trouble  enough  ;  but  if  his  Majesty's 
Ministers  have  tiie  least  thoughts  of  putting  an  end  to  the 
taxation,  let  them  adopt  it  now  at  once,  and  it  will  put  an 
end  to  every  thing. 


Mr.  Van.  I  do  not  rise  to  give  the  House  much  trouble, 
but  just  to  make  one  observation  upon  what  an  honorable 
gentleman  has  said ;  that  if  we  will  not  tax  that  country, 
they  will  return  to  their  duty.  I  do  most  heartily  agree 
with  him ;  I  believe  they  will  ;  but  if  they  opjiose  the 
measures  of  Government  that  are  now  sent  out,  I  would  do 
as  was  done  of  old,  in  the  time  of  ancient  Britons,  I  would 
burn  and  set  fire  to  all  their  woods,  and  leave  their  country 
open,  to  prevent  that  protection  they  now  have  ;  and  if  we 
are  likely  to  lose  that  country,  I  think  it  better  lost  by  our 
own  soldiers,  than  wrested  from  us  by  our  rebellious  children . 

Lord  North's  motion  was  then  agreed  to,  and  the  Com- 
mittee rose. 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  he  was  directed  by  the  Committee,  to  move  the  House, 
that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  Bill,  for  the  Impartial  Ad- 
ministration of  Justice,  in  the  cases  of  persons  questioned 
for  any  acts  done  by  them  in  the  execution  of  tlie  law,  or 
for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  in  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  the  Province  of  New  England : 

Ordered,  That  leave  be  granted  to  bring  in  the  Bill ; 
and  that  Sir  Charles  Whitivorth,  the  Lord  North,  Mr.  At- 
torney General,  and  Mr.  Solicitor  General,  do  prepare, 
and  bring  in  the  same. 

Thursdav,  April  21,  1774. 

Immediately  after  presenting  the  Papers  this  day,  [See 
folio  70.] 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  according 
to  order,  the  Bill : 

And  the  same  was  read  the  first  time,  upon  which, 

Mr.  Sawbridge  arose,  saying.  Sir,  I  am  astonished  at 
the  noble  Lord's  proceeding,  in  bringing  in  a  Bill  of  the 
utmost  consequence,  at  a  time  when  there  is  so  thin  a 
House.  [There  were  only  forty-one  members.]  It  is  an 
improper  time ;  it  is  taking  us  by  surprise  ;  it  is  cowardly. 
But,  Sir,  I  should  think  myself  highly  unworthy  a  seat  in 
this  Assembly,  were  I  to  suffer  so  pernicious  a  Bill  to  pass 
in  any  stage,  without  giving  my  hearty  negative  to  it.  I 
will  oppose  it  every  time  I  have  an  opportunity,  although  I 
do  not  imagine  I  shall  be  much  attended  to.  This  is  a  Bill, 
Sir,  of  such  a  ridiculous  and  cruel  nature,  that  I  really  am 
astonished  how  any  person  could  think  of  making  it. 
Does  the  noble  Lord  think  that  a  man  who  chances  to  see 
a  person  murdered  in  America,  will  come  over  here  as  an 
evidence  against  the  aggressor?  Does  the  noble  Lord 
think  that  any  American  would  hazard  a  trial  here,  or 
that  he  would  expect  to  have  justice  done  him,  if  he  was 
to  come  over  ?  Then  a  person  would  be  brought  over  here 
to  be  tried,  and  you  would  have  evidences  only  on  one 
side ;  but  I  imagine  if  those  evidences  should  not  be 
sufficient,  evidence  here,  who  never  saw  the  transaction, 
would  be  procured,  and  the  criminal  acquitted.  I  plainly 
foresee  the  dangerous  conseqences  of  this  Bill ;  it  is  meant 
to  enslave  America ;  and  the  same  Minister  who  means  to 
enslave  them,  would,  if  he  had  an  opportunity,  enslave 
England;  it  is  his  aim,  and  what  he  wishes  to  do;  but  I 
sincerelv  hope  the  Americans  will  not  admit  of  the  execu- 
tion of  these  destructive  Bills,  but  nobly  refuse  them ;  if 
they  do  not,  they  are  the  most  abject  slaves  that  ever  the 
earth  produced,  and  nothing  that  the  Minister  can  do  is 
base  enough  for  them. 

Lord  North.  Sir,  I  think  myself  called  upon  to  vindi- 
cate my  conduct  for  bringing  in  the  Bill  in  so  tliin  a 
House.'  Sir.  was  I  to  know  there  would  be  few  members 
attend  ?  I  did  as  I  promised  I  would  do,  which  was,  to 
bring  in  tlie  Bill  as  soon  as  it  was  ready ;  it  was  but  just 
finished  when  I  brought  it,  and  I  little  expected  to  have 
any  debate  upon  it  in  tins  stage:  I  thought,  Sir,  the  debate 
would  be  upon  the  second  reading ;  it  usually  is  so ;  and 
I  sincerely  hope  when  this  Bill  is  read  a  second  time, 
that  we  shall  have  a  very  full  House,  and  let  every 
gentleman  give  his  opinion  upon  it.  I  wish  to  have  it 
thoroughly  discussed,  and  if  it  should  be  found  to  be  a  bad 
Bill,  in  God's  name  throw  it  out;  if  found  otherwise,  yon 
cannot  he  too  unanimous  in  assenting  to  it ;  the  more  una- 
nimity there  is,  the  stronger  effect  it  will  have.  As  to  its 
being  meant  to  enslave  America,  I  deny  it,  I  have  no  such 
intention  ;  it  is  an  unpleasant,  but  necessary  step  to  bring 


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120 


iliem  to  a  sense  of  their  duty  ;  that  assertion  has  much 
the  same  truth  in  it  as  what  has  been  before  said,  that  the 
Americans  had  seen  their  error,  and  were  wilhnu;  to  satii^fy 
tlie  India  Company.  Sir,  there  is  a  ship  arrived,  I  tiiink 
her  name  is  the  Fortune,  Captain  Gorcham ;  she  arrived 
in  Boston  harbour  the  latter  end  of  February,  or  beirin- 
ning  of  March,  1774,  I  cannot  say  which  ;  she  was  loaded 
with  tea ;  the  inhabitants  came  immediately  and  unloaded 
her,  and  emptied  the  contents  of  her  cargo  into  the  sea. 
Is  this,  Sir,  seeing  their  error  ?  Is  this  Sir,  reforming  ? 
Is  this  making  restitution  to  the  India  Company  r  Surely 
no  gentleman  will,  after  this,  urge  any  thing  in  their 
defence.  The  honorable  gentleman  has  said  this  Bill  is 
a  pernicious  one  ;  1  trust,  when  gentlemen  come  to  consi- 
der it,  they  will  see  it  is  quite  otlierwlse. 

Sir  Thomas  Frankland  rose  only  to  acquaint  the 
House,  that  he,  yesterday  afternoon,  after  the  House  broke 
up,  was  shewn  a  letter  whicli  a  friend  of  his  received 
from  Boston,  dated  March,  1774,  which  mentioned  the 
tea  being  destroyed,  which  was  the  cargo  of  Captain 
Goreham,  as  the  noble  Ijord  had  mentioned. 

Mr.  Byng.  Sir,  I  cannot  help  rising  to  oppose  tiiis 
Bill.  I  agree  with  my  worthy  friend,  that  it  is  a  most 
jiemicious  Bill,  and,  I  fear,  made  with  no  good  intention. 
1  really  am  surprised  at  the  noble  Lord,  who  said,  his 
wish  was  to  make  their  laws  in  America  as  near  as 
possible  to  our  own.  Is  this  Bill  any  thing  like  it  ? 
No,  it  is  quite  the  reverse ;  dragging  People  from  one 
country  to  another  to  give  evidence,  is  such  a  proposition  as 
I  never  heard  before,  nor  could  have  thought  of;  but, 
Sir,  every  person  must  know,  and  will  allow,  that  the 
noble  Lord  finds  his  other  two  Bills  are  so  defective  and 
dangerous,  that  no  pereon  will  venture  to  put  them  into 
execution  ;  he  is  therefore  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  a 
third,  to  indemnify  such  persons  as  shall  be  concerned  in 
executing  his  destructive  project.  I  shall  oppose  this  Bill 
every  time  I  have  an  opportunity,  and  I  trust  every  lover 
of  his  country  will  do  the  same.  He  further  said,  that 
whatever  professions  of  candour  were  thrown  out,  he  should 
trust  to  them  with  great  caution  ;  that  for  his  part  these  at- 
tacks made  abroad,  seemed  to  be  intended  to  prepare  men's 
minds  for  measures  of  a  similar  nature  to  be  enforced  at 
home ;  and  that  the  conduct  and  complexion  of  public 
measures  in  general  wore  the  appearance  of  a  systematic 
design  of  enslaving  the  People,  as  well  in  Great  Britain 
as  the  Colonies. 

Lord  Beauchamp.  I  really  am  surprised,  Sir,  to  hear 
an  honorable  gentleman  say,  that  every  person  must  know 
that  the  two  former  Bills  are  defective.  Sir,  I  will  ven- 
ture to  say  the  fact  is  otherwise ;  every  person  must 
allow  they  are  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  peace, 
and  restoring  the  Americans  to  a  sense  of  their  duty. 
Does  the  honorable  gentleman  think  the  soldiery  at  Boston 
will  act  without  they  are  indemnified  ?  No ;  they  could 
not.  No  person  would  execute  the  laws  half  so  well,  was 
this  Bill  not  to  pass.  I  think  it  a  necessary  Bill ;  it  will 
make  their  trials  by  Juries  like  oui-s,  which  are  so  much 
approved  of;  and  I  shall  give  my  hearty  affirmative  to  it. 

Mr.  Sawbridge.  Sir,  I  rise  to  explain  to  the  noble 
Iiord  why  I  think  it  a  pernicious  Bill.  I  am  certain,  that 
however  willing  I  might  be  to  bring  an  offender  to  justice, 
was  I  to  see  a  murder  committed  in  London,  my  love  of 
justice  might  induce  me  to  go  to  any  part  of  the  country 
to  appear  as  an  evidence  ;  but  I  assure  the  noble  Lord  I 
would  not  go  over  to  America  on  any  account,  nor  for  any 
mandate  that  he  could  issue ;  and  I  believe  that  the  noble 
l^rd  will  allow,  that  not  any  sum  would  induce  him  to 
go  over  now  ;  therefore  we  have  the  same  right  to  imagine, 
that  People  in  America  will  not  come  over  here.  I  make 
no  doubt  but  Government  will  take  care  to  bring  over 
evidence  in  support  of  their  side,  but  they  will  not  trouble 
themselves  with  evidence  on  the  contrary  ;  therefore  all 
your  trials  will  be  ex  parte,  and  nothing  but  a  mockery 
of  justice.  I  do  not  mention  this  as  an  advocate  for  Ame- 
rica, but  mention  it  as  an  Englishman. 

The  question  on  the  second  reading  was  then  put : 

Resolved,  That  the  Bill  be  read  a  second  time. 
Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  printed. 
Ordered,  Tliat  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time  on 
Monday  morning  next. 


Monday,  April  2.5,  1774. 

The  order  of  tiie  day,  for  the  second  reading  of  the 
Bill,  being  read, 

Mr.  Dowdeswell  said,  he  did  not  mean  to  oppose  the 
Bill  now,  but  he  meant  to  present  a  petition  from  the 
Agent  of  America,  Ix^fore  the  third  reading  ;  and  he  would 
then  confine  his  debate  to  the  injustice  of  preventing  the 
parties  to  be  heard  at  the  Bar,  on  the  validity  of  their 
charter.  To  this  point  only  he  should  direct  his  opposi- 
tion, and  he  meant  to  do  it,  and  collect  all  his  force 
against  the  two  Bills ;  the  one  for  the  regulating  the  civil 
Government,  and  the  other  for  the  impartial  administra- 
tion of  justice,  in  regard  to  trials,  on  the  third  reading, 
which  was  apjiointed  for  Monday. 

Mr.  Dyson  desired  leave  to  observe,  that  neither  in  one 
case  or  the  other  of  the  two  Bills,  did  the  House  proceed 
as  a  court  of  justice,  but  in  tiieir  capacity  as  a  legislative 
body,  regulating  and  controlling  the  deficiency  of  charters 
which  had  been  granted  by  the  Crown. 

Lord  North  said  he  intended  to  move  for  commitment 
of  the  present  Bill  for  the  29th,  and  for  the  third  reading 
of  them  both  on  the  2d  of  May. 

Mr.  Cavendish  wished  to  be  informed  from  the  Hou'e, 
whether  it  was  the  usual  custom  of  Pariiament  to  debate 
the  principle  of  a  Bill,  after  it  had  been  committed  ? 

Colonel  Barrc  said,  he  thought  the  Bill  deserved  to 
be  opposed  in  every  stage  on  the  principle  on  which  it  was 
framed ;  but  on  the  third  reading,  was  as  proper  a  stage 
as  any.  He  had  considered  with  himself,  and  weighed  in 
his  own  mind  the  grounds  upon  which  this  Bill  was  form- 
ed ;  and  the  result  of  his  deliberation  was,  that  it  will  be 
odious  to  the  persons  for  whose  benefit  it  is  intended,  by 
being  odious  to  the  People ;  and  that  it  will  be  oppressive 
to  America  at  large. 

The  Bill  was  then  read  the  second  time,  and  committed 
to  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Friday  morning 
next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House, 
upon  the  said  Bill. 

Friday,  April  29,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read. 

The  House  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the 
whole  on  the  Bill,  Sir  Charles  Whitworih  in  the  Ciiair ; 

After  some  time  spent  therein. 

The  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair, 

And  Sir  Charles  Whitivorth  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee that  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made 
several  amendments  thereunto. 

Ordered,  That  the  Report  be  received  on  Monday 
morning  next. 

Monday,  May  2,  1774. 

A  Petition  from  several  Natives  of  America,  against 
this  Bill,  and  the  Bill  for  the  better  Regulating  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North 
America,  was  presented  by  Sir  George  Savile.  [See  folio 
81.] 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  receiving  the  Report  of  the 
Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  whom  the  Bill  was 
committed,  being  read, 

And  it  being  half  an  hour  after  two  of  the  clock,  on 
Tuesday  morning. 

Ordered,  That  the  Report  be  received  to-morrow 
morning. 

Wednesday,  May  4,  1774. 

Sir  Charles  fVhitworth,  according  to  order,  reported  fronj 
the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  the  Bill  willi  the 
amendments,  which  the  Committee  had  made ;  several  of 
which  were  disagreed  to,  and  the  rest  were,  with  amend- 
ments to  several  of  them,  agreed  to  by  the  House. 

A  clause  was  offered  by  Mr.  fVallace,  to  be  added  to 
the  Bill,  for  taking  away  ap]ieals  in  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  cases  of  murder,  during  the  continuance  of  the 
Act. 

And  a  motion  being  made,  that  the  said  clause  be 
brought  up ; 

Mr.  Moreton  desired  to  know  if  the  appeal  for  murder 
did  actually  exist  now  in  the  Colonies  ? 


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122 


i 


Governor  Johnstone  desired  to  know  if  it  was  to  extend 
to  tlie  trial  of  those  sent  to  England? 

Mr.  Wallace  answered  them  botli,  by  saying,  he  meant 
it  should  extend,  in  both  cases,  as  far  as  the  Bill  purported. 

[This  brought  on  a  debate  concerning  tlie  appeal  for 
murder  being  to  be  taken  away  in  general.] 

Mr.  Duruihig.  Sir,  I  rise  to  support  that  great  pillar 
of  the  constitution,  the  appeal  for  murder;  and  I  am  not 
satisfied  that  a  precedent  should  be  instituted  in  order  to 
operate  as  an  example  for  the  taking  it  away  in  Great 
Britain,  as  well  as  the  Colonies.  This  clause  considers 
it  now  as  an  existing  law  in  America ;  I  cannot  say  that  I 
look  upon  it  in  that  light ;  but  this  is  not  the  first  time  this 
question  has  been  agitated  in  this  House,  and  has  been 
called  and  treated  as  a  remnant  of  barbarism  and  gothic- 
ism  The  whole  of  our  constitution,  for  aught  I  know, 
is  Gothic.  Is  it  then,  the  present  idea  to  destroy  every 
part  of  that  Gothic  constitution,  and  adopt  a  Macaroni 
one  in  its  stead  ?  If  so,  it  is  a  system  of  ministerial  des- 
potism that  is  adopted  here  ;  when  a  political  purpose  is  in 
view,  things  may  be  adopted  that  may  tend  to  operate  as 
a  precedent,  that  may  become  at  last  prejudicial  to  the 
public  welfare.  I  wish.  Sir,  that,  in  every  step  of  this 
matter,  gentlemen  would  be  a  little  more  cautious,  as  I 
much  fear  the  system  would  soon  be  adopted  in  England; 
it  is  a  proposition  produced  on  a  sudden  ;  and  as  in  its 
extent  it  may  turn  out  dangerous,  I  shall  dissent  from  it. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderburn.  I  confess.  Sir, 
that  this  part  of  our  constitution  has  never  appeared  to 
me  as  essential ;  it  is  very  much  of  a  footing  with  a  trial 
by  ordeal.  Till  laws  and  society  took  place,  there  was 
no  other  method  of  deciding  between  right  and  wrong. 
There  is  now  no  law  in  being  to  prevent  trial  by  battle  ; 
and  not  in  very  ancient  times  was  it  that  the  Court  of 
Common  Pleas  attended  in  Tothill-fields  to  judge  of  the 
trials.  None  but  the  wife  of  the  deceased,  as  a  female, 
can  appeal;  and  this  may  be  compromised  by  a  sum  of 
money  ;  it  may  be  reduced  into  a  civil  suit ;  but  by  being 
adopted  in  the  manner  proposed  in  this  clause,  it  can 
operate  to  no  bad  purpose  ;  nor  do  I  conceive  that  the 
liberty  of  this  country  will  be  at  all  in  danger,  as  it  is  only 
for  a  temporary  expedient. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  I  don't  controvert,  in  an  adverse 
line,  what  is  advanced  by  the  learned  gentleman.  There 
is  nothing  more  true  than  that  man  has  given  up  his  share 
of  the  natural  right  of  defence  into  that  of  the  State, 
in  order  to  be  protected  by  it.  But  this  is  part  of  the 
whole  law,  which  you  ought  not  separate,  or  else  you  will 
soon  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  it  in  England.  If  there  is 
an  appeal  for  rape  and  robbery,  you  ought  to  have  one 
for  murder.  I  allow,  that  combat  was  part  of  this  appeal ; 
but  it  was  superstition  and  barbarism  to  the  last  degree. 
I  cannot,  in  any  degree,  consent  that  the  common  law 
should,  in  any  case,  be  taken  away  from  one  part  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  and  not  from  the  other.  But  as  this 
is  a  question  of  great  magnitude,  whenever  it  comes  on 
with  respect  to  Great  Britain,  I  hope  then  humbly  to 
offer  my  opinion  on  it. 

Mr.  IV.  Burke.  No  man  has  the  least  doubt  but  the 
learned  gentleman  (Mr.  Wallace)  is  fully  acquainted  with 
every  part  of  the  law,  ancient  as  well  as  modern ;  but 
1  think.  Sir,  he  should  have  brought  you  in  a  Bill  to  have 
repealed  the  law  in  England  first ;  but  when  this  great 
question  comes  on,  I  shall  readily  give  my  opinion  on  it. 

Mr.  Stanh.y  entered  deeply  into  the  pohty  of  our  con- 
stitution, and  dwelt  a  long  time  on  the  repeal  of  the  law 
respecting  a])peals  in  general.  I  think  it  is  hard,  says 
he,  that  a  man  should  be  tried  twice  for  the  same  offence, 
and  when  you  have  an  advantage  by  knowing  his  secrets 
and  defence.  I  apprehend  that  criminal  laws  were  made 
to  save  the  lives  of  persons,  and  not  to  destroy  them  ; 
that  the  power  of  grace  or  pardon  is  constitutional,  and  is 
a  very  valuable  and  glorious  prerogative  in  the  Crown  ; 
and  a  trial  is  not  complete  without  it.  There  never  was 
an  instance  wherein  the  trial  by  appeal  was  instituted, 
that  it  was  not  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  a  sum  of  money ; 
and  it  is  part  of  the  law  that  it  may  be  reduced  into 
such  compensation,  the  whole  being  allowed  to  be  a  civil 
suit ;  but  taking  it  in  its  utmost  sense,  it  is  nothing  but 
barbarism  and  cruelty  ;  and  I  wish  to  abolish  it  as  an 
improper  part  of  that  code  of  law  for  which  we  are  so 
much  famed. 


Mr.  T.  Toimshend.  This  is  a  question,  Sir,  which 
has  frequently  been  before  the  House,  and  has  as  often 
been  rejected.  I  cannot  agree  to  the  repeal  in  part, 
unless  I  hear  reasons  given  for  the  abolition  of  the  wfiole, 
or  at  least  better  arguments  than  those  1  have  heard,  to 
induce  me  to  give  my  opinion  to  abolish  that  part  which 
relates  to  America. 

Mr.  Cornwall.  The  appeal  for  murder,  Sir,  is  incor- 
porated in  tile  law  of  England,  either  as  a  natural  or 
political  right.  Is  then,  Sir,  the  redress  of  a  particular 
injury  to  be  remedied  only  by  a  sacrifice  of  the  lives  of 
others  ?  Every  body  knows  that  manslaughter  is  a  bar  to 
appeal.  But,  Sir,  can  it  be  intended  as  a  wise,  pohtical 
institution,  that  after  a  trial  by  jury,  a  single  individual,  to 
satisfy  his  revenge,  may  overturn  the  solemn  judgment 
and  verdict  of  a  jury  ?  It  appears  to  me,  upon  examina- 
tion, to  be  neither  a  political  nor  a  natural  right,  and  i 
should  be  soiTy  to  give  my  negative  to  the  clause. 

Mr.  Moreton.  I  think  the  provisions  of  the  Bill  right : 
but  I  did  not  apprehend  that  the  question  would  have  been 
debated  in  this  manner;  nor  did  I  think  that  such  an  ex- 
tent would  have  been  in  view  ;  so  that  an  example  in  future 
might  have  been  brought  of  this,  to  attack  one  of  the 
greatest  pillars  in  this  constitution,  the  appeal  for  murder. 
If  the  prisoner  is  to  be  sent  here,  were  is  the  use  of 
taking  the  appeal  away  in  America  1  I  only  wanted  that 
you  should  not  give  a  constitution  of  appeal  for  murder 
to  the  Colonies,  when  in  my  own  mind  I  am  convinced 
they  have  it  not,  nor  is  a  part  of  their  law ;  and  as  I 
think  that  they  have  no  sucii  power  of  appeal,  I  cannot 
vote  for  this  clause. 

Mr.  Phipps.  I  would  wish  to  give.  Sir,  to  every  man 
in  America,  the  same  kind  of  right  that  we  enjoy  our- 
selves ;  did  they  not  carry  with  them  all  the  privileges, 
laws,  and  liberties  of  this  country  ?  If  they  have  a  right 
to  part  of  those  laws,  they  have  a  right  to  the  whole. 
I  think  the  appeal  for  murder  ought  to  be  sacred  in  this 
country  ;  and  whatever  doctrines  gentlemen  may  imbibe 
from  Mr.  Blacksione,  I  cannot  conceive  them  to  be  of 
tliat  authority  which  ought  to  guide  and  direct  us.  There 
is  not  a  more  insidious  way  of  gaining  proselytes  to  his 
opinion  than  that  dangerous  pomp  of  quotations  which  he 
has  practised ;  it  conveys  some  of  the  most  lurking  doc- 
trines to  lead  astray  the  minds  of  young  men.  To  talk  of 
the  finger  of  nature  pointing  out  law,  is  to  me  an  absurdity  ; 
but  I  would  not  advise  gentlemen  to  seek  for  law  in  the 
channels  of  these  times.  The  rust  of  antiquity  dims  the 
sight  of  his  readers  ;  but  if  a  man  will  open  his  eyes, 
he  will  find  that  the  finger  of  nature  will  never  point  out 
the  principle  of  law.  The  great  argument  which  I  dwell 
upon  is,  that  the  appeal  for  murder  is  the  law  of  the  land  ; 
I  am  also  for  j)reserving  mercy  in  the  Crown ;  I  think  it 
the  brightest  jewel  in  it ;  but  I  think  that  it  is  a  blight 
that  will  destroy  all  our  harvest  if  it  is  without  controul. 
I  cannot.  Sir,  give  my  consent  to  this  part  of  the  law 
being  annihilated. 

Mr.  Skynner.  We  are  got  now  upon  the  most  impor- 
tant question  that  can  come  on.  I  think  the  cause  does 
not  want  advocates  ;  and  therefore  it  might  be  improper  for 
me  to  give  my  opinion ;  but.  Sir,  it  is  no  unnatural  thing, 
that  the  death  of  a  relation  should  be  attempted  to  be 
redressed,  and  that  the  friends  of  the  deceased  should 
seek  for  justice.  The  appeal  for  murder.  Sir,  is  considered 
as  a  civil  action,  and  to  go  on  hand  in  hand  with  the 
criminal  prosecution ;  and  surely.  Sir,  there  is  nothing 
then  so  exceedingly  savage  or  barbarous  in  it,  if  it  may  be 
compensated  by  civil  action.  But  let  us  consider  how  this 
will  operate  in  the  Colonies ;  let  us  consider  in  what  man- 
ner this  action  can  be  brought ;  the  Americans  cannot 
make  use  of  it  unless  their  constitution  allows  it :  a  writ 
must  first  issue  out  of  the  Court  of  Chancery ;  but  as 
they  have  no  such  Court  in  that  country,  it  cannot  take  its 
rise  there.  A  writ  of  this  kind  can  only  issue  when  the 
person  is  in  the  actual  custody  of  the  Mai-shal.  In  the 
process  which  you  have  laid  down  in  the  Bill  before 
us,  bail  is  allowed  to  be  taken  for  the  offence  ;  so  that 
he  never  can  be  actually  in  the  custody  of  the  Mar- 
shal. Therefore,  at  present,  as  their  constitution  stands, 
I  look  upon  the  writ  of  an  execution  of  appeal  to  be 
impossible  there.  The  Americans  will  think  that  we 
are  breaking  into  their  civil  rights ;  and  I  think  it  highly 
improper  to  introduce  the  appeal  for  murder  in  this  in- 


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stance,  as  it  is  not  necessary.  But,  Sir,  I  cannot  sit  down 
without  saying  a  few  words  in  defence  of  that  able  person 
alluded  to,  now  a  great  Magistrate,  who  has  thought  there 
is  something  in  our  constitution  worth  preserving.  And 
sorry  1  am  to  hear  that  great  and  able  writer  has  received 
any  reproach  or  admonition  in  this  Senate  ;  and  I  believe 
the  honoPiible  gentlemen  (Captain  Phipps)  is  singular  in 
his  opinion  upon  this  head ;  and  I  am  glad  to  find  there 
are  no  strangers  in  the  gallery,*  for  his  own  sake,  to  hear 
what  he  said.  But,  Sir,  I  am  of  a  different  opinion  from 
that  honorable  gentlemen  ;  and  1  dare  say  the  House  will 
agree  with  me  when  I  think  that  book  one  of  the  best 
that  ever  was  written  upon  the  laws  of  this  constitution, 
and  will  do  more  honor  to  himself  and  this  country  than 
any  that  ever  yet  appeared  ;  and  I  am  sorry  to  hear  him 
reproached  even  by  an  individual,  when  I  am  sure  the 
greatest  honor  will  redound  to  this  country  from  that  able 
perfomiance. 

Sir  Richard  Sutton.  Sir,  I  do  not  think  that  the  appeal 
for  murder  ought  to  be  partially  taken  away  ;  if  you  take  it 
away  from  any  part  of  the  Dominions,  you  should  take  it 
from  the  whole.  1  am  much  against  the  measure,  because 
I  think  it  vindictive  and  cruel. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox.  I  am  for  taking  away  the  appeal  for 
murder  entirely,  but  I  am  not  for  taking  it  away  in  part.  If 
die  appeal  is  allowed,  you  take  away  the  power  of  pardon- 
ing in  the  Crown.  I  look  upon  the  power  of  pardon  as 
much  a  right  in  the  subject  to  claim,  as  part  of  the  trial. 
Suppose  a  criminal  should  be  tried  and  convicted,  and  he 
should  appear  to  be  out  of  his  senses,  in  this  case  he  is  cer- 
tainly not  to  be  hanged,  the  pardon  being  the  only  mode  of 
saving  his  life.  Appeal  for  murder  is  the  only  instance  in 
our  laws  in  which  satisfaction  is  allowed  to  the  injured  by 
the  blood  of  another,  as  it  may  be  compensated  by  a  sum 
of  money.  I  shall  vote  against  this  clause,  because  I  think 
the  Americans  have  a  right  to  the  same  laws  as  we 
have. 

Captain  Phipps  rose  to  explain  himself  with  regard  to 
Mr.  Blackstone,  and  said,  however  he  might  have  repre- 
sented his  performance,  he  was  glad  to  find  it  was  so  well 
defended  by  the  warmth  of  friendship  ;  that  he  had  heard, 
and  was  sorry  to  hear,  that  book  had  undergone  some 
regulations  with  regard  to  its  eligibility,  which  he  hoped 
was  not  true.  He  sat  down  rather  chagrined  to  find  his 
opinion  with  regard  to  that  work  was  singular. 

Sir  George  Savile.  Sir,  the  appetite  of  revenge  is, 
like  that  of  hunger,  never  to  be  satisfied.  There  are 
certain  rights  which  we  bring  into  society  which  we  give 
up  for  the  good  of  the  whole;  the  passion  of  revenge 
seems  to  be  under  that  description  ;  and  in  this  instance 
only  the  blood  of  another  may  be  conii)ensaled  by  civil 
action.  But  I  will  not  contend  that  to  be  a  civil  suit 
which  ends  in  hanging,  which  the  appeal  for  murder  does 
when  not  compensated  for  ;  but  it  is  necessary  that  men 
should  give  up  certain  rights  which  tiiey  enjoy  for  the 
good  of  society  at  large.  1  would  wish  a  fair  and  impar- 
tial trial  to  be  secured,  which  1  think  is  already  done  in 
the  Colonies  without  meddling  with  the  appeal  for  murder. 

Mr.  Skyimcr.  Sir,  I  only  rise  to  explain,  that  the  ap- 
peal for  murder  may  be  reduced  to  a  civil  action ;  that 
there  also  lies  an  appeal  b  robbery  and  rape  ;  and  if  the 
woman  who  had  been  injured,  wiien  the  man  was  under 
the  gallows  to  be  hanged,  should  marry  him,  he  would,  by 
the  ancient  law,  be  saved,  because  all  her  civil  right  would 
he  vested  in  lier  husband  by  that  act,  and  therefore  com- 
pensated for  as  such  :  by  that  act  she  vests  those  civil 
rights,  which  he  had  deprived  her  of,  in  him  as  her  hus- 
band. 

Mr.  Wallace  then,  with  leave  of  tlie  House,  withdrew 
tjie  motion. 

Mr.  R.  Fuller.  Sir,  I  am  the  more  convinced  by  what 
1  have  heard  to  day,  that  the  whole  law  relative  to  the  ap- 
peal for  murder,  ought  to  be  repealed.  I  will  therefore 
give  notice,  on  some  future  day,  when  1  shall  make  the 
motion. 

Mr.  Dunning  desired  to  know  whether  his  learned 
friend  (Mr.  Wallace)  had  made  any  jirovision  against  a 
faulty  indictment. 

Mr.  Wallace  said,  he  had  not,  as  he  did  not  diink  it  nc- 

•  The  standing  order,  for  the  exclusion  of  strangers,  was  strictly 
enforced  during  the  progress  of  the  three  bills  relating  to  the  Distur- 
k&nces  in  America. 


cessary  ;  that  if  the  prisoner  returned,  he  might  there  be 
indicted  again. 

Mr.  Dunning  said,  so,  then,  it  is  intended  that  the 
prisoner  may  go  over  again  if  he  chooses. 

Mr.  Wallace  then  offered  a  clause  to  limit  the  continu- 
ance of  the  Act  to  three  years,  from  the  first  day  of /une, 
next ;  which  was  agreed  to. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  be  en- 
grossed. 

A  motion  was  made,  and  the  question  put,  that  such  a 
number  of  copies  of  the  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  be 
printed,  as  shall  be  sufficient  for  the  use  of  the  members  of 
the  House  ? 

It  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill  be  read  the  third  time,  upon 
Friday  morning  next,  if  the  said  Bill  shall  be  then  en- 
grossed. 

Fhidav,  May  6,   1774. 

The  order  of  the  day,  for  the  third  reading  of  the  Bill, 
being  read : 

Mr.  Dempster.  I  do  not  apprehend.  Sir,  that  the  Bill 
before  you  is  at  all  adetpiate  to  the  purpose  intended ;  nor 
do  1  think  that  experience  warrants  the  assertion,  tiiat  a 
fair  trial  cannot  be  had  in  the  Colonies.  Surely.  Sir,  the 
bringing  men  over  to  England  to  be  tried,  is  not  only  a 
direct  breach  of  their  constitution,  but  is  a  deprivation  of 
the  right  of  every  British  subject  in  America.  I  should 
have  thought  that  a  power  of  reprieve,  lodged  in  the  Go- 
vernor, after  conviction,  would  have  been  fully  sufficient, 
without  bringing  men  to  England.  Whenever  murder  is 
committed,  it  must  inevitably  go  off  with  impunity  ;  for 
whenever  any  person  present  shall  find  he  is  to  go  over  the 
Atlantic  as  an  evidence,  to  the  detriment  of  his  familj^  and 
his  fortune,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  he  will  evade  the 
necessity  of  his  appearance  as  an  evidence.  This,  Sir, 
will  be  a  means  of  subjecting  the  People  of  that  country 
to  assassination,  in  the  room  of  legal  trial ;  and  the  invaria- 
ble consequence  has  always  been,  tliat  when  a  fair  trial 
cannot  be  procured,  the  revenge  of  the  relations  of  the  de- 
ceased will  exercise  itself  in  this  kind  of  cruel  assassination. 
1,  perhaps.  Sir,  may  be  wrong  in  my  ideas  ;  but  I  have 
looked  into  the  history  of  that  country  with  care  and  cir- 
cumspection, and  it  has  inspired  me  with  the  highest  vene- 
ration for  those  who  were  tlie  first  settlers  ;  they  emigrated 
when  that  Star  Chamber  doctrine  was  practised  in  this 
country.  Oppressed  as  they  thought  themselves  by  the 
niotlier  country,  by  the  cruelty  of  those  arbitrary  laws, 
sooner  than  suffer  themselves  to  be  opj)ressed  by  tyranny, 
they  choose  rather  to  combat  with  tygers  and  Indians  in 
America,  than  live  in  a  place  where  ojjpression  and  tyran- 
ny nded.  It  it  no  new  thing.  Sir,  that  they  have  refused 
to  comply  with  the  payment  of  taxes  demanded  from  this 
country ;  tliis  exemption  is  a  very  old  demand  of  theirs, 
and  supported  by  tlieir  charier.  Imprisonment  of  two 
persons,  who  held  this  kind  of  doctrine,  was  made  in  the 
time  of  Sir  Edmund  Andrews,  who  w  as  tlu  n  Governor ; 
and  the  Americans  passed  a  law,  declaring  that  this  coun- 
try had  no  right  to  tax  ;  it  is  true,  when  that  law  came 
over  here,  it  was  rejected.  Let  gentlemen  consider,  that 
if  we  tax  America  at  this  present  period,  her  trade  and 
every  thing  else  will  decline.  1  think  that  Boston  has  the 
most  merit  with  this  country  of  any  place  I  know  ;  she  is  a 
most  valuable  ally,  or  a  subordinate  Colony  ;  take  it  in 
either  sense,  her  possession  is  inestimable ;  but  I  really 
fear  very  much,  that  the  Americans  are  to  be  thus  treaterl 
without  the  parties  beine  heard.  I  do  not  like  to  see  public 
liberty  and  tlie  riushts  of  persons  infringed.  There  are  two 
articles  in  tliis  Bill,  which  1  cannot  blame  the  Americans 
for  resisting ;  I  mean  that  of  the  Council  and  the  Judges 
being  chosen  In  the  Crown :  the  ancient  way  which  tlieir 
charter  directed  of  chosing  their  Council,  was  far  more 
eligible;  they  were  men  at  a  certain  age,  to  which  experi- 
ence generally  adds  wisdom,  that  were  elected  Council ; 
but  this  is  a  new  system,  that  carries  with  it  neither  experi- 
ence nor  wisdom  ;  and  I  think  the  change  unnecessary, 
thougii  not  oppressive.  I  think  the  office  of  Sheriff  is 
more  oppressive,  because  he  is  an  engine  of  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  Governor ;  nor  do  I  approve  of  taking  away 
the  town  meetings  ;  there  is  but  one  precedent  of  this  kind 
to  be  found  in  history  ;  but  1  could  wish,  on  the  present  oc- 
casion, that  a  second  had  not  been  made.     [He  concluded 


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in  praise  of  the  character  of  Dr.  Franklin,  whom  he  called 
the  ornament  of  human  nature ;  and  said  he  thought  him 
highly  praise-worthy,  for  those  very  acts  for  which  lie  had 
been  so  much  blamed.] 

Mr.  Grey.  I  think  this  House  and  the  nation  at  large, 
owe  their  best  thanks  to  the  noble  Lord  who  has  brought 
forward  this  business ;  and  1  must  allow,  that  nothing  but 
necessity,  in  urgent  cases  like  these,  warrants  a  deviation 
from  the  constitution ;  the  law  should  not  be  invaded  on 
every  frivolous  pretence,  but  this  requires  the  serious  atten- 
tion of  the  whole  Legislature.  It  would  be  cruel  to  the 
last  degree,  when  your  subjects  are  employed  in  preserving 
the  peace,  not  to  give  them  the  utmost  security  in  the  exe- 
cution of  their  duty.  But  let  me  ask.  Sir,  in  what  situation 
will  that  Navy  and  Army  be,  that  has  no  protection  for  the 
execution  of  the  laws  which  you  have  vested  in  their  hands? 
Will  you  leave  them  a  sacrifice  to  the  rapacity  of  the  re- 
vengeful dispositions  of  the  relations  of  those  unhappy  men 
who  may  fall  by  their  hands,  in  the  execution  of  their  duty  ? 
I  cannot  think  this  Act  will  operate  in  any  shape  to  the 
detriment  of  the  People,  if  they  return  to  their  duty ;  if 
that  is  the  case  ;  if  they  do  return,  and  he  obedient,  the  Act 
will  be  a  waste  piece  of  paper ;  but  the  trial  of  persons  in 
England  will  seldom  take  place,  I  apprehend,  as  nothing 
but  the  most  absolute  necessity  will  drive  the  Governor  to 
have  recourse  to  the  Act. 

Mr.  Paulet  observed,  that  nothing  was  ever  more  just 
than  the  measure  proposed  In  the  Bill  before  the  House ; 
that  it  was  the  most  cruel  thing  to  let  a  man  lie  even  one 
hour  in  prison,  in  expectation  of  being  tried  by  a  Jury 
whose  minds  were  biased  ;  but  for  the  sake  of  justice,  a 
voyage  across  the  Atlantic  would  surely  be  thought,  on 
such  an  account,  an  undertaking  not  pregnant  with  much 
danger. 

Mr.  Sawhridge.  I  hope.  Sir,  the  House  will  hear  me  a 
few  words,  as  it  is  the  last  opportunity  I  shall  have.  The 
opposition  I  have  given  to  these  measures,  does  not  proceed 
from  a  settled  disposition  against  Administration,  nor  do  I  do 
it  for  the  sake  of  popularity  ;  it  is  for  the  love  of  that  liberty 
which  I  have  always  been  strengthened  in,  and  bred  up  by 
education.  I  had  rather  bear  the  badge  of  the  parish,  than 
that  of  apostacy.  It  has  been  urged  in  debate,  that  this 
country  has  a  right  to  pursue  those  measures  adopted  in  the 
Bill,  and  that  necessity  is  the  ground  and  argument  which 
urges  it  on  ;  but  pray.  Sir,  let  me  ask,  who  is  to  be  the  judge 
of  that  necessity  ?  A  nation,  surely,  cannot  be  called  a  free 
nation,  where  another  has  a  right  to  drav/  money  out  of 
their  pockets ;  but  I  cannot  understand  how  any  one  can 
agree  with  these  measures,  and  deny  the  right  of  taxation. 
If  you  exercise  an  authority  which  does  not  belong  to  you, 
or  if  you  force  an  illegal  authority,  they  have  a  right  to  re- 
sist. I  do  not  see  any  necessity  for  bringing  over  the 
People  to  be  tried  by  a  Jury  in  England;  I  think  the 
Crown  should  have  lodged  a  power  in  the  Governor  to 
pardon,  and  I  should  have  thought  it  the  brightest  jewel  in 
it  on  this  occasion.  You  say,  that  the  Governor  is  to  use 
his  discretion  with  regard  to  their  having  a  fair  trial ;  but 
by  this  Bill  the  Governor,  I  say,  is  not  the  judge  of  that, 
for  it  must  be  upon  the  oath  of  a  witness ;  he  must  believe 
that  witness,  and  no  discretion  is  left  in  the  Governor.  No 
man  will  become  a  voluntary  evidence  on  such  an  occasion  ; 
he  will  sooner  fly  from  that  situation,  than  be  transported 
to  England.  By  that  means  justice  will  be  evaded,  as 
evidence  cannot  be  had,  and  the  People  will  soon  take 
upon  themselves  to  revenge  their  own  injuries. 

Colonel  Barrc.  Sir,  I  think  it  oriminal  to  sit  still  uppn 
the  final  decision  of  this  question,  as  I  cannot,  in  any  shape, 
approve  of  this  measure.  I  think  the  pei-sons  whom  you 
employ  to  execute  your  laws,  inight  have  been  protected 
in  the  execution  of  their  duty  in  a  less  exceptionable  man- 
ner than  that  Bill  proposes.  Your  Army,  Sir,  in  that 
country,  has  the  casting  voice  ;  and  it  is  dangerous  to  put 
any  more  power  into  their  hands.  Consider,  Sir,  how  long 
they  will  bo  content  with  Ad.  per  day  ;  I  am  afraid  not  long. 
You  have  had  one  meeting  already,  you  may  soon  have 
another ;  the  People  of  America  will  receive  these  regula- 
tions as  edicts  from  an  arbitrary  Government.  The  heaviest 
offence  they  have  been  guilty  of  is,  that  they  have  resisted 
that  law  which  bears  such  an  arbitrary  cast.  I  want  to 
know  if  we  in  this  country  had  not  resisted  such  arbitrary 
laws  in  certain  ancient  times,  whether  we  should  have  ex- 
isted as  a  House  of  Commons  here  this  day  ?    I  object  much 


against  the  doctrine  which  I  have  heard  laid  down,  that  the 
particular  exigency  of  the  case  countenanced  the  measure. 
1  do  not  apprehend  the  Americans  will  abandon  their  prin- 
ciples ;  for  if  they  submit,  they  are  slaves :  I  therefore  exe- 
crate the  present  measure,  in  the  manner  proposed. 

The  Bill  was  then  read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  Pulteney.  Sir,  I  will  comprise  in  a  few  words 
what  I  have  to  say :  I  do  not  apprehend  that  the  Legisla- 
ture can  tax  a  particular  county,  without  shewing  some 
degree  of  partiality  to  others,  nor  can  they  justly  do  it.  I 
think  the  principles  of  this  Bill  may  be  tolerably  equitable, 
and  I  do  believe  it  will  produce  a  fair  trial ;  but  as  there 
are  some  defects  in  the  form  in  which  it  now  stands,  with 
regard  to  the  errors  and  flaws  that  may  be  in  an  indictment 
I  will  offer  a  clause,  by  way  of  rider,  to  give  power  to  a 
Jury  in  England  to  find  a  Bill  of  indictment,  in  order  to 
correct  such  a  deficiency. 

Mr.  Pulteney,  then  offered  the  following  clause,  which 
was  thrice  read,  and  agreed  to  by  the  House,  to  be  made 
part  of  the  Bill,  by  way  of  rider: 

"  That  in  case,  on  account  of  any  error  or  defect  in  any 
"  indictment,  which,  in  virtue  or  under  the  authority  of  this 
"  Act,  shall  be  transmitted  to  any  other  Colony,  or  to 
"  Great  Britain,  the  same  shall  be  quashed,  or  judgment 
"  thereon  arrested,  or  such  indictment  judged  bad  upon 
"  demurrer,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  prefer  a  new  in- 
"  dictment  or  indictments  against  the  person  or  persons 
"  accused  in  the  said  Colony,  to  which  such  indictment,  so 
"  quashed  or  adjudged  bad,  shall  have  been  transmitted,  or 
"  before  the  Grand  Jury  of  any  county  in  Great  Britain, 
"  in  case  such  former  indictment  shall  have  been  transmit- 
"  ted  to  Great  Britain,  in  the  same  manner  as  could  be 
"  done  in  case  the  party  accused  should  return  to  the 
"  place  where  the  offence  was  committed  ;  and  the  Grand 
"  Jury  and  Petty  Jury  of  such  other  Colony  or  county  in 
"  Great  Britain  shall  have  power  to  find  and  proceed 
"  upon  such  indictment  or  indictments,  in  the  same  manner 
"  as  if  the  offence,  by  such  indictment  or  indictments 
"  charged,  had  been  committed  within  the  limits  of  the 
"  Colony  or  county  for  which  such  Juries  shall  respective- 
"  ly  be  empannelled  to  serve." 

Various  other  amendments  were  agreed  toby  the  House, 
and  the  Bill  was  amended  at  the  table  accordingly. 

Mr.  Fuller.  Sir,  I  will  now  take  my  leave  of  the  whole 
plan,  and  will  give  you  my  free  opinion  of  it:  you  will 
commence  your  ruin  from  this  day,  if  you  do  not  repeal 
the  tax  which  has  created  all  this  disturbance ;  you  will 
have  no  degree  of  confidence  with  the  Americans ;  People 
will  not  trust  you  when  your  credit  is  gone  ;  you  may,  I 
say,  date  your  ruin  from  this  day ;  and,  I  am  sorry  to  say, 
that  not  only  this  House  has  fallen  into  that  error,  but  that 
the  People  of  this  country  approve  of  the  measure.  I  find 
the  People  wish  for  the  measure  proposed  in  this  Bill,  as 
much  as  the  majority  here  :  it  is  not  all  owing  to  the  junto 
of  a  ministry  that  these  measures  are  taken ;  it  is  the  People 
at  large  who,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  are  misled :  they  are  in 
an  error,  but  a  short  time  will  prove  the  evil  tendency  of 
this  Bill.  I  think  the  present  Bill  beai-s  the  least  injury  of 
any  of  the  three ;  but  if  ever  there  was  a  nation  running 
headlong  to  its  ruin,  it  is  this. 

Mr.  H.  Cavendish.  Sir,  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  that 
there  is  a  majority  in  this  House  for  these  measures ;  but 
am  much  better  pleased  that  the  country  in  general  ap- 
prove of  them  in  as  high  a  degree. 

The  question  then  being  put,  that  the  Bill  do  Pass  ?  the 
House  divided; 

Yeas  127  ;     Nays  24. 

So  it  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Cooper  do  carry  the  Bill  to  the- 
Lords,  and  desire  their  concurrence. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 

Monday,  May  9,  1774. 

A  Message  was  brought  from  the  House  of  Commons 
by  Mr.  Cooper  and  others  : 

With  a  Bill  intituled  "  An  Act  for  the  Impartial  Ad- 
"  ministration  of  Justice  in  the  cases  of  persons  questioned 
"  for  any  acts  done  by  them  in  the  execution  oi"  the  law. 


127 


BILL  FOR  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE  IN  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 


128 


"  or  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults  in  the  Province 
*' o(  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Neiv  England;"  to  which 
tiiey  desire  the  concurrence  of  the  House  ; 

And  the  said  Bill  was  read  the  firet  time. 

Ordered.  That  the  Bill  be  read  a  second  tune  on 
H'cdnesday  next ;  and  that  tlie  Lords  be  summoned. 

Ordered,  That  tlie  Bill  be  printed. 

Fkidav,  May  13,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  second  time,  and  committed  to  a  Committee 
of  the  whole  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  House  be  put  into  a  Committee 
np<in  the  said  Bill  on  Monday  next. 

Monday,  May  16,  1774. 

The  House,  according  to  order,  was  adjourned  during 
pleasure,  and  put  into  a  Committee  upon  the  Bill. 

After  some  time  the  House  was  resinned  : 

And  Ijord  Boston  reported  from  the  Committee,  that 
they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  directed  him  to  report 
the  same  to  the  House,  without  any  amendment. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  third  time,  on 
fVednesday  next ;  and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Tuesday,  May  17,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth  (by  his  Majesty's  command.) 
laid  before  the  House  more  Papers  relating  to  the  distur- 
bances at  Boston,  together  with  a  list  thereof;  which  was 
read  by  the  Clerk,  as  follows : 

No.  1.  Copy  of  a  lietter  from  Governor  Hutchinson  to 
the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  9th  March,  1774  ; 
received  lStho(  May,  enclosing. 

No.  2.  Extracts  from  the  Boston  Gazette. 
No.  3.  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Governor  Hutchinson 
to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  dated  Boston,  21st  March,  1 774, 
received  13th  of  May,  enclosing. 

No.  4.  Copy  of  the  Resolution  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, concurred  in  by  the  Council. 
No.  5.  Copy  of  a  Message  from  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives to  Governor  Hutchinson. 
No.  6.  Copy  of  Governor  Hutchinson's  Message  to 
the  House  of  Representatives. 
And  the  titles  thereof  being  read  by  the  Clerk, 
Ordered,  That  the  said  Papers  do  lie  on  the  table. 

Wednesday,  May  18,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  thud  time. 

Upon  reading  the  Petition  of  WiUian.  Bollan,  Esq., 
Agent  for  the  Council  of  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  in  New  England,  taking  notice  of  a  Bill  de- 
pending in  this  House,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  Impar- 
'•  tial  Administration  of  Justice,  in  the  cases  of  persons  ques- 
"  tioned  for  any  acts  done  by  them  in  the  execution  of  the 
"  law,  or  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults  in  the  Pro- 
"  vince  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England ;"  and  pray- 
ing this  right  honorable  House,  "  That  the  same  may  not 
"  pass  into  a  law ;  and  that  he  may  be  heard  by  their  I^rd- 
"  ships  in  support  of  his  Petition," 

It  is  Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  on  the  table. 

Moved,  That  Mr.  Bollan  be  called  in,  and  heard  at  the 
Bar. 

Which  being  objected  to ; 

After  debate, 

The  question  was  put  thereupon  ?  It  was  resolved  in  the 
Negative, 

Then  it  was  mored  "That  the  Bill  do  Pass  ?" 

Which  being  objected  to  ; — 

A  debate  en'^ued. 

It  was  opened  by  the  Earl  of  Buckinghampshire,  ^^ho 
confessed  this  to  be  the  most  e.xccplionahle  of  the  Ameri- 
rnn  measures,  but  thought  it  was  excused  by  necessity. 

He  was  answered  by  I^rd  Shellnirne,  who  spoke  with 
great  ability,  spirit,  and  knowledge,  of  the  subject. 

The  Lords  Denbigh,  Sandwich,  and  the  Ix)rd  Chancel- 
lor, were  the  chief  supporters  of  the  Bill. 

The  Dukeof  M«?(fAe«/cr  spoke  with  that  grace  of  man- 
tier  and  elegance  of  language  which  so  peculiarly  distin- 
guish him. 

The  Marquis  of  Rockingham  spoke  late  in  tlie  debate. 
His  speech  lasted  near  three  quarters  of  an  hour;    and 


never  was  more  attention  given  to  a  speaker  on  any  occa- 
sion. He  spoke  with  all  the  weight  and  authority  of  an 
able  statesman,  and  all  the  feeling  of  a  patriot,  deeply  con- 
cerned for  the  interest  of  his  country.  He  entered  fully 
into  the  civil  policy  which  had  originally  given  rise  to  the 
disturbances  in  America,  and  had  in  consequence  produced 
bills  and  regulations  so  ill  calculated  to  allay  them.  He 
took  post  upon  the  measure  of  his  own  administration,  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  on  which  he  argued  with  great 
force.  He  insisted  that  that  repeal  w  as  no  more  tiian  a  re- 
turn to  the  ancient  policy  of  Great  Britain,  from  which  the 
tax  had  been  a  deviation.  He  then  stated  the  new  taxes 
laid  on  after  his  removal  from  office,  as  originating  from  no 
plan  or  policy  whatsoever,  but  merely  as  the  result  of  pique 
and  jjassion  ;  that  they  were  in  effect  confessed  to  be  so, 
because  they  were  afterwards  repealed  for  the  greater  part, 
as  being  laid  by  the  avowal  of  Administration  itself,  in  con- 
tradiction to  all  the  principles  of  commerce. — That  the  Tea 
Duty,  equally  uncommercial  and  unproductive,  was  left  as 
a  pepper-corn,  merely  for  tlie  sake  of  contest  with  America. 
as  the  Ministry  had  likewise  avowed.  He  censured  very 
severely  the  doctrine  of  taxing  for  the  sole  purpose  of  ex- 
ercising an  invidious  right,  and  insisted  that  taxes  ought  to 
be  for  the  real  purpose  of  supporting  Government,  and  not 
purely  to  irritate  and  stir  up  dangerous  questions.  That 
the  Stamp  Act  was  a  great  object,  and  might  have  produ- 
ced in  time  considerable  revenues ;  but  to  risk  the  Avhole 
trade  of  England,  and  the  affections  of  the  Americans,  in  a 
quarrel  with  the  Colonies  for  pepper-corns,  he  thought  a 
very  unwise  proceeding.  After  this,  he  entered  into  the 
particulars  of  the  Bill,  and,  among  other  things,  in  answer 
to  the  difficulties  asserted  to  be  laid  on  officers  without 
such  protection  as  was  given  by  tliis  Bill,  he  said  that  he 
thought  the  condition  of  men  of  honor  and  sensibility  to  be 
far  worse  under  this  Bill ;  for  that  no  acquittal  could  be 
honorable,  where  tlie  prosecutor  had  not  the  usual  means 
of  securing  a  fair  trial.  He  concluded  with  a  very  em- 
pliatical  recommendation  of  temper,  as  necessary  in  all 
things,  but  particularly  in  measures  of  this  nature,  and  in 
subjects  of  so  much  delicacy  :  his  own  remarkable  calmness 
and  steadiness  of  mind,  gave  additional  force  to  this  part  of 
his  speech. 

The  Duke  of  Richmond  spoke  last  in  the  debate,  and 
with  his  usual  spirit,  pointed  his  answer  chiefly  to  what 
fell  from  the  Chancellor  and  Ix)rd  Sandwich  :  he  concluded 
with  recommending  to  the  perusal  of  the  House,  a  pamph- 
let, called  "  Considerations  on  the  Measures  carrying  on 
'■  against  America,"  and  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  Sermon, 
preached  1773,  before  the  Society  for  propagating  the 
Gospel,  as  containing  the  soundest  doctrines  and  the  best 
policy. 

After  long  debate,* 

The  question  was  put,  "  Whether  this  Bill  shall  Pass  ?'" 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative :  Contents,  43. 
Non-Contents,  12. 

Dissentient. 

1st.  Because  no  evidence  whatsoever  has  been  laid 
before  the  House  tending  to  prove  that  persons  acting  in 
support  of  public  autliority,  and  indicted  for  murder,  can- 
not receive  a  fair  trial  within  the  Province ;  which  is  the 
object  of  this  Bill.  On  the  contrary,  it  has  happened  that 
an  officer  of  tlie  Array,  charged  with  murder,  has  there 
received  a  fair  and  equitable  trial,  and  been  acquitted. 
This  fact  has  happened  even  since  the  commencement  of 
the  present  unhappy  dissentions. 

2dly.  Because,  after  the  proscription  of  the  port  of 
Boston,  the  disfrancliisement  of  the  Colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  and  tiie  variety  of  provisions  which  have  been 
made  in  this  session  for  new  modelling  the  whole  polity 
and  judicature  of  that  Province,  this  Bill  is  an  humiliating 
confession  of  the  weakness  and  inefficacy  of  all  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Parliament.  By  supposing  that  it  may  be  im- 
practicable by  any  means,  that  the  public  wisdom  could  de- 

*Tlie  Bill  p.'.ssnd  the  Hous.i  on  Ih-  6tli  of  May,  and  being  carried 
uj)  to  tlio  i^oli8^  of  Peers,  occjsionod  w;irm  d^b  t-s  upon  tlic  same 
priiicipl's  upon  whicb  it  was  discussed  in  tlic  Housi  of  ('oninions. 
Tbo  Ijords  of  the  minority  (!ntor3d  on  this,  as  on  the  fonnpr  Bill,  :i 
very  s'ronff  Protnst.  Noitliur  Houst'  was  full  during  tbo  dtbatit  on 
this  Bill,  :is  till.'  argiun-nts  on  the  two  latter  Bills,  had  boon  all  along 
very  muc',1  blended  ;  and  the  parties  had  tried  their  strength  by  divi- 
sion on  the  Bill  for  altering  the  Massai-husett»  Charter.  On  both  ques- 
tion*, however,  the  numbers  of  the  minority  had  all  along  continued 
very  low  and  disproportioned. — Ann.  Regit. 


129 


BILL  FOR  ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUSTICE  IN  MASSACHUSETTS  BAT. 


130 


vise,  to  obtain  a  fair  trial  there,  for  any  who  act  under  Go- 
vernment, the  House  is  made  virtually  to  acknowledge  the 
British  Government  to  be  universally  odious  to  the  whole 
Province.  By  supposing  the  case  that  such  trial  may  be 
equally  impracticable  in  every  other  Province  of  America, 
Parliament  does  in  effect  admit,  that  its  authority  is,  or  pro- 
bably may,  become  baleful  to  all  the  Colonies.  This  we  ap- 
prehend is  to  publish  to  all  the  world,  in  terms  the  most  em- 
phatical,  the  little  confidence  the  Supreme  Legislature  re- 
poses in  the  affection  of  so  large  and  so  important  a  part  of 
the  British  empire.  If  Parliament  believed  that  any  con- 
siderable number  of  the  Peojjle  in  the  Colonies  were  wil- 
ling to  act  in  support  of  British  Government,  it  is  evident 
that  we  might  safely  trust  the  persons  so  acting  to  their  fel- 
low Colonists,  for  a  fair  trial  for  acts  done  in  consequence 
of  such  support.  The  Bill  therefore  amounts  to  a  declara- 
tion that  the  House  knows  no  means  of  retaining  the  Colo- 
nies in  due  obedience,  but  by  an  Army  rendered  indepen- 
dent of  the  ordinary  course  of  law,  in  the  place  where  they 
are  employed. 

3dly.  Because  we  think,  that  a  military  force,  sufficient 
for  governing  upon  tliis  plan,  cannot  be  maintained  without 
the  inevitable  ruin  of  the  nation. 

Lastly.  Because  this  Bill  seems  to  be  one  of  the  many 
experiments  towards  an  introduction  of  essential  innovations 
into  the  Government  of  this  empire.  The  virtual  indem- 
nity provided  by  this  Bill,  for  those  who  shall  be  indicted 
for  murders  committed  under  colour  of  office,  can  answer 
no  other  purpose.  We  consider  that  to  be  an  indemnity 
which  renders  trial,  and  consequently  punislmient,  imprac- 
ticable ;  and  trial  is  impracticable,  when  the  very  Govern- 
or, under  whose  authority  acts  of  violence  may  be  commit- 
ted, is  empowered  to  send  the  instruments  of  that  violence 
to  three  thousand  miles  distance  from  the  scene  of  their  of- 
fence, the  reach  of  their  prosecutor,  and  the  local  evidence 
which  may  tend  to  their  conviction.  The  authority  given 
by  this  Bill,  to  compel  the  transportation  from  America  to 
Great  Britain  of  any  number  of  witnesses,  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  parties  prosecuting  and  prosecuted,  without  any  re- 
gard to  their  age,  sex,  health,  circumstances,  business,  or 
duties,  seems  to  us  so  extravagant  in  its  principles,  and  so 
hnpracticable  in  its  execution,  as  to  confirm  us  further  in 
our  opinion  of  the  spirit  which  animates  the  whole  system 
of  tlie  present  American  regulations. 

^  Richmond,  Portland, 

Rockingham,         Manchester, 
Leinster,  Ponsonby, 

Fitzwilliam,  Craven. 

A  Message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons  by  the 
former  Messengers  : 

To  acquaint  them,  that  the  Lords  have  agreed  to  the 
said  Bill,  without  any  amendment. 

Friday,  May  20,  1774. 

His  Majesty  being  seated  on  the  Throne,  and  the  Com- 
mons attending  with  their  Speaker,  the  Royal  assent  to  the 
Bill  was  pronounced  by  tlie  Clerk's  Assistant. 


Anno  Declmo  Quarto  Georgii  HI.  Regis. 

An  Act  for  the  Impartial  Administration  of  Justice  in  the 
cases  of  Persons  questioned  for  any  Acts  done  by  them 
in  Exemtion  of  the  Law,  or  for  the  Suppression  of 
Riots  and  Tumults,  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  in  New  England. 

Whereas  in  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  New  England,  an  attempt  hath  lately  been  made 
to  throw  off  the  authority  of  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain  over  the  said  Province,  and  an  actual  and  avowed 
resistance,  by  open  force,  to  the  execution  of  certain  Acts 
of  Parliament,  hath  been  suffered  to  take  place,  uncontroul- 
ed  and  unpunished,  in  defiance  of  his  Majesty's  authority, 
and  to  the  utter  subversion  of  all  lawful  Government :  and 
whereas,  in  the  present  disordered  state  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  general  welfare 
thereof,  and  to  the  re-establislinient  of  lawful  authority 
throughout  the  same,  that  neither  the  Magistrates  acting  in 
support  of  the  laws,  nor  any  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  aiding 
FoUBTH  Sk&ijbs.  9 


and  assisting  them  therein,  or  in  the  suppression  of  riots  and 
tumults,  raised  in  opposition  to  the  execution  of  the  laws 
and  statutes  of  this  realm,  should  be  discouraged  from  the 
proper  discharge  of  their  duty,  by  an  apprehension,  that  in 
case  of  their  being  questioned  for  any  acts  done  therein, 
they  may  be  liable  to  be  brought  to  trial   for  the  same 
before  persons  who  do  not  acknowledge  the  validity  of  the 
laws,  in  the  execution  whereof,  or  the  authority  of  the  Ma- 
gistrate in  the  support  of  whom,  such  acts  had  been  done: 
in  order  therefore  to  remove  every  such  discouragement 
from  the  minds  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and  to  induce 
them,  upon  all  proper  occasions,  to  exert  themselves  in 
support  of  the  public  peace  of  the  Province,  and  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  over 
the  same  ;  Be  it  enacted  by  the  King's  most  excellent  Ma- 
jesty, by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in   this  present 
Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 
that  if  any  inquisition  or  indictment  shall  be  found,  or  if 
any  appeal  shall  be  sued  or  preferred  against  any  person, 
for  murder,  or  other  capital  offence,  in  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  it  shall  appear,  by  information 
given  upon  oath  to  the  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  the 
Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  said   Province,  that  the  fact 
was  committed  by  the  person  against  whom  such  inquisi- 
tion or  indictment  shall  be  found,  or  against  whom  such  ap- 
peal shall  be  sued  or  preferred,  as  aforesaid,  either  in  the 
execution  of  his  duty  as  a  Magistrate,  for  the  suppression 
of  riots,  or  in  the  support  of  the  Laws  of  Revenue,  or  in 
acting  in  his  duty  as  an  Officer  of  Revenue,  or  in  acting 
under  the  direction  and  order  of  any  Magistrate,  for  the 
suppression  of  riots,  or  for  the  carrying  into  effect  the  Laws 
of  the  Revenue,  or  in  aiding  and  assisting  in  any  of  the 
cases  aforesaid  ;  and  if  it  shall  also  appear,  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  said  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Governor  respec- 
tively, that  an  indifferent  trial  cannot  be  had  within  the 
said  Province,  in  that  case,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for 
the  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Governor,  to  direct,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Council,  that  the  inquisition,  in- 
dictment, or  appeal,  shall  be  tried  in  some  other  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Colonies,  or  in  Great  Britain;  and  for  that  purpose 
to  order  the  person  against  whom  such  inquisition  or  indict- 
ment shall  be  found,  or  against  whom  such  appeal  shall  be 
sued  or  preferred,  as  aforesaid,  to  be  sent,  under  sufficient 
custody,  to  the  place  appointed  for  his  trial,  or  to  admit 
such  person  to  bail,  taking  a  recognizance,  (which  the  said 
Governor,  or  in  his  absence,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  is 
hereby  authorized  to  take,)  from  such  person,  with  suffi- 
cient sureties,  to  be  approved  of  by  the  said  Governor,  or, 
in  his  absence,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  in  such  sums  of 
money  as  the  said  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  the  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  shall  deem  reasonable,  for  the  personal 
appearance  of  such  person,  if  the  trial  shall  be  appointed  to 
be  had  in  any  other  Colony,  before  the  Governor,  or  Lieu- 
tenant Governor,  or  Commander-in-Chief  of  such  Colony ; 
and  if  the  trial  shall  be  appointed  to  be  had  in   Great 
Britain,  then  before  his  Majesty's  Court  of  King's  Bench, 
at  a  time  to  be  mentioned  in  such  recognizances ;  and  the 
Governor,  or    Lieutenant   Governor,   or   Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  Colony,  where  such  trial  shall  be  appointed  to 
be  had,  or  Court  of  King's  Bench,  where  the  trial  is  ap- 
pointed to  be  had  in  Great  Britain,  upon  the  appearance 
of  such  person,  according  to  such  recognizance,  or  in  cus- 
tody, shall  either  commit  such   person,  or  admit  him  to 
bail,  until  such  trial ;    and  which  the  said  Governor,  or 
Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Commander-in-Chief,  and  Court 
of  King's  Bench,  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered 
to  do. 

And,  to  prevent  a  failure  of  justice,  from  the  want  of 
evidence  on  the  trial  of  any  such  inquisition,  indictment,  or 
appeal,  Be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  Governor,  or,  in  his 
absence,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  shall,  and  he  is  hereby 
authorized  and  required,  to  bind  in  recognizances  to  hi^ 
Majesty  all  such  witnesses  as  the  prosecutor  or  person 
against  whom  such  inquisition  or  indictment  shall  be  found, 
or  appeal  sued  or  preferred,  shall  desire  to  attend  the  trial 
of  the  said  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal,  for  their  per- 
sonal appearance,  at  the  time  and  place  of  such  trial,  to  give 
evidence:  and  the  said  Governor,  or  in  his  absence,  the 
Lieutenant  Governor,  shall  thereupon  appoint  a  reasonable 
sum  to  be  allowed  for  the  expenses  of  every  such  witness. 


131 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


132 


and  sliall  thereupon  give  to  eacli  witness  a  certificate,  in 
writins;,  under  his  liand  and  seal,  that  such  witness  has  en- 
tered into  a  recognizance  to  give  evidence,  and  specifying 
tiie  sum  allowed  tor  his  expenses ;  and  tiie  Collector  and 
Collectors  of  the  Customs,  or  one  of  tliem,  within  the  said 
Province,  upon  the  delivery  of  such  certificate,  are,  and  is 
hereby  authorized  and  required,  forthwith  to  pay  to  such 
witness  the  sum  specified  tlierein  for  his  expenses. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  all  prosecutors  and  witnesses,  wlio  sliall  be  under  re- 
cognizances to  appear  in  any  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies  in 
America,  or  in  Great  Britain,  in  pursuance  of  this  Act, 
shall  be  free  from  all  arrests  and  restraints,  in  any  action  or 
suit  to  be  coinmenced  against  them  during  their  going  to 
such  Colony,  or  coming  to  Great  Britain,  and  their  ne- 
cessary stay  and  abiding  there,  on  occasion  of  such  jirose- 
cution,  and  returning  again  to  the  said  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  all  and  every  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and 
other  Justices  and  Coroners,  before  whom  any  person  shall 
be  brought,  charged  with  murder,  or  other  capital  crime, 
where  it  shall  appear  by  proof,  on  oath,  to  such  Justices  or 
Coroners,  that  the  fact  was  committed  by  such  person, 
either  in  the  execution  of  his  duty  as  a  Magistrate,  for  the 
suppression  of  riots,  or  in  the  support  of  the  Laws  of  Reve- 
nue, or  in  acting  in  his  duty  as  an  Officer  of  Revenue,  or  in 
acting  under  the  direction  and  order  of  any  Magistrate,  for 
the  suppression  of  riots,  or  for  the  carrying  into  effect  the 
Laws  of  Revenue,  or  in  aiding  and  assisting  in  any  of  the 
cases  aforesaid,  are  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  admit 
every  such  person  so  brought  before  him  or  them,  as  afore- 
said, to  bail  ;  any  law,  custom,  or  usage,  to  the  contrary 
thereof  in  any  wise  uotwithstandiig. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  avihority  aforesaid, 
That  where  it  shall  be  made  appear  to  the  Judges  or 
Justices  of  any  Court,  within  the  said  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  by  any  person,  against  whom  any  inquisition 
or  indictment  sliall  be  found,  or  appeal  sued  or  preferred 
for  murder,  or  other  capital  crime,  that  the  fact  was  com- 
mitted by  such  person,  either  in  the  execution  of  his  duty 
as  a  Magistrate,  for  the  suppression  of  riots,  or  in  the  sup- 
port of  the  Laws  of  Revenue,  or  in  acting  in  his  duty  as  an 
Officer  of  Revenue,  or  in  acting  under  the  direction  and 
order  of  any  Magistrate,  for  the  suppression  of  riots,  or  for 
the  carrying  into  effect  the  laws  of  revenue,  or  in  aiding  and 
assisting  in  any  of  the  cases  aforesaid,  and  that  he  intends 
to  make  application  to  the  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor of  the  said  Province,  that  such  inquisition,  indictment, 
or  appeal,  may  be  tried  in  some  other  of  his  Majesty's 
Colonies,  or  in  Great  Britain,  the  said  Judges  or  Justices 
are  hereby  authorized  and  required  to  adjourn  "or  postpone 
tlie  the  trial  of  such  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal,  for  a 
reasonable  time,  and  admit  the  person  to  bail,  in  order  that 
lie  may  make  application  to  the  Governor,  or  Lieutenant 
Governor,  for  the  purpose  aforesaid. 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  the  Governor,  or  in  his 
absence,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  if  he  shall  direct  the 
trial  to  be  had  in  any  other  of  his  ftlajesty's  Colonies,  shall 
transmit  the  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal,  together 
with  the  recognizances  of  the  witnesses,  and  other  recogni- 


zances, under  the  seal  of  the  Province,  to  the  Governor, 
or  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Commander-in-Chief,  of  such 
other  Colony,  wiio  shall  immediately  issue  a  commission  of 
Oyer  and  Terminer,  and  deliver,  or  cause  to  be  delivered, 
the  said  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal,  with  the  said 
recognizances,  to  the  Chief  Justice,  and  such  other  persons 
as  have  usually  been  Commissioners  of  Oyer  and  Termi- 
ner, Justices  of  Assize,  or  General  Gaol  Delivery  there ; 
who  shall  have  power  to  proceed  upon  the  said  intjuisition, 
indictment,  or  appeal,  as  if  the  same  had  been  returned, 
found,  or  preferred  before  them;  and  the  trial  sliall  tliere- 
ii])on  proceed  in  like  manner,  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
as  if  the  offence  had  been  committed  in  such  ])lace :  and 
in  case  the  Governor,  or,  in  his  absence  the  Lieutenant 
Governor,  shall  direct  the  trial  to  be  had  in  Great  Britain, 
lie  shall  then  transmit  the  inquisition,  indictment,  or  ap- 
peal, together  with  the  recognizances,  of  the  witnesses,  and 
other  recognizances,  under  the  seal  of  the  Province,  to  one 
of  his  Majesty's  principal  Secretaries  of  State,  who  shall 
deliver,  or  cause  to  be  delivered,  the  same,  to  the  Master 
of  the  Croun  Office,  to  be  filed  of  record  in  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench,  and  the  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal, 
shall  be  tried  and  proceeded  upon,  in  the  next  term,  or  at 
such  other  time  as  the  Court  shall  appoint,  at  the  Bar  of 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  in  like  manner,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  if  the  offence  had  been  committed  in  the 
county  of  Middlesex,  or  in  any  other  county  of  that  part  of 
Great  Britain  called  England,  where  the  Court  of  King's 
Bench  shall  sit,  or  else  before  such  Commissioners,  and  in 
such  county,  in  that  part  of  Great  Britain  called  England 
as  shall  be  assigned  by  the  King's  Majesty's  commission,  in 
like  manner  and  form,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  such 
otience  had  been  coinmitted  in  the  same  county  where 
such  inquisition,  indictment,  or  appeal,  shall  be  so  tried. 

And  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid.  That 
in  case,  on  account  of  any  error  or  defect  in  any  indict- 
ment, which,  in  virtue,  or  under  the  authority  of  this  Act, 
shall  be  transmitted  to  any  other  Colony,  or  to  Great 
Britain,  the  same  shall  be  quashed,  or  judgment  thereon 
arrested,  or  such  indictment  adjudged  bad  on  demuiTer,  it 
shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  prefer  a  new  indictment  or  in- 
dictments against  the  person  or  persons  accused  in  the  said 
Colony,  to  which  such  indictment,  so  quashed  or  adjudged 
bad,  shall  have  been  transmitted,  or  before  the  Grand  Jury 
of  any  county  in  Great  Britain,  in  case  such  former  in- 
dictment shall  have  been  transmitted  to  Great  Britairi,  in 
the  same  manner  as  could  be  done  in  case  the  party  accused 
should  return  to  the  place  where  the  offence  was  commit- 
ted ;  and  the  Grand  Jury  and  Petty  Jury  of  such  other 
Colony  or  county  in  Great  Britain  shall  have  power  to 
find  and  proceed  upon  such  indictment  or  indictments,  in 
the  same  manner  as  if  the  offence,  by  such  indictment  or 
indictments  charged,  had  been  committed  within  the  limits 
of  the  Colony  or  county  for  which  such  Juries  shall  respec- 
tively be  einpannelled  to  serve. 

And  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  this  Act,  and  every  clause,  provision,  regulation, 
matter,  and  thing,  herein'  contained,  shall  commence  and 
take  eflect  upon  the  first  day  of  June,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  seventy-four  ;  and  be,  and  continue  in  force, 
for  and  during  the  term  of  three  years. 


V.    MOTION   FOR   REPEAL   OF   DUTY    ON    TEA. 


HOUSE  OF  COMiMONS. 

Friday,  April  15,  1774. 

Mr.  Rose  Fuller,  gave  notice  that  he  intended  to  move 
on  Tuesday  next,  for  a  Committee  on  the  Tea  Duty,  to  see 
whether  or  not  it  was  possible  to  repeal  the  Act,  laying 
tliat  duty,  before  the  Bill  for  the  better  regulating  the  Go- 
vernment of  Massachusetts  Bay,  took  effect. 


Tuesday,  April  19,  1774. 

Mr.  Fuller  moved,  that  an  Act,  made  in  the  seventh 
year  of  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  intituled,  "  An 
"  Act  for  granting  certain  Duties  in  the  British  Colonies 
"  and  Plantations  in  America ;  for  allowing  a  Drawback  of 
"  the  Duties  of  Customs  upon  the  exportation  from  this 
"  Kingdom  of  coffee  and  cocoa  nuts,  of  the  produce  of  the 


133 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


134 


I 


"  said  Colonies  or  Plantations,  for  discontinuing  the  draw- 
"  backs  payable  on  china  earthen  ware  exported  to  Ameri- 
"  ca;  and  for  more  effectually  preventing  the  clandestine 
"  ninning  of  goods  in  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations," 
might  be  read : 

And  the  same  was  read  accordingly. 
Mr.  Fuller  then  made  the  motion  of  which  he  had  given 
notice : 

"  That  this  House  will,  upon  this  day  sevennight,  re- 
"  solve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  take 
"  into  consideration  the  Duty  of  three  pence  per  pound 
"  weight,  upou  Tea,  payable  in  all  his  Majesty's  Dominions 
"  in  America,  imposed  by  the  said  Act ;  and  also  tiie  ap- 
"  propriation  of  the  said  duty." 

On  offering  it,  he  declared  that  the  Boston  Port  Bill, 
and  the  other  regulations,  would  be  totally  ineffectual 
without  repealing  the  Tea  Duty  Bill.  He  said  he  was 
very  sure  that  the  motion  would  be  productive  of  a  great 
deal  of  good  ;  and  that  it  could  not  possibly  do  harm.  He 
spoke  much  to  the  temper  and  feelings  of  tlie  House ;  and 
the  arguments  which  he  used  served  rather  to  point  out  the 
former  considerations  which  the  House  had  had  upon  this 
question,  and  that  the  subject  of  taxation  of  America  was 
no  new  matter.  After  a  short  opening,  he  concluded  by 
making  the  preceding  motion. 

Mr.  Pennant  seconded  the  motion,  and  said,  he  wished 
much  it  might  go  to  a  Committee,  because  he  thought  the 
principle  upon  which  the  Bill  was  established,  as  set  forth 
in  the  preamble,  was  unjust  and  impolitic  ;  that  it  changed 
the  nature  of  their  constitution,  and  it  took  away  the  power 
which  had  always  been  held  sacred  to  an  Englishman,  that 
of  levying  their  own  money  ;  that  it  was  similar  to  raising 
the  ship  mgney  in  King  Charles'  time ;  that  those  who 
condemned  that  measure  must  of  course  condemn  this,  the 
one  being  as  arbitrary  and  unconstitutional  as  the  other. 
He  said,  he  subscribed  to  the  supremacy  of  Parliament,  but 
he  thought  there  was  a  plain  method  for  raising  by  requisi- 
tion the  money  which  we  wanted  ;  that  the  People  of  that 
country  would  be  better  able  to  ascertain  how,  and  in  what 
manner  the  same  ought  to  be  raised,  on  account  of  the  local 
circumstances  which  might  attend  it.  The  People  of 
Boston  would  be  the  first  victims  to  our  resentment ;  repeal 
this  Bill,  said  he,  and  you  will  meet  with  support  from  the 
rest  of  the  Colonies. 

Mr.  Rice.  This,  Sir,  is  a  motion  upon  the  plan  of  re- 
conciliation, and  there  is  no  man  would  go  further  than  my- 
self to  correct  any  thing  that  1  thought  would  be  the  means 
of  bringing  about  such  reconciliation  ;  but  I  cannot  concur 
in  any  thing  that  endangers  the  supremacy  of  Parliament. 
Let  us  but  consider  the  consequence  of  such  a  repeal  at 
this  present  time.  Whenever  we  have  made  the  least  con- 
cession, they  have  always  required  more  ;  they  will  think 
that  we  acknowledge  that  we  have  no  right,  if  we  should 
repeal  this  law.  The  objection  has  hitherto  been  made  on 
the  ground  of  taxation.  I  will  consider  truly  what  that 
ground  is ;  but  I  very  much  fear  that  they  object  to  that 
controul  which  may  be  improper  to  take  off;  they  submit- 
ted to  external  taxation  ;  to  internal,  they  always  objected. 
1  will  take  that  period,  then,  as  the  fixed  era  for  their  al- 
lowing taxation,  by  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  as  an  in- 
ternal tax.  If  you  repeal  tiiis  Act,  you  will  allow  that  you 
have  no  right.  I  desire  to  keep  my  stand  here,  and  not  to 
give  up  that  autiiority  which  I  am  clear  in.  I  wish  no 
new  taxes  to  take  place,  but  I  wish  to  keep  the  right  and 
controul,  which  if  you  give  up,  you  part  with  all.  The  in- 
terest of  America  is  the  interest  of  Great  Britain,  and  I 
would  wish  to  make  their  happiness  the  object,  and  to  do 
that  which  would  be  satisfactory  to  tJieir  minds ;  but,  in 
this  present  case,  I  am  greatly  afraid  if  you  give  up  this, 
you  will  be  required  to  give  up  much  more. 

Captain  Phipps.  I  should  be  the  last  person  in  the 
House  to  give  trouble,  if  the  importance  of  this  question  did 
not  urge  me  to  it :  but  I  cannot  take  the  acts  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts  Bay  to  be  the  opinion  of  all  Ameri- 
ca, nor  those  of  a  few  designing  interested  men  in  Boston, 
to  be  the  disposition  of  the  whole  Province  at  large.  I  per- 
fectly agree  that  the  Americans  cannot  resist,  and  that  the 
doctrine  of  supremacy  is  good  ;  but  I  tiiink  the  Americans 
have  a  real  security  in  Parliament,  which  is,  that  you  can 
do  notliing  that  docs  not  affect  Great  Britain  equally 
with  America.     I  will  consider  the  present  measure  as  an 


act  with  which  they  cannot  comply,  or,  more  properly  they 
will  not.  In  the  light,  then,  of  a  mercantile  tax,  it  is  tri- 
fling and  ridiculous;  as  a  matter  of  revenue,  it  is  absurd. 
If  they  cannot  resist,  they  will  find  some  means  of  avoiding 
it.  God  and  nature  has  given  them  an  extensive  coast, 
and  of  course  an  opportunity  of  smuggling.  You  will  in- 
jure the  manufactures  of  this  country  in  a  very  high 
degree  ;  I  do  not  mean  by  tlieir  non-importation  agree- 
ments, but  by  making  them  prefer  the  manufacture  which 
is  worse  than  yours,  Irom  your  enemies,  to  those  of  this 
country,  which  is  better.  May  the  right  long  remain  in 
the  expediency  of  not  exercising  it !  1  would  only  have  it 
called  for  at  particular  times,  when  the  emergency  of  af- 
fairs requires  it,  and  when  the  whole  of  Great  Britain  and 
America  are  to  receive  equal  benefit ;  but  if  you  exercise 
that  right  when  you  have  no  occasion  or  urgent  reason  for 
raising  a  revenue,  you  will  throw  the  quiet  man  of  that 
country  into  the  factious  man.  But  how  can  you  expect 
an  obedience  of  that  country,  when  the  emoluments  of  it 
are  taken  from  them  to  supply  the  luxuries  of  men  who 
live  in  this  ?  The  Province  of  Virginia,  before  Lord 
Botetourt  was  made  Governor,  was  annually  plundered  of 
£.5,000  per  annum,  by  the  non-residence  of  fonner  Go- 
vernors. I  knew  a  person  in  that  country  who  held  eleven 
offices,  the  emoluments  of  which  were  appropriated  to  the 
support  of  men  of  bad  description  in  this.  I  approved 
much  of  the  Stamp  Act,  as  a  necessary  measure  to  destroy 
that  nest  of  small  petty-fogging  attorneys,  whose  business 
it  was  to  create  disturbances  and  law  suits,  and  live  by  the 
plunder.  There  is  a  wide  difference  between  giving  up 
a  right  and  exercising  it,  but  I  cannot  see  that  Parliament 
in  fact  gives  up  that  right,  when  they  say  it  is  not  expedient 
to  exercise  it.  I  therefore  wish  much  for  the  repeal  of  this 
Act,  which  I  think  you  will  one  day  or  other  be  forced 
to  do. 

Mr.  Stephen  Fox.  I  rise.  Sir,  much  in  favour  of  the 
motion  on  your  table  ;  and  I  think  the  only  reason  that  has 
been  urged  against  it,  is,  that  America  cannot  resist.  Do 
not,  Sir,  let  us  exercise  such  a  conduct  merely  to  show 
our  power.  I  am  far  from  saying  we  ought  not  to  exert 
this  power  upon  proper  occasions,  but  to  make  use  of  it  by 
way  of  irritation,  is  to  me  the  highest  ill  policy,  as  well  as 
absurdity ;  I  shall  therefore  give  my  hearty  affinnative  to 
the  motion. 

Mr.  Cornwall.     I  wish  gentlemen  would  take  into  con- 
sideration the  justice  of  their  former  proceedings,  and  the 
policy  and  expediency  which  the  present  times  require 
and  occasion.     I  do  not  love  entering  into  the  long  debates 
which  have  formerly  happened  upon  this  business ;  I  think 
it  wrong,  and  wish  only  to  pursue  the  present  expediency 
of  the  measure.     The    proposition  which  we   are   now 
called  upon  to  decide,  is  simply  this :  Whether  the  whole 
of  our  authority  over  the  Americans  shall  be  taken  away  ? 
It  has  been  said  we  have  irritated  the  Americans  by  taxes 
that  are  neither  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  nor  for  com- 
mercial regulations.     That  tax  will  be  found  to  produce 
much  more  than  gentlemen  think ;  and  however  little  it 
may  produce,  the  taking  it  off  at  this  time  would  be  both 
inqiolitic  and  imprudent.     Much  has  also  been  said  about 
gaining  the  affections  of  the  Arnericans.     If  this  were  a 
new  question,  I  should  think  the  gaining  of  their  affections 
is  worth  a  thousand  times  the  produce  of  the  Tea  Duty. 
It  is  true.  Sir,  that  England  is  loaded  with  a  debt  of  a 
very  considerable  amount,  on  account  of  the  last  American 
war  ;  and  it  is  but  just  and  right  that  they  should  bear  their 
proportion  of  expense.     Gentlemen  say,  that  the  propo- 
sition should  have  been  made  to  them  by  way  of  requisi- 
tion.    If  I  saw  or  apprehended  the  least  inclination  from 
them  to  assist  us  in  any  other  mode  as  to  taxation,  I  would 
readily  give  up  this  particular  tax  ;  but  has  any  one  offered 
any  tiling  on  this  head  ?     Has  any  person  been  authorized 
to   treat;  or  any   ambassador  sent  on  tliat  occasion  ?     I 
would  meet  them  half  way  in  this  proposition.     It  has 
been  said,  that  all  their  labours  are  centered  in  this  coun- 
try, and  that  we  should  injure  ourselves  by  laying  tliis  tax. 
I  look  upon  the  interest  of  this  country   to  be  so  nearly 
connected  with  that,  that  our  own  actions  will  be  the  guide 
of  their  security.     America  does  not  meet  you  on  the 
mode  of  taxation,  but  upon  the  question  of  right;  and,  for 
my  part,  I  cannot  comprehend  the  distinction  between  in- 
ternal and  external  taxation.     You  repealed  the  Stamp 
* 


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136 


Act :  did  America  then  receive  this  boon  of  repeal  cheer- 
fijUy?  Disturbances  have  been  fomenting  and  growing 
ever  since.  Some  few  years  past  you  repealed  three  or 
four  of  these  taxes ;  I  wish  much  the  debate  on  this  ques- 
tion had  then  been  agitated.  The  question  now  is, 
whether  it  is  prudent  to  repeal  this  tax  at  this  critical  junc- 
ture? The  Americans  say,  restore  us  to  the  same  situa- 
tion we  were  in  before  tiie  Stamp  Act  passed.  Suj)pose 
we  do,  we  put  them  in  a  worse  situation  than  they  are  now 
in.  The  consumer  of  a  pound  of  tea  before  that  Act  took 
place  paid  twelve-pence,  by  this  Act  he  pays  only  three- 
pence, the  consumer  therefore  certainly  gains  nine-pence 
by  every  pound  he  uses.  This  tax  upon  tea  is  certainly 
not  uncommercial,  because  tea  is  much  cheaper  now  than 
before ;  and  therefore  I  think  it  cannot  have  any  aspect 
of  grievance  as  a  commercial  tax.  What,  then,  are  we  to 
expect,  if  we  shew  such  a  pusillanimous  timidity  in  repeal- 
ing this  tax,  merely  because  they  object  to  it  ?  On  the 
question  of  right,  they  will  certainly  consider  us  in  a  more 
contemptuous  light  than  they  ever  yet  did.  Let  me  ask 
what  answer  will  they  give,  when,  after  tiiis,  the  Ameri- 
cans shall  voluntarily  apply  to  repeal  the  duty  on  wine, 
fee.  ?  The  same  principle  that  operates  for  the  repeal  of 
this,  will  go  to  that.  I  do  not  see  what  answer  you  can 
give,  nor  where  the  complaint  is  likely  to  stop,  until  you 
have  given  up  the  whole,  and,  by  that  means,  America 
itself.  If  you  persist  in  the  measures  you  have  begun 
with,  I  think  there  is  not  a  doubt  of  your  succeeding,  and 
of  becoming,  if  I  may  use  the  word,  victorious ;  but  I  would 
have  this  victory  obtained  by  a  firm,  consistent,  just,  and 
manly  conduct.  I  do  not  see  what  line  of  discrimination 
you  can  draw ;  for  many  parts  of  America  have,  in  a 
measure,  disobeyed  the  precepts  of  this  country,  and  be- 
haved much  in  the  same  manner  as  Boston.  It  has  been 
said,  and  it  is  a  doctrine  I  readily  agree  to,  that  you  ought 
to  twine  the  olive  branch  round  the  sword  ;  but  if,  Sir, 
they  will  return  to  their  duty  as  they  ought  to  do,  the 
sword  will  have  no  edge.  Let  us  not  give  way  to  false 
conceits,  or  factious  proceedings ;  be  calm,  and  persist  in  a 
just  conduct.  Deep  as  our  debt  is  on  account  of  America, 
you  will  be  deprived  of  a  fourth  part  of  the  revenue,  in  the 
day  when  the  system  of  taxation  will  be  found  necessary 
for  carrying  on  the  supplies  of  war,  and  the  exigencies  of 
Government ;  and  when  business  must  be  stopt,  without 
some  resource  of  supply,  there  will  not  then  be  found  two 
voices  about  taxing  America. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  Sir,  I  agree  with  the  honora- 
ble gentleman  who  spoke  last,  that  this  subject  is  not 
new  in  this  House.  Very  disagreeably  to  this  House, 
▼ery  unfortunately  to  this  nation,  and  to  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  this  whole  empire,  no  topic  has  been 
more  familiar  to  us.  For  nine  long  years,  session  after 
session,  we  have  been  lashed  round  and  round  this  mis- 
erable circle  of  occasional  arguments  and  temporary 
expedients.  I  am  sure  our  heads  must  turn,  and  our 
stomachs  nauseate  with  them.  We  have  had  them  in  every 
shape  ;  we  have  looked  at  them  in  every  point  of  view. 
Invention  is  exhausted  ;  reason  is  fatigued  ;  experience  has 
given  judgment ;  but  obstinacy  is  not  yet  conquered. 

The  honorable  gentleman  has  made  one  endeavour 
more  to  diversify  the  form  of  this  disgusting  argument. 
He  has  thrown  out  a  speech  composed  almost  entirely 
of  challenges.  Challenges  are  serious  things ;  and  as  he 
is  a  man  of  prudence  as  well  as  resolution,  I  dare  say 
he  has  very  well  weighed  those  challenges  before  he 
delivered  them.  I  had  long  the  happiness  to  sit  at  the 
same  side  of  the  House,  and  to  agree  with  the  honora- 
ble gentleman  on  all  the  American  questions.  My  sen- 
timents, I  am  sure,  are  well  known  to  him  ;  and  I  thought 
I  had  been  perfectly  acquainted  with  his.  Though  I 
find  myself  mistaken,  he  will  still  pennit  me  to  use  the 
privilege  of  an  old  friendship ;  he  will  permit  me  to 
apply  myself  to  the  House  under  the  sanction  of  his 
authority  ;  and,  on  the  various  grounds  he  has  measured 
out,  to  submit  to  you  the  poor  opinions  which  I  have 
formed,  upon  a  matter  of  injportance  enough  to  demand 
the  fullest  consideration  I  could  bestow  upon  it. 

He  li:is  stated  to  the  House  two  grounds  of  deliberation ; 
one  narrow  and  simple,  and  merely  confined  to  the  ques- 
tion on  your  paper;  the  other  rfiore  large  and  more 
complicated ;  comprehending  the  whole  series  of  the  Par- 


liamentary proceedings  with  regard  to  America,  their 
causes,  and  their  consequences.  With  regard  to  the  latter 
ground,  he  states  it  as  useless,  and  thinks  it  may  be  even 
dangerous,  to  enter  into  so  extensive  a  field  of  inquiry. 
Yet,  to  my  surprise,  he  had  hardly  laid  down  this  restrictive 
proposition,  to  which  his  authority  would  have  given  so 
much  weight,  when  directly,  and  with  the  same  authority, 
he  condemns  it,  and  declares  it  absolutely  necessary  to 
enter  into  the  most  ample  historical  detail.  His  zeal  has 
thrown  him  a  little  out  of  his  usual  accuracy.  In  this 
perplexity  what  shall  we  do,  Sir,  who  are  willing  to  submit 
to  the  law  he  gives  us  ?  He  has  reprobated  in  one  part  of 
his  speech  the  nde  he  had  laid  down  for  debate  in  the 
other;  and,  after  narrowing  the  ground  for  all  those  wlio 
are  to  speak  after  him,  he  takes  an  excursion  himself,  as 
unbounded  as  the  subject  and  the  extent  of  his  great 
abilities. 

Sir,  when  I  cannot  obey  all  his  laws,  I  will  do  the  best 
I  can.  I  will  endeavour  to  obey  such  of  them  as  have  the 
sanction  of  his  example,  and  to  stick  to  that  rule  which, 
though  not  consistent  with  the  other,  is  the  most  rational. 
He  was  certainly  in  the  right  when  he  took  the  matter 
largely.  I  cannot  prevail  on  myself  to  agree  with  him  in 
his  censure  of  his  own  conduct.  It  is  not,  he  will  give 
me  leave  to  say,  either  useless  or  dangerous.  He  asserts, 
that  retrospect  is  not  wise  ;  and  the  proper,  the  only  proper, 
subject  of  inquiry  is,  "  not  how  we  got  into  this  difficulty, 
but  how  we  are  to  get  out  of  it."  In  other  words,  we 
are,  according  to  him,  to  consult  our  invention,  and  to 
reject  our  experience.  The  mode  of  deliberation  he  re- 
commends is  diametrically  opposite  to  every  rule  of  rea- 
son, and  every  principle  of  good  sense  established  amongst 
mankind.  For  that  sense  and  that  reason,  I  have  always 
understood,  absolutely  to  prescribe,  whenever  we  are  in- 
volved in  difficulties  from  the  measures  we  have  pursued, 
that  we  should  take  a  strict  review  of  those  measures,  in 
order  to  correct  our  errors  if  they  should  be  corrigible  ;  or 
at  least  to  avoid  a  dull  uniformity  in  mischief,  and  the  unpi- 
tied  calamity  of  being  repeatedly  caught  in  the  same  snare. 

Sir,  I  will  freely  follow  the  honorable  gentleman  in  his 
historical  discussion,  without  the  least  management  for  men 
or  measures,  Rirther  than  as  they  shall  seem  to  me  to 
deserve  it.  But  before  I  go  into  that  large  consideration, 
because  I  w^ould  omit  nothing  that  can  give  the  House 
satisfaction,  I  wish  to  tread  the  narrow  ground  to  which 
alone  the  honorable  gentleman,  in  one  part  of  his  speech, 
has  so  strictly  confined  us. 

He  desires  to  know,  whether,  if  we  were  to  repeal  this 
tax,  agreeably  to  the  proposition  of  the  honorable  gentleman 
who  made  the  motion,  the  Americans  would  not  take  post 
on  this  concession,  in  order  to  make  a  new  attack  on  the 
next  body  of  taxes ;  and  whether  tliey  would  not  call  for 
a  repeal  of  the  duty  on  wine  as  loudly  as  they  do  now 
for  the  repeal  of  the  duty  on  tea?  Sir,  I  can  give  no 
security  on  this  subject.  But  I  will  do  all  that  I  can,  and 
all  that  can  be  fairly  demanded.  To  the  experience  which 
the  honorable  gentleman  reprobates  in  one  instant,  and 
reverts  to  in  the  next,  to  that  experience,  without  the 
least  wavering  or  hesitation  on  my  part,  I  steadily  appeal  ; 
and  would  to  God  there  was  no  other  arbiter  to  decide  on 
the  vote  with  which  the  House  is  to  conclude  tliis  day  ! 

When  Parliament  repealed  the  Stamp  Act  in  the  year 
1766,  I  affirm,  first,  that  the  Americans  did  not  in  conse- 

?uence  of  this  measure  call  upon  you  to  give  up  the  former 
'arliamentary  revenue  which  subsisted  in  that  country, 
or  even  any  one  of  tfie  articles  which  compose  it.  I 
affirm  also,  that  when,  departing  from  the  maxims  of  that 
repeal,  you  revived  the  scheme  of  taxation,  and  thereby 
filled  the  minds  of  the  Colonists  with  new  jealousy,  and 
all  sorts  of  apprehensions,  then  it  was  that  they  quarreled 
with  the  old  taxes,  as  well  as  the  new;  then  it  was,  and 
not  till  then,  that  they  questioned  all  the  parts  of  your 
legislative  power ;  and,  by  the  battery  of  such  questions, 
have  shaken  the  solid  structure  of  this  empire  to  its 
deepest  foundations. 

Of  those  two  propositions  I  shall,  before  I  have  done, 
give  such  convincing,  such  damning  proof,  that  however 
the  contrary  may  be  whispered  in  circles,  or  bawled  in 
newspapers,  they  never  more  will  dare  to  raise  their 
voices  in  this  House.  I  speak  with  great  confidence.  I 
have  reason  for  it.     The  Ministers  are  with  me.     They 


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13S 


at  least  are  convinced  that  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act 
had  not,  and  that  no  repeal  can  have,  the  consequences 
which  tlie  honorable  gentleman  who  defends  their  measures 
is  so  much  alarmed  at.  To  their  conduct,  I  refer  him  for 
a  conclusive  answer  to  his  objection.  I  carry  my  proof 
irresistibly  into  the  very  body  of  both  Ministry  and  Par- 
liament ;  not  on  any  general  reasoning  growing  out  of 
collateral  matter,  but  on  the  conduct  of  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman's ministerial  friends  on  the  new  revenue  itself. 

The  Act  of  1767,  which  grants  this  Tea  Duty,  sets  forth 
in  its  preamble,  that  it  was  expedient  to  raise  a  revenue  in 
America,  for  the  support  of  the  civil  Government  there, 
as  well  as  for  purposes  still  more  extensive.  To  this 
support  the  Act  assigns  six  branches  of  duties.  About 
two  years  after  this  Act  passed,  the  Ministry,  I  mean  the 
present  Ministry,  thought  it  expedient  to  repeal  five  of  the 
duties,  and  to  leave  (for  reasons  best  known  to  themselves) 
only  the  sixth  standing.  Suppose  any  person,  at  the  time 
of  that  repeal,  had  thus  addressed  the  Minister:*  "  Con- 
"  dcmning,  as  you  do,  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  why 
"  do  vou  venture  to  repeal  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper, 
"  and  painters'  colours  ?  Let  your  pretence  for  the  repeal 
"  be  what  it  will,  are  you  not  thoroughly  convinced,  that 
"  your  concessions  will  produce,  not  satisfaction,  but  inso- 
"  lence  in  the  Americans  ;  and  that  the  giving  up  these 
"  taxes  will  necessitate  the  giving  up  of  all  the  rest  ?" 
This  objection  was  as  palpable  then  as  it  is  now ;  and  it 
was  as  good  for  preserving  the  five  duties  as  for  retaining 
the  sixth.  Besides,  the  Minister  will  recollect,  that  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  had  but  just  preceded  his  repeal ; 
and  the  ill  policy  of  that  measure  (had  it  been  so  impolitic 
as  it  has  been  represented,)  and  the  mischiefs  it  produced, 
were  quite  recent.  Upon  the  principles  therefore  of  the 
honorable  gentleman,  upon  the  principles  of  the  Minister 
himself,  the  Minister  has  nothing  at  all  to  answer.  He 
stands  condemned  by  himself,  and  by  all  his  associates,  old 
and  new,  as  a  destroyer,  in  the  first  trust  of  finance,  of  the 
revenues ;  and  in  the  first  rank  of  honor,  as  a  betrayer 
of  the  dignity  of  his  country. 

Most  men,  especially  great  men,  do  not  always  know 
their  well-wishers.  I  come  to  rescue  that  noble  Lord  out 
of  the  hands  of  those  he  calls  his  friends ;  and  even  out 
of  his  own.  I  will  do  him  the  justice  he  is  denied  at 
home.  He  has  not  been  this  wicked  or  imprudent  man. 
He  knew  that  a  repeal  had  no  tendency  to  produce  the 
mischiefs  which  give  so  much  alarm  to  his  honorable  friend. 
His  work  was  not  bad  in  its  principle,  but  imperfect  in  its 
execution ;  and  the  motion  on  your  paper  presses  him  only 
to  complete  a  proper  plan,  which,  by  some  unfortunate 
and  unaccountable  error,  he  had  left  unfinished. 

I  hope,  Sir,  the  honorable  gentleman  who  spoke  last,  is 
thoroughly  satisfied,  and  satisfied  out  of  the  proceedings  of 
Ministry  on  their  own  favourite  Act,  that  his  fears  from  a 
repeal  are  groundless.  If  he  is  not,  I  leave  him,  and  the 
noble  Lord  who  sits  by  him,  to  settle  the  matter,  as  well  as 
they  can,  together ;  for  if  the  repeal  of  American  taxes  de- 
stroys all  our  Government  in  America — He  is  the  man  ! — 
and  he  is  the  worst  of  all  the  repealers,  because  he  is  the  last. 

But  I  hear  it  rung  continually  in  my  ears,  now  and 
formerly, — "  Tlie  preamble !  -wliat  will  become  of  the 
preamble,  if  you  repeal  this  tax?"  I  am  sorry  to  be  com- 
pelled so  often  to  expose  the  calamities  and  disgraces  of 
Parliament.  The  preamble  of  this  law,  standing  as  it  now 
stands,  has  the  lie  direct  given  to  it  by  the  provisionary 
part  of  the  Act,  if  that  can  be  called  provisionary  which 
makes  no  provision.  I  should  be  afraid  to  express  myself 
in  this  manner,  especially  in  the  face  of  such  a  formidable 
array  of  ability  as  is  now  drawn  up  before  me,  composed 
of  the  ancient  household  troops  of  that  side  of  the  House, 
and  the  new  recruits  from  this,  if  the  matter  were  not  clear 
and  indisputable.  Nothing  but  truth  could  give  me  this 
finnness ;  but  plain  truth  and  clear  evidence  can  be  beat 
down  by  no  ability.  The  Clerk  will  be  so  good  as  to  turn 
to  the  Act,  and  to  read  this  favourite  preamble : 

"  Whereas  it  is  expedient  that  a  revenue  should  be  rais- 
"  ed  in  your  Majesty's  Dominions  in  America,  for  making 
"  a  more  certain  and  adequate  provision  for  defraying  the 
"charge  of  the  Administration  of  justice  and  support  of 
"  civil  Government,  in  such  Provinces  where  it  shall  be 
"  found  necessary  ;  and  tovinrds  further  defraying  the  ex- 

•  Lord  North,  then  ChancoUor  of  tlio  Exchequer. 


"  penses  of  defending,  protecting,  and  iteUring  the.  taid 
"  Dominions." 

You  have  heard  this  pompous  performance.  Now 
where  is  the  revenue  which  is  to  do  all  these  mighty 
things  ?  Five-sixths  repealed — abandoned — sunk — gone — 
lost  for  ever.  Does  the  poor  solitary  Tea  Duly  support 
tl)e  purposes  of  this  preamble  ?  Is  not  the  supply  there 
stated  as  effectually  abandoned  as  if  the  Tea  Duty  had 
perished  in  the  general  wreck  ?     Here,  Mr.  Speaker,  is  a 

precious  mockery — a   preamble    without   an   Act taxes 

granted  in  order  to  be  repealed — and  the  reasons  of  the 
grant  still  carefully  kept  up !  This  is  raising  a  revenue  in 
America!  This  is  preserving  dignity  in  £n^/anrf /  If  you 
repeal  this  tax  in  compliance  with  the  motion,  I  readily 
admit  that  you  lose  this  fair  preamble.  Estimate  your 
loss  in  it.  The  object  of  the  Act  is  gone  already  ;  and  all 
you  suffer  is  the  purging  the  statute-book  of  the  opprobrium 
of  an  empty,  absurd,  and  false  recital. 

It  has  been  said  again  and  again,  that  the  five  taxes 
were  repealed  on  commercial  principles.  It  is  so  said 
in  the  paper  in  my  hand  ;*  a  pajjer  which  I  constantly 
carry  about;  which  I  have  often  used,  and  shall  often 
use  again.  What  is  got  by  this  paltry  pretence  of  com- 
mercial principles  I  know  not ;  for,  if  your  Government 
in  America  is  destroyed  by  the  repeal  of  taxes,  it  is  of 
no  consequence  upon  what  ideas  the  repeal  is  grounded. 
Repeal  this  tax  too  upon  commercial  principles  if  you 
please.  These  principles  will  serve  as  well  now  as  they 
did  formerly.  But  you  know  that,  either  your  objection 
to  a  repeal  from  these  supposed  consequences  has  no 
validity,  or  that  this  pretence  never  could  remove  it.  This 
commercial  motive  never  was  believed  by  any  man,  either 
in  America,  which  this  letter  is  meant  to  soothe,  or  in 
England,  which  it  is  meant  to  deceive.  It  was  impossible 
it  should.  Because  every  man,  in  the  least  acquainted 
with  the  detail  of  commerce,  must  know,  that  several 
of  the  articles  on  which  the  tax  was  repealed  were  fitter 
objects  of  duties  than  almost  any  other  articles  that  could 
possibly  be  chosen ;  without  comparison  more  so,  than  the 
tea  that  was  taxed ;  as  infinitely  less  liable  to  be  eluded 
by  contraband.  The  tax  upon  red  and  white  lead  was  of 
this  nature.  You  have,  in  this  Kingdom,  an  advantage 
in  lead,  that  amounts  to  a  monopoly.  When  you  find 
yourself  in  this  situation  of  advantage,  you  sometimes 
venture  to  tax  even  your  own  export.  You  did  so  soon 
after  the  last  war,  when,  upon  this  principle,  you  ventured 
to  impose  a  duty  on  coals.  In  all  the  articles  of  American 
contraband  trade,  who  ever  heard  of  the  smuggling  of 
red  lead,  and  white  lead?  You  might,  therefore,  well 
enough  without  danger  of  contraband,  and  without  injury 
to  commerce  (if  this  were  the  whole  consideration)  have 
taxed  these  commodities.  The  same  may  be  said  of  glass. 
Besides,  some  of  the  things  taxed  were  so  trivial,  that  the 
loss  of  the  objects  themselves  and  their  utter  annihilation 
out  of  American  commerce,  would  have  been  comparative- 
ly as  nothing.  But  is  the  article  of  tea  such  an  object 
in  the  trade  of  England,  as  not  to  be  felt,  or  felt  but 
strictly  like  white  lead,  and  red  lead,  and  painters  colours ? 
tea  is  an  object  of  far  other  importance.  Tea  is  perhaps 
the  most  important  object,  taking  it  witli  its  necessary 
connections,  of  any  in  the  mighty  circle  of  our  commerce. 
If  commercial  principles  had  been  the  true  motives  to  the 
repeal,  or  had  they  been  at  all  attended  to,  tea  would 
have  been  the  last  article  we  should  have  left  taxed  for  a 
subject  of  controversy. 

Sir,  it  is  not  a  pleasant  consideration,  but  nothing  ia 
the  world  can  read  so  awful  and  so  instructive  a  lesson, 
as  the  conduct  of  Ministry  in  this  business,  upon  the 
mischief  of  not  having  large  and  liberal  ideas  in  the  man- 
agement of  great  affairs.  Never  have  the  servants  of  the 
State  looked  at  the  whole  of  your  complicated  interests  in 
one  connected  view.  They  have  taken  things  by  bits 
and  scraps,  some  at  one  time  and  one  pretence,  and  some 
at  another,  just  as  they  pressed,  without  any  sort  of  regard 
to  their  relations  or  dependencies.  They  never  had  any 
kind  of  system,  right  or  wrong,  but  only  invented  occa- 
sionally some  miserable  tale  of  the  day,  in  order  meanly 
to  sneak  out  of  difficulties,  into  which  they  had  proudly 

•  I>or(l  HilhboTougk'f  Circular  Letter  to  the  Oovornors  of  the  Co- 
lonioa  concorniiig  tlie  Repeal  of  some  of  the  Duties  laid  in  the  Act 
of  1767. 


139 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


140 


strutted.  And  they  were  put  to  all  these  shifts  and 
devices,  full  of  meanness  and  full  of  mischief,  in  order  to 
pilfer  piecemeal  a  repeal  of  an  act,  which  they  had  not 
the  generous  courage,  when  they  found  and  felt  their  error, 
lionorahly  and  fairly  to  disclaim.  By  such  management, 
by  the  irresistible  operation  of  feeble  councils,  so  paltry 
a  sum  as  three-pence,  in  the  eyes  of  a  financier,  so  insig- 
nificant an  article  as  tea  in  the  eyes  of  a  piiilosopher,  have 
sliaken  the  pillars  of  a  commercial  empire  that  circled  the 
whole  globe. 

Do  you  forget  that,  in  the  very  last  year,  you  stood  on 
the  precipice  of  general  bankruptcy?  Your  danger  was 
indeed  great.  You  were  distressed  in  the  aflairs  of  the 
East  India  Company ;  and  you  well  know  what  sort  of 
things  aie  involved  in  the  comprehensive  energy  of  tliat 
significant  appellation.  I  am  not  called  upon  to  enlarge  to 
you  on  that  danger,  which  you  tliought  proper  yourselves 
to  aggravate,  and  to  display  to  the  world  with  all  the 
parade  of  indiscreet  declamation.  Tiie  monojjoly  of  the 
most  lucrative  trades,  and  possession  of  imperial  revenues, 
had  brought  you  to  the  verge  of  beggary  and  ruin.  Such 
was  your  representation — such,  in  some  measure  was  your 
■case.  The  vent  of  ten  millions  of  pounds  of  this  com- 
modity, now  locked  up  by  the  operation  of  an  injudicious 
tax,  and  rotting  in  the  warehouses  of  the  Company,  would 
have  prevented  all  this  distress,  and  all  that  series  of 
desperate  measures  which  you  thought  yourselves  obliged 
to  take  in  consequence  of  it.  America  would  have  fur- 
nished that  vent,  which  no  other  part  of  the  world  can 
furnish  but  America,  where  tea  is  next  to  a  necessary  of 
life,  and  where  tlie  demand  grows  upon  the  supply.  I 
hope  our  dear-bougiit  .East  India  Committees  have  done 
us  at  least  so  much  good,  as  to  let  us  know,  that  without 
a  more  extensive  sale  of  that  article  our  East  India  re- 
venues and  acquisitions  can  ha\e  no  certain  connection 
with  this  country.  It  is  through  the  American  trade  of 
tea  that  your  East  Itidia  conquests  are  to  be  prevented 
from  crushing  you  with  their  burthen.  They  are  ponderous 
indeed ;  and  they  must  have  that  great  country  to  lean 
upon  or  they  tumble  upon  your  head.  It  is  the  same  folly 
that  has  lost  you  at  once  the  benefit  of  the  West  and  of  the 
East.  This  folly  has  thrown  open  folding-doors  to  contra- 
band ;  and  will  be  the  means  of  giving  the  profits  of  the 
trade  of  your  Colonies,  to  every  nation  but  yourselves. 
Never  did  a  People  suffer  so  much  for  the  empty  words  of 
a  preamble.  It  must  be  given  up.  For  on  wliat  principle 
does  it  stand  ?  This  famous  revenue  stands,  at  this  hour,  on 
all  the  debate,  as  a  description  of  revenue  not  as  yet  known 
in  all  the  compreliensive  (but  too  comprehensive  !)  vocabu- 
lary of  finance — a  iireavibularij  tax.  It  is  indeed  a  tax  of 
sophistry,  a  tax  of  pedantry,  a  tax  of  disputation,  a  tax  of 
war  and  rebellion,  a  tax  for  any  thing  but  benefit  to  the 
imposers,  or  satisfaction  to  the  subject. 

Well !  but  whatever  it  is,  gentlemen  will  force  the 
Colonists  to  take  the  teas.  You  will  force  them?  has 
seven  years  struggle  been  yet  able  to  force  them  ?  O  !  but 
it  seems  "  we  are  in  the  right. — The  tax  is  trifling — in 
"  effect  it  is  rather  an  exoneration  than  an  imposition ;  three- 
"  fourtlis  of  the  duty  formerly  payable  on  teas  exported 
"  to  America  is  taken  off;  the  place  of  collection  is  only 
"  shifted  ;  instead  of  the  retention  of  a  sliilling  from  the 
'•  drawback  here,  it  is  three-pence  custom  paid  in  Amc- 
"  rica."  All  this.  Sir,  is  very  true.  But  this  is  the  very 
folly  and  mischief  of  the  Act.  Incredible  as  it  may  seem, 
you  know,  that  you  have  deliberately  tiirown  away  a  large 
duty  which  you  held  secure  and  quiet  in  your  hands,  for  the 
vain  hope  of  getting  one  three-fourtlis  less,  tlu-ough  every 
liazard,  througli  cert^iin  liti'^ation,  and  possibly  tlirougii  war. 

The  manner  of  proceeding  in  the  duties  on  paper  and 
glass,  imposed  by  tlie  same  Act,  was  exactly  in  the  same 
spirit.  Tliere  are  heavy  excises  on  those  articles  when 
used  in  England.  On  export  these  excises  are  drawn 
back.  But  instead  of  withholding  the  drawback,  which 
might  have  been  done,  with  ease,  without  cliarge,  without 
possibility  of  smuggling  ;  and  instead  of  applying  the  money 
(money  already  in  your  hands)  according  to  your  pleasure, 
you  began  your  operations  in  finance  by  flingin<''  awav 
your  revenue ;  you  allowed  tiie  whole  drawback  on 
export,  and  then  you  chari!;ed  the  duty,  (which  you  had 
before  discharged,)  payable  in  the  Colonies,  where  it  was 
certain  the  collection  would  devour  it  to  the  bone,  il"  any 


revenue  were  ever  suffered  to  be  collected  at  all.     One 
spirit  pervades  and  animates  the  whole  mass. 

Could  any  thing  be  a  subject  of  more  just  alarm  to 
America,  than  to  see  you  go  out  of  the  plain  high  road  of 
finance,  and  give  up  your  most  certain  revenues  and  your 
clearest  interests,  merely  for  the  sake  of  insulting  your 
Colonies  ?  No  man  ever  doubted  that  the  commodity  of 
tea  could  bear  an  imposition  of  three-pence.  But  no 
commodity  will  bear  three-pence,  or  will  bear  a  penny, 
when  the  general  feelings  of  men  are  irritated,  and  two 
millions  of  People  are  resolved  not  to  pay.  The  feelings 
of  the  Colonies  were  fonnerly  the  feelings  of  Great  Bri- 
tain. Theirs  were  formerly  the  feelings  of  Mr.  Hampden, 
when  called  upon  for  the  payment  of  twenty  shillings. 
Would  twenty  shillings  have  ruined  Mr.  Hampden's  for- 
tune ?  No  !  but  the  payment  of  half  twenty  shillings,  on 
the  principle  it  was  demanded,  would  have  made  him  a 
slave.  It  is  the  weight  of  that  preamble,  of  which  you 
are  so  fond,  and  not  the  weight  of  the  duty,  that  the 
Americans  are  unable  and  unwilling  to  bear. 

It  is  then,  Sir,  upon  the  principle  of  this  measure,  and 
nothing  else,  that  we  are  at  issue.  It  is  a  principle  of 
political  expediency.  Your  Act  of  1767  asserts,  that  it  is 
ex])edient  to  raise  a  revenue  in  America;  your  Act  of 
1769,  which  takes  away  that  revenue,  contradicts  the  Act 
of  1767 ;  and,  by  something  much  stronger  than  words, 
asserts,  that  it  is  not  expedient.  It  is  a  reflection  upon 
your  wisdom  to  persist  in  a  solenm  Parliamentary  declara- 
tion of  expediency  of  any  object,  for  which,  at  the  same 
time,  you  make  no  sort  of  provision.  And  pray,  Sir,  let 
not  this  circumstance  escape  you  ;  it  is  very  material ; 
that  the  preamble  of  this  act,  which  we  wish  to  repeal,  is 
not  declaratory  of  a  right,  as  some  gentlemen  seem  to 
argue  it ;  it  is  only  a  recital  of  the  expediency  of  a  certain 
exercise  of  a  right  supposed  already  to  have  been  asserted  ; 
an  exercise  you  are  now  contending  for  by  ways  and 
means,  which  you  confess,  though  they  were  obeyed,  to 
be  utterly  insufficient  for  their  purpose.  You  are  therefore 
at  this  moment  in  the  awkward  situation  of  fighting  for  a 
phantom ;  a  quiddity ;  a  thing  that  wants,  not  only  a 
substance,  but  even  a  name  ;  for  a  thing,  which  is  neither 
abstract  right,  nor  profitable  enjoyment. 

They  tell  you,  Sir,  that  your  dignity  is  tied  to  it.  1 
know  not  how  it  happens,  but  this  dignity  of  yours  is  a 
terrible  incumbrance  to  you ;  for  it  has  of  late  been  ever 
at  war  with  your  interest,  your  equity,  and  every  idea  of 
your  policy.  Shew  the  thing  you  contend  for  to  be  rea- 
son ;  shew  it  to  be  common  sense ;  shew  it  to  be  the 
means  of  attaining  some  useful  end ;  and  then  I  am 
content  to  allow  it  what  dignity  you  please.  But  what 
dignity  is  derived  from  the  pei-severance  in  absurdity  is  more 
than  ever  I  could  discern.  The  honorable  gentleman  has 
said  well — indeed,  in  most  of  his  general  observations  I 
agree  with  him — he  says,  that  this  subject  does  not  stand 
as  it  did  formerly.  Oh,  certainly  not!  every  hour  you 
continue  on  this  ill-chosen  ground,  your  difficulties  thicken 
on  you ;  and  therefore  my  conclusion  is,  remove  from  a 
bad  position  as  quickly  as  you  can.  The  disgrace,  and 
the  necessity  of  yielding,  both  of  them,  grow  upon  you 
every  hour  of  your  delay.  , 

But  will  )ou  repeal  the  Act,  says  the  honorable  gentle- 
man, at  this  instant,  when  America  is  in  open  resistance  to 
your  authority,  and  that  you  have  just  revived  your  system 
of  taxation  ?  He  thinks  he  has  driven  us  into  a  corner. 
But  thus  pent  uj),  I  am  content  to  meet  him,  because  I  en- 
•  tcr  the  lists  supported  by  my  old  authority,  his  new  friends, 
the  Ministers  themselves.  The  honorable  gentleman  re- 
members, that  about  five  years  ago  as  great  disturbances  as 
the  present  prevailed  in  America  on  account  of  the  new 
taxes.  The  Ministers  represented  these  disturbances  as 
treasonable  ;  and  this  House  thought  proper,  on  that  repre- 
sentation, to  make  a  famous  address  for  a  revival,  and  for 
a  new  application  of  a  statute  of  H.  VIII.  We  besought 
the  King  in  that  well-considered  address,  to  inquire  into 
treasons,  and  to  bring  the  supposed  traitors  from  America 
to  Great  Britain  for  trial.  His  Majesty  was  pleased 
graciously  to  promise  a  compliance  with  our  request.  All 
the  attem])ls  from  this  side  of  the  House  to  resist  these 
violences,  and  to  bring  about  a  repeal,  were  treated  with  the 
utmost  scorn.  An  apprehension  of  the  \ery  consequences 
now  stated  b}-  the  honorable  gentleman,  was  then  given  as 


141 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


142 


a  reason  for  shutting  the  door  against  all  hope  of  such  an 
alteration.  And  so  strong  was  the  spirit  for  supporting 
the  new  taxes,  that  the  session  concluded  with  the  follow- 
ing remarkable  declaration.  After  stating  the  vigorous 
measures  which  had  been  pursued,  the  speech  from  the 
Throne  proceeds : 

"  You  have  assured  me  of  your  frm  support  in  the  pro- 
"  secution  of  them.  Nothing,  in  my  opinion,  could  be 
"  more  likely  to  enable  the  well-disposed  among  my  sub- 
"  jects  in  that  part  of  the  world,  eflectually  to  discourage 
"  and  defeat  tiie  designs  of  the  factious  and  seditious,  than 
"  the  hearty  concurrence  of  every  branch  of  the  Legisla- 
"  ture,  in  maintaining  the  execution  of  the  laws  in  every 
"  part  of  my  Dominions." 

After  this  no  man  dreamt  that  a  repeal  under  this  Min- 
istry could  possibly  take  place.  The  honorable  gentleman 
knows  as  well  as  1,  that  the  idea  was  utterly  exploded  by 
those  who  sway  the  House.  This  speech  was  made  on 
the  ninth  day  of  May,  1769.  Five  days  after  this  speech, 
that  is,  on  the  1 3th  of  the  same  month,  the  public  circular 
letter,  a  part  of  which  I  -axn  going  to  read  to  you,  was 
written  by  Lord  Hillsborough,  Secretary  of  State  for  the 
Colonies.  After  reciting  the  substance  of  the  King's 
speech,  he  goes  on  thus  : 

"  I  can  take  upon  me  to  assure  you,  notwithstandmg 
"  insinuations  to  the  contrary,  from  men  \\'\\\\  factious  and 
"■  seditious  views,  that  his  Majesty's  present  Administra- 
"  tion  have  at  no  time  entertained  a  design  to  propose  to 
"  Parliament  to  lay  any  further  taxes  upon  America,  _/br 
"  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  ;  and  that  it  is  at 
"  present  their  intention  to  propose,  the  next  session 
"  of  Parliament,  to  take  off  the  duties  upon  glass,  pa- 
"  per,  and  colours,  upon  consideration  of  such  duties 
"  having  been  laid  contrary  to  the  true  principles  of 
"  commerce. 

"  These  have  always  been,  and  still  are,  the  sentiments 
"  of  his  Majesty's  present  servants ;  and  by  which  their 
"  conduct  in  respect  to  America  has  been  governed.  And 
"  his  Majesty  relies  upon  your  prudence  and  fidelity  for 
"  such  an  explanation  of  his  measures,  as  may  tend  to 
"  remove  the  prejudices  which  have  been  excited  by  the 
"  misrepresentations  of  those  who  are  enemies  to  the  peace 
"  and  prosperity  of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  and 
"  to  re-establish  that  mutual  confidence  and  affection,  upon 
"  which  the  glory  and  safety  of  the  British  empire  de- 
«  pend." 

Here,  Sir,  is  a. canonical  book  of  ministerial  scripture; 
the  general  epistle  to  the  Americans.     What  does  the 
gentleman  say  to  it  ?    Here  a  repeal  is  promised ;  promised 
without  condition  ;  and  while  your  authority  was  actually 
resisted.     I  pass  by  the  public  promise  of  a  Peer  relative 
to  the  repeal  of  taxes  by  this  House.     I  pass  by  the  use 
of  the  King's  name  in  a  matter  of  supply,  that  sacred  and 
reserved  rigiit  of  the  Commons.     I  conceal  the  ridiculous 
figure  of  Parliament,  hurling  its  thundei-s  at  the  gigantic 
rebellion  of  America,  and  then  five  days  after,  prostrate 
at  the  feet  of  those  Assemblies  we  affected  to  despise, 
begging   them,   by   the    intervention   of    our    ministerial 
sureties,  to  receive  our  submission,  and  heartily  promising 
amendment.     These  might  have  been  serious  matters  for- 
merly, but  we  are  grown  wiser  than  our  fathers.     Passing, 
therefore,  from  the  constitutional  consideration  to  the  mere 
policy,  does  not  this  letter  imply,  that  the  idea  of  taxing 
America,  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  is  an  abominable 
project,    when  the  Ministry  suppose  none  but  factious 
men,  and  with  seditious  views,  could  charge  them  with  it  ? 
Does  not  this  letter  adopt  and  sanctify  the  American  dis- 
tinction of  taxing  for  a  revenue!    does  it  not  formally 
reject  all  future  taxation  on  that  principle?    does  it  not 
state  the  ministerial  rejection  of  such  principle  of  taxation, 
not  as  the  occasional,  but  the  constant  opinion  of  the 
King's  servants  ?    does  it  not  say  (I  care  not  how  consis- 
tently,) but  does  it  not  say,  that  their  conduct  with  regard 
to  America  has  been  always  governed  by  this  policy  ?    It 
goes  a  great  deal   further.     These  excellent  and  trusty 
servants  of  the  King,  justly  fearful  lest  they  themselves 
should  have  lost  all  credit  with  the  world,  bring  out  the 
image  of  their  gracious  Sovereign   from  the  inmost  and 
most  sacred  shrine,  and  they  pawn  him,  as  a  security  for 
their  promises — "  His  Majesty  relies  on  your  prudence 
"  and  fidehty  for  such  an  explanation  of  his  measures." 


These  sentiments  of  the  Minister,  and  these  measures  of 
his  Majesty,  can  only  relate  to  the  principle  and  practice 
of  taxing  for  a  revenue ;  and  accordingly  Lord  Botetourt, 
stating  it  as  such,  did  with  great  propriety,  and  in  the 
exact  spirit  of  his  instructions,  endeavour  to  remove  the 
fears  of  the  Virginian  Assembly,  lest  the  sentiments,  which 
it  seems  (unknown  to  the  world)  had  ahvays  lieen  those  of 
the  Ministers,  and  by  which  their  conduct  in  respect  to 
America  had  been  governed,  should  by  some  possible 
revolution,  favourable  to  wicked  American  taxers,  be  here- 
after counteracted.     He  addresses  diem  in  this  manner : 

"  It  may  possibly  be  objected,  that  as  his  Majesty's 
"  present  Administration  are  not  immortal,  their  successors 
"  may  be  inclined  to  attempt  to  undo  what  the  present 
"  Ministers  shall  have  attempted  to  perform ;  and  to  that 
"  objection  I  can  give  but  this  answer ;  that  it  is  my  finn 
"  opinion,  that  the  plan  I  have  stated  to  you  will  certainly 
"  take  place,  and  that  it  will  never  be  departed  from ;  and 
"  so  detennined  am  I  for  ever  to  abide  by  it,  that  I  will  be 
"  content  to  be  declared  infamous,  if  I  do  not,  to  the  last 
"  hour  of  my  life,  at  all  times,  in  all  places,  and  upon  all 
"  occasions,  exert  every  power  with  which  I  either  am,  or 
"  ever  shall  be  legally  invested,  in  order  to  obtain  and 
"  maintain  for  the  Continent  of  America  that  satisfaction 
"  which  1  have  been  authorized  to  promise  this  day,  by  the 
"  confidential  servants  of  our  gracious  Sovereign,  who  to 
"  my  certain  knowledge  rates  his  honor  so  high,  that  he 
"  would  rather  part  with  his  Crown,  than  preserve  it  by 
"  deceit."* 

A  glorious  and  true  character !  which  (since  we  suffer 
his  Ministers  with  impunity  to  answer  for  his  ideas  of 
taxation)  we  ought  to  make  it  our  business  to  enable  his 
Majesty  to  preserve  in  all  its  lustre.  Let  him  have  cha- 
racter, since  ours  is  no  more !  Let  some  part  of  Govern- 
ment be  kept  in  respect ! 

This  epistle  was  not  the  letter  of  Lord  Hillsborough 
solely,  though  he  held  the  official  pen.  It  was  the  letter 
of  the  noble  Lord  upon  the  floor,  (Lord  North)  and  of 
all  the  King's  then  Ministers,  who  (with  I  think  the 
exception  of  two  only)  are  his  Ministers  at  this  hour. 
The  very  first  news  that  a  British  Parliament  heard  of 
what  it  was  to  do  with  the  duties  which  it  had  given 
and  granted  to  the  King,  was  by  the  publication  of  the 
votes  of  American  Assemblies.  It  was  in  America  that 
your  resolutions  were  pre-declared.  It  was  from  thence 
that  we  knew  to  a  certainty,  how  much  exactly,  and  not 
a  scruple  more  nor  less,  we  were  to  repeal.  We  were 
unworthy  to  be  let  into  the  secret  of  our  own  conduct. 
The  Assemblies  had  confidential  communications  from  his 
Majesty's  confidential  servants.  We  were  nothing  but 
instruments.  Do  you,  after  this,  wonder  that  you  have  no 
weight  and  no  respect  in  the  Colonies?  After  this,  are 
you  surprised,  that  Parliament  is  every  day  and  every 
where  losing  (I  feel  it  with  sorrow,  I  utter  it  with  reluc- 
tance) that  reverential  affection,  which  so  endearing  a 
name  of  authority  ought  ever  to  carry  with  it ;  that  you 
are  obeyed  solely  from  respect  to  the  bayonet ;  and  that 
this  House,  the  ground  and  pillar  of  freedom,  is  itself  held 
up  only  by  the  treacherous  underpinning  and  clumsy 
buttresses  of  abitrary  power  ? 

If  this  dignity,  which  is  to  stand  in  the  place  of  just 
policy  and  common  sense,  had  been  consulted,  there  was 
a  time  for  preserving  it,  and  for  reconciling  it  with  any 
concession.  If  in  the  session  of  1768,  that  session  of 
idle  terror  and  empty  menaces,  you  had,  as  you  were 
often  pressed  to  do,  repealed  these  taxes,  then  your  strong 
operations  would  have  come  justified  and  enforced,  m  case 
your  concessions  had  been  returned  by  outrages.  But, 
preposterously,  you  began  with  violence,  and,  before  terrors 

•  A  material  point  is  omitted  by  Mr.  Burke  in  this  speech,  viz.  tht 
manner  in  which  the  Continent  received  this  Royal  assurance.  The 
Assembly  of  Virginia,  in  their  Address  in  answer  to  Lord  Botetourt'* 
Speech,  express  themselves  thus:  "We  will  not  suffer  our  present 
"  hopes,  arising  from  the  pleasing  prospect  your  Lordship  hath  so 
"  kindly  opened  and  displayed  to  us,  to  bo  dashed  by  the  bitter  reflec- 
"  tion  tliat  any  future  Administration  will  entertain  a  wish  to  depart 
"  from  that  pi'nn,  which  affords  the  surest  and  most  permanent  foun. 
"  dution  of  public  tranquillity  and  happiness:  No,  my  Lord,  we  aro 
"  sure  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  under  whatever  changes  may  hap. 
"  pen  in  his  confidential  servants,  will  remain  immutable  in  the  ways 
"  of  truth  and  justice,  and  that  he  is  incapable  of  deceiving  his  faith- 
"  Jul  subjects ;  and  we  esteem  your  Lordsliip's  information  not  only 
"  as  warranted,  but  oven  sanctified  by  the  Royal  word." 


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144 


could  have  any  effect,  chhwr  good  or  bad,  your  Ministers 
immediately  begged  pardon,  and  promised  tiiat  repeal  to 
the  obstinate  Americans  which  they  had  refused  in  an 
easy,  good  natured,  complying  British  Parliament.  The 
Assemblies  which  had  been  publicly  and  avowedly  dis- 
solved for  their  contumacy,  are  called  together  to  receive 
your  submission.  Your  Ministerial  directors  blustered  like 
tragic  tyrants  here ;  and  then  went  mumping  with  a  sore 
leg  in  America,  canting,  and  whining,  and  complaining, 
of  faction,  which  represented  them  as  friends  to  a  revenue 
from  the  Colonies.  I  hope  nobody  in  this  House  will 
hereafter  have  the  impudence  to  defend  American  taxes 
in  the  name  of  Ministry.  The  moment  they  do,  with  this 
letter  of  attorney  in  my  hand,  I  will  tell  them  in  the 
authorized  terms,  they  are  wretches,  "  with  factious  and 
"  seditious  views ;  enemies  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of 
"  the  mother  country  and  the  Colonies,"  and  subverters 
"  of  the  mutual  affection  and  confidence  on  which  the 
"  glory  and  safety  of  the  British  empire  depend." 

After  this  letter,  the  question  is  no  more  on  propriety 
or  dignity.  They  are  gone  already.  The  faith  of  your 
Sovereign  is  pledged  for  the  political  principle.  The  gen- 
eral declaration  in  the  letter  goes  to  the  whole  of  it.  You 
must  therefore  either  abandon  the  scheme  of  taxing,  or 
you  must  send  the  Ministers  tarred  and  feathered  to  Ame- 
rica, who  dared  to  hold  out  the  royal  faith  for  a  renuncia- 
tion of  all  taxes  for  revenue.  Them  you  must  punish,  or 
this  faith  you  must  preserve.  The  preservation  of  this 
faith  is  of  more  consequence  than  the  duties  on  red  lead, 
or  white  lead,  or  on  broken  glass,  or  atlas  ordinary,  or 
demi-fine,  or  blue-royal,  or  bastard,  or  fooFs-cap,  which 
you  have  given  up ;  or  the  three-pence  on  tea,  which  you 
retained.  The  letter  went  stampt  with  the  public  author- 
ity of  this  Kingdom.  The  instructions  for  the  Colony 
Government  go  under  no  other  sanction ;  and  America 
cannot  believe,  and  will  not  obey  you,  if  you  do  not 
preserve  this  channel  of  communication  sacred.  You  are 
now  punishing  the  Colonies  for  acting  on  distinctions,  held 
out  by  that  very  Ministry  which  is  here  shining  in  riches, 
in  favour,  and  in  power,  and  urging  the  punishment  of 
the  very  offence,  to  which  they  had  themselves  been  the 
tempters. 

Sir,  If  reasons  respecting  simply  your  own  commerce, 
which  is  your  own  convenience,  were  the  sole  grounds  of 
the  repeal  of  the  five  duties,  why  does  Lord  Hillslmrffiigh, 
in  disclaiming  in  the  name  of  the  King  and  Ministry  their 
erer  having  had  an  intent  to  tax  for  revenue,  mention  it 
as  the  means  "  of  re-establishing  the  confidence  and  affec- 
tion of  the  Colonies  ?"  Is  it  a  way  of  soothing  others, 
to  assure  them  that  you  will  take  good  care  of  yourself! 
The  medium,  the  only  medium,  for  regaining  their  affec- 
tion and  confidence  is,  that  you  will  take  off  something 
oppressive  to  their  minds.  Sir,  the  letter  strongly  enforces 
that  idea ;  for  though  the  repeal  of  the  taxes  is  promised 
on  commercial  principles,  yet  the  means  of  counteracting 
'•  the  insinuations  of  men  with  factious  and  seditious 
"  views,"  is  by  a  disclaimer  of  the  intention  of  taxing  for 
revenue,  as  a  constant  invariable  sentiment  and  rule  of 
conduct  in  the  government  of  America. 

I  remember  that  the  noble  Lord  on  the  floor,  not  in  a 
former  debate  to  be  sure  (it  would  be  disorderly  to  refer 
to  it,  I  suppose  I  read  it  somewhere,)  but  the  noble  liord 
was  pleased  to  say,  that  he  did  not  conceive  how  it  could 
enter  into  the  head  of  msm  to  impose  such  taxes  as  those 
of  1767  :  I  mean  those  taxes  which  he  voted  for  imposing, 
and  voted  for  repealing ;  as  being  taxes,  contrary  to  all  the 
principles  of  commerce,  laid  on  British  manufactures. 

I  dare  say  the  noble  Lord  is  perfectly  well  read,  because 
the  duty  of  his  particular  office  requires  he  should  be  so, 
in  all  our  revenue  laws,  and  in  the  policy  which  is  to  be 
collected  out  of  them.  Now,  Sir,  when  he  had  read  this 
Act  of  American  revenue,  and  a  little  recovered  from  his 
astonishment,  1  suppose  he  made  one  step  retrograde  (it  is 
hut  one)  and  looked  at  the  Act  which  stands  just  before 
it  in  the  statute  book.  The  American  Revenue  Act  is  the 
forty -fifth  cliapter ;  the  other  to  whicii  1  refer  is  the  forty- 
fourth  of  the  same  session.  These  two  Acts  are  both  to 
tiie  same  purpose  ;  both  Revenue  Acts ;  both  taxing  out  of 
tlie  Kingdom ;  and  both  taxing  British  manufactures  ex- 
ported. As  the  45tli  is  an  Act  for  raising  a  revenue  in 
America,  the  44tli  is  an  Act  for  raising  a  revenue  in  the 


Isle  of  Man.  The  two  Acts  perfectly  agree  in  all  re- 
spects, except  one.  In  the  Act  for  taxing  the  Isle  of 
Man,  the  noble  Lord  will  find  (not,  as  in  the  American 
Act,  four  or  five  articles)  hut  almost  the  whole  body  of 
British  manufactures,  taxed  from  two  and  an  half  to 
fifteen  per  cent.,  and  some  articles,  such  as  that  of  spirits, 
a  great  deal  higher.  You  did  not  think  it  uncornn)ercial 
to  tax  the  whole  mass  of  your  manufactures,  and,  let  me 
add,  your  agriculture  too ;  for,  I  now  recollect,  British 
com  is  there  also  taxed  up  to  ten  per  cent.,  and  this  too  in 
the  very  head-quarters,  the  very  citadel  of  snniggling,  the 
Isle  of  Man.  Now  will  the  noble  Lord  condescend  to  tell 
me  why  he  repealed  the  taxes  on  your  manufactures  sent 
out  to  America,  and  not  the  taxes  on  the  manufactures 
exported  to  the  Isle  of  Man  1  The  principle  was  exactly 
the  same,  the  objects  charged  infinitely  more  extensive, 
the  duties  without  comparison  higher.  Why  ?  why,  not- 
withstanding all  his  childish  pretexts,  because  the  taxes 
were  quietly  submitted  to  in  the  Me  of  Man  ;  and  because 
they  raised  a  flame  in  America.  Your  reasons  were 
political,  not  commercial.  The  repeal  was  made,  as  Lord 
Hillsborough's  letter  well  expresses  it,  to  regain  "  tho 
"  confidence  and  affection  of  the  Colonies,  on  which  the 
"  glory  and  safety  of  the  British  empire  depend."  A 
wise  and  just  motive  surely,  if  ever  there  was  such.  But 
the  mischief  and  dishonour  is,  that  you  have  not  done 
what  you  had  given  the  Colonies  just  cause  to  expect, 
when  your  Ministers  disclaimed  the  idea  of  taxes  for  a 
revenue.  There  is  nothing  simple,  notiiing  manly,  nothing 
ingenuous,  open,  decisive,  or  steady,  in  the  proceeding, 
with  regard  either  to  the  continuance  or  the  repeal  of  the 
taxes.  The  whole  has  an  air  of  littleness  and  fraud. 
The  article  of  tea  is  slurred  over  in  the  circular  letter,  as  it 
were  by  accident — nothing  is  said  of  a  resolution  either  to 
keep  that  tax,  or  to  give  it  up.  There  is  no  fair  dealing 
in  any  part  of  the  transaction. 

If  you  mean  to  follow  your  true  motive  and  your  public 
faith,  give  up  your  tax  on  tea  for  raising  a  revenue,  the 
principle  of  which  has,  in  effect,  been  disclaimed  in  your 
name,  and  which  produces  you  no  advantage,  no,  not  a 
penny.  Or,  if  you  choose  to  go  on  with  a  poor  pretence 
instead  of  a  solid  reason,  and  will  still  adhere  to  your  cant 
of  commerce,  you  have  ten  thousand  times  more  strong 
commercial  reasons  for  giving  up  this  duty  on  tea,  than  for 
abandoning  the  five  others  that  you  have  ah-eady  renounced. 

The  ^wencaw  consumption  of  teas  is  annually,  I  believe, 
worth  £300,000  at  the  least  farthing.  If  you  urge  the 
American  violence  as  a  justification  of  your  perseverance 
in  enforcing  this  tax,  you  know  that  you  can  never  answer 
this  plain  question — Why  did  you  repeal  the  others  given 
in  the  same  Act,  whilst  the  very  same  violence  subsisted  ? 
But  you  did  not  find  the  violence  cease  upon  that  conces- 
sion. No  !  because  the  concession  was  far  short  of  satis- 
fying the  principle  which  Lord  Hillsborough  had  abjured ; 
or  even  the  pretence  on  which  the  repeal  of  the  other  taxes 
was  announced  :  and  because,  by  enabling  the  East  India 
Company  to  open  a  shop  for  defeating  the  American  reso- 
lution not  to  pay  that  specific  tax,  you  manifestly  showed  a 
hankering  after  the  principle  of  the  Act  which  you  formerly 
had  renounced.  Whatever  road  you  take  leads  to  a  com- 
pliance with  this  motion.  It  opens  to  you  at  the  end  of 
every  vista.  Your  commerce,  your  policy,  your  promises, 
your  reasons,  your  pretences,  your  consistency,  your  incon- 
sistency— all  jointly  oblige  you  to  this  repeal. 

But  still  it  sticks  in  our  throats,  if  we  go  so  far,  the 
Americans  will  go  farther.  We  do  not  know  that.  We 
ought,  from  experience,  rather  to  presume  the  contrar)'. 
Do  we  not  know  for  certain,  that  the  Americans  are  going 
on  as  fast  as  possible,  whilst  we  refuse  to  gratify  them? 
Can  they  do  more,  or  can  they  do  worse,  if  we  yield  this 
point  ?  I  think  this  concession  will  rather  fix  a  turnpike  to 
prevent  their  further  progress.  It  is  impossible  to  answer 
for  bodies  of  men.  But  I  am  sure  the  natural  effect  of 
fidelity,  clemency,  kindness  in  Governors,  is  peace,  good 
will,  order,  and  esteem,  on  the  part  of  the  governed.  I 
would  certainly,  at  least,  give  these  fair  principles  a  fair 
trial,  which,  since  the  making  of  this  Act  to  this  hour  they 
never  have  had. 

Sir,  the  honorable  gentleman  having  spoken  what  he 
thought  necessary  upon  the  narrow  part  of  the  subject,  I 
have  given  him,  I  hope,  a  satisfactory  answer.     He  next 


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146 


presses  me  by  a  variety  of  direct  challenges  and  oblique  re- 
flections to  say  something  on  the  historical  part.  I  shall 
tJierefore,  Sir,  open  myself  fully  on  that  important  and  deli- 
cate subject ;  not  for  the  sake  of  telling  you  a  long  story 
(which,  I  know,  Mr.  Speaker,  you  are  not  particularly  fond 
of,)  but  for  the  sake  of  the  weighty  instruction  that,  I  flatter 
myself,  will  necessarily  result  from  it.  It  shall  not  be 
longer,  if  I  can  help  it,  than  so  serious  a  matter  requires. 
Permit  me,  then,  Sir,  to  lead  your  attention  very  far 
back ;  back  to  the  Act  of  Navigation,  the  comer  stone  of 
the  policy  of  this  country  with  regard  to  its  Colonies.  Sir, 
tliat  policy  was,  from  the  beginning,  purely  commercial, 
and  the  commercial  system  was  wholly  restrictive.  It  was 
tlie  system  of  a  monopoly.  No  trade  was  let  loose  from 
that  constraint,  but  merely  to  enable  the  Colonists  to  dis- 
pose of  what,  in  the  course  of  your  trade,  you  could  not 
take  ;  or  to  enable  them  to  dispose  of  such  articles  as  we 
forced  upon  them,  and  for  which,  without  some  degree  of 
liberty,  they  could  not  pay.  Hence  all  your  specific  and 
detailed  enumerations  ;  hence  the  innumerable  checks  and 
counter-checks  ;  hence  that  infinite  variety  of  paper  chains 
by  which  you  bind  together  tliis  complicated  system  of  the 
Colonies.  This  principle  of  commercial  monopoly  runs 
through  no  less  than  twenty-nine  Acts  of  Parliament,  from 
the  year  1660  to  the  unfortunate  period  of  1764. 

In  all  those  Acts  the  system  of  commerce  is  established, 
as  that,  from  whence  alone  you   proposed  to  make  the 
Colonies  contribute  (I  mean  directly,  and  by  the  operation 
of  your  superintending  Legislative  power)  to  the  strength  of 
the  empire.      I  venture  to  say,  tiiat  during  that  whole 
period,  a  Parliamentary  revenue  from  thence  was  never 
once  in  contemplation.     Accordingly,  in  all  the  number  of 
laws  passed    with  regard    to  the  Plantations,  the  words 
vrhich  distinguished  revenue  laws,  specifically  as  such,  were 
I  think,  premeditately  avoided.     I  do  not  say.  Sir,  that  a 
form  of  words  alters  the  nature  of  the  law,  or  abridges  the 
power  of  the  law  giver.     It  certainly  does  not.     However, 
titles  and  formal  preambles  are  not  always  idle  words  ;  and 
the  lawyers  frequently  argue  from  them.     I  state  these 
facts  to  shew,  not  what  was  your  right,  but  what  has  been 
your  settled  policy.     Our  revenue  laws  have  usually  a  title, 
purporting  their  being  grants,  and  the  words  give  and  grant 
usually  precede  the  enacting  parts.    Although  Duties  were 
imposed  on  America  in  Acts  of  King  Charles  the  Second, 
and   in  Acts  of  King  William,,  no  one  title  of  giving  "  an 
aid  to  his   Majesty,"  or  any  other  of  the  usual  titles  to 
Revenue  Acts,  was  to  be  found  in  any  of  them  till  1764  ; 
nor  were  the  words  "  give  and  grant"  in  any  preamble 
nntil  the  sixth  of  George  the  Second.     However,  the  title 
of  this  Act  of  George  the  Second,  notwithstanding  the 
words  of  donation,  considers  it  merely  as  a  regulation  of 
trade,  "An  Act  for  the  better  securing  of  the  trade  of  his 
"  Majesty's  Sugar  Colonies  in  America."     This  Act  was 
made  on  a  compromise  of  all,  and  at  tlie  express  desire  of 
a  part  of  the  Colonies  theinselves.     It  was  therefore  in  some 
measure  with  their  consent ;  and  having  a  title  directly  pur- 
j)orting  only  a  commercial  regulation,  and  being  in  truth 
nothing  more,  the  words  were  passed  by.  at  a  time  when  no 
jealousy  was  entertained,  and  things  were  little  scnitinized. 
Even   Governor  Bernard,  in  his  second    printed  letter, 
dated  in  1763,  gives  it  as  his  opinion,  that  "  it  was  an  Act 
(i{  Prohibition,  not  of  Revenue."     This  is  certainly  true, 
that  no  Act  avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  revenue,  and  with 
tJie  ordinary  title  and  recital  taken  together,  is  found  in  the 
statute  book  until   the  year  I  have  mentioned,  that  is.  the 
year  1764.     All  before  this  period  stood  on  commercial 
refjulation  and  restraint.     The  scheme  of  a  Colonv  revenue 
l)y  British  avitliority,  appeared  therefore  to  the  Americans 
in  the  light  of  a  great  innovation  ;  the  words  of  Governor 
Bernard's  ninth  letter,  written  in  JSovember,  1765,   state 
tliis  idea  very  strongly  ;  "  it  must,"  says  he,  "  have  been 
"  supposed  siich  an  innovation  as  a  Parliamentary  taxation, 
'•  would  cause  a  great  alarm,  and  meet  with  much  opposition 
"  in  most  parts  of  America  ;  it  was  f/uite  new  to  the  People, 
"  and  had  no  visible  bounds  set  to  it."     After  stating  the 
weakness  of  Government  there,  he  says,  "  was  this  a  time 
"  to  introduce  so  great  a  novelty  as  a  Parliamentary  inland 
"  taxation  in  America?"     Whatever  the  right  might  have 
been,  this  mode  of  using  it  was  absolutely  new  in  policy 
and  practice. 

Sir,  they  who  are  friends  to  the  schemes  of  American 


revenue  say,  that  the  commercial  restraint  is  full  as  hard  a 
law  for  America  to  live  under.  I  think  so  too.  I  think  it, 
if  uncompensated,  to  be  a  condition  of  as  rigorous  servitude 
as  men  can  be  subject  to.  But  America  bore  it  from  the 
fundamental  Act  of  Navigation,  until  1764.  Why  ?  Be- 
cause men  do  bear  the  inevitable  constitution  of  their  origi- 
nal nature  with  all  its  infirmities.  The  Act  of  Navigation 
attended  the  Colonies  from  their  infancy,  grew  with  their 
growth,  and  strengthened  with  their  strength.  They  were 
confirmed  in  obedience  to  it,  even  more  by  usage  than  by 
law.  They  scarcely  had  remembered  a  time  when  they 
were  not  subject  to  such  a  restraint.  Besides,  they  were 
indemnified  for  it  by  a  pecuniary  compensation.  Their 
monopolist  happened  to  be  one  of  the  richest  men  in  the 
world.  By  his  immense  capital  (primarily  employed,  not 
for  their  benefit, but  his  own,)  they  were  enabled  to  proceed 
with  their  fisheries,  their  agriculture,  their  ship  building, 
(and  their  trade  too  within  the  limits,)  in  such  a  manner  as 
got  far  the  start  of  the  slow  languid  operations  of  unassisted 
nature.  Tiiis  capital  was  a  hot  bed  to  them.  Nothing  in 
the  history  of  mankind  is  like  their  progress.  For  my 
part,  I  never  cast  an  eye  on  their  flourishing  commerce,  and 
their  cultivated  and  commodious  life,  but  they  seem  to  me 
rather  ancient  nations,  grown  to  perfection  through  a  long 
series  of  fortunate  events,  and  a  train  of  successful  industry, 
accumulating  wealth  in  many  centuries,  than  the  Colonies 
of  yesterday  ;  than  a  set  of  miserable  out-casts,  a  few  years 
ago,  not  so  much  sent  as  thrown  out,  on  the  bleak  and 
barren  shore  of  a  desolate  wilderness  three  thousand  miles 
from  all  civilized  intercourse. 

All  this  was  done  by  England,  whilst  England  pursued 
trade  and  forgot  revenue.  You  not  only  acquired  com- 
merce, but  you  actually  created  the  very  objects  of  trade 
in  America  ;  and  by  that  creation  you  raised  the  trade  of 
this  Kingdom  at  least  four-fold.  America  had  the  com- 
pensation of  your  capital,  which  made  her  bear  her  servi- 
tude. She  had  another  compensation,  which  you  are  now 
going  to  take  away  from  her.  She  had,  except  the  com- 
mercial restraint,  every  characteristic  mark  of  a  free  People 
in  all  her  internal  concerns.  She  had  the  image  of  the 
British  constitution.  She  had  the  substance.  She  was 
taxed  by  her  own  Representatives.  She  chose  most  of 
her  own  Magistrates.  She  paid  them  all.  She  had  in 
efl^ect  the  sole  disposal  of  her  own  internal  Government. 
This  whole  state  of  commercial  servitude  and  civil  liberty 
taken  together,  is  certainly  not  perfect  freedom ;  but  com- 
paring it  with  the  ordinary  circumstances  of  human  nature, 
it  was  an  happy  and  liberal  condition. 

I  know.  Sir,  that  great  and  not  unsuccessful  pains  have 
been  taken  to  inflame  our  minds  by  an  outcry,  in  this  House 
and  out  of  it,  that  in  America  the  Act  of  Navigation 
neither  is,  or  ever  was  obeyed.  But  if  you  take  the  Colo- 
nies through,  I  affirm,  that  its  authority  never  was  dispu- 
ted ;  that  it  was  no  where  disputed  for  any  length  of  time ; 
and,  on  the  whole,  that  it  was  well  observed.  Wherever 
the  Act  pressed  hard,  many  individuals  indeed  evaded  it. 
This  is  nothing  These  scattered  individuals  never  denied 
the  law,  and  never  obeyed  it.  Just  as  it  happens  whene- 
ver the  laws  of  trade,  whenever  the  laws  of  revenue,  press 
hard  upon  the  People  in  England,  in  that  case  all  your 
shores  are  full  of  contraband.  Your  right  to  give  a  mo- 
nopoly to  the  East  India  Company,  your  right  to  lay  im- 
mense duties  on  French  brandy,  are  not  disputed  in  Eng- 
land. You  do  not  make  this  charge  on  any  man.  But 
you  know  that  there  is  not  a  creek  from  Pentland  Frith  to 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  in  which  they  do  not  smuggle  immense 
quantities  of  teas,  East  India  goods,  and  brandies.  I  take 
it  for  granted,  that  the  authority  of  Governor  Bernard  in 
this  point  is  indisputable.  Speaking  of  these  laws,  as  they 
regarded  that  part  of  America  now  in  so  unhappy  a  condi- 
tion, he  says,  "  I  believe  they  are  no  where  better  sup- 
"  ported  than  in  this  Province ;  1  do  not  pretend  that  it  is 
"  entirely  free  from  a  breach  of  these  laws ;  but  that  such 
"  a  breach,  if  discovered,  is  justly  punished."  What  more 
can  you  say  of  the  obedience  to  any  laws  in  any  country  ? 
An  obedience  to  these  laws  formed  the  acknowledgment, 
instituted  by  yourselves,  for  your  superiority  ;  and  was  the 
payment  you  originally  imposed  for  your  protection. 

Whether  you'were  right  or  wrong  in  establishmg  the 
Colonies  on  the  principles  of  commercial  monopoly,  rather 
than  on  that  of  revenue,  is  at  this  day  a  problem  of  mere 


Fourth  Series. 


10 


147 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


148 


speculation.  You  cannot  have  Ix)th  by  the  saine  autliority. 
To  join  together  the  restraints  of  an  universal  internal  and 
external  monopoly,  witli  an  universal  internal  and  external 
taxation,  is  an  umiatural  union  ;  perfect  uncompensated 
slavery.  You  have  long  since  decided  for  yourself  and 
them ;  and  you  and  they  have  prospered  exceedingly 
under  that  decision. 

This  nation,  Sir,  never  thought  of  departing  from  that 
choice  until  the  period  immediately  on  the  close  of  the  last 
war.  Then  a  scheme  of  Government,  new  in  many  things 
seemed  to  have  been  adopted.  1  saw,  or  thought  1  saw, 
several  symptoms  of  a  great  change  whilst  I  sat  in  your 
gallery,  a  good  wliile  before  I  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in 
this  House.  At  that  period  the  necessity  was  established 
of  keeping  up  no  less  tlian  twenty  new  regiments,  with 
twenty  Colonels,  capable  of  seats  in  this  House.  This 
scheme  was  adopted  with  very  general  applause  from  all 
sides,  at  the  very  time  that  by  your  conquests  in  America, 
your  danger  from  foreign  attempts  in  that  part  of  the  world 
was  much  lessened,  or  indeed  rather  quite  over.  When 
this  huge  increase  of  military  establishment  was  resolved  on, 
a.  revenue  was  to  be  found  to  support  so  great  a  buitiicn. 
Country  gentlemen,  the  great  patrons  of  economy,  and  the 
great  resisters  of  a  standing  armed  force,  would  not  have 
entered  with  much  alacrity  into  the  vote  for  so  large  and  so 
expensive  an  army,  if  they  had  been  very  sure  tiiat  they 
were  to  continue  to  pay  for  it.  But  hopes  of  another  kind 
were  held  out  to  them  ;  and,  in  particular,  I  well  remember 
tliat  Mr.  Townshcnd,  in  a  brilliant  harangue  on  this  subject 
(lid  dazzle  them,  by  playing  before  their  eyes  the  image  of 
a  revenue  to  be  raised  in  America. 

Here  began  to  dawn  the  first  glimmerings  of  this  new 
Colony  system.  It  appeared  more  distinctly  afterwards, 
when  it  was  devolved  upon  a  pereon  to  whom,  on  other 
accounts,  this  country  owes  very  great  obligations.  I  do 
believe,  that  he  had  a  very  serious  desire  to  benefit  tlie 
public.  But  with  no  small  study  of  the  detail,  he  did  not 
seem  to  have  his  view,  at  least  equally,  carried  to  the  total 
circuit  of  our  affairs.  He  generally  considered  his  objects 
in  lights  that  were  rather  too  detached.  Whether  the  busi- 
ness of  an  American  revenue  was  imposed  upon  him  alto- 
gether ;  whether  it  was  entirely  the  result  of  his  own  specu- 
lation; or,  what  is  more  probable,  that  his  own  ideas  rather 
coincided  with  the  instiiictions  he  had  received,  certain  it 
is,  that,  with  the  best  intentions  in  the  world,  he  first 
brought  this  fatal  scheme  into  form,  and  established  it  by 
Act  of  Parliament. 

No  man  can  believe,  that  at  this  time  of  day  I  mean  to 
lean  on  the  venerable  memory  of  a  great  man,  whose  loss 
we  deplore  in  common.  Our  little  party  dift'erences  have 
been  long  ago  composed,  and  I  have  acted  more  with  him, 
and  certainly  with  more  pleasure  with  him,  than  ever  I 
acted  against  him.  Undoubtedly  Mr.  Grenville  was  a  first 
rate  figure  in  this  country.  With  a  masculine  understand- 
ing, and  a  stout  and  resolute  heart,  he  had  an  application 
undissipated  and  unwearied.  He  took  public  business,  not 
as  a  duty  which  he  was  to  fulfil,  but  as  a  pleasure  he  was 
to  enjoy  ;  and  he  seemed  to  have  no  delight  out  of  this 
House,  except  in  such  things  as  some  way  related  to  the 
business  that  was  to  be  done  within  it.  If  he  was  ambi- 
tious, I  will  say  this  for  him,  his  ambition  was  of  a  noble 
aijd  generous  strain.  It  was  to  raise  himself,  not  by  the 
low  pimping  politics  of  a  court,  but  to  win  his  way  to 
power,  through  the  laborious  gradations  of  public  service  ; 
and  to  secure  to  himself  a  well-earned  rank  in  Parliament, 
by  a  thorough  knowledge  of  its  constitution,  and  a  perfect 
practice  in  all  its  business. 

Sir,  if  such  a  man  fell  into  errors,  it  must  be  from  defects 
not  intrinsical ;  they  must  be  rather  sought  in  the  particu- 
lar habits  of  his  life  ;  which,  though  they  do  not  alter  the 
groundwork  of  character,  yet  tinge  it  with  their  own  hue. 
He  was  bred  in  a  ])rofession.  He  was  bred  to  tiie  law, 
which  is,  in  my  opinion,  one  of  the  first  and  noblest  of 
human  sciences  ;  a  science  which  does  more  to  quicken 
and  invigorate  the  understanding  than  all  the  other  kinds 
of  learning  put  together ;  but  it  is  not  apt,  except  in 
))erson8,  very  happily  born,  to  open  and  to  liberalize  the 
mind  exactly  in  the  same  proportion.  Passing  from  that 
study  he  did  not  go  very  largely  into  the  world ;  but 
plunged  into  business  ;  I  mean  into  the  business  of  office  ; 
and  the  limited  and  fixed  methods  and  forms  established 


there.  Much  knowledge  is  to  be  had  undoubtedly  in  that 
line  ;  and  there  is  no  knowledge  which  is  not  valuable. 
But  it  may  be  truly  said,  that  men  too  much  conversant  in 
office,  are  rarely  minds  of  remarkable  enlargement.  Their 
habits  of  office  are  apt  to  give  them  a  turn  to  think  the 
substance  of  business  not  to  be  much  more  unportant  than 
the  forms  in  which  it  is  conducted.  These  forms  are  adapt- 
ed to  ordinary  occasions ;  and  therefore  persons  who  are 
nurtured  in  office  do  admirably  well,  as  long  as  things  goon 
in  their  common  order;  but  when  the  high  roads  are  broken 
up,  and  the  waters  out,  when  a  new  and  troubled  scene  is 
opened,  and  the  file  affords  no  precedent,  then  it  is  that  a 
greater  knowledge  of  mankind,  and  a  far  more  extensive 
comprehension  of  tilings,  is  requisite  than  ever  office  gave, 
or  than  office  can  ever  give.  Mr.  Grenville  thought  better 
of  the  wisdom  and  power  of  human  legislation  than  in  truth 
it  deserves.  He  conceived,  and  many  conceived  along 
with  him,  that  the  flourishing  trade  of  this  country  was 
greatly  owing  to  law  and  institution,  and  not  quite  so  much 
to  liberty  ;  for  but  too  many  are  apt  to  believe  regulation 
to  be  commerce,  and  taxes  to  be  revenue.  Among  regu- 
lations, that  which  stood  first  in  reputation  was  his  idol. — I 
mean  the  Act  of  Navigation.  He  has  often  professed  it  to 
be  so.  The  policy  of  that  Act  is,  I  readily  admit,  in  many 
respects  well  understood.  But  I  do  say  that  if  the  Act  \>e 
suliered  to  run  the  full  length  of  its  principle,  and  is  not 
changed  and  modified  according  to  the  change  of  times  and 
the  fluctuations  of  circumstances,  it  nnist  do  great  mischief, 
and  frequently  even  defeat  its  own  purpose. 

After  the  war,  and  in  the  last  years  of  it,  tiie  trade  of 
America  had  increased  far  beyond  the  speculations  of  the 
most  sanguine  imagination.     It  swelled  out  on  every  side. 
It  filled  all  its  proper  channels  to  the  brim.     It  overflowed 
with  a  rich  redundance,  and  breaking  its  banks  on  the  right 
and  on  the  left,  it  spread  out  upon  some   places  where  it 
was  indeed  improper,  upon  others  where  it  was  only  irregu- 
lar.    It  is  the  nature  of  all  greatness  not  to  be  exact ;  and 
great  trade  will  always  be    attended    with   consideraljle 
abuses.     The  contraband  will  always  keep  pace  in  some 
measure  with  the  fair  trade.     It  should  stand  as  a  funda- 
mental maxim,  that  no  vulgar  precaution  ought  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  cure  of  evils,  which  are  closely  connected 
with   the  cause  of  our   prosperity.     Perhaps  this  great 
person  turned  his  eye,  somewhat  less  than  was  just,  towards 
the  incredible  increase  of  the  fair  trade  ;  and  looked  with 
something  of  too  exquisite  a  jealousy  towards  the  contra- 
band.    He  certainly  felt  a  singular  degree  of  anxiety  on  llie 
subject ;  and  even  began  to  act  from  that  passion  earlier 
than  is  commonly  imagined.     For  whilst  he  was  fii-st  Lord 
of  the  Admiralty,  though  not  strictly  called  upon  in  liis  of- 
ficial line,  he  presented  a  very  strong  memorial  to  the  Lords 
of  the  Treasury,  (my  Lord  Bute  was  then  at  the  head  of 
the  Board,)  heavily  complaining  of  the  growth  of  the  illicit 
commerce  in  America.     Some  mischief  happened,  even  at 
that  time,  from  this  over-earnest  zeal.     Much  greater  hap- 
pened afterwards  when  it  operated  with  greater  power  in 
tiie  highest  department  of  the  finances.     Tlie  bonds  of  the 
Act  of  Navigation  were  straitened  so  much,  that  America 
was  on  the  point  of  having  no  trade,  either  contraband  or 
legitimate.     They  found,  under  the  construction  and  exe- 
cution then   used,  the  Act  no  longer  tying  but  actually 
strangling  them.     All  this  coming  with  new  enumerations 
of  conuuodities  ;  with  regulations  which  in  a  manner  put  a 
stop  to  the  mutual  coasting  intercourse  of  the  Colonies; 
with  the  appointment  of  Courts  of  Admiralty  under  various 
improper  circumstances  ;  with  a  sudden  extinction  of  the 
paper  currencies  ;    with    a  compulsory  provision  for  the 
quartering  of  soldiei-s ;    the  People  of  America  thought 
themselves  proceeded  against  as  delinquents,  or  at  best  as 
People   under  suspicion  of  delinquency  ;  and   in   such   a 
manner,  as  they  imagined,  their  recent  services  in  the  war 
did  not  at  all  merit.     Any  of  these  innumerable  regulations 
perhaps,  would  not  have  alarmed  alone  ;  some  might  be 
thought  reasonable  ;  the  multitude  struck  them  with  terror. 
But  the  grand  manoeu\'re  in  that  business  of  new  regula- 
ting the  Colonies,  was  the  fifteenth  Act  of  the  fourth  of 
George  III.,  which,  besides  containing  several  of  the  mat- 
ters to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  o])ened  a  new  principle  : 
and  here  properly  began  the  second  period  of  the  policy  of 
this  country  with  regard  to  the  Colonies;  by  which   the 
scheme  of  a  regular  Plantation  Parliamentary  revenue  was 


149 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


150 


adopted  in  tlieory,  and  settled  in  practice.  A  revenue  not 
substituted  in  the  place  of,  but  superadded  to,  a  monopoly  ; 
which  monopoly  was  enforced  at  the  same  time  with 
additional  strictness,  and  the  execution  put  into  military 
hands. 

This  Act,  Sir,  had  for  the  first  time  the  title  of  "  grant- 
"  ing  duties  in  the  Colonies  and  Plantations  of  America  f 
and  for  the  first  time  it  was  asserted  in  the  preamble,  "  that 
"  it  was  ju^t  and  necessary  thai  a  revenue  should  be  raised 
"  there."  Then  came  the  technical  words  of  "  giving  and 
granting ;"  and  thus  a  complete  American  Revenue  Act 
was  made  in  all  the  forms,  and  with  a  full  avowal  of  the 
right,  equity,  policy,  and  even  necessity  of  taxing  the  Colo- 
nies, without  any  formal  consent  of  theirs.  There  are  con- 
tained also  in  the  preamble  to  that  Act  these  very  remarka- 
ble words — the  Commons,  &,c. — "  being  desirous  to  make 
"  some  provision  in  the  present  session  of  Parliament  to- 
"  wards  raising  the  said  revenue."  By  these  words  it  ap- 
peared to  the  Colonies  that  this  Act  was  but  a  beginning 
of  sorrows  ;  that  every  session  was  to  produce  something  of 
tiie  same  kind  ;  that  we  were  to  go  on  from  day  to  day,  in 
cliarging  them  with  such  taxes  as  we  pleased,  for  such  a 
military  force  as  we  should  think  proper.  Had  this  plan 
been  pursued,  it  was  evident  that  the  Provincial  Assemblies, 
in  which  the  Americans  felt  all  their  portion  of  importance, 
and  beheld  their  sole  image  of  freedom,  were  ipso  facto  an- 
nihilated. This  ill  prospect  before  them  seemed  to  be 
boundless  in  extent,  and  endless  in  duration.  Sir,  they 
were  not  mistaken.  The  Ministry  valued  themselves 
when  this  Act  passed,  and  when  they  gave  notice  of 
tlie  Stamp  Act,  that  both  of  the  duties  came  very  short  of 
their  ideas  of  American  taxation.  Great  was  the  applause 
of  this  measure  here.  In  England  we  cried  out  for  new 
taxes  on  America,  whilst  they  cried  out  that  they  were 
neai'ly  crushed  with  those  which  the  war  and  their  own 
gi-ants  had  brought  upon  them. 

Sir,  it  has  been  said  in  the  debate,  that  when  the  first 
American  Revenue  Act  (the  Act  in  1764,  imposing  the 
Port  Duties)  passed,  the  Americans  did  not  object  to  the 
principle.  It  is  true  they  touched  it,  but  very  tenderly.  It 
was  not  a  direct  attack.  They  were,  it  is  true,  as  yet 
novices  ;  as  yet  unaccustomed  to  direct  attacks  upon  any 
of  the  rights  of  Parliament.  The  duties  were  Port  Duties, 
like  those  they  had  been  accustomed  to  bear ;  with  this 
difference,  that  the  title  was  not  the  same,  the  preamble 
not  the  same,  and  the  spirit  altogether  unhke.  But  of 
what  service  is  this  observation  to  the  cause  of  those  that 
make  it?  It  is  a  full  refutation  of  the  pretence  for  their 
present  cruelty  to  America  ;  for  it  shews,  out  of  their  own 
mouths,  that  our  Colonies  were  backward  to  enter  into  the 
present  vexatious  and  ruinous  controversy. 

There  is  also  another  circulation  abroad  (spread  with  a 
malignant  intention,  which  I  cannot  attribute  to  those  who 
say  the  same  thing  in  this  House,)  that  Mr.  Grenville  gave 
the  Colony  Agents  an  option  for  their  Assemblies  to  tax 
themselves,  which  they  had  refused.  I  find  that  much 
stress  is  laid  on  this,  as  a  fact.  However,  it  happens 
neither  to  be  tiue  nor  possible.  I  will  observe  first,  that 
Mr.  G'renville  never  thought  fit  to  make  this  apology  for 
liimself  in  the  innumerable  debates  that  were  had  upon  the 
stil)ject.  He  might  have  proposed  to  the  Colony  Agents, 
that  they  should  agree  in  some  mode  of  taxation  as  the 
ground  of  an  Act  of  Parliament.  But  he  never  could  have 
proposed  that  they  should  tax  themselves  on  requisition, 
which  is  tiie  assertion  of  tlie  day.  Indeed,  Mr.  Grenville 
well  knew,  that  the  Colony  Agents  could  have  no  general 
powers  to  consent  to  it ;  and  they  had  no  thne  to  consult 
tlieir  Assemblies  for  particular  powers,  before  he  passed  his 
first  Revenue  Act.  If  you  compare  dates,  you  will  find  it 
impossible.  Burlhened  as  tiie  Agents  knew  the  Colonies 
were  at  that  time,  they  could  not  give  the  least  hope  of 
such  grants.  His  own  favourite  Governor  was  of  opinion 
that  the  Americans  were  not  then  taxable  objects. 

"  IS'or  was  the  time  less  favourable  to  the  equity  of  such 
"  a  taxation.  I  don't  mean  to  dispute  the  reasonableness 
"  of  America  contributing  to  the  charges  of  Great  Britain 
"  when  she  is  able;  nor,  1  believe,  would  the  Americans 
"  themselves  have  disputed  it,  at  a  jnoper  time  ami  season. 
"  But  it  should  be  considered,  that  the  American  Govern- 
"  meiits  themselves  have,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  late  war, 
"  conUacted  very  large  debts,  which  it  will  take  some  years 


"  to  pay  off,  and  in  the  mean  time  occasion  very  burdensome 
"  taxes  for  that  purpose  only.  For  instance,  this  Govem- 
"  ment,  which  is  as  much  before  hand  as  any,  raises  every 
"  year  £37,500  sterling  for  sinking  their  debt,  and  must 
"  continue  it  for  four  years  longer  at  least  before  it  will  be 
"  clear." 

These  are  the  words  of  Governor  Bernard's  letter  to  a 
member  of  the  old  Ministry,  and  which  he  has  since  printed. 
Mr.  Grenville  could  not  have  made  this  proposition  to  the 
Agents,  for  another  reason.  He  was  of  opinion,  which  he 
has  declared  in  this  House  an  hundred  times,  that  the  Colo- 
nies could  not  legally  grant  any  revenue  to  the  Crown, 
and  that  infinite  mischiefs  would  be  the  consequence  of  such 
a  power.  When  Mr.  Grenville  had  passed  the  first  Reve- 
nue Act,  and  in  the  same  session  had  made  this  House 
come  to  a  resolution  for  laying  a  Stamp  Duty  on  America, 
between  that  time  and  the  passing  the  Stamp  Act  into  a 
law,  he  told  a  considerable  and  most  respectable  merchant, 
a  member  of  this  House,  whom  I  am  truly  sorry  I  do  not 
now  see  in  his  place,  when  he  represented  against  this  pro- 
ceeding, that  if  the  Stamp  Duty  was  disliked,  he  was  wil- 
ling to  exchange  it  for  any  other  equally  productive ;  but 
that  if  he  objected  to  the  Americans  being  taxed  by  Parlia- 
ment, he  might  save  himself  the  trouble  of  the  discussion, 
as  he  was  determined  on  the  measure.  This  is  the  fact, 
and,  if  you  please,  I  will  mention  a  very  unquestionable 
authority  for  it. 

Thus,  Sir,  I  have  disposed  of  this  falsehood.  But  false- 
hood has  a  perennial  spring.  It  is  said,  that  no  conjecture 
could  be  made  of  the  dislike  of  the  Colonies  to  the  princi- 
ple. This  is  as  untrue  as  the  other.  After  the  resolution 
of  the  House,  and  before  the  passing  of  the  Stamp  Act,  the 
Colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  New  York  did  send 
remonstrances,  objecting  to  this  mode  of  Parliamentary 
taxation.  What  was  the  consequence  ?  They  were  sup- 
pressed ;  they  were  put  under  the  table ;  notwithstanding 
an  Order  of  Council  to  the  contrary,  by  the  Ministry 
which  composed  the  very  Council  that  had  made  the  order; 
and  thus  the  House  proceeded  to  its  business  of  taxing, 
without  the  least  regular  knowledge  of  the  objections  which 
were  made  to  it.  But  to  give  that  House  its  due,  it  was 
not  over  desirous  to  receive  information,  or  to  hear  remon- 
strance. On  the  15th  of  February,  1765,  whilst  the 
Stamp  Act  was  under  deliberation,  they  refused  with  scorn 
even  so  much  as  to  receive  four  petitions  presented  from 
so  respectable  Colonies  as  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island, 
Virginia,  and  Carolina,  besides  one  from  the  traders  of 
Jamaica.  As  to  the  Colonies,  they  had  no  alternative  left 
to  them,  but  to  disobey,  or  to  pay  the  taxes  imposed  by 
that  Parliament  which  was  not  suffered,  or  did  not  suffer 
itself,  even  to  hear  them  remonstrate  upon  the  subject. 

This  was  the  state  of  the  Colonies  before  his  Majesty 
thought  fit  to  change  his  Minisfars.  It  stands  upon  no  au- 
thority of  mine.  It  is  proved  by  uncontrovertible  records. 
The  honorable  gentleman  has  desired  some  of  us  to  lay  our 
hands  upon  our  hearts,  and  answer  to  his  queries  upon  the 
historical  part  of  this  consideration ;  and  by  his  manner  (as 
well  as  my  eyes  could  discern  it)  he  seemed  to  address 
himself  to  me. 

Sir,  I  will  answer  him  as  clearly  as  I  am  able,  and  with 
great  openness :  I  have  nothing  to  conceal.  In  the  year 
sixty-five,  being  in  a  very  private  station,  far  enough  from 
any  line  of  business,  and  not  having  the  honor  of  a  seat  in 
this  House,  it  was  my  fortune,  unknowing  and  unknown  to 
the  then  Ministry,  by  the  intervention  of  a  common  friend, 
to  become  connected  with  a  very  noble  person,  and  at  the 
head  of  the  Treasury  Department.  It  was  indeed  in  a  situa- 
tion of  little  rank  and  no  consequence,  suitable  to  the 
mediocrity  of  my  talents  and  pretensions ;  but  a  situation 
near  enough  to  enable  nie  to  see,  as  well  as  others,  what 
was  going  on  ;  and  1  did  see  in  that  noble  person  such 
sound  principles,  such  an  enlargement  of  mind,  such  clear 
and  sagacious  sense,  and  such  unshaken  fortitude,  as  have 
bound  me,  as  well  as  others  much  better  than  me,  by  an  in- 
violable attachment  to  him  from  that  time  forward.  Sir, 
Lord  Rockingham,  very  early  in  that  summer,  received  a 
strong  representation  from  many  weighty  English  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers,  from  Governors  of  Provinces,  and 
Connnanders  of  men-of-war,  against  almost  tlie  whole  of  the 
American  commercial  regulations:  and  particularly  with 
regard  to  the  total  ruin  which  was  threatened  to  the  Spanish 


151 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


152 


trade.     I  believe,  Sir,  the  noble  Lord  soon  saw  his  way  in 

tliis  business.  But  he  did  not  rashly  determine  against  Acts 
which  it  might  be  supposed  were  the  result  of  much  de- 
liberation. However,  Sir,  he  scarcely  began  to  open  the 
ground,  when  the  whole  veteran  body  of  office  took  the 
alarm.  A  violent  outcry  of  all  (except  those  who  knew 
and  felt  the  mischief)  was  raised  against  any  alteration.  On 
one  hand,  his  attempt  was  a  direct  violation  of  treaties  and 
public  law  ;  on  the  other,  the  Act  of  Navigation,  and  all 
the  corps  of  trade  laws,  were  drawn  up  in  array  against  it. 

The  first  step  the  noble  Lord  took,  was  to  have  the 
opinion  of  his  excellent,  learned,  and  ever  lamented  friend 
tiie  late  Mr.  Yorke,  then  Attorney  General,  on  the  point 
of  law.  When  he  knew  that  formally  and  officially,  wliich 
in  substance  he  had  known  before,  he  immediately  dis- 
patclied  orders  to  redress  the  grievance.  But  I  will  say  it 
for  the  then  Minister,  he  is  of  tliat  constitution  of  mind, 
that  I  know  he  would  have  issued,  on  the  same  critical  oc- 
casion, the  very  same  ordei-s,  if  the  Acts  of  Trade  had 
been,  as  tiiey  were  not,  directly  against  him ;  and  would 
have  cheerfully  submitted  to  the  equity  of  Parliament  for 
his  indemnity. 

On  the  conclusion  of  this  business  of  the  Spanish  trade, 
the  news  of  the  troubles,  on  account  of  the  Stamp  Act, 
arrived  in  England.  It  was  not  until  the  end  of  October 
that  these  accounts  were  received.  No  sooner  had  the 
sound  of  that  mighty  tempest  reached  us  in  England,  than 
the  whole  of  the  then  opposition,  instead  of  feeling  humbled 
by  the  unhappy  issue  of  their  measures,  seemed  to  be  in- 
finitely elated,  and  cried  out,  that  the  Ministry,  from  envy 
to  the  glory  of  their  predecessors,  were  prepared  to  repeal 
the  Stamp  Act.  Near  nine  yeai-s  after,  tlie  honorable  gen- 
tleman takes  quite  opposite  ground,  and  now  challenges  me 
to  put  my  hand  to  my  heart,  and  say,  whether  the  Ministry 
had  resolved  on  the  repeal  till  a  considerable  time  after  the 
meeting  of  Parliament.  Though  I  do  not  very  well  know 
what  the  honorable  gentleman  wishes  to  infer  from  the  ad- 
mission, or  from  the  denial,  of  this  fact,  on  which  he  so 
earnestly  adjures  me,  I  do  put  my  hand  on  my  heart,  and 
assure  him,  that  they  did  not  come  to  a  resolution  directly 
to  repeal.  They  weighed  this  matter  as  its  difficulty  and 
importance  required.  They  considered  maturely  among 
themselves.  They  consulted  with  all  who  could  give  ad- 
rice  or  information.  It  was  not  determined  until  a  little 
before  the  meeting  of  Parliament ;  but  it  was  determined, 
and  the  main  lines  of  their  own  plan  marked  out  before 
that  meeting.  Two  questions  arose  (I  hope  I  am  not  going 
into  a  narrative  troublesome  to  the  House) 
(Aery  of,  go  on,  go  on.] 

The  first  of  the  two  considerations  was,  whether  the  re- 
peal should  be  total,  or  whether  only  partial ;  taking  out 
every  thing  burtliensome  and  productive,  and  reserving 
only  an  empty  acknowledgment,  such  as  a  stamp  on  cards 
or  dice.  The  other  question  was,  on  what  principle  the 
Act  should  be  repealed  ?  On  this  head  also  two  principles 
were  started.  One,  that  the  Legislative  rights  of  this 
country,  with  regard  to  America,  were  not  entire,  but  had 
certain  restrictions  and  limitations.  The  other  principle 
was,  that  taxes  of  this  kind  were  contrary  to  the  fundamen- 
tal principles  of  commerce,  on  which  the  Colonies  were 
founded  ;  and  contrary  to  every  idea  of  political  equity  ;  by 
which  equity  we  are  bound,  as  much  as  possible  to  extend 
the  spirit  and  benefit  of  the  British  constitution  to  every 
part  of  the  British  Dominions.  The  option,  both  of  the 
measure,  and  of  the  principle  of  repeal,  was  made  before 
tlie  session  ;  and  I  wonder  how  any  one  can  read  the  King's 
speech  at  the  opening  of  that  session,  without  seeing,  in 
that  speech,  both  the  repeal  and  Declaratory  Act  very 
sufficiently  crayoned  out.  Those  who  cannot  see  this  can 
see  nothing. 

Surely  the  honorable  gentlemen  will  not  think  that  a 
great  deal  less  time  than  was  then  employed  ought  to  have 
been  spent  in  deliberation,  when  he  considers  that  the 
news  of  the  troubles  did  not  arrive  till  towards  the  end  of 
October.  The  Parliament  sat  to  fill  the  vacancies  on  the 
I4th  day  o{  December,  and  on  business  the  14th  of  the  fol- 
lowing January. 

Sir,  a  partial  repeal,  or,  as  the  bon  ton  of  the  court  then 
was,  a  modification,  would  have  satisfied  a  timid,  unsyste- 
matic, procrastinating  Ministry,  as  such  a  measure  has  since 
done  such  a  Ministry.    A  modification  is  the  constant  re- 


source of  weak  undeciding  minds.  To  repeal  by  a  denial 
of  our  right  to  tax  in  the  preamble  (and  this  too  did  not 
want  advisers,)  would  have  cut  in  the  heroic  style,  the 
Gordian  knot  with  a  sword.  Either  measure  would  have 
cost  no  more  than  a  day's  debate.  But  when  the  total  re- 
peal was  adopted,  and  adopted  on  principles  of  policy,  of 
equity,  and  of  commerce,  this  plan  made  it  necessary  to 
enter  into  many  and  difficult  measures.  It  became  neces- 
sary to  open  a  very  large  field  of  evidence,  commensurate 
to  these  extensive  views.  But  then  this  labour  did  knights 
service.  It  oj)ened  the  eyes  of  several  to  the  true  state  of 
the  American  affairs ;  it  enlarged  their  ideas  ;  it  removed 
prejudices ;  and  it  conciliated  the  opinions  and  alFections  of 
men.  The  noble  Lord  who  then  took  the  lead  in  Adminis- 
tration, my  honorable  friend,  (Mr.  Doiodeswell)  under  me 
and  a  right  honorable  gentleman  (General  Comvay,')  (if  he 
will  not  reject  his  share,  and  it  was  a  large  one  of  this  busi- 
ness) exerted  the  most  laudable  industry  in  bringing  before 
you  the  fullest,  most  impartial,  and  least  garbled  body  of 
evidence,  that  ever  was  produced  to  this  House.  I  think 
the  inquiry  lasted  in  tiie  Committee  for  six  weeks,  and  at 
its  conclusion  this  House,  by  an  independent,  noble,  spirit- 
ed, and  unexpected  majority,  by  a  majority  that  will  re- 
deem all  the  acts  ever  done  by  majorities  in  Parliament, 
in  the  teeth  of  all  the  old  mercenary  Swiss  of  State,  in  des- 
pite of  all  the  speculators  and  augurs  of  political  events,  in 
defiance  of  the  whole  embattled  legion  of  veteran  pension- 
ers and  practised  instruments  of  a  court,  gave  a  total  repeal 
to  the  Stamp  Act,  and  (if  it  had  been  so  permitted)  a 
lasting  peace  to  this  whole  empire. 

I  state.  Sir,  these  particulars,  because  this  act  of  spirit 
and  fortitude  has  lately  been,  in  the  circulation  of  the  season, 
and  in  some  hazarded  declamations  in  this  House,  attribu- 
ted to  timidity.  If,  Sir,  the  conduct  of  Ministry,  in  pro- 
posing the  repeal,  had  arisen  from  timidity  with  regard  to 
themselves,  it  would  have  been  greatly  to  be  condemned. 
Interested  timidity  disgraces  as  much  in  the  cabinet,  as 
personal  timidity  does  in  the  field.  But  timidity,  with  re- 
gard to  the  well  being  of  our  country,  is  heroic  virtue. 
The  noble  Lord  who  then  conducted  aflitirs,  and  his  worthy 
colleagues,  whilst  they  trembled  at  the  prospect  of  such 
distresses  as  you  have  since  brought  upon  yourselves,  were 
not  afraid  steadily  to  look  in  the  lace  that  glaring  and  daz- 
zling influence  at  which  the  eyes  of  eagles  have  blenched. 
He  looked  in  the  face  one  of  the  ablest,  and,  let  me  say, 
not  the  most  scrupulous  opjiositions,  lliat  perhaps  ever  was 
in  this  House,  and  withstood  it,  unaided  by  even  one  of  tlie 
usual  supports  of  Administration.  He  did  this  when  he 
repealed  the  Stamp  Act.  He  looked  in  the  face  a  person 
he  had  long  respected  and  regarded,  and  whose  aid  was 
then  particularly  wanting,  I  mean  Lord  Chatham.  He 
did  this  when  he  passed  the  Declaratory  Act. 

It  is  now  given  out  for  the  usual  j)urposes,  by  the  usual 
emissaries,  that  Lord  Rockingham  did  not  consent  to  the 
repeal  of  this  Act  until  he  was  bullied  into  it  by  Lord 
Chatham ;  and  the  reporters  have  gone  so  far  as  publicly 
to  assert,  in  an  hundred  companies,  that  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman under  the  gallery  (General  Conway.^  who  proposed 
the  repeal  in  the  American  Conmiittee,  had  another  set  of 
resolutions  in  his  pocket  directly  the  reverse  of  those  he 
moved.  These  artifices  of  a  desperate  cause  are,  at  tin? 
time,  spread  abroad,  witii  incredible  care,  in  every  part  of 
the  town,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  companies,  as  if 
the  industry  of  tiie  circulation  were  to  make  amends  for  the 
absurdity  of  the  rejiort. 

Sir,  whether  the  noble  Lord  is  of  a  complexion  to  be 
bullied  by  Lord  Chatham  or  by  any  man,  I  must  submit 
to  those  who  know  him.  I  confess,  when  I  look  back  to 
that  time,  I  consider  hhii  as  placed  in  one  of  the  most  try- 
ing situations  in  which,  perhaps,  <iny  man  ever  stood.  In 
the  House  of  Peers  there  were  very  k\\  of  the  Ministry, 
out  of  the  noble  Lord's  own  particular  connexion  (except 
Lord  Egmont,)  who  acted  as  far  as  I  could  discern,  an 
honorable  and  manly  part,)  that  did  not  look  to  some  other 
future  arrangement,  which  warped  his  politics.  There 
were  in  both  Houses  new  and  menacing  appearances  that 
might  very  naturally  drive  any  other,  than  a  most  resolute 
]\linister,  from  his  measure,  or  from  his  station.  The  house- 
hold troops  openly  revolted.  The  allies  of  Ministry  (those 
I  mean,  who  supported  some  of  their  measures,  but  refus- 
ed responsibility  for  any)  endeavoured  to  undermine  their 


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154 


credit,  and  to  take  ground  that  must  be  fatal  to  the  success 
of  the  very  cause  which  tliey  would  be  thought  to  counte- 
nance. The  question  of  the  re])eal  was  brought  on  by 
Ministry  in  the  Committee  of  this  House,  in  the  very  in- 
stant when  it  was  known  that  more  than  one  court  nego- 
tiation was  carrying  on  with  the  heads  of  the  opposition. 
Every  thing,  upon  every  side,  was  full  of  traps  and  mines. 
Earth  below  sliook  ;  Heaven  above  menaced  ;  all  the  ele- 
ments of  ministerial  safety  were  dissolved.  It  was  in  the 
midst  of  this  cliaos  of  plots  and  counter-plots,  it  was  in 
the  midst  of  this  complicated  warfare  against  public  oppo- 
sition and  private  treachery,  that  the  firmness  of  that  noble 
person  was  put  to  the  proof.  He  never  stirred  from  his 
ground,  no,  not  an  inch.  He  remained  fixed  and  deter- 
mined, in  principle,  in  measure,  and  m  conduct.  He 
practised  no  managements.  He  secured  no  retreat.  He 
sought  no  apology. 

I  will  likewise  do  justice,  I  ought  to  do  it,  to  the  honora- 
ble gendeinan  who  led  us  in  this  House,  (General  Comvay.') 
Far  from  the  duplicity  wickedly  charged  on  him,  he  acted 
his  part  with  alacrity  and  resolution.  We  all  felt  inspired 
by  the  example  he  gave  us,  down  even  to  myself,  the 
weakest  in  that  phalanx.  1  declare  for  one,  I  knew  well 
enough  (it  could  not  be  concealed  from  any  body)  the  true 
state  of  things  ;  but,  in  my  life,  I  never  came  with  so  much 
spirits  into  this  House.  It  was  a  time  for  a  ?na?j  to  act  in.  We 
had  powerful  enemies,  but  we  had  faithful  and  determined 
friends,  and  a  glorious  cause.  We  had  a  great  battle  to 
fight,  but  we  had  the  means  of  fighting ;  not  as  now,  when 
our  arms  are  tied  behind  us.  We  did  fight  that  day,  and 
conquer. 

I  remember,  Sir,  with  a  melancholy  pleasure,  the  situation 
of  the  honorable  gentleman  (Genera!  Conway)  who  made 
tlie  motion  for  the  repeal ;  in  that  crisis,  when  the  whole 
trading  interest  of  this  empire,  crammed  into  your  lobbies, 
with  a  trembling  and  anxious  expectation,  waited,  almost 
to  a  winter's  return  of  light,  their  fate  from  your  resolutions. 
When,  at  length,  you  had  determined  in  their  favour,  and 
your  doors,  thrown  open,  shewed  them  the  figure  of  their 
deliverer  in  the  well-earned  triumph  of  his  important  vic- 
tory, from  the  whole  of  that  grave  multitude  there  arose  an 
involuntary  burst  of  gratitude  and  transport.  They  jump- 
ed upon  him  like  children  upon  a  long  absent  father. 
They  clung  about  him  as  captives  about  their  redeemer. 
All  England,  all  America,  joined  to  his  applause.  Nor 
did  he  seem  insensible  to  the  best  of  all  earthly  rewards, 
the  love  and  admiration  of  his  fellow-citizens.  Hojjc  ele- 
vated and  joy  brightened  his  crest.  I  stood  near  him  ; 
and  his  face,  to  use  the  expression  of  the  Scripture  of  the 
first  martyr,  •'  his  face  was  as  if  it  had  been  the  face  of  an 
angel."  I  do  not  know  how  others  feel;  but  if  I  had 
stood  in  that  situation,  I  never  would  have  exchanged  it 
for  all  that  Kings  in  their  profusion  could  bestow.  I  did 
hope,  that  that  day's  danger  and  honor  would  have  been  a 
bond  to  hold  us  all  together  for  ever.  But,  alas  !  that,  with 
other  pleasing  visions,  is  long  since  vanished. 

Sir,  this  act  of  supreme  magnanimity  has  been  represent- 
ed, as  if  it  had  been  a  measure  of  an  Administration  that, 
having  no  scheme  of  their  own,  took  a  middle  line,  pilfered 
a  bit  from  one  side  and  a  bit  from  the  other.  Sir,  they 
took  no  middle  lines.  They  differed  fundamentally  from 
tlie  schemes  of  both  parties  ;  but  they  preserved  the  ob- 
jects of  both.  They  preserved  the  authority  of  Great 
Britain.  They  preserved  the  equity  of  Great  Britain. 
They  made  the  Declaratory  Act ;  they  re])ealed  the  Stamp 
Act.  They  did  both  fully;  because  the  Declaratory  Act 
was  tvithout  qualification,  and  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act 
total.     This  they  did  in  the  situation  I  have  described. 

Now,  Sir,  what  will  the  adversary  say  to  both  these 
Acts  ?  If  the  principle  of  the  Declaratory  Act  was  not 
good,  the  principle  we  are  contending  for  this  day  is 
monstrous.  If  the  principle  of  the  repeal  was  not  good, 
why  are  we  not  at  war  for  a  real  substantial  effective  reve- 
nue ?  If  both  were  bad,  why  has  tliis  Ministry  incurred 
all  tlie  inconveniences  of  both  and  of  all  schemes  ?  Why 
have  they  enacted,  repealed,  enforced,  yielded,  and  now 
attempt  to  enforce  again  ? 

Sir,  I  think  I  may  as  well  now,  as  at  any  other  time, 
speak  to  a  certain  matter  of  fact,  not  wholly  unrelated  to 
the  question  under  your  consideration.  We,  who  would 
persuade  you  to  revert  to  the  ancient  policy  of  this  King- 


dom, labour  under  the  effect  of  this  short  current  phrase, 
which  the  court  leaders  have  given  out  to  all  their  corps, 
in  order  to  take  away  the  credit  of  those  who  would  pre- 
vent you  from  that  frantic  war  you  are  going  to  wage  upon 
your  Colonies.  Their  cant  is  this :  "  all  tlie  disturbances 
"  in  ^7«enc«  have  been  created  by  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
"  Act."  I  suppress  for  a  moment  my  indignation  at  the 
falseiiood,  baseness,  and  absurdity  of  this  most  audacious 
assertion.  Instead  of  remarking  on  the  motives  and  cha- 
racter of  those  who  have  issued  it  for  circulation,  1  will 
clearly  lay  before  you  the  state  of  America,  antecedentlv 
to  that  repeal ;  after  the  repeal ;  and  since  the  renewal  of 
the  schemes  of  American  taxation. 

It  is  said,  that  the  disturbances,  if  there  were  any,  before 
the  repeal,  were  slight,  and,  without  difficulty  or  inconve- 
nience, might  have  been  suppressed.  For  an  answer  to 
this  assertion,  I  will  send  you  to  the  great  author  and 
patron  of  the  Stamp  Act,  who  certainly,  meaning  well  to  die 
authority  of  this  country,  and  fully  apprized  of  the  state  of 
that,  made,  before  a  repeal  was  so  much  as  agitated  in  this 
House,  the  motion  which  is  on  your  Journals;  and  which, 
to  save  the  Clerk  the  trouble  of  turning  to  it,  I  will  now 
read  to  you.  It  was  for  an  amendmeiit  to  the  Address  of 
the  17th  o{  December,  1765: 

"  To  express  our  just  resentment  and  indignation  at  the 
"  outrageous  tumults  and  insurrections  which  have  been 
"  excited  and  canied  on  in  North  America,  and  at  the  re- 
"  sistance  given  by  open  and  rebellious  force  to  the  execu-, 
"  tion  of  the  laws  in  that  part  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions. 
"  And  to  assure  his  Majesty,  that  his  faithful  Commons, 
"  animated  with  the  wannest  duty  and  attachment  to  his 
"  Royal  Person  and  Government,  will  firmly  and  effectu- 
"  ally  support  his  Majesty  in  all  such  measures  as  shall  be 
"  necessary  for  preserving  and  supporting  the  legal  de- 
"  pendance  of  the  Colonies  on  the  mother  country,  &tc., 
"  &c." 

Here  was  certainly  a  disturbance  preceding  the  repeal ; 
such  a  disturbance  as  Mr.  Grenville  thought  necessary  to 
qualify  by  the  name  of  an  insurrection,  and  the  epithet 
of  a  rebellious  force :  terms  much  stronger  than  any  by 
which  those,  who  then  supported  his  motion,  have  ever 
since  thought  proper  to  distinguish  the  subsequent  distur- 
bances in  America.  They  were  disturbances  which  seem- 
ed to  him  and  his  friends  to  justify  as  strong  a  promise  of 
support,  as  hath  been  usual  to  give  in  the  beginning  of  a 
war  with  the  most  powerful  and  declared  enemies.  When 
the  accounts  of  the  American  Governors  came  before  the 
House,  they  appeared  stronger  even  than  the  warmth  of 
public  imagination  had  painted  them ;  so  much  stronger, 
than  the  papers  on  your  table  bear  me  out  in  saying  that 
all  the  late  disturbances,  which  have  been  at  one  time  the 
Minister's  motives  for  the  repeal  of  five  out  of  six  of  the 
new  court  taxes,  and  are  now  his  pretences  for  refusing  to 
repeal  that  sixth,  did  not  amount — why  do  I  compare 
them  ? — no,  not  to  a  tentli  part  of  the  tumults  and  violence 
which  prevailed  long  before  the  repeal  of  that  Act. 

Ministry*  cannot  refuse  the  authority  of  the  Commander- 
in-Chief,  General  Gage,  who,  in  his  letter  of  the  4th  of 
November,  from  New  York,  thus  represents  the  state  of 
things : 

"  It  is  difficult  to  say,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest, 
"  who  has  not  been  accessory  to  this  insurrection,  either  by 
"  writing,  or  mutual  agreements,  to  oppose  the  Act  by,  what 
"  they  are  pleased  to  tenn,  all  legal  opposition  to  it. 
"  Nothing  effectual  has  been  proposed,  either  to  prevent  or 
"  quell  the  tumult.  The  rest  of  the  Provinces  are  in  the 
"  same  situation  as  to  a  positive  refusal  to  take  the  Stamps ; 
"  and  threatening  those  who  shall  take  them,  to  plunder 
"  and  murder  them;  and  this  affair  stands  in  all  the  Pro- 
"  vinces,  that  unless  the  Act,  from  its  o\vn  nature,  enforce 
"  itself,  nothing  but  a  very  considerable  military  force  can 
"  do  it." 

It  is  remarkable.  Sir,  that  the  persons  who  formerly 
trumpeted  forth  the  most  loudly,  the  violent  resolutions  of 
Assemblies  ;  the  universal  insurrections ;  the  seizing  and 
the  burning  of  the  stamped  papers  ;  the  forcing  Stamp  Offi- 
cers to  resign  their  commission  under  the  gallows  ;  the  ri- 
fling and  pulling  down  of  the  houses  of  Magistrates  ;  and 
the^expulsion  from  their  country  of  all  who  dared  to  write 
or  speak  a  single  word  in  defence  of  the  powers  of  Parlia- 
ment ;  these  very  trumpeters  are  now  the  men  that  repre-. 


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156 


sent  the  whole  as  a  mere  trifle  ;  and  clioose  to  date  all  the 

disturbances  from  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  which  put 
an  end  to  them.  Hear  your  officers  abroad,  and  let  them 
refute  this  shameless  falsehood,  who,  in  all  their  correspon- 
dence, state  the  disturbances  as  owing  to  their  true  causes, 
tlie  discontent  of  the  People  from  the  taxes.  You  have 
this  evidence  in  your  own  archives — and  it  will  give  you 
complete  satisfaction  ;  if  you  are  not  so  far  lost  to  all  Par- 
liamentary ideas  of  information,  as  rather  to  credit  the  lie 
of  the  day,  than  the  records  of  your  own  House. 

Sir,  this  vermin  of  court  reporters,  when  they  are 
forced  into  day  upon  one  point,  are  sure  to  burrow  in 
another ;  but  they  shall  have  no  refuge  ;  I  will  make  them 
bolt  out  of  all  their  holes.  Conscious  that  they  must  be 
baffled,  when  they  attribute  a  ])recedent  disturbance  to  a 
subsetjuent  measure,  they  tiike  other  ground,  almost  as  ab- 
surd, but  very  common  in  modern  practice,  and  very 
wicked,  which  is,  to  attribute  the  ill  effect  of  ill-judged 
conduct  to  the  arguments  which  had  been  used  to  dissuade 
us  from  it.  Tliey  say,  that  the  opposition  made  in  Par- 
liament to  the  Stamp  Act  at  the  time  of  its  passing,  en- 
couraged the  Americans  to  their  resistance.  This  has 
even  formally  appeared  in  print  in  a  regular  volume,  from 
an  advocate  of  that  faction,  a  Dr.  Tucker.  This  Dr. 
Tucker  is  already  a  Dean,  and  his  earnest  labours  in 
the  vineyard  will,  I  suppose,  raise  him  to  a  Bishoprick. 
But  this  assertion  too,  just  like  the  rest,  is  false.  In  all 
tlie  pa])ers  which  have  loaded  your  table ;  in  all  the  vast 
CTOwd  of  verbal  witnesses  that  appeared  at  your  bar,  wit- 
nesses which  were  indiscriminately  produced  from  both 
sides  of  the  House,  not  the  least  hint  of  such  a  cause  of 
disturbance  has  ever  appeared.  As  to  the  fact  of  a  strenu- 
ous opposition  to  tlie  Stamp  Act,  I  sat  as  a  stranger  in  your 
gallery  when  the  Act  was  under  consideration.  Far  from 
any  thing  inflammatory,  I  never  heard  a  more  languid  de- 
bate in  this  House.  No  more  than  two  or  three  gen- 
tlemen, as  I  remember,  spoke  against  the  Act,  and  that 
with  great  reserve  and  remarkable  temper.  There  was 
but  one  division  in  the  whole  progress  of  the  Bill ;  and  the 
minority  did  not  reach  to  more  than  thirty-nine  or  forty. 
Li  the  House  of  Lords  I  do  not  recollect  that  there  was 
any  debate  or  division  at  all.  I  am  sure  there  was  no 
protest.  In  fact,  the  affair  passed  with  so  very,  very  little 
noise,  that  in  town  they  scarcely  knew  the  nature  of  what 
you  were  doing.  The  opposition  to  the  Bill  in  England 
never  could  have  done  this  mischief,  because  there  scarce- 
ly ever  was  less  of  opposition  to  a  Bill  of  consequence. 

Sir,  the  agents  and  distributor  of  falsehoods  have,  with 
their  usual  industry,  circulated  another  lie  of  tlie  same 
nature  with  the  former.  It  is  this,  that  the  disturbances 
arose  from  the  account  which  had  been  received  in  Ameri- 
ca of  the  change  in  the  Ministry.  No  longer  awed,  it 
seems,  with  the  spirit  of  the  former  rulers,  they  thought 
themselves  a  match  for  what  our  calumniators  choose  to 
qualify  by  the  name  of  so  feeble  a  Ministry  as  succeeded. 
Feeble  in  one  sense  these  men  certainly  may  be  called  ; 
for  with  all  their  efforts,  and  they  have  made  itiany,  they 
have  not  been  able  to  resist  the  distempered  vigour,  and 
insane  alacrity  with  which  you  are  rushing  to  your  ruin. 
But  it  does  so  happen,  that  the  falsity  of  this  circulation  is 
(like  the  rest)  demonstrated  by  indisputable  dates  and  re- 
cords. 

So  little  was  the  change  known  in  America,  that  the 
letters  of  your  Governors,  giving  an  account  of  these  dis- 
turbances long  after  they  had  arrived  at  their  highest  pitch, 
were  all  directed  to  the  old  Ministry,  and  particidarly  to 
the  Earl  of  Halifax,  the  Secretary  of  State,  corresponding 
with  tlie  Colonics,  without  once,  in  the  smallest  degree, 
intimating  the  slightest  suspicion  of  any  ministerial  revolu- 
tion whatsoever.  The  Ministry  was  not  changed  in  Eng- 
land until  the  lOth  day  of  July,  176.5.  Qji  the  14th "of 
the  preceding  Ju7u\  Governor  Faur/uier,  from  Virginia, 
writes  thus  ;  and  writes  thus  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax  : 
'•  Government  is  set  at  defiance,  not  having  strength 
"  enough  in  her  hands  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
"  the  community.  The  private  distress,  which  every  man 
"  feels,  increases  the  general  dissatisfaction^  at  the  duties 
"laid  by  die  Stamp  Act,  which  bre;dvs  out,  and  shews 
"  itself  upon  every  trifling  occasion."  The  general  dissa- 
tisfaction had  produced  some  time  before,  tliat  is  on  the 
2&tli  of  May,  several  strong  public  resolves  against  the 


Stamp  Act ;  and  those  resolves  are  assigned  by  Governor 
Bernard,  as  the  cause  of  the  insurrections  in  Massachusetts 
Bay,in  his  letter  of  the  15th  of  August,  still  addressed  to 
the  Earl  of  Halifax ;  and  he  continued  to  address  such  ac- 
counts to  that  Minister  quite  to  the  7th  of  September  of  the 
same  year.  Similar  accounts,  and  of  as  late  a  date,  were 
sent  from  other  Governors,  and  all  directed  to  Lord  Hali- 
fax. Not  one  of  these  letters  indicates  the  slightest  idee 
of  a  change,  either  known,  or  even  apprehended. 

Thus  are  blown  away  the  insect  race  of  courtly  false- 
hoods !  Thus  perish  the  miserable  inventions  of  the 
wretched  runners  for  a  wretched  cause,  which  they  have 
fly-blown  into  every  weak  and  rotten  part  of  the  country,  in 
vain  hopes  that  when  their  maggots  had  taken  wing,  their 
importunate  buzzing  might  sound  something  like  the  pub- 
lic voice  ! 

Sir,  I  have  troubled  you  sufficiently  with  the  state  of 
America  before  the  repeal.  Now  I  turn  to  the  honorable 
gentleman  who  so  stoutly  challenges  us  to  tell,  whether, 
after  the  repeal,  the  Provinces  were  quiet  ?  This  is  coming 
home  to  the  point.  Here  I  meet  him  directly ;  and 
answer  most  readily — they  were  quiet.  And,  I  in  my 
turn  challenge  him  to  prove  when,  and  where,  and  by 
whom,  and  in  what  numbers,  and  with  what  violence,  tlie 
other  laws  of  trade,  as  gentlemen  assert,  were  violated  in 
consequence  of  your  concession  ;  or  that  even  your  other 
revenue  laws  were  attacked  ?  But  I  quit  the  vantage 
ground  on  which  I  stand,  and  where  I  might  leave  tlie 
burthen  of  the  proof  upon  him :  I  walk  down  upon  the 
open  plain,  and  undertake  to  shew  that  they  were  not  only 
quiet,  but  showed  many  unequivocal  marks  of  acknow- 
ledgment and  gratitude.  And  to  give  him  every  advan- 
tage, I  select  the  obnoxious  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
which  at  this  time  (but  without  hearing  her)  is  so  heavily 
a  culprit  before  Parliament ;  I  will  select  their  proceedings 
even  under  circumstances  of  no  small  irritation.  For  a 
little  imprudently  I  must  say.  Governor  Bernard  mixed  in 
the  administration  of  the  lenitive  of  the  repeal  no  small 
acrimony,  arising  from  matters  of  a  separate  nature.  Yet 
see.  Sir,  the  effect  of  that  lenitive,  though  mixed  with  these 
bitter  ingredients ;  and  how  this  rugged  People  can  ex- 
press themselves  on  a  measure  of  concession. 

"  If  it  is  not  in  our  power,"  say  they,  in  their  Address 
to  Governor  Bernard,  "  in  so  full  a  manner  as  will  be  ex- 
"  pected,  to  shew  our  respectful  gratitude  to  the  mother 
"  country,  or  to  make  a  dutiful  and  affectionate  return  to 
"  the  indulgence  of  the  King  and  Parliament,  it  shall  be 
"  no  fault  of  ours  ;  for  this  we  intend  and  hope  we  shall  ha 
"  able  fully  to  effect." 

Would  to  God  that  this  temper  had  been  cultivated, 
managed,  and  set  in  action !  Other  effects  than  those 
which  we  have  since  felt  would  have  resulted  from  it.  Oa 
the  requisition  for  compensation  to  those  who  had  suffered 
from  the  violence  of  the  populace,  in  the  same  Address 
they  say,  "  The  recommendation  enjoined  by  Secretary 
"  Conway's  letter,  and  in  consequence  thereof  made  to  us, 
"  we  will  embrace  the  first  convenient  ojiportunity  to  coii- 
"  sider  and  act  upon."  They  did  consider;  they  did  act 
upon  it.  They  obeyed  the  requisition.  1  know  the  mode 
has  been  chicaned  upon  ;  but  it  was  substantially  obeyed  ; 
and  much  better  obeyed  than  I  fear  the  Parliamentary  re- 
quisition of  this  session  will  be,  though  enforced  by  all  your 
rigour,  and  backed  with  all  your  power.  In  a  word,  the 
damages  of  pojiular  fury  were  compensated  by  Legislative 
gravity.  Almost  every  other  part  of  America,  in  various 
ways  demonstrated  their  gratitude.  I  am  bold  to  say,  that 
so  sudden  a  calm,  recovered  after  so  violent  a  storm,  is 
without  parallel  in  history.  To  say  that  no  other  distur- 
bance should  happen  from  any  other  cause,  is  folly.  But 
as  far  as  ajipearances  went,  by  the  judicious  sacrifice  of  one 
law,  you  procured  an  acquiescence  in  all  that  remained. 
After  this  experience,  nobody  shall  persuade  me,  when  an 
whole  People  are  concerned,  tliat  acts  of  lenity  are  not 
means  of  conciliation. 

I  hope  the  honorable  gentleman  has  received  a  fair  and 
full  answer  to  his  question. 

1  have  done  with  the  third  period  of  your  policy ;  that 
of  your  re])eal ;  and  the  return  of  your  ancient  system,  and 
your  ancient  tranquillity  and  concord.  Sir,  tliis  period 
was  not  as  long  as  it  was  happy.  Another  scene  was 
opened,  and  other  actors  appeared  on  the  stage.     The 


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158 


State,  in  the  condition  I  have  described  it,  was  dehvered 
into  the  hands  of  Lord  Chatham — a  great  and  celebrated 
name  ;  a  name  that  keeps  the  name  of  this  country  re- 
spectable in  every  otlier  on  the  globe.  It  may  be  truly 
called, 

Clarum  et  venerabile  nomen 
Gentibus,  et  multim  nostra:  quod  proderat  urbi. 

Sir,  the  venerable  age  of  this  great  man,  his  merited 
rank,  his  superior  eloquence,  his  splendid  qualities,  his 
eminent  services,  the  vast  space  he  fills  in  the  eye  of  man- 
kind, and,  more  than  all  the  rest,  his  fall  from  power, 
which,  like  death,  canonizes  and  sanctifies  a  great  charac- 
ter, will  not  suffer  me  to  censure  any  part  of  his  conduct. 
I  am  afraid  to  flatter  him ;  I  am  sure  I  am  not  disposed  to 
blame  him.  Let  those  who  have  betrayed  him  by  their 
adulation,  insult  him  with  their  malevolence.  But  what  I 
do  not  presume  to  censure,  I  may  have  leave  to  lament. 
For  a  wise  man,  he  seemed  to  me,  at  that  time,  to  be  go- 
verned too  much  by  general  maxims.  I  speak  with  the 
freedom  of  history,  and  I  ho])e  without  offence.  One  or 
two  of  these  maxims,  flowing  from  an  opinion  not  the  most 
indulgent  to  our  unhappy  species,  and  surely  a  little  too 
general,  led  him  into  measures  that  were  greatly  mischiev- 
ous to  himself,  and  for  that  reason,  among  others,  perhaps 
fatal  to  his  country ;  measures,  the  effects  of  which,  I  am 
afraid,  are  for  ever  incurable.  He  made  an  Administra- 
tion so  checkered  and  speckled ;  he  put  together  a  piece 
of  joinery,  so  crossly  indented  and  whimsically  dovetailed  ; 
a  cabinet  so  variously  inlaid;  such  a  piece  of  diversified 
Mosaic  ;  such  a  tesselated  pavement  without  cement ;  here 
a  bit  of  black  stone,  and  there  a  bit  of  white;  patriots  and 
courtiers ;  King's  friends  and  republicans ;  whigs  and 
tories  ;  treacherous  friends  and  open  enemies :  that  it  was 
indeed  a  very  curious  show  ;  but  utterly  unsafe  to  touch, 
and  unsure  to  stand  on.  The  colleagues  whom  he  had  as- 
sorted at  the  same  boards,  stared  at  each  other,  and  were 
obliged  to  ask,  "  Sir,  your  name  ? — Sir,  you  have  the  ad- 
"  vantage  of  me — Mr.  such  a  one — I  beg  a  thousand  par- 
"  dons."  I  venture  to  say,  it  did  so  happen,  that  persons 
had  a  single  office  divided  between  them,  who  had  never 
spoke  to  each  other  in  their  lives,  until  they  found  them- 
selves, they  knew  not  how,  J)igging  together,  heads  and 
points,  in  the  same  truckle-bed.* 

Sir,  in  consequence  of  this  arrangement,  having  put  so 
much  the  larger  part  of  his  enemies  and  o{)posers  into 
power,  the  confusion  was  such,  that  his  own  principles 
could  not  possibly  have  any  effect  or  influence  in  the  con- 
duct of  affairs.  If  ever  he  fell  into  a  fit  of  the  gout,  or  if 
any  other  cause  withdrew  him  from  public  caies,  principles 
directly  the  contrary  were  sure  to  predominate.  When  he 
had  executed  his  plan,  he  had  not  an  inch  of  ground  to 
stand  upon.  When  he  had  accomplished  his  scheme  of 
Administration,  he  was  no  longer  a  Minister. 

When  his  face  was  hid  but  for  a  moment,  his  whole 
system  was  on  a  wide  sea,  without  chart  or  compass. 
The  gentlemen,  his  particular  friends,  who,  with  the  names 
o£  various  departments  of  Ministry,  were  admitted,  to 
seem,  as  if  they  acted  a  part  under  him,  with  a  modesty 
that  becomes  all  men,  and  with  a  confidence  in  him,  which 
was  justified  even  in  its  extravagance  by  his  superior  abihtics, 
had  never,  in  any  instance,  presumed  upon  any  opinion  of 
their  own.  Deprived  of  his  guiding  influence,  they  were 
whirled  about,  the  sport  of  every  gust,  and  easily  driven 
into  any  port ;  and  as  those  who  joined  with  them  in 
manning  the  vessel  were  the  most  directly  opposite  to  his 
ojiinions,  measures,  and  character,  and  far  the  most  artful 
and  powerful  of  the  set,  they  easily  prevailed,  so  as  to  seize 
apon  the  vacant,  unoccupied,  and  derelict  minds  of  his 
friends  ;  and  instantly  they  turned  the  vessel  wholly  out  of 
tlie  course  of  his  policy.  As  if  it  were  to  insult  as  well  as 
to  betray  him,  even  long  before  the  close  of  the  first  session 
of  his  Administration,  when  every  thing  was  publicly 
transacted,  and  with  great  parade,  in  his  name,  they  made 
an  Act,  declaring  it  highly  just  and  expedient  to  raise  a 
revenue  in  America.  For  even  then.  Sir,  even  before  this 
splendid  orb  was  entirely  set,  and  while  the  Western  hori- 

•  Supposed  to  alluds  to  the  right  honorable  Lord  North  and  Oeorge 
Couke,  Esquire,  who  wore  made  joint  Pavmastors  in  the  summer  of 
17C6,  on  the  reraoyal  of  tlio  Rockinjjham.  Administration. 


zon  was  in  a  blaze  with  his  descending  glory,  on  the  oppo- 
site quarter  of  the  heavens  arose  another  luminary,  and,  for 
his  hour,  became  lord  of  the  ascendant. 

This  light  too  is  passed  and  set  for  ever.  You  under- 
stand, to  be  sure,  that  I  speak  of  Charles  Townshend,  offi- 
cially the  re-producer  of  this  fatal  scheme  ;  whom  I  cannot 
even  now  remember  without  some  degree  of  sensibility. 
In  truth.  Sir-,  he  was  the  delight  and  ornament  of  this 
House,  and  the  cliann  of  every  \nhate  society  which  he 
honored  with  his  presence.  Perhaps  there  never  arose  in 
this  country,  nor  m  any  country,  a  man  of  a  more  pointed 
and  finished  wit ;  and,  (where  his  passions  were  not  con- 
cerned) of  a  more  refined,  exquisite,  and  penetrating  judg- 
ment. If  he  had  not  so  great  a  stock,  as  some  have  had 
who  flourished  formerly,  of  knowledge  long  treasured  up, 
he  knew  better  by  far,  than  any  man  1  ever  was  acquainted 
with,  how  to  bring  together,  within  a  short  time,  all  that 
was  necessary  to  establish,  to  illustrate,  and  to  decorate  that 
side  of  the  question  he  supported.  He  stated  his  matter 
skilfully  and  powerfully.  He  particularly  excelled  in  a 
most  luminous  explanation  and  display  of  his  subject.  His 
style  of  argument  was  neither  trite  and  vulgar,  nor  subtle 
and  abstruse.  He  hit  the  House  just  between  wind  and 
water.  And  not  being  troubled  with  too  anxious  a  zeal 
for  any  matter  in  question,  he  was  never  more  tedious,  or 
more  earnest,  than  the  pre-conceived  opinions  and  present 
temper  of  his  hearers  required,  to  \\hom  he  was  always  in 
perfect  unison.  He  conformed  exactly  to  the  temper  of 
the  House  ;  and  he  seemed  to  guide,  because  he  was  al- 
ways sure  to  follow  it. 

I  beg  pardon.  Sir,  if  when  I  speak  of  this  and  of  other 
great  men,  I  appear  to  digress  in  saying  somethmg  of  their 
characters.  In  this  eventful  history  of  the  revolutions  of 
America,  the  characters  of  such  men  are  of  much  impor- 
tance. Great  men  are  the  guide-posts  and  land-marks  in 
the  State.  The  credit  of  such  men  at  court,  or  hi  the 
nation,  is  the  sole  cause  of  all  the  public  measures.  It 
would  be  an  invidious  thing  (most  foreign,  I  trust,  to  what 
you  think  my  disposition)  to  remark  the  errors  into  which 
the  authority  of  great  names  has  brought  the  nation,  with- 
out doing  justice  at  the  same  time  to  the  great  qualities 
whence  that  authority  arose.  The  subject  is  instructive  to 
those  who  wish  to  form  themselves  on  whatever  of  excel- 
lence has  gone  before  them.  There  are  many  young 
members  in  the  House  (such  of  late  has  been  the  rapid 
succession  of  public  men)  who  never  saw  that  prodigy, 
Charles  Townshend,  nor  of  course  know  what  a  ferment 
he  was  able  to  excite  in  every  thing  by  the  violent  ebulli- 
tion of  his  mixed  virtues  and  failings  ;  for  failings  he  had 
undoubtedly — many  of  us  remember  them  ;  we  are  this 
day  considering  the  effect  of  them.  But  he  had  no  fail- 
ings which  were  not  owing  to  a  noble  cause  ;  to  an  ardent, 
generous,  perhaps  an  immoderate  passion  for  Fame ;  a  pas- 
sion which  is  the  instinct  of  all  great  souls.  He  worship- 
ped that  goddess  wheresoever  she  appeared,  but  he  paid  his 
particular  devotions  to  her  in  her  favourite  habitation,  ia 
her  chosen  temple,  the  House  of  Commons.  Besides  the 
characters  of  the  individuals  that  compose  our  body,  it  is 
impossible,  Mr.  Speaker,  not  to  observe  tliat  this  House 
has  a  collective  character  of  its  own.  That  character  too, 
however  imperfect,  is  not  unamiable.  Like  all  great  public 
collections  of  men,  you  possess  a  marked  love  of  virtue, 
and  an  abhorrence  of  vice.  But  among  vices,  there  is 
none  which  the  House  abhors  in  the  same  degree  with  ob- 
stinacy. Obstinacy,  Sir,  is  certainly  a  great  vice ;  and  in 
the  changeful  state  of  political  affairs  it  is  frequently  the 
cause  of  great  mischief.  It  happens,  however,  very  unfor- 
tunately, that  almost  the  whole  line  of  the  great  and  mascu- 
line viitues,  constancy,  gravity,  magnanimity,  fortitude, 
fidelity,  and  firmness,  are  closely  allied  to  this  disagreeable 
quality,  of  which  you  have  so  just  an  abhorrence ;  and,  in 
their  excess,  all  these  virtues  very  easily  fall  into  it.  He, 
who  paid  such  a  punctilious  attention  to  all  your  feelings, 
certainly  took  care  not  to  shock  diem  by  that  vice  which  is 
the  most  disgustful  to  you. 

That  feai-  of  displeasing  those  who  ought  most  to  be 
pleased,  betrayed  him  sometimes  into  the  other  extreme. 
He  had  voted,  and,  in  the  year  1765,  had  been  an  advo- 
cate for  the  Stamp  Act.  Things  and  the  disposition  of 
men's  minds  were  changed.  In  short,  the  Stamp  Act 
began  to  be  no  favourite  in  tliis  House.     He  therefore  at- 


IffS 


TflOnON  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


160 


tended  at  a  private  meeting  in  wliich  the  resolutions  moved 
by  a  rii^ht  honorable  gentlemaa  were  settled  ;  resolutions 
leading  to  the  repeal.  The  next  day  he  voted  for  that 
repeal ;  and  he  would  have  sjwken  for  it  too,  if  an  illness 
(not  as  was  then  given  out,  a  political,  but,  to  my  know- 
ledge, a  very  real  illness)  had  not  prevented  it. 

The  very  next  session,  as  the  fashion  of  this  world 
passetli  away,  the  repeal  began  to  be  in  as  bad  an  odour 
in  this  House  as  the  Stamp  Act  had  been  in  the  session 
before.  To  conform  to  the  temper  which  began  to  pre- 
vail, and  to  prevail  mostly  among  those  most  in  power,  he 
declared,  very  early  in  the  winter,  that  a  revenue  must  be 
had  out  of  America.  Instantly  he  was  tied  down  to  his 
engagements  by  some  who  had  no  objection  to  such  ex- 
j)erimeiits,  when  made  at  the  cost  of  persons  for  whom  they 
had  no  particular  regard.  The  whole  body  of  courtiers 
drove  him  onward.  They  always  talked  as  if  the  King 
stood  in  a  sort  of  humiliated  state,  until  something  of  the 
kind  should  be  done. 

Here  this  extraordinary  man,  then  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer,  found  himself  in  great  straits.  To  please  uni- 
versally was  the  object  of  his  life  ;  but  to  tax  and  to  please, 
no  more  than  to  love  and  to  be  vnse,  is  not  given  to  men. 
However  he  attempted  it.  To  render  the  tax  palatable  to 
the  partizans  of  American  revenue,  he  made  a  preamble 
stating  the  necessity  of  such  a  revenue.  To  close  with  the 
American  distinction,  this  revenue  was  external  or  port 
duty  ;  but  again,  to  soften  it  to  the  other  party,  it  was  a 
duty  of  supply.  To  gratify  the  Colonists,  it  was  laid  on 
British  manufactures ;  to  satisfy  the  merchants  of  Britain, 
the  duty  was  trivial,  and  (except  that  on  tea,  which  touched 
only  the  devoted  East  India  Company)  on  none  of  the 
grand  objects  of  commerce.  To  counterwork  the  Ameri- 
can contraband,  the  duty  on  tea  was  reduced  from  a  shil- 
ling to  three-pence.  But  to  secure  the  favour  of  those 
who  would  tax  America,  the  scene  of  collection  was 
changed,  and,  with  the  rest,  it  was  levied  in  the  Colonies. 
What  need  I  say  more  ?  This  fine  spun  scheme  had  the 
usual  fate  of  all  exquisite  policy.  But  the  original  plan  of 
the  duties,  and  the  mode  of  executing  that  plan,  both  arose 
singly  and  solely  from  a  love  of  our  applause.  He  was 
truly  the  child  of  the  House.  He  never  tliought,  did,  or 
said  any  thing  but  with  a  view  to  you.  He  every  day 
adapted  himself  to  your  disposition  ;  and  adjusted  himself 
before  it,  as  at  a  looking  glass. 

He  had  observed  (indeed  it  could  not  escape  him)  that 
several  persons,  infinitely  his  inferiors  in  all  respects,  had 
formerly  rendered  themselves  considerable  in  this  House 
by  one  method  alone.  They  were  a  race  of  men  (I  hope 
in  God  the  species  is  extinct)  who,  when  they  rose  in  their 
place,  no  man  hving  could  divine,  from  any  known  adhe- 
rence to  parties,  to  opinions,  or  to  principles ;  from  any 
order  or  system  in  their  politics ;  or  from  any  sequel  or 
connection  in  their  ideas,  what  jiart  they  were  going  to 
take  in  any  debate.  It  is  astonishing  how  much  this  un- 
certainty, especially  at  critical  times,  called  the  attention 
of  all  parlies  on  such  men.  All  eyes  were  fixed  on 
them,  all  ears  open  to  hear  them  :  each  party  gaped  and 
looked  alternately  for  their  vote,  almost  to  the  end  of  their 
speeches.  While  the  House  hung  in  this  uncertainty,  now 
the  hear-hims  rose  from  this  side — now  they  re-bellowed 
from  the  other  ;  and  that  party  to  whom  they  fell  at  length 
from  their  tremulous  and  dancing  balance,  always  received 
tliem  in  a  tempest  of  applause.  Tlie  fortune  of  such  men 
was  a  temptation  too  great  to  be  resisted  by  one.  to  wiiotn 
a  single  whiff  of  incense  withheld  gave  much  greater  pain, 
tlian  he  received  delight  in  the  clouds  of  it  which  daily 
rose  about  him  from  the  prodigal  superstition  of  innumera- 
ble admirers.  He  was  a  candidate  for  contradictory 
honours ;  and  his  great  aim  was  to  make  those  agree  in 
admiration  of  him  who  never  agreed  in  any  tiling  else. 

Hence  arose  this  unfortunate  Act,  the  subject  of  this  day's 
debate ;  from  a  disposition  which,  after  niakiiig  an  Ameri- 
can revenue  to  please  one,  repealed  it  to  please  others,  and 
airain  revived  it  iu  hopes  of  pleasing  a  third,  and  of  catch- 
ing something  in  the  ideas  of  all. 

This  Revenue  Act  of  1767,  formed  the  fourth  period 
of  American  policy.  How  we  have  fared  since  then — 
what  woeful  variety  of  sciismes  have  been  adopted  ; 
what  enforcing,  and  what  repealing  :  what  bullying,  and 
wiiai  submitting  ;  what  doing,  and  undoing  ;  what  straining 


and  what  relaxing;  what  Assemblies  dissolved  for  not 
obeying,  and  called  again  without  obedience  ;  what  troops 
sent  out  to  quell  resistance,  and  on  meeting  that  resistance, 
recalled ;  what  shiftings,  and  changes,  and  jumblings  of  all 
kinds  of  men  at  home,  which  left  no  possibility  of  order, 
consistency,  vigour,  or  even  so  much  as  a  decent  unity  of 
colour  in  any  one  public  measure — it  is  a  tedious,  irksome 
talk — my  duty  may  call  me  to  open  it  out  some  other  time  ; 
on  a  former  occasion*  1  tried  your  temper  on  a  part  of  it ; 
for  the  present  I  shall  forbear. 

After  all  these  changes  and  agitations,  your  immediate 
situation  upon  the  question  on  your  paper  is  at  length 
brought  to  this.  You  have  an  Act  of  Parliament,  stating, 
that  "  it  is  expedient  to  raise  a  revenue  in  America."  By 
a  partial  repeal  you  annihilated  the  greatest  part  of  that 
revenue,  which  this  preamble  declares  to  be  so  expedient. 
You  have  substituted  no  other  in  the  place  of  it.  A  Sec- 
retary of  State  has  disclaimed,  in  the  King's  name,  all 
thoughts  of  such  a  substitution  in  future.  The  principle  of 
this  disclaimer  goes  to  what  has  been  left,  as  well  as  what 
has  been  repealed.  The  tax  which  lingers  after  its  com- 
panions (under  a  preamble,  declaring  an  American  reve- 
nue expedient,  and  for  the  sole  purpose  of  supporting  the 
theory  of  that  preamble)  militates  with  the  assurance  au- 
thentically conveyed  to  the  Colonies  ;  and  is  an  exhaust- 
less  source  of  jealousy  and  animosity.  On  this  state,  which 
I  take  to  be  fair  one,  not  being  able  to  discern  any  grounds 
of  honor,  advantage,  peace,  or  power,  for  adhering  either 
to  the  Act  or  to  the  preamble,  I  shall  vote  for  the  question 
which  leads  to  the  repeal  of  both. 

If  you  do  not  fall  in  with  this  motion,  then  secure  some- 
thing to  fight  for,  consistent  in  theory,  and  valuable  in  prac- 
tice. If  you  must  employ  your  strength,  employ  it  to  up- 
hold you  in  some  honorable  right,  or  some  profitable  wrong. 
If  you  are  apprehensive  that  the  concession  recommended 
to  you,  though  proper,  should  be  a  means  of  drawing  on  you 
further  but  unreasonable  claims — why,  then  employ  your 
force  in  supporting  that  reasonable  concession  against  those 
um-easonable  demands.  You  will  employ  it  with  more 
grace,  with  better  effect,  and  with  great  probable  concur- 
rence of  all  the  quiet  and  rational  Peoj)le  in  the  Provinces, 
who  are  now  united  with,  and  hurried  away  by  the  violent ; 
having  indeed  different  dispositions,  but  a  common  interest. 
If  you  apprehend  that  on  a  concession  you  shall  be  pushed 
by  metapliysical  process  to  the  extreme  lines,  and  argued 
out  of  your  whole  authority,  my  advice  is  this,  when  you 
have  recovered  your  old,  your  strong,  your  tenable  posi- 
tion, then  face  about — stop  short— do  nothing  more — 
reason  not  at  all — oppose  the  ancient  policy  and  practice  of 
the  empire,  as  a  rampart  against  the  speculation  of  inno- 
vators on  both  sides  of  the  question,  and  you  will  stand 
on  great,  manly,  and  sure  ground.  On  this  solid  basis  fix 
your  machines,  and  they  will  draw  worlds  towards  you. 

Your  Ministers,  in  their  own  and  his  Majesty's  name, 
have  already  adopted  the  American  distinction  of  internal 
and  external  duties.  It  is  a  distinction,  whatever  merit  it 
may  have,  that  was  originally  moved  by  the  American* 
themselves  ;  and  I  tliink  they  will  acquiesce  in  it,  if  they 
are  not  pushed  with  too  much  logic  and  too  little  sense,  in 
all  the  consequences.  That  is,  if  external  taxation  be  un- 
derstood, as  they  and  you  understand  it  when  you  please^ 
to  be  not  a  distinction  of  geography,  but  of  policy  ;  that  it 
is  a  power  for  regulating  trade,  and  not  for  supporting  es- 
tablishments. The  distinction,  which  is  as  nothing  with 
regard  to  riglit,  is  of  most  weighty  consideration  in  prac- 
tice. Recover  your  old  ground,  and  your  old  tranquillity — 
try  it — I  am  persuaded  the  Americans  will  compromise 
with  you.  When  confidence  is  once  restored,  the  odious 
and  sus])icious  summumjiis  will  perish  of  course.  The 
spirit  of  practicability,  of  moderation,  and  mutual  conveni- 
ence, will  never  call  in  geometrical  exactness  as  the  arbi- 
trator of  an  amicable  settlement.  Consult  and  follow  your 
ex])erience.  Let  not  the  long  story  with  which  1  have  ex- 
ercised your  patience,  prove  fruitless  to  your  interests. 

For  my  part,  1  should  choose  (if  I  could  have  my  wish) 
that  the  proposition  of  the  honorable  gentleman  (Mr. 
Fuller)  for  the  repeal,  could  go  to  America  without  the  at- 
tendance of  the  Penal  Bills.  Alone  I  could  almost  answer 
for  its  success.     I  cannot  be  certain  of  its  reception  in  the 

*  Resolutions  moTed  in  Mat/,  1770. 


161 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


162 


bad  company  it  may  keep.  In  such  heterogeneous  assort- 
inents,  the  most  innocent  person  will  lose  the  effect  of  his 
innocency.  Though  you  should  send  out  this  angel  of 
peace,  yet  you  are  sending  out  a  destroying  angel  too ; 
and  what  would  be  the  effect  of  the  conflict  of  these  two 
adverse  spirits,  or  which  would  predominate  in  the  end,  is 
what  I  dare  not  say :  whether  the  lenient  measures  would 
cause  American  passion  to  subside,  or  the  severe  would  in- 
crease its  fury — all  this  is  in  the  hand  of  Providence  ;  yet 
now,  even  now,  I  should  confide  in  the  prevailing  virtue, 
and  efficacious  ope»ition  of  lenity,  though  working  in  dark- 
ness, and  in  chaos,  in  the  midst  of  all  this  unnatural  and 
turbid  combination.  I  should  hope  it  might  produce  order 
and  beauty  in  the  end. 

Let  us,  Sir,  embrace  some  system  or  other  before  we 
end  this  session.  Do  you  mean  to  tax  America,  and  to 
draw  a  productive  revenue  from  thence  ?  If  you  do,  speak 
out :  name,  fix,  ascertain  this  revenue  ;  settle  its  quantity  ; 
define  its  objects  ;  provide  for  its  collection ;  and  then  fight 
when  you  have  something  to  fight  for.  If  you  murder — 
rob  '.  If  you  kill,  take  possession  ;  and  do  not  appear  in 
the  character  of  madmen,  as  well  as  assassins,  violent,  vin- 
dictive, bloody,  and  tyrannical,  without  an  object.  But 
may  better  counsels  guide  you! 

Again,  and  again,  revert  to  your  old  principles — seek 
peace  and  ensue  it — leave  America,  if  she  has  taxable 
matter  in  her,  to  tax  herself.  I  am  not  here  going  into  the 
distinctions  of  rights,  nor  attempting  to  mark  their  bounda- 
ries. I  do  not  enter  into  these  metaphysical  distinctions ; 
I  hate  the  very  sound  of  them.  Leave  the  Americans  as 
they  anciently  stood,  and  these  distinctions,  born  of  our  un- 
happy contest,  will  die  along  with  it.  They,  and  we,  and 
their  and  our  ancestors,  have  been  happy  under  that 
system.  Let  the  memory  of  all  actions,  in  contradiction 
to  that  good  old  mode,  on  both  sides,  be  extinguished  for 
ever.  Be  content  to  bind  America  by  laws  of  trade  ;  you 
have  always  done  it.  Let  this  be  your  reason  for  binding 
their  trade.  Do  not  burthen  tiiem  by  taxes  ;  you  were  not 
used  to  do  so  from  the  beginning.  Let  this  be  your  reason  for 
not  taxing.  These  are  the  arguments  of  States  and  King- 
doms. Leave  the  rest  to  the  schools  ;  for  there  only  they 
may  be  discussed  with  safety.  But  if,  intemperately,  un- 
wisely, fatally,  you  sophisticate  and  poison  the  very  source 
of  Government,  by  urging  subtle  deductions,  and  conse- 
quences odious  to  those  you  govern,  from  the  unlimited 
and  illimitable  nature  of  supreme  sovereignty,  you  will  teach 
them  by  these  means  to  call  that  sovereignty  itself  in 
question.  When  you  drive  him  hard  the  boar  will  surely 
turn  upon  the  hunters.  If  that  sovereignty  and  their  free- 
dom cannot  be  reconciled,  which  will  they  take  ?  They 
will  cast  your  sovereignty  in  your  face.  No  body  will  be 
argued  into  slavery.  Sir,  let  the  gentlemen  on  the  other 
side  call  forth  all  their  ability  ;  let  the  best  of  them  get  up 
and  tell  me,  what  one  character  of  liberty  the  Americans 
have,  and  what  one  brand  of  slavery  they  are  free  from,  if 
they  are  bound  in  their  property  and  industry^,  by  all  the  re- 
straints you  can  imagine  on  commerce,  and  at  the  same 
time  are  made  pack  horses  of  every  tax  you  choose  to  im- 
pose, without  the  least  share  in  granting  them  ?  When 
they  bear  the  burthens  of  unlimited  monopoly,  will  you 
bring  them  to  bear  the  burthens  of  unlimited  revenue  too  ? 
The  Englishman  in  America  will  feel  that  this  slavery — 
this  legal  slavery,  will  be  no  compensation,  either  to  his 
feelings  or  his  understanding. 

A  noble  Lord  (Lord  Carmarthen,)  who  spoke  some 
time  ago,  is  full  of  the  fire  of  ingenuous  youth  ;  and  when 
he  has  modelled  the  ideas  of  a  lively  imagination  by  further 
experience,  he  will  be  an  ornament  to  his  country  in  either 
House.  He  has  said,  that  the  Americans  are  our  children ; 
and  how  can  they  revolt  against  their  parent  ?  He  says, 
that  if  they  are  not  free  in  their  present  state,  England  is 
not  free ;  because  Manchester,  and  other  considerable 
places,  are  not  represented.  So  then,  because  some  towns 
in  England  are  not  represented,  America  is  to  have  no 
Representative  at  all.  They  are  "  our  children ;"  but 
when  children  ask  for  bread,  we  are  not  to  give  a  stone.  Is 
it  because  the  natural  resistance  of  things,  and  the  various 
mutations  of  time  hinders  our  Government,  or  any  scheme 
of  Governuient  from  being  any  more  than  a  sort  of  approxi- 
mation to  the  right,  is  it  therefore  that  the  Colonies  are  to 
recede  from  it  infinitely  ?  When  this  child  of  ours  wishes 
Fourth  Series.  1 


to  assimilate  to  its  parent,  and  to  reflect  with  a  true  filial 
resemblance  the  beauteous  countenance  of  British  liberty, 
are  we  to  turn  to  them  the  shameful  parts  of  our  constitu- 
tion ?  Are  we  to  give  them  our  weakness  for  their  strength ; 
our  opprobrium  for  dieir  glory;  and  the  slough  of  slavery, 
which  we  are  not  able  to  work  off,  to  serve  them  for  their 
freedom  ? 

If  this  be  the  case,  ask  yourselves  this  question — will 
they  be  content  in  such  a  state  of  slavery  ?  If  not,  look  to 
the  consequences.  Reflect  how  you  are  to  govern  a 
People,  who  think  they  ought  to  be  free,  and  think  ihey  are 
not.  Your  scheme  yields  no  revenue ;  it  yields  nothing 
but  discontent,  disorder,  disobedience  ;  and  such  is  tlie  state 
of  America,  that  after  wading  up  to  your  eyes  in  blood, 
you  could  only  end  just  where  you  begun  ;  that  is,  to  tax 
where  no  revenue  is  to  be  found,  to — my  voice  fails  me  ; 
my  inclination  indeed  carries  me  no  further — all  is  confu- 
sion beyond  it. 

Well,  Sir,  I  have  recovered  a  little,  and  before  I  sit 
down  I  must  say  something  to  another  point  with  which 
gendemen  urge  us.  What  is  to  become  of  the  Declarato- 
ry Act  asserting  the  entireness  of  British  Legislative  au- 
thority, if  we  abandon  the  practice  of  taxation  ? 

For  my  part,  I  look  upon  the  rights  stated  in  that  Act, 
exactly  in  the  manner  in  which  I  viewed  them  on  its  very 
first  proposition,  and  which  1  have  often  taken  the  libertyj 
with  great  humility,  to  lay  before  you.  I  look,  I  say,  on 
the  imperial  rights  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  privileges 
which  the  Colonists  ought  to  enjoy  under  these  rights,  to 
be  just  the  most  reconcileable  things  in  the  world.  The 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  sits  at  the  head  of  her  exten- 
sive empire  in  two  capacities  :  one  as  the  local  Legisla^ 
ture  of  this  Island,  providing  for  all  things  at  home,  imme- 
diately, and  by  no  other  instrument  than  the  Executive 
power.  The  other,  and  I  think  her  nobler  capacity,  is 
what  I  call  her  imperial  character ;  in  which,  as  from  the 
throne  of  heaven,  she  superintends  at  the  several  inferior 
Legislatures,  and  guides  and  controls  them  all  without  anni- 
hilating any.  As  all  these  Provincial  Legislatures  are  onlv 
co-ordinate  to  each  other,  they  ought  all  to  be  subordinate 
to  her  ;  else  they  can  neither  preserve  mutual  peace,  nor 
hope  for  mutual -justice,  nor  effectually  afford  mutual  assis- 
tance. It  is  necessary  to  coerce  the  negligent,  to  restrain 
the  violent,  and  to  aid  the  weak  and  deficient,  by  the  over- 
ruling plenitude  of  her  power.  She  is  never  to  intrude 
into  the  place  of  the  others,  whilst  they  are  equal  to  the 
common  ends  of  their  institution.  But  in  order  to  enable 
Parliament  to  answer  all  these  ends  of  provident  and  bene- 
ficent superintendence,  her  powers  must  be  boundless. 
The  gentlemen  who  think  the  powers  of  Parliament  limit- 
ed, may  please  themselves  to  talk  of  requisitions.  But 
suppose  the  requisitions  are  not  obeyed?  What!  Shall 
there  be  no  reserved  power  in  the  empire  to  supply  a  de- 
ficiency which  may  weaken,  divide,  and  dissipate  the  whole? 
We  are  engaged  in  war — the  Secretary  of  State  calls  upon 
the  Colonies  to  contribute — some  would  do  it,  I  think 
most  would  cheerfully  furnish  whatever  is  demanded — one 
or  two,  suppose  hang  back,  and  easing  themselves,  let  the 
stress  of  the  draft  lie  on  the  others — surely  it  is  proper  thai 
some  authority  might  legally  say — "  Tax  yourselves  for 
''  the  common  supply,  or  Parliament  will  do  it  for  you." 
This  backwardness  was,  as  I  am  told,  actually  the  case  of 
Pennsylvania,  for  some  short  time  towards  the  beginning 
of  the  last  war,  owing  to  some  internal  dissentions  in  the 
Colonj'.  But,  whether  the  fact  were  so,  or  otherwise,  the 
case  is  equally  to  be  provided  for  by  a  competent  sover- 
eign power.  But  then  this  ouglit  to  be  no  ordinary 
power,  nor  ever  used  in  the  first  instance.  This  is  what  I 
meant,  when  I  have  said  at  various  times,  that  I  consider 
the  power  of  taxing  in  Parliament  as  an  instrument  of 
empire,  and  not  as  a  means  of  supply. 

Such,  Sir,  is  my  idea  of  the  constitution  of  the  British 
empire,  as  distinguished  from  the  constitution  of  Britain ; 
and  on  these  grounds  I  think  subordination  and  liberty  may 
be  sufficiendy  reconciled  through  the  whole ;  whether  to 
serve  a  refining  speculatist,  or  a  factious  demagogue,  1 
know  not;  but  enough,  surely,  for  the  ease  and  happiness 
of  man. 

Sir,  whilst  we  held  this  happy  course,  we  drew  more 
from  the  Colonies  than  all  the  impotent  violence  of  despo- 
tism ever  could  extort  from  them.     We  did  this  abundant- 


I6d 


MOTION  FOR  REPEAL  OF  DUTY  ON  TEA. 


164 


ly  in  tlie  last  war.  It  lias  never  been  once  denied — and 
what  reason  have  we  to  imagine  that  the  Colonies  would 
not  have  proceeded  in  supplying  Government  as  liberally, 
if  you  had  not  stepped  in  and  hindered  them  from  contribu- 
ting, by  interrupting  the  channel  in  which  their  liberality 
flowed  with  so  strong  a  course  ;  by  attempting  to  take,  in- 
stead of  being  satisfied  to  recei\-e.  Sir  IViUiam  Temple, 
says,  that  Holland  has  loaded  itself  with  ten  times  the 
impositions  which  it  revoked  from  Spain,  rather  than  sub- 
mit to.  He  says  tnie.  Tyraimy  is  a  poor  provider.  It 
knows  neither  how  to  accumulate,  nor  how  to  extract. 

I  charge,  therefore,  to  this  new  and  unfortunate  system 
the  loss  not  only  of  peace,  of  union,  and  of  commerce,  but 
even  of  revenue,  which  its  friends  are  contending  for.  It  is 
morally  certain,  that  we  have  lost  at  least  a  million  of  free 
grants  since  the  peace.  I  think  we  have  lost  a  great  deal 
more  ;  and  that  those  who  look  for  a  revenue  from  the  Pro- 
vinces, never  could  have  pursued  even  in  that  light,  a 
course  more  directly  repugnant  to  their  purposes. 

Now,  Sir,  I  trust  I  have  shewn,  first  on  that  narrow 
ground  which  the  honorable  gentleman  measured,  that  you 
are  like  to  lose  nothing  by  complying  with  the  motion, 
except  what  you  have  lost  already.  1  have  shewn,  after- 
wards, that  in  time  of  peace  you  flourished  in  commerce, 
and  when  war  required  it,  had  sufficient  aid  from  the  Colo- 
nies, while  you  pursued  your  ancient  policy  ;  that  you 
threw  every  thing  into  confusion  when  you  made  the  Stamp 
Act;  and  that  you  restored  every  thing  to  peace  and  order 
when  you  repealed  it.  I  have  shewn  that  the  revival  of 
the  system  of  taxation  has  produced  the  very  worst  effects ; 
and  that  the  partial  repeal  has  produced,  not  partial  good, 
but  universal  evil.  Let  these  considerations,  founded  on 
facts,  not  one  of  which  can  be  denied,  bring  us  back  to 
your  reason  by  the  road  of  your  experience. 

I  cannot,  as  I  have  said,  answer  for  mixed  measures ; 
but  surely  this  mixture  of  lenity  would  give  the  whole  a 
better  chance  of  success.  When  you  once  regain  confi- 
dence, the  way  will  be  clear  before  you.  Then  you  may 
enforce  the  Act  of  Navigation  when  it  ought  to  be  enforced. 
You  will  yourselves  open  it  where  it  ought  still  further  to 
be  opened.  Proceed  in  what  you  do,  whatever  you  do, 
from  policy,  and  not  from  rancour.  Let  us  act  like  men, 
let  us  act  like  statesmen.  Let  us  hold  some  sort  of  con- 
sistent conduct.  It  is  agreed  that  a  revenue  is  not  to  be 
had  in  America.  If  we  lose  the  profit,  let  us  get  rid  of 
the  odium. 

On  this  business  o(  America,  I  confess,  I  am  serious,  even 
to  sadness.  I  have  had  but  one  opinion  concerning  it 
since  I  sat,  and  before  I  sat  in  Parliament.  The  noble 
Ijord,  (Lord  North)  will,  as  usual,  probably,  attribute  the 
part  taken  by  me  and  my  friends  in  this  business,  to  a  de- 
sire of  getting  his  places.  Let  him  enjoy  this  happy  and 
original  idea.  If  I  deprived  him  of  it,  I  should  take  away 
most  of  his  wit  and  all  his  argument.  But  I  had  rather 
bear  the  brunt  of  all  his  wit,  and  indeed  blows  much 
heavier,  than  stand  answerable  to  God  for  embracing  a 
system  that  tends  to  the  destruction  of  some  of  the  very 
best  and  fairest  of  his  works.  But  I  know  the  map  of 
England,  as  well  as  the  noble  Lord  (Lord  North,)  or  as 
any  other  person  ;  and  I  know  that  the  way  I  take  is  not 
the  road  to  preferment.  My  excellent  and  honorable 
friend  under  me  on  tiie  floor,  (Mr.  Dowdeswell,)  has  trod 
that  road  with  great  toil  for  upwards  of  twenty  years  to- 
gether. He  is  not  yet  arrived  at  the  noble  Lord's  desti- 
nation. However,  the  tracks  of  my  worthy  friend  are  those 
I  have  ever  wished  to  follow  ;  because  I  know  they  lead  to 
honor.  Long  may  we  tread  the  same  road  together ; 
whoever  may  accompany  us,  or  whoever  may  laugh  at  us 
on  our  journey  !  I  honestly  and  solemnly  declare,  I  have 
in  all  seasons  adhered  to  the  system  of  1766,  for  no  other 
reason,  than  that  I  think  it  laid  deep  in  your  truest  inter- 
ests— and  that,  by  limiting  the  exercise,  it  fixes  on  the 
finnest  foundations,  a  real,  consistent,  well-grounded  au- 
thority in  Parliament.  Until  you  come  back  to  that  system, 
there  will  be  no  peace  for  England. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  IVcdderburn.  I  am  not  willing  to 
trouble  the  House  long  ujMn  this  occasion,  as  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  say  any  thing  that  has  not  been  touched  upon  be- 
fore ;  but  I  cannot  accede  to  the  characters  the  honorable 
gentleman  has  given ;  I  differ  much  from  him  in  the  cha- 
racter of  that  great  man,  the  late  Mr.  Grenville,  of  whom 


I  shall  always  speak  with  veneration ;  but  I  cannot.  Sir, 
help  thinking,  that  if  you  repeal  this  Act,  the  Americans 
will  consider  you  weak  in  the  highest  degree,  and  receive 
it  in  the  same  manner  as  if  you  had  done  it  through  fear. 
The  disposition  to  deny  your  authority  in  America,  was 
long  before  the  passing  or  repealing  the  Stamp  Act.  The 
Assembly  address  the  Council,  how  an  Act  of  the  Legis- 
lature came  to  be  enrolled  in  their  statute  book,  not  assent- 
ed to  by  them.  Was  this  not  a  flagrant  instance  of  their 
rebellious  disposition  ?  They  consider  all  the  Acts  that 
restrain  trade  as  illegal,  and  they  want  to  treat  with  you 
upon  an  independent  footing ;  but  if  you  give  up  this  tax, 
it  is  not  here  that  you  must  stop,  you  will  be  required  to 
give  up  much  more,  nay,  to  give  up  all.  Much  has  been 
said  about  requisition  ;  but  I  wish  gentlemen  would  consi- 
der how,  and  in  what  manner,  the  Ministers  of  this  coun- 
try, treating  with  the  Assemblies  of  America,  are  to  raise 
tiie  money  without  the  aid  of  their  Legislature. 

Mr.  Burke  rose  to  explain,  that  he  did  not  mean  to 
cast  the  least  slur  upon  the  character  of  the  late  Mr.  Gren- 
ville;  and  concluded  whh  saying,  he  would  not  raise  the 
bodies  of  the  dead,  to  make  them  vampires  to  suck  out  the 
virtues  of  the  living. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox.  Let  us  consider,  Sir,  what  is  the 
state  America  appears  in  to  this  country ;  the  Americans 
will  appear  as  useful  subjects,  if  you  will  use  them  with 
that  temper  and  lenity  which  you  ought  to  do.  When  the 
Stamp  Act  was  repealed  nmrmurs  ceased,  and  quiet  suc- 
ceeded. Taxes  have  produced  a  contrary  behaviour; 
they  have  been  succeeded  by  riots  and  disturbances.  Here 
is  an  absolute  dereliction  of  the  authority  of  this  country. 
It  has  been  said  that  America  is  not  represented  here,  but 
virtually  the  Ainericans  are  full  as  virtually  taxed  as  virtu- 
ally represented.  A  tax  can  only  be  laid  for  three  purjx)- 
ses :  the  first  for  a  commercial  regulation,  the  second  for  a 
revenue,  and  the  third  for  asserting  your  right.  As  to  the 
two  first,  it  has  clearly  been  denied  it  is  for  either ;  as  to 
the  latter,  it  is  only  done  with  a  view  to  irritate  and  declare 
war  there,  which,  if  you  persist  in,  I  am  clearly  of  opinion 
you  will  eff(3Ct,  or  force  into  o]ien  rebellion. 

Lord  Beauchamp.  Sir,  I  should  not  intrude  at  this  late 
hour  of  the  night,  did  I  not  wish  to  express  my  thoughts, 
that  the  Americans  are  not  contending  for  the  inode  of  tax- 
ation, but  the  right.  Some  years  ago,  when  this  Act  was 
passed,  combinations  took  place,  in  order  to  oppose  that 
authority  which  you  wish  to  exert.  Measures  are  now 
adopted  to  induce  them  to  consent  to  this  Act,  not  by  force, 
but  by  means  which  I  hope  will  bring  them  to  a  sense  of 
their  duty.  Had  this  repeal  been  proposed  some  sessions 
ago,  I  should  most  probably  have  adopted  it ;  but  the  pre- 
sent disturbances  in  America  totally  prevent  my  giving  my 
consent  to  it.  I  think  it  impracticable  to  repeal  it,  because 
we  give  up  our  right;  and  I  am  not  prepared  to  say,  that 
at  no  future  moment  I  would  tax  America.  There  may 
be  times  when  the  necessity  of  supplying  the  exigencies 
of  this  country  may  demand  that  aid ;  and  therefore  I  would 
exert  our  authority  now  by  a  practicable  claiin  of  right, 
whicli  I  hope  will  not  hereafter  be  disputed. 

General  Burgoi/ne.  Sir,  I  look  upon  America  to  be  our 
child,  which  I  think  we  have  already  spoiled  by  too  much 
indulgence.  We  are  desired  to  conciliate  measures  with 
the  Americans ;  I  look  upon  this  measure  to  have  a  totally 
diffijrent  effect ;  I  think  it  a  mis-use  of  time  to  go  into  a 
Committee,  and  that  even  the  inquiry,  the  news  of  whicli 
will  soon  reach  America,  will  tend  to  nothing  but  to  raise 
heats,  and  not  appease,  but  irritate  and  disturb  the  more. 
It  is  said,  if  you  remove  this  duty,  you  will  remove  all 
grievances  in  America;  but  I  am  apprehensive  that  it  is 
the  right  of  taxation  they  contend  about,  and  not  the  tax  ; 
it  is  the  independent  state  of  that  country  upon  the  Legis- 
lature of  this,  which  is  contended  for ;  but.  Sir,  I  am  ready 
to  resist  that  proposition,  and  to  contend,  at  any  future 
time,  against  such  independence.  I  will  not  enter  into  the 
charactei-s  of  People,  nor  will  I  call  the  great  person  vvlio 
planned  these  measures  a  cherubim,  seraphim,  or  arch-an- 
gel ;  but,  as  a  man,  I  believe  he  has  a  good  head  and  an 
honest  heart.  [The  House  here  seemed  very  noisy,  and 
did  not  attend.]  He  therefore  sat  down,  concluding,  that 
he  wished  to  see  America  convinced  by  persuasion,  rather 
than  the  sword. 

Mr.   T.  Townshend.     Sir,  I   wish  much  to  go  into  a 


165 


QUARTERING  TROOPS  IN  AMERICA. 


166 


Committee  upon  this  occasion,  because  the  Tea  Duty,  as 
an  object  of  revenue,  is  unworthy  your  cxinsideration  ;  but 
it  is  an  object  which,  wiien  once  removed  from  the  Ame- 
ricans, will  give  ease  and  satisfaction  to  their  minds ;  and 
it  is  preserved  by  you  merely  to  keep  up  a  continual  con- 
test. I  will  not  go  back  to  the  ground  of  arguments  which 
has  been  so  often  trod,  and  which  I  wisli  had  not  been 
brought  forth  as  the  ground  of  former  proceedings,  mixing 
them  with  the  present.  I  shall  look  upon  this  Commit- 
tee, if  granted,  as  the  prelude  to  that  peace  which  you  want 
to  restore  to  America,  and  shall  therefore  give  my  hearty 
affirmative. 

Lord  Clare.  Every  man  who  has  spoken  on  this  occa- 
sion, has  prudently  avoided  going  into  any  thing  that  gave 
rise  to  the  original  taxation.  I  am  sorry  to  find  tiiat  there 
is  even  a  negative  voice  against  continuing  this  tax ;  but 
as  I  find  there  is  dissention  upon  the  occasion,  it  will  give 
room  to  the  Americans  to  say  that  the  question  was  much 
debated,  and  far  from  being  unanimous  ;  they  will  upon  that 
account,  hold  resistance  to  the  measure  to  be  a  good  ground 
for  some  time  or  other  producing  a  repeal.  I  could  have 
wished  to  have  seen  the  House  nearly  unanimous  against 
the  motion,  as  I  am  afraid  our  differences  here  will  coun- 
tenance resistance  there.  What,  Sir,  would  they  have  us 
surrender  the  right  of  Great  Britain!  It  is  impossible,  in 
the  nature  of  things,  that  he  can  carry  this  question ;  and 
instead  of  my  honorable  friend  (Mr.  Fuller)  wishing  to 
restore  peace  and  quietude,  he  will  find  he  is  whetting  his 
sword  that  it  may  cut  with  a  keener  edge. 

Mr.  Buller.  Sir,  I  would  treat  the  Americans  as  sub- 
jects of  Great  Britain,  and  think  them  liable  to  be  taxed 
as  well  as  any  others.  I  .am  afraid  that  all  these  distur- 
bances have  been  owing  to  a  change  of  measures  in  this 
country.  I  think  a  repeal  of  this  Act  will  have  a  bad 
effect,  and  you  will  not  know  where  it  will  end. 

Mr.  Frederick  Montagu.  Sir,  I  feel  a  strong  inclina- 
tion to  trouble  the  House  on  this  occasion.  There  must 
be  one  supreme  right  of  taxing,  I  allow,  but  I  think  it  in- 
expedient at  present  to  exercise  it,  and  that  the  only  proper 
way  of  taxing  of  America,  is  through  the  medium  of  com- 
merce, and  not  by  hard  money.  If  this  motion  is  reject- 
ed, I  do  not  think  it  will  carry  the  appearance  as  if  we 
meant  to  be  pacific. 

Colonel  Barre.  I  have  spoken.  Sir,  fully  on  this  affair, 
in  what  I  have  said  at  different  times  before,  and  it  is  im- 
possible to  tread  the  same  ground,  and  to  make  it  pleasant 
to  the  same  hearers.  It  has  been  said  that  millions  have 
been  collected  from  this  country  for  the  use  of  America  ; 
but  it  ought  to  be  considered,  that  the  stroke  of  war  has 
been  given  in  many  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions,  sometimes 


necessary  in  one,  sometimes  in  another,  and  wherever  an 
injury  has  been  struck,  there  Great  Britain  resents  it. 
This  tax  has  been  said  to  be  not  a  fruitful  one ;  I  think  it 
a  very  fruitful  one,  for  it  has  produced  riots  and  distur- 
bances ;  it  has  been  resisted,  it  has  done  its  duty,  let  us 
dismiss  it.  I  have  been  much  quoted  for  requisitions ;  if 
you  will  make  them  with  some  address,  they  will  comply. 
I  have  been  also  quoted  for  the  olive  branch ;  I  say,  you 
have  let  slip  several  millions  in  the  East,  and  now  look  for 
a  revenue  from  a  pepper-corn  in  the  West.  This  you  will 
have  to  lay  to  your  charge,  that  you  will  whet  your  swords 
in  the  bowels  of  your  own  subjects,  and  massacre  many  of 
your  fellow-creatures,  who  do  not  know  under  what  con- 
stitution of  Government  they  live,  by  enforcing  this  tax. 
You  will  at  last  resort  to  that  romantic  idea  of  requisition. 
[The  House  was  very  noisy,  and  did  not  give  much  atten- 
tion to  him,  which  prevented  him  from  speaking,  as  he  had 
usually  done.] 

Lord  North  said,  he  was  ashamed  to  take  up  the  time 
of  the  House  at  that  late  hour  of  the  night,  and  more  so, 
as  what  he  had  to  say,  chiefly  related  to  himself.  He  gave 
an  account  of  the  letter  which  Mr.  Burke  had  read,  from 
Lord  Hillsborough  to  the  Americans,  and  stated  the  mat- 
ter of  its  contents  in  the  best  light  he  could.  His  Lord- 
ship said,  this  letter  of  concession  was  far  from  quieting 
the  minds  of  the  Americans;  that  they  were  guilty  of 
all  riots  and  disturbances  ;  that  the  non-importation  agree- 
ment was  as  impudent  and  futile  a  measure  as  ever  ex- 
isted ;  and  said,  he  was  glad  he  did  not,  at  that  time, 
propose  the  repeal  of  this  tax,  when  all  the  resolutions 
of  the  town  meetings  denied  the  authority  of  this  coun- 
try. Nothing  but  wisdom  on  our  side,  and  prudence 
on  theirs,  can  bring  them  to  a  better  temper.  The  tea 
tax  is  not  an  inconsiderable  revenue.  Convince  your  Co- 
lonies that  you  are  able  and  not  afraid  to  controul  them, 
and,  depend  upon  it,  obedience  in  them  will  be  the  result 
of  your  deliberation ;  and  let  us  conduct  ourselves  with 
firnmess  and  resolution  throughout  the  whole  of  these  mea- 
sures, and  there  is  no  doubt  but  peace  and  quietude  will 
soon  be  restored. 

Mr.  Dowdeswell.  I  wish  the  noble  Lord  would  consi- 
der what  will  be  the  result  of  these  measures.  I  appre- 
hend the  consequences  will  be  dangerous.  We  are  now 
in  great  difficulties ;  let  us  resolve  to  do  justice  before  it  is 
too  late. 

The  question  on  the  motion  then  being  put, 

The  House  divided ;    Yeas,  49 ;  Nays,  182. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 


VI.    BILL    FOR    QUARTERING    TROOPS   IN   AMERICA 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 

Friday,  April  29,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  leave  be  granted  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for 
the  better  providing  suitable  Quarters  for  Officers  and  Sol- 
diers in  his  Majesty's  service  in  North  America ;  and  that 
the  Lord  Barrington  and  Mr.  Poumall  do  prepare,  and 
bring  in  the  same. 

Monday,  May  2,  1774. 

Tlie  Lord  Barrington  presented  the  Bill  according  to 
order :  And  it  was  read  the  first  time. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time  to- 
morrow morning. 

Wednesday,  May  4,  1774. 

Tlie  Bill  was  read  a  second  time  and  committed  to  a 
Committee  of  the  whole  House. 


Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  to-morrow  morning, 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  upon 
the  said  Bill. 

TntJRSDAY,  May  5,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  House  resolved 
itself  in  a  Committee,  on  the  Bill. 

When  Mr.  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair, 

Mr.  Whitworth  reported  from  the  Committee,  that 
they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made  several  amend- 
ments thereunto. 

Ordered,  That  the  Report  be  received  to-morrow 
morning. 

Friday,  May  6,  1774. 

Mr.  E^itworth,  according  to  order,  reported  from  the 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  the  Bill  with  the  amendments 


167 


QUARTERING  TROOPS  IN  AMERICA 


168 


made   by    the    Committee ;    and   the    amendments   were 
severally  a<?reed  to  by  the  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill,  with  the  amendments,  be 
engrossed. 

Monday,  May  9,  1774. 

An  eno;rossed  Bill  for  the  better  providing  suitable 
Quarters  for  Officers  and  Soldiers  in  his  Majesty's  service 
in  North  Americn,  was  read  the  third  time. 

Resolved,  That  the  Bill  do  Pass. 

Ordered,  That  Sir  Charles  Whitworth  do  carr)-  the 
Bill  to  the  I»rds,  and  desire  their  concurrence. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 
Monday,  May  9,  1774. 

A  Message  was  brought  from  the  House  of  Commons, 
by  Sir  Charles  Whitworth,  and  others: 

With  a  Bill,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better  providing 
"  suitable  Quarters  for  Officers  and  Soldiers  in  his  Majesty's 
"service  in  North  America f  to  which  they  desire  the 
concurrence  of  this  House. 

The  said  Bill  was  read  the  first  time, 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  printed. 

Thursday,  May  12,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  a  second  time,  and  committed  to  a  Commit- 
tee of  the  whole  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  House  be  put  into  a  Committee 
upon  the  said  Bill,  to-morrow ;  and  that  the  Lords  be 
summoned. 

Monday,  May  16,  1774. 

The  House,  according  to  order,  was  put  into  a  Com- 
mittee upon  the  Bill. 

After  some  time  the  House  was  resumed : 

And  the  Lord  Boston  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  they  had  gone  tlirough  the  Bill,  and  directed  him  to 
report  the  same  to  the  House,  without  any  amendment. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  third  time  on 
fVednesday  next;  and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Wednesday,  May  18,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  the  third  reading 
of  the  Bill : 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  the  third  time,  on 
Thursday,  the  26th  day  of  this  instant.  May ;  and  that 
the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Thursday,  May  26,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  for  the  third  readino- 
of  the  Bill : 

The  said  Bill  was  accordingly  read  the  third  time. 
Moved,  That  the  Bill  do  Pass  ? 

Lord  Chatham  rose  and  said  : 
~  My  Lords,  the  unfavourable  state  of  health  under  which 
1  have  long  laboured  could  not  prevent  me  from  laying 
before  your  Lordships  my  thoughts  on  the  Bill  now  upon 
the  table,  and  on  the  state  of  American  affairs  in  general. 
If  we  take  a  transient  view  of  those  motives  which 
induced  the  ancestors  of  our  fellow-subjects  in  America  to 
leave  their  native  country,  to  encounter  the  innumerable 
difficulties  of  the  unexplored  regions  of  the  Western  world, 
our  astonishment  at  the  present  conduct  of  their  descen- 
dants will  naturally  subside.  There  was  no  comer  of  the 
world  into  which  men  of  their  free  and  enterprising  spirit 
would  not  fly  with  alacrity,  rather  than  submit  to  the 
slavish  and  tyrannical  principles  which  prevailed  at  that 
period  in  their  native  country.  And  sliall  we  Avonder,  my 
Lords,  if  the  descendants  of  such  illustrious  characters 
spurn,  with  contempt,  the  hand  of  unconstitutional  power, 
that  would  snatch  from  them  such  dear-bousht  privileges 
as  they  now  contend  for  ?  Had  the  British  Colonies  been 
planted  by  any  otlier  Kingdom  than  our  own,  the  inha- 
bitants would  have  carried  with  them  the  chains  of  slavery. 


and  spirit  of  despotism ;  but  as  they  are,  they  ought  to  be 
remembered  as  great  instances  to  instruct  the  world,  what 
great  exertions  mankind  will  naturally  make,  when  they 
are  left  to  the  free  exercise  of  their  own  powers.  And, 
my  Lords,  notwithstanding  my  intention  to  give  my  hearty 
negative  to  the  question  now  before  you,  I  cannot  help 
condemning,  in  the  severest  manner,  the  late  turbulent  and 
unwarrantable  conduct  of  the  Americans  in  some  instan- 
ces, particularly  in  the  late  riots  of  Boston.  But,  my 
Lords,  the  mode  which  has  been  pursued  to  bring  them 
back  to  a  sense  of  their  duty  to  their  Parent  State  has 
been  so  diametrically  opposite  to  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  sound  policy,  that  individuals,  possessed  of  com- 
mon understanding,  must  be  astonished  at  such  proceedings. 
By  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston,  you  have  involved 
the  innocent  trader  in  the  same  punishment  with  the  guilty 
profligates  who  destroyed  your  merchandise  ;  and  instead 
of  making  a  well-concerted  effort  to  secure  the  real  offen- 
ders, you  clap  a  naval  and  military  extinguisher  over  their 
harbour,  and  piniish  the  crime  of  a  few  laAvless  depredatoi-s 
and  their  abettors,  upon  the  whole  body  of  the  inhabitants. 

My  Lords,  this  country  is  little  obliged  to  the  framers 
and  promoters  of  this  tea  tax.  The  Americans  had  almost 
forgot,  in  their  excess  of  gratitude  for  the  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  any  interest  but  that  of  the  mother  country  : 
there  seemed  an  emulation  among  the  different  Provinces, 
who  should  be  most  dutiful  and  forward  in  their  expres- 
sions of  loyalty  to  their  real  benefactors;  as  you  will 
readily  perceive  by  the  following  letter,  from  Governor 
Bernard,  to  a  noble  Lord  then  in  office  :  "  The  House  of 
"  Representatives,"  says  he,  "  from  the  time  of  opening 
"  the  session  to  this  day,  has  shewn  a  disposition  to 
"  avoid  all  dispute  with  me:  every  thing  having  passed 
"  with  as  much  good  humour  as  I  could  desire.  They 
"  have  acted,  in  all  things,  with  temper  and  moderation ; 
"  they  have  avoided  some  subjects  of  dispute,  and  have 
"  laid  a  foundation  for  removing  some  causes  of  former 
"  altercation." 

This  my  Lords,  was  the  temper  of  the  Americans ;  and 
would  have  continued  so,  had  it  not  been  internipted  by 
your  fruitless  endeavours  to  tax  them  without  their  consent ; 
but  the  moment  they  perceived  your  intention  was  renew- 
ed to  tax  thcni,  under  a  pretence  of  serving  the  iMst 
India  Company,  their  resentment  got  the  ascendant  of 
their  moderation,  and  hurried  them  into  actions  contrary 
to  law,  which,  in  their  cooler  hours,  they  would  have 
thought  on  with  horrour :  for  I  sincerely  believe  the  de- 
stroying of  the  tea  was  the  effect  of  despair. 

But,  my  Lords,  from  the  complexion  of  the  whole  of 
the  proceedings,  I  think  that  Administration  has  purposely 
irritated  them  into  those  late  violent  acts,  for  which  they 
now  so  severely  smart,  purposely  to  be  revenged  on  them 
for  the  victory  they  gained  by  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act ;  a  measure  to  which  they  seemingly  acquiesced,  but 
at  the  bottom  they  were  its  real  enemies.  For  what  other 
motive  could  induce  them  to  dress  taxation,  that  father  of 
American  sedition,  in  the  robes  of  an  East  India  Director, 
but  to  break  in  upon  tliat  mutual  peace  and  harmony, 
which  then^  so  happily  subsisted  between  them  and  the 
mother  country  ? 

My  Lords,  I  am  an  old  man,  and  would  advise  the 
noble  Lords  in  office  to  adopt  a  more  gentle  mode  of  go- 
verning America;  for  the  day  is  not  far  distant,  when 
America  may  vie  with  these  Kingdoms,  not  only  in  anns, 
but  in  arts  also.  It  is  an  established  fact,  that  tbe  princi- 
pal towns  in  America  are  learned  and  polite,  and  under- 
stand the  constitution  of  the  empire  as  well  as  the  noble 
Lords  who  are  now  in  office ;  and  consequently,  they  will 
have  a  watchful  eye  over  their  liberties,  to  prevent  the 
least  encroachment  on  their  hereditary  rights. 

This  observation  is  so  recently  exemplified  in  an  excel- 
lent pamphlet,  which  comes  from  the  pen  of  an  American 
gentleman,  that  I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  reading  to  your 
Lordships  his  thoughts  on  the  competency  of  the  British 
Parliament  to  tax  America,  which  in  my  opinion,  puts 
this  interesting  matter  in  the  clearest  view :  "  The  High 
"  Court  of  Parliament,"  says  lie,  "  is  the  supreme  Legisla- 
"  tive  power  over  the  whole  empire  ;  in  all  free  States  the 
"  constitution  is  fixed ;  and  as  the  supreme  Legislature 
"  derives  its  power  and  authority  from  the  constitution,  it 
"  cannot  over-leap  the  bounds  of  it,  without  destroying  its 


169 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


170 


•'  own  foundation.  The  constitution  ascertains  and  limits 
'•■  both  sovereignty  and  allegiance :  and  therefore  his  Ma- 
•'  jesty's  American  subjects,  who  acknowledge  themselves 
"  bound  by  the  ties  of  allegiance,  have  an  equitable  claim 
'•  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  fundamental  rules  of  the 
•'  English  constitution  ;  and  that  it  is  an  essential  unalter- 
"  able  right  in  nature,  engrafted  into  the  British  constitu- 
•■'  tion  as  a  fundamental  law,  and  ever  held  sacred  and 
"  irrevocable  by  the  subjects  within  this  realm — that  what  a 
"  man  has  honestly  acquired,  is  absolutely  his  own  ;  which 
••  he  may  freely  give,  but  which  cannot  be  taken  from  him 
•'  without  his  consent." 

This,  my  Lords,  though  no  new  doctrine,  has  always 
been  my  received  and  unalterable  opinion,  and  I  will  carry 
it  to  my  grave,  that  this  country  had  no  right  under 
heaven  to  tax  America.  It  is  contrary  to  all  the  princi- 
ples of  justice  and  civil  policy,  which  neither  the  exigencies 
of  the  State,  nor  even  an  acquiescence  in  the  taxes,  could 
justify  upon  any  occasion  whatever.  Such  proceedings 
will  never  meet  their  wished-for  success ;  and,  instead  of 
adding  to  their  miseries,  as  the  Bill  now  before  you  most 
undoubtedly  does,  adopt  some  lenient  measures,  which 
may  lure  them  to  their  duty ;  proceed  like  a  kind  and 
affectionate  parent  over  a  child  whom  he  tenderly  loves ; 
and,  instead  of  those  harsh  and  severe  proceedings,  pass 
an  amnesty  on  all  their  youthful  errours ;  clasp  them  once 
more  in  your  fond  and  affectionate  arms ;  and,  I  will 
venture  to  affirm,  you  will  find  them  children  worthy  of 
their  sire.  But  should  their  turbulence  exist  after  your 
proffered  terms  of  forgiveness,  which  I  hope  and  expect 
this  House  will  immediately  adopt,  1  vi^ill  be  among  the 
foremost  of  your  Lordships  to  move  for  such  measures  as 
will  effectually  prevent  a  future  relapse,  and  make  them 
feel  what  it  is  to  provoke  a  fond  and  forgiving  parent  1 
a  parent,  my  Lords,  whose  welfare  has  ever  been  my 
greatest  and  most  pleasing  consolation.  This  declaration 
may  seem  unnecessary ;  but  I  will  venture  to  declare,  the 
period  is  not  far  distant,  when  she  will  want  the  assistance 
of  her  most  distant  friends :  but  should  the  all-disposing 
hand  of  Providence  prevent  me  from  affording  her  my 
poor  assistance,  my  prayers  shall  be  ever  for  her  welfare — 
"  length  of  days  be  in  her  right  hand,  and  in  her  left  hand 
"  riches  and  honor ;  may  her  ways  be  ways  of  pleasantness, 
"  and  all  her  paths  be  peace." 

When  Lord  Chatham  had  concluded,  Lord  Suffolk 
spoke  a  short  time,  and  was  answered  by  Lord  Temple, 
who  closed  the  debate. 

The  question   was  then   put,   whether  this   Bill  shall 
Pass? 
And  the  House  divided :  Contents,  57  ;  Non-Contents,  16. 
So  it  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 

Thursdav,  June  2,  1774. 

The  Lord  Chancellor  acquainted  the  House  "  That  his 
''  Majesty  had  been  pleased  to  issue  a  commission  to  the 
"  several  Lords  therein   named,  for    declaring  his    royal 


"  assent  to  several  Aots  agreed  upon  by  both  Houses  of 
"  Padiament." 

Then  three  of  the  Lords  Commissioners,  being  in  their 
robes,  and  seated  on  a  form  placed  between  the  Throne 
and  the  Woolsack,  the  Lord  Chancellor  in  the  middle, 
with  the  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  on  his  right 
hand,  and  the  Earl  of  Sandwich  on  his  left:  and  the 
Commons  with  their  Speaker  being  in  attendance. 

The  royal  assent  was  pronounced  to  the  Bill,  by  the 
Clerk's  Assistant. 


Anno  Decimo   Q^uarto  Georgii  III.  Regis. 

An  Act  for  the  better  providing  mitable  Quarters  for 
Officers  and  Soldiers  in  his  Majesty's  Service  in  North 
America. 

Whereas  doubts  have  been  entertained,  whether  Troops 
can  be  Quartered  otherwise  than  in  Barracks,  in  case  bar- 
racks have  been  provided  sufficient  for  the  quartering  of 
all  the  Officers  and  Soldiers  within  any  town,  township, 
city,  district,  or  place,  within  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in 
North  America:  and  whereas  it  may  frequently  happen, 
from  the  situation  of  such  Barracks,  that,  if  troops  should 
be  quartered  therein,  they  would  not  be  stationed  where 
their  presence  may  be  necessary  and  required ;  Be  it 
therefore  enacted  by  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  Spiritual 
and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  this  present  Parliament 
assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  that  in 
such  cases,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  persons  who 
now  are,  or  may  be  hereafter,  authorized  by  law,  in  any  of 
the  Provinces  within  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  North 
America,  and  they  are  hereby  respectively  authorized, 
empowered  and  directed,  on  the  requisition  of  the  Officer 
who,  for  the  time  being,  has  the  command  of  his  Majesty's 
forces,  in  North  America,  to  cause  any  Officers  or  Soldiers 
in  his  Majesty's  service  to  be  quartered  and  billetted  in 
such  manner  as  is  now  directed  by  law  where  no  Bairacks 
are  provided  by  the  Colonies. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  it  shall  happen  at  any  time  that  any  Officers  or 
Soldiers  in  his  Majesty's  service  shall  remain  within  any  of 
the  said  Colonies  without  Quarters,  for  the  space  of  twen- 
ty-four hours  after  such  Quarters  shall  have  been  demand- 
ed, it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the  Governor  of  the 
Province  to  order  and  direct  such  and  so  many  uninhabited 
houses,  out-houses,  bams,  or  other  buildings,  as  he  shall 
think  necessary  to  be  taken  (making  a  reasonable  allowance 
for  the  same)  and  make  fit  for  the  reception  of  such 
Officers  and  Soldiers,  and  to  put  and  quarter  such  Officers 
and  Soldiers  therein,  for  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  this  Act,  and  every  thing  herein  contained,  shall 
continue  and  be  in  force,  in  all  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in 
North  America,  until  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  March, 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-six. 


VII.     tilLL  FOR  GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  QUEBEC. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 
Monday,  May  2,  1774. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmouth  presented  to  the  House  a  Bill, 
intituled,  "  An  Act  making  more  effectual  provision  for 
"  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  in  North 
•'  America." 

The  said  Bill  was  read  the  first  time. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  printed. 

Tuesday,  May  3,   1774. 
Ordered,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 


Majesty,  to  desire  "  That  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to 
"  give  directions  that  there  be  laid  before  this  House  copies 
"  of  such  parts  of  the  Instructions  given  by  his  Majesty 
"  to  the  Governors  in  tiie  royal  Governments  in  America, 
"  relative  to  the  taking  up  of  Lands  by  Settlers,  and  the 
"  granting  Lands  therein,  particularly  in  the  Colony  oi 
"  Quebec." 

Wednesday,  May  4,  1774. 

Ordered,    That  the  Bill  be  read  a  second  time   on 
Monday  next ;  and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 


Hi 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


172 


Friday,  May  6,  1774. 

Ordered,  Tlial  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill,  which 
stands  appointed  for  Monday  next,  be  put  off  to  Thursday 
next ;    and  tliat  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

The  Earl  of  Dartmont/i  laid  before  the  House,  pur- 
suant to  an  Address  to  his  Majesty  for  that  purpose,  of 
the  :3d  instant, 

No.  1 .  Copy  of  Instructions  from  his  Majesty  to  Guy 
Carkton,  Esquire,  Governor  of  (Quebec,  respecting  the 
f;ranting  of  Lands  in  that  Province,  dated  12th  August, 
1768,  and  the  2d  of  July,  1771. 

No.  2.  Copy  of  his  Majesty's  Instructions  to  the  Go- 
vernors of  Nova  Scotia,  I^'ew  Hampshire,  New  York,  Vir- 
ginia, North  Carolina,  Sotith  Carolina,  Georgia,  East 
Florida,  and  West  Florida,  respecting  the  granting  of 
Lands  in  those  Provinces,  dated  3d  February,  1774. 

Thursday,  May  12,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  a  second  time. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  committed  to  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  whole  House. 

Ordered,  That  the  House  be  put  into  a  Committee 
ujwn  the  said  Bill  to-morrow ;  and  that  the  Lords  be 
.summoned. 

Fkidav,  May  13,  1774. 

Tlie  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  House  was  put 
into  Committee  on  the  Bill. 

After  some  time  the  House  was  resumed  : 

And  the  Lord  Boston  reported  from  the  Committee, 
"  That  diey  had  gone  tlirough  tlie  Bill,  and  made  several 
"  amendments  thereto,  which  he  was  ready  to  report  when 
"  the  House  will  please  to  receive  the  same." 

Ordered,  That  the  said  report  be  received  on  Monday 
next. 

Monday,  May  16,  1774. 

The  Lord  Boston,  according  to  order,  reported  the 
amendments  made  by  tlie  Committee  of  the  Whole  to  the 
Bill:  which  were  severally  read  and  agreed  to  by  the 
House. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  third  tune  to- 
morrow ;   and  that  the  Lords  be  summoned. 

Tuesday,  May  17,  1774. 

The  order  of  the  day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  a  third  time. 

Proposed  to  insert  the  following  Proviso  at  the  end  oi 
the  Bill: 

["  Provided,  Tliat  this  Act  shall  be  in  force  for  the 
"  space  of  seven  years,  and  to  the  end  of  the  then  next 
'■'  session  of  Parliament,  and  no  longer."] 

Which  being  objected  to ; 

After  debate,  the  question  was  put  thereupon,  and  it  was 
resolved  in  the  Negative. 

Moved,  "  That  the  Bill  do  Pass  ?" 

Which  being  objected  to  ; 

After  debate,  the  question  was  put,  whether  this  Bill 
shall  Pass  ? 

It  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative. 

A  Message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Commons  to 
carry  down  the  Bill,  and  desire  their  concurrence  thereto. 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS. 

Wednesday,  May  18,  1774. 

A  Message  from  the  Lords,  by  Mr.  Browning  and  Mr. 
Anguish: 

.Sir.  Speaker,  tlie  Lords  have  passed  a  Bill,  intituled, 
"  An  Act  making  more  effectual  provision  for  the  Go- 
"  veniment  of  the  Province  of  (Quebec,  in  North  America  ;" 
to  which  tlie  I^rds  desire  the  concurrence  of  the  House. 

The  Bill  was  read  the  first  time. 

Ordered,  That  tiie  said  Bill  be  printed. 

Resolved,  That  the  said  Bill  be  read  a  second  time,  to- 
mon'ow  sevennight,  the  26th  day  of  this  instant.  May. 


Friday,  May  20,  1774. 

Resolved,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  direc- 
tions, that  there  be  laid  before  this  House,  a  copy  of  his 
Majesty's  Proclamation,  respecting  the  settling  the  Acqui- 
shions  at  the  Peace,  in  November,  1763  ;  and  also  a  copy 
of  General  Murray's  commission,  as  Captain  General  of 
the  Province  of  Quebec. 

Thursday,  May  26,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  pursuant  to 
their  Address  to  his  Majesty  : 

No.  1.  Printed  Proclamation,  dated  7th  October,  1763  ; 
viz  : 

By  the  King. — A  Proclamation. 

GEORGE  R. 

Whereas  we  have  taken  into  our  royal  consideration 
the  extensive  and  valuable  acquisitions  in  America,  secured 
to  our  Crown  by  the  late  definitive  treaty  of  peace  con- 
cluded at  Paris,  the  tenth  day  of  February  last ;  and  being 
desirous  tliat  all  our  loving  subjects,  as  well  of  our  King- 
doms as  of  our  Colonies  in  America,  may  avail  themselves, 
with  all  convenient  speed,  of  the  great  benefits  and  advanta- 
ges which  must  accrue  therefrom  to  their  commerce,  manu- 
factures, and  navigation ;  we  have  thought  fit,  with  the 
advice  of  our  Privy  Council,  to  issue  this,  our  royal  pro- 
clamation, hereby  to  publish  and  declare  to  all  our  loving 
subjects,  that  we  have,  with  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Coun- 
cil, granted  our  letters  patent  under  our  great  seal  of  Great 
Britain,  to  erect  within  the  countries  and  islands,  ceded 
and  confirmed  to  us  by  the  said  treaty,  four  distinct  and 
separate  Governments,  styled  and  called  by  the  names  of 
Quebec,  East  Florida,  West  Florida,  and  Grenada,  and 
limited  and  bounded  as  follows,  viz : 

First,  The  Government  of  Quebec,  bounded  on  the  La- 
brador coast  by  the  river  St.  John,  and  from  thence  by  a 
line  drawn  from  the  head  of  that  river,  through  the  Lake 
St.  John,  to  the  South  end  of  the  Lake  Nipissim ;  from 
whence  the  said  line,  crossing  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Lake  Champlain  in  forty-five  degrees  of  North  latitude, 
passes  along  the  highlands,  which  divide  the  rivers  that 
empty  themselves  into  the  said  river  St.  Lawrence,  from 
those  which  fall  into  the  sea  ;  and  also  along  the  North 
coast  of  the  Baye  des  Chulcurs,  and  the  coast  of  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  Cape  Rosieres,  and  from  thence 
crossing  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  by  the  West 
end  of  the  island  of  Anticosti,  terminates  at  the  aforesaid 
river  St.  John. 

Secondly,  The  Government  of  East  Florida,  bounded 
to  the  Westward  by  tlie  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Apala- 
chicola  river ;  to  the  Northward,  by  a  line  drawii  from  that 
part  of  the  said  river  where  the  Chatahouchee  and  Flint 
rivers  meet,  to  the  source  of  St.  Mary's  river,  and  by  the 
course  of  the  said  river  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean ;  and  to 
the  East  and  South  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  the  Gulf 
of  Florida,  including  all  islands  within  six  leagues  of  the 
sea  coast. 

Thirdly,  The  Government  of  West  Florida,  bounded 
to  the  Southward  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  including  all 
islands  within  six  leagues  of  the  coast  from  the  river  Apa- 
lachicola  to  Lake  Pontchartrain;  to  the  Westward  by  the 
said  lake,  the  Lake  Mauripas,  and  the  river  Mississippi ; 
to  the  Northward,  by  a  line  drawn  due  East  from  that  part 
of  the  river  Mississippi  which  lies  in  thirty-one  degrees 
North  latitude,  to  the  river  Apalachicola,  or  Chatahouchee ; 
and  to  the  Eastward  by  the  said  river. 

Fourthly,  The  Government  of  Grenada,  comprehend- 
ing the  island  of  that  name,  together  with  the  Grenadines, 
and  the  islands  of  Dominico,  St.  Vincent,  and  Tobago. 

And  to  the  end  that  the  open  and  free  fishery  of  our 
subjects  may  be  extended  to,  and  carried  on  upon  the 
coast  of  Labrador  and  the  adjacent  islands,  we  have 
thought  fit,  with  the  advice  of  our  said  Privy  Council,  to 
put  all  tiiat  coast,  from  the  river  St.  John's  to  Hudson's 
Streights,  togetlier  with  the  islands  of  Anticosti  and  Made- 
laine,  and  all  other  smaller  islands  lying  upon  the  said 
coast,  under  the  care  and  inspection  of  our  Governor  of 
Neufoundland. 

We  have  also,  with  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Council, 


173 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


174 


thought  fit  to  annex  the  islands  of  Si.  John  and  Cape 
Breton,  or  Isle  Royale,  with  the  lesser  islands  adjacent 
thereto,  to  our  Government  of  Nova  Scotia. 

We  have  also,  with  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Council 
aforesaid,  annexed  to  our  Province  of  Georgia,  all  the 
lands  lying  between  the  rivers  Altamaha  and  .S'^  Martfs. 

And  whereas  it  will  greatly  contribute  to  the  speedy 
settling  our  said  new  Governments,  that  our  loving  subjects 
should  be  informed  of  our  jjaternal  care  for  the  security  of 
the  liberty  and  properties  of  those  who  are,  and  shall 
become  inhabitants  thereof;  we  have  thought  fit  to  publish 
and  declare,  by  this  our  proclamation,  that  we  have,  in  the 
letters  patent  under  our  great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  by 
which  the  said  Governments  are  constituted,  given  express 
power  and  direction  to  our  Governors  of  our  said  Colonies 
respectively,  that  so  soon  as  the  state  and  circumstances  of 
the  said  Colonies  will  admit  thereof,  they  shall,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  members  of  our  Council,  sum- 
mon and  call  General  Assemblies  within  the  said  Govern- 
ments respectively,  in  such  manner  and  form  as  is  used  and 
directed  in  those  Colonies  and  Provinces  in  America, 
which  are  under  our  immediate  Government ;  and  we  have 
also  given  power  to  the  said  Governors,  with  the  consent 
of  our  said  Councils,  and  the  Representatives  of  the  people, 
so  to  be  summoned  as  aforesaid,  to  make,  constitute,  and 
ordain  laws,  statutes,  and  ordinances  for  the  public  peace, 
welfare,  and  good  Government  of  our  said  Colonies,  and 
of  the  people  and  inhabitants  thereof,  as  near  as  may  be, 
ao-reeable  to  the  laws  of  England,  and  under  such  regula- 
tions and  restrictions  as  are  used  in  other  Colonies ;  and  in 
the  mean  time,  and  until  such  Assemblies  can  be  call- 
ed as  aforesaid,  all  persons  inhabiting  in,  or  resorting  to, 
our  said  Colonies,  may  confide  in  our  royal  protection  for 
the  enjoyment  of  the  benefit  of  the  laws  of  our  realm  of 
England :  for  which  purpose  we  have  given  power  under 
our  great  seal  to  the  Governors  of  our  said  Colonies 
respectively,  to  erect  and  constitute,  with  the  advice  of  our 
said  Councils  respectively,  courts  of  judicature  and  public 
justice  within  our  said  Colonies,  for  the  hearing  and  deter- 
mining all  causes,  as  well  criminal  as  civil,  according  to  law 
and  equity,  and,  as  near  as  may  be,  agreeable  to  the  laws 
of  England,  with  liberty  to  all  persons  who  may  think 
themselves  aggrieved  by  the  sentences  of  such  courts,  in 
all  civil  cases,  to  appeal,  under  the  usual  limitations  and 
restrictions,  to  us,  in  our  Privy  Council. 

We  have  also  thought  fit,  with  the  advice  of  our  Privy 
Council  as  aforesaid,  to  give  unto  the  Governors  and 
Councils  of  our  said  three  new  Colonies  upon  the  continent, 
full  power  and  authority  to  settle  and  agree  with  the  inha- 
bitants of  our  said  new  Colonies,  or  with  any  other  persons 
who  shall  resort  thereto,  for  such  lands,  tenements,  and 
hereditaments,  as  are  now,  or  hereafter  shall  be,  in  our 
power  to  dispose  of,  and  them  to  grant  to  any  such  person 
or  persons,  upon  such  terms,  and  under  such  moderate 
quit-rents,  services,  and  acknowledgments,  as  have  been 
appointed  and  settled  in  other  Colonies,  and  under  such 
other  conditions  as  shall  appear  to  us  to  be  necessary  and 
expedient  for  the  advantage  of  the  grantees,  and  the  im- 
provement and  settlement  of  our  said  Colonies. 

And  whereas  we  are  desirous,  upon  all  occasions,  to 
testify  our  royal  sense  and  approbation  of  the  conduct  and 
bravery  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  our  armies,  and  to 
reward  the  same,  we  do  hereby  command  and  empower 
our  Governors  of  our  said  three  new  Colonies,  and  all  other 
our  Governors  of  our  several  Provinces  on  the  Continent 
of  North  America,  to  grant,  without  fee  or  reward,  to  such 
reduced  officers  as  have  served  in  North  America  during 
the  late  war,  and  to  such  private  soldiers  as  have  been  or 
shall  be  disbanded  in  America,  and  are  actually  residing 
there,  and  shall  personally  apply  for  the  same,  the  follow- 
ing quantities  of  land,  subject,  at  the  expiration  of  ten 
years,  to  the  same  quit-rents  as  other  lands  are  subject 
to  in  the  Province  within  which  they  are  granted,  as  also 
subject  to  the  same  conditions  of  cultivation  and  improve- 
ment, viz: 

To  every  person  having  the  rank  of  a  field  officer, 
5,000  acres. 

To  every  captain,  3,000  acres. 

To  every  subaltern  or  staff"  officer,  2,000  acres. 

To  every  non-commission  officer,  200  acres. 

To  every  private  man,  50  acres. 


We  do  likewise  authorize  and  require  the  Governors 
and  Commanders-in-chief  of  all  our  said  Colonies  upon  the 
Continent  of  North  America  to  grant  the  like  quantities  of 
land,  and  upon  the  same  conditions,  to  such  reduced 
officers  of  our  navy  of  like  rank,  as  served  on  board  our 
ships  of  war  in  North  America  at  the  times  of  the  reduc- 
tion of  Louisbourg  and  (Quebec  in  the  late  war,  and  who 
shall  personally  apply  to  our  respective  Governors  for 
such  grants. 

And  whereas  it  is  just  and  reasonable,  and  essential  to 
our  interest,  and  the  security  of  our  Colonies,  that  the 
several  nations  or  tribes  of  Indians,  with  whom  we  are  con- 
nected, and  who  live  under  our  protection,  should  not  be 
molested  or  disturbed  in  the  possession  of  such  parts  of 
our  dominions  and  territories,  as,  not  having  been  ceded  to, 
or  purchased  by  us,  are  reserved  to  them,  or  any  of  them, 
as  their  hunting  grounds  ;  we  do  therefore,  with  the  advice 
of  our  Privy  Council,  declare  it  to  be  our  royal  will  and 
pleasure,  that  no  Governor,  or  Commander-in-chief,  in  any 
of  our  Colonies  of  Quebec,  East  Florida,  or  JVest  Florida, 
do  presume,  upon  any  pretence  whatever,  to  grant  warrants 
of  survey,  or  pass  any  patents  for  lands  beyond  the  bounds 
of  their  respective  Governments,  as  described  in  tiieir  com- 
missions ;  as  also  that  no  Governor  or  Commander-in-chief 
in  any  of  our  other  Colonies  or  Plantations  in  America,  do 
presume  for  the  present,  and  until  our  further  pleasure  be 
known,  to  grant  warrants  of  survey,  or  pass  patents  for  any 
lands  beyond  the  heads  or  sources  of  any  of  the  rivers 
which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  the  West  or 
Northwest ;  or  upon  any  lands  whatever,  which  not  having 
been  ceded  to,  or  purchased  by  us,  as  aforesaid,  are  reserv- 
ed to  the  said  Indians,  or  any  of  them. 

And  we  do  further  declare  it  to  be  our  royal  will  and 
pleasure,  for  the  present,  as  aforesaid,  to  reserve  under  our 
sovereignty,  protection,  and  dominion,  for  the  use  of  the 
said  Indians,  all  the  lands  and  territories  not  included  with- 
in the  limits  of  our  said  three  new  Governments,  or  within 
the  limits  of  the  territory  granted  to  the  Hudson^ s  Bay 
Company  ;  as  also,  all  the  lands  and  territories  lying  to  the 
westward  of  the  sources  of  the  rivers  which  fall  into  the 
sea  from  the  West  and  Northwest  as  aforesaid ;  and  we  do 
hereby  strictly  forbid,  on  pain  of  our  displeasure,  all  our 
loving  subjects  from  making  any  purchases  or  settlements 
whatever,  or  taking  possession  of  any  of  the  lands  above 
reserved,  without  our  especial  leave  and  license  for  that 
purpose  first  obtained. 

And  we  do  further  strictly  enjoin  and  require  all  persons 
whatever,  who  have  either  wilfully  or  inadvertently  seated 
themselves  upon  any  lands  within  the  countries  above  de- 
scribed, or  upon  any  c<her  lands,  which  not  having  been 
ceded  to,  or  purchased  by  us,  are  still  reserved  to  the  said 
Indians  as  aforesaid,  forthwith  to  remove  themselves  from 
such  settlements. 

And  whereas  great  frauds  and  abuses  have  been  com- 
mitted in  the  purchasing  lands  of  the  Indians,  to  the  great 
prejudice  of  our  interests,  and  to  the  great  dissatisfaction 
of  the  said  Indians;  in  order  therefore  to  prevent  such 
irregularities  for  the  future,  and  to  the  end  that  the  Indians 
may  be  convinced  of  our  justice  and  determined  resolution 
to  remove  all  reasonable  cause  of  discontent,  we  do,  with 
the  advice  of  our  Privy  Council,  strictly  enjoin  and  require 
that  no  private  person  do  presume  to  make  any  purchase 
from  the  said  Indians  of  any  lands  reserved  to  the  said 
Indians  within  those  parts  of  our  Colonies  where  we  have 
thought  proper  to  allow  settlement ;  but  that  if  at  any 
time  any  of  the  said  Indians  should  be  inclined  to  dispose 
of  the  said  lands,  the  same  shall  be  purchased  only  for  us, 
in  our  name,  at  some  public  meeting  or  assembly  of  the 
said  Indians,  to  be  held  for  that  purpose  by  the  Governor 
or  Commander-in-chief  of  our  Colonies  respectively  within 
which  they  shall  lie :  and  in  case  they  shall  lie  within  the 
limits  of  any  proprietary  Government,  they  shall  be  pur- 
chased only  for  the  use  and  in  the  name  of  such  pro- 
prietaries, conformable  to  such  directions  and  instructions 
as  we  or  they  shall  think  proper  to  give  for  that  purpose : 
and  we  do,  by  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Council,  declare 
and  enjoin,  that  the  trade  with  the  said  Indians  shall  be 
free  and  open  to  all  our  subjects  whatever,  provided  that 
every  person  who  may  incline  to  trade  with  the  said  In- 
dians, do  take  out  a  license  for  carrying  on  such  trade, 
from  the  Governor  or  Commander-in-chief  of  any  of  our 


175 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


476 


Colonies  respectively,  where  such  person  shall  reside,  and 
also  give  security  to  observe  such  regulations  as  we  shall 
at  any  time  think  fit,  by  ourselves  or  by  our  Commissa- 
ries, to  be  appointed  for  this  purpose,  to  direct  and  appoint 
for  the  benefit  of  the  said  trade :  and  we  do  hereby  autho- 
rize, enjoin,  and  require  tlie  Governors  and  Commanders- 
in-chief,  of  all  our  Colonies  respectively,  as  well  those 
under  our  immediate  Government,  as  those  under  the  Go- 
vernment and  direction  of  proprietaries,  to  grant  such  li- 
censes without  fee  or  reward,  taking  especial  care  to  insert 
therein  a  condition  that  such  license  shall  be  void,  and  the 
security  forfeited,  in  case  the  person  to  whom  the  same  is 
granted,  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  observe  such  regulations 
as  we  shall  think  proper  to  prescribe  as  aforesaid. 

And  we  do  further  expressly  enjoin  and  require  all  offi- 
cers whatever,  as  well  military  as  those  employed  in  the 
management  and  direction  of  Indian  aflairs  williin  the  ter- 
ritories reserved,  as  aforesaid,  for  the  use  of  the  said  In- 
diana, to  seize  and  apprehend  all  persons  whatever,  who 
standing  charged  with  treasons,  misprisons  of  treasons, 
murders,  or  other  felonies  or  misdemeanours,  shall  fly  from 
justice  and  take  refuge  in  the  said  territory,  and  to  send 
them  under  a  proper  guard  to  the  Colony  where  the  crime 
was  committed  of  which  they  stand  accused,  in  order  to 
take  their  trial  for  the  same. 

Given  at  our  Court  at  St.  James's,  the  seventh  day  of 
October,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-three, 
in  the  third  year  of  our  reign. 

God  save  the  King. 

IVo.  2.  Copy  of  a  Commission  for  James  Murray,  Esq,. 
to  be  Captain  General  and  Governor-in-chief  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  Quebec ;  viz  : 

G.  R. 

George  the  Third,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  of  Great  Biitain, 
France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and 
so  forth,  to  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  James  Murray, 
Esquire,  greeting  : 

We,  reposing  especial  trust  and  confidence  in  the  pru- 
dence, courage,  and  loyalty  of  you,  the  said  James  Murray, 
of  our  especial  gi-ace,  certain  knowledge  and  mere  motion, 
have  thought  fit  to  constitute  and  a])point,  and  by  these 
presents  do  constitute  and  appoint  you,  the  said  James 
Murray,  to  be  our  Captain  General  and  Governor-in-chief 
in  and  over  our  Province  of  Quebec,  in  America  ;  bounded 
on  the  Labrador  coast  by  tlie  river  St.  John ;  and  from 
thence  by  a  line  drawn  from  the  head  of  that  river  through 
the  Lake  St.  John  to  the  South  end  of  the  Lake  Nipissim, 
from  whence  the  said  line  crossing  tthe  river  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  Lake  Champlain,  in  forty-five  degrees  of  northern 
latitude,  passes  along  the  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers 
that  empty  themselves  into  the  said  river  St.  Laivrence 
from  those  which  fall  into  the  sea ;  and  also  along  the 
North  coast  of  the  Baye  des  Chaleurs  and  the  coast  of  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  Cape  Rosieres;  and  from  thence 
crossing  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  by  the  West 
end  of  the  Island  of  Anticosti,  terminates  at  the  aforesaid 
river  St.  John :  together  with  all  the  rights,  members,  and 
appurtenances  whatsoever  thereunto  belonging. 

And  we  do  hereby  require  and  command  you  to  do  and 
execute  all  things  in  due  manner  that  shall  belong  to  your 
said  command  and  the  tmst  we  have  reposed  in  you,  ac- 
cording to  the  several  powers  and  directions  granted  or  ap- 
pointed you  by  this  present  commission,  and  the  instruc- 
tions and  authorities  herewith  given  unto  you,  or  by  such 
other  powers,  instructions,  and  authorities  as  shall  at  any 
time  hereafter  be  granted  or  appointed  under  our  signet  and 
sign  manual,  or  by  our  order  in  our  Privy  Council,  and  ac- 
cording to  such  reasonable  laws  and  statutes  as  shall  hereaf- 
ter be  made  and  agreed  upon  by  you  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Council  and  Assembly  of  our  said  Province 
under  your  Government,  in  such  manner  and  form  as  is 
hereinafter  expressed. 

And  our  will  and  [ileasure  is,  that  you,  the  said  James 
Murray,  do,  after  the  publication  of  these  our  letters  jiatent 
and  after  the  appoiiument  of  our  Council  for  our  said  Pro- 
vince, in  such  manner  and  form  as  is  prescribed  in  tlie  in- 
structions whicii  you  will  herewith  receive,  in  the  first 
place,  take  the  oaths  appointed  to  be  taken  by  an  Act 
passed  in  the  first  year  of  tb.c  reign  of  King  George  the 


First,  intituled,  "An  .\ct  forthe  further  security  of  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  person  and  Government,  and  the  succession  of  the 
"  Crown  in  the  heirs  of  the  late  Princess  Sophia,  being 
"  Protestants,  and  for  extinguishing  the  hopes  of  the  pre- 
"  tended  Prince  of  Wales,  and  his  open  and  secret  abet- 
"  tors ;"  as  also  that  you  make  and  subscribe  the  declara- 
tion mentioned  in  an  Act  of  Parliament  made  in  the  twenty- 
fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  the  Second,  inti- 
tuled, "  An  Act  for  preventing  dangers  which  may  happen 
"  from  Popish  recusants;"  and  likewise,  that  you  take  the 
oath  of  office  usually  taken  by  our  Governors  in  the  other 
Colonies  for  the  due  execution  of  the  office  and  trust  of 
our  Captain  General  and  Governor-in-chief  in  and  over 
our  said  Province,  and  for  the  due  and  impartial  adminis- 
tration of  justice;  and  further,  that  you  take  the  oath  re-j 
quired  to  be  taken  by  the  Governors  of  the  Plantations,  to 
do  their  utmost  that  the  several  laws  relating  to  trade  and 
plantations  be  duly  observed  :  whicii  said  oaths  and  decla- 
rations our  Council  of  our  said  Province,  or  any  three  of 
the  members  thereof,  have  hereby  full  power  and  authority 
and  are  hereby  required,  to  tender  and  administer  to  you. 

All  whicii  being  duly  performed,  you  shall  yourself  ad- 
minister to  each  of  the  members  of  our  said  Council,  and 
to  the  Lieutenant  Governors  of  Montreal  and  Trois  Ri- 
vieres, the  said  oaths  mentioned  in  the  said  Act,  intituled, 
"  An  Act  for  the  further  security  of  his  Majesty's  ])erson 
"  and  Government,  and  the  succession  of  the  Crown  in  the 
"  heirs  of  the  late  Princess  Sophia,  being  Protestants,  and 
"  for  extinguishing  the  hopes  of  the  pretended  Prince  of 
"  Wales,  and  his  open  and  secret  abettors ;"  and  also  to 
cause  them  to  make  and  subscribe  the  afore-mentionetl 
declaration,  and  also  shall  administer  unto  them  the  usual 
oaths  for  the  due  execution  of  their  places  and  trust. 

And  we  do  further  give  and  grant  unto  you,  the  said 
James  Murray,  full  power  and  authority  fiom  time  to  time  » 
and  at  any  time  hereafter,  by  yourself,  or  by  any  other  to 
be  authorized  by  you  in  this  behalf,  to  administer  and  give 
the  oaths  mentioned  in  the  said  Act,  "  for  the  further  se- 
"  curity  of  his  Majesty's  person  and  Government,  and  the 
"  succession  of  the  Crown  in  the  heirs  of  the  late  Princess 
"  Sophia,  being  Protestants,  and  for  extinguishing  the 
"  hopes  of  the  pretended  Prince  of  Wales,  and  his  open 
"  and  secret  abettors ;"  to  all  and  every  such  person  or 
persons  as  you  shall  think  fit,  who  shall  at  any  time  or 
times  pass  into  our  said  Province,  or  shall  be  resident  or 
abiding  there. 

And  we  do  hereby  authorize  and  empower  you  to  keep 
and  use  the  public  seal  which  will  herewith  be  delivered  to 
you,  or  shall  be  hereafter  sent  to  you,  for  sealing  all  things 
whatsoever  that  shall  pass  the  great  seal  of  our  Province. 

And  we  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you.  the  said 
James  Murray,  full  power  and  authority,  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  our  said  Council  to  be  appointed  as  afore- 
said, so  soon  as  the  situation  and  circumstances  of  our  said 
Province  under  your  Government  will  admit  thereof,  and 
when  and  as  often  as  need  shall  require,  to  summon  and 
call  General  Assemblies  of  the  freeholders  and  plantei-s 
within  your  Government,  in  such  manner  as  you  in  your 
discretion  shall  judge  most  proper ;  or  according  to  such 
further  powers,  instructions,  and  authorities,  as  shall  be  at 
any  time  hereafter  granted  or  appointed  you  under  our 
signet  or  sign  manual,  or  by  our  order  in  our  Privy 
Council. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  persons  tiiereupon 
duly  elected  by  the  major  part  of  the  freeholders  of  the  re- 
spective parishes  or  precincts,  and  so  returned,  shall,  before 
tlieir  sitting,  take  the  oaths  mentioned  in  the  said  Act,  in- 
tituled, "  An  Act  for  the  further  security  of  his  Majesty's 
"  person  and  Government,  and  the  succession  of  the  Crown 
"  in  the  heirs  of  tlie  late  Princess  Sophia,  being  Protes- 
"  tants,  and  for  extinguisiiing  the  hopes  of  the  pretended 
"  Prince  of  Wales,  and  his  open  and  secret  abettors;"'  and 
also  make  and  subscribe  the  fore-mentioned  declaration  : 
which  oaths  and  declaration  you  shall  commissionate  fit 
persons  under  the  public  seal  of  that  our  Province  to  ten- 
der and  administer  unto  them  ;  and,  until  tlie  same  shall 
be  so  taken  and  subscribed,  no  person  shall  be  capable  of 
sitting,  t'lMHigh  elected. 

And  we  do  hereby  declare,  that  the  persons  so  elected 
and  qualified  shall  be  called  the  Assembly  of  that  our  Pro- 
vincje  of  Quebec ;  and  that  you.  tlie  said  James  Murray, 


177 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


178 


by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  our  said  Council  and 
Assembly,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  shall  have  full  power 
and  authority  to  make,  constitute,  and  ordain,  laws,  statutes, 
and  ordinances,  for  the  public  peace,  welfare,  and  good 
Government  of  our  said  Province,  and  of  the  people  and 
inhabitants  thereof,  and  such  others  as  shall  resort  thereiui- 
to,  and  for  the  benefit  of  us,  our  heirs  and  successors ; 
which  said  laws,  statutes,  and  ordinances,  are  not  to  be  re- 
pugnant, but.  as  near  as  may  be,  asreeable  to  the  laws  and 
statutes  of  this  our  Kinsdom  of  Grea'  Britain. 

Provided  that  all  such  laws,  statutes,  and  ordinances,  of 
what  nature  or  duration  soever  they  be,  shall  be,  within 
three  mcHitlis,  or  sooner,  alter  the  making  therecrf",  trans- 
mitted to  us,  under  our  seal  of  our  said  Province,  for  our  ap- 
probation or  disallowance  of  the  same,  as  ako  dupUcates 
thereof,  by  the  next  conveyance. 

And  in  case  any,  or  all,  of  the  said  laws,  statutes,  and 
ordinances,  not  before  confirmed  by  us,  shall  at  any  time 
be  disallowed  and  not  approved,  and  so  signified  by  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  under  our,  or  their,  signet  and  sign 
manual,  or  by  order  of  our,  or  their,  Priv\-  Council,  unto 
you,  the  said  James  Murray,  or  to  the  Commander-in- 
cljief  of  our  said  Province  for  the  time  being,  then  such 
and  so  many  of  the  said  laws,  statutes,  and  ordinances,  as 
shall  be  so  disallowed  and  not  approved,  ^all  firom  thence- 
forth cease,  determine,  and  become  utterly  void  and  of  no 
efiect ;  any  thing  to  the  contrary  thereof  notwithstanding. 

And  to  the  end  tliat  notiiing  may  be  passed  or  done  by 
our  said  Council  or  Assembly  to  the  prejudice  of  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  we  will  and  cMtlain  tliat  you,  the  said 
James  Murrai/,  shall  have  and  enjoy  a  negative  voice  in  the 
making  and  passing  all  laws,  statutes,  and  ordinances,  as 
aforesaid ;  and  tliat  you  shall  and  may  likewise  from  time 
to  time,  as  you  shall  judge  necessary,  adjourn,  prorogue, 
or  dissolve  all  General  Assemblies  as  aforesaid. 

And  we  do  by  these  presents  give  and  grant  unto  you, 
the  said  James  Murray,  fail  power  and  autliority,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  our  said  Council,  to  erect,  constitute, 
and  establish  such  and  so  many  courts  of  judicature  and 
public  justice  within  our  said  Province  under  your  Go- 
vermnent  as  you  and  they  shall  think  fit  and  necessar)', 
for  the  hearing  and  detennininsr  of  all  causes,  as  well  crimi- 
nal as  civil,  according  to  law  and  equity,  and  for  awarding 
execution  thereupon,  with  all  reasonable  and  necessarj- 
powers,  autliorities,  fees,  and  privileges  belonging  thereto  ; 
as  also  to  appoint  and  comraissionate  fit  persons  in  the 
several  parts  of  your  Government  to  administer  the  oaths 
mentioned  in  the  albresaid  Act,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for 
"  the  further  security  of  his  Majesty's  person  and  Go- 
"  vemment,  and  the  succession  of  the  Crown  in  the  heirs 
"  of  the  late  Princess  iiophia,  being  Protestants,  and  for 
"  extinguishmg  the  hopes  of  the  pretended  Prince  of 
"  Wales,  and  his  open  and  secret  abettors ;"  as  also  to 
tender  and  administer  the  aforesaid  declaration  to  such 
persons  belonging  to  the  said  courts  as  shall  be  obliged  to 
take  the  same. 

And  we  do  hereby  grant  unto  you  fiill  power  and  au- 
thority to  constitute  and  appoint  Judges,  and,  in  cases  re- 
quisite. Commissioners  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  Justices  of 
the  Peace,  and  other  necessary  officers  and  ministers,  in 
our  said  Province,  for  the  belter  administration  of  justice, 
and  puttini:  the  laws  in  execution ;  and  to  administer,  or 
cause  to  be  administered,  unto  them,  such  oath  or  oatlis  as 
are  usually  given  for  the  due  execution  and  performance  of 
offices  and  places,  and  for  clearing  the  truth  in  judicial 
causes. 

And  we  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you  full  power 
and  authority,  when  you  shall  see  cause,  or  shall  judge 
any  offender  or  offenders  in  criminal  matters,  or  for  anv 
fines  or  foriieitures  due  unto  us,  fit  objects  of  our  mercy,  to 
pardon  all  such  offenders,  and  remit  all  such  offences,  fines, 
and  forfeitures,  treason  and  wilful  murder  only  excepted  ; 
in  whicli  cases  you  shall  likewise  have  power,  upon  extra- 
ordinary' occasions,  to  grant  reprieves  to  the  offender  until, 
and  to  the  intent  that,  our  royal  pleasure  may  be  knowTi 
therein. 

And  we  do  by  these  presents  give  and  grant  unto  you  full 
power  and  authority  to  collate  any  person  or  persons  to  anv 
ciiurches.  chapels,  or  other  ecclesiastical  benefices  within 
our  said  Province,  as  often  as  any  of  them  shall  happen  to 
be  void. 

Fourth  Series.  18 


And  we  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you,  the  said 
James  Murray,  by  yourself,  or  by  your  Captains  and  Com- 
manders by  you  to  be  authorized,  foil  power  and  autlicffiiy 
to  lev\-.  arm,  muster,  command,  and  employ  all  person^ 
whatsoever  residing  within  our  said  Province  ;  and,  as  occa- 
sion shall  ser\-e,  them  to  march,  embark,  or  transport,  fitMii 
one  place  to  another,  for  the  resisting  and  withstanding  of 
all  enemies,  pirates,  and  rebels,  both  at  land  and  sea  ;  and 
to  transport  such  forces  to  any  of  our  Plantations  in  America. 
if  necessity  shall  require,  for  the  defence  of  the  same  against 
the  invask)n  or  attempts  of  any  of  our  enemies  ;  and  such 
enemies,  pirates,  and  rebels,  il' there  should  be  occasion,  to 
pursue  and  prosecute  in  or  o»it  of  the  Umits  of  our  said  Pro- 
vince :  and,  if  it  shall  so  please  God,  them  to  vanquish,  ap- 
prehend, and  take  ;  and,  being  taken,  according  to  law  to 
put  to  death,  or  keep  and  preserve  alive,  at  your  discretion ; 
and  to  execute  martial  law  in  time  of  invasion,  war,  or  other 
times,  when  by  law  it  may  be  executed  ;  and  to  do  and 
execute  all  and  everv-  otiier  tiling  and  things  which  to  our 
Captain  General  and  Grovernor-in-chief  doth,  or  of  right 
ought  to  belong. 

And  we  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you  fiill  power 
and  authority,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  our 
said  Council,  to  erect,  raise,  and  build  in  our  said  Province, 
such  and  so  many  forts,  platforms,  castles,  cities,  boroughs, 
towns,  and  fortifications,  as  you,  by  the  advice  aforesaid, 
shall  judge  necessar}-,  and  the  same,  or  any  of  them,  to 
fortifv-  and  fornish  with  ordinance,  ammunition,  and  all  sorts 
of  arms  fit  and  necessary  for  the  security  and  defence  of  our 
said  Province  ;  and  by  the  advice  aforesaid,  the  same  again, 
or  any  of  them,  to  demolish  or  dismantle  as  may  be  most 
convenient. 

And  forasmuch  as  divers  mutinies  and  disorders  may  hap- 
pen by  persons  shipped  and  employed  at  sea  during  the 
lime  of  war,  and  to  the  end  that  such  as  shaU  be  shipped 
and  employed  at  sea  during  tlie  time  of  war  may  be  better 
governed  and  ordered,  we  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  you, 
the  said  James  Murray,  foil  power  and  authority  to  consti- 
tute and  appcMnt  Captains,  Lieutenants,  Masters  of  Ships, 
and  other  Commanders  and  Officers  ;  and  to  grant  to  such 
Captains,  Lieutenants,  Masters  of  Ships,  and  other  Com- 
manders and  Officers,  commissions  to  execute  the  law  mar- 
tial, durins  the  time  of  war,  according  to  tlie  directions  of 
an  Act  passed  in  the  twent}' -second  year  of  tlie  reign  of  our 
late  royal  grandfather,  intitided,  "  An  Act  for  amending, 
"  explaining,  and  reducing  into  one  act  of  Parliament,  the 
•'  laws  relating  to  tlie  Government  of  his  Majesty's  ships, 
"  vessels,  and  forces,  by  sea ;"  and  to  use  such  proceedings, 
authorities,  pmiisliments,  corrections,  and  executions  upon 
ever)'  offender  or  offenders,  who  shall  be  mutinous,  sedi- 
tious, disorderly,  or  any  way  unruly,  either  at  sea,  or  during 
the  time  of  their  abode  or  residence  in  any  of  the  pans, 
harbours,  or  bays  in  our  said. Province,  as  the  case  shall  be 
found  to  require,  according  to  martial  law ;  and  the  said 
directions,  during  the  time  of  war,  as  aforesaid. 

Provided,  that  nothing  herein  contained  shall  be  con- 
strued to  the  enabling  you,  or  any  by  your  authority-,  to 
hold  plea,  or  have  any  jurisdiction  of  any  offence,'  cause, 
matter,  or  tiling  committed  or  done  upon  the  high  sea,  or 
within  any  of  the  havens,  rivers,  or  creeks  of  our  said 
Province  under  your  GJovemment,  by  any  Captain.  Com- 
mander, Lieutenant,  Master,  Officer,  Seaman,  Soldier,  or 
person  whatsoever,  who  shall  be  in  actual  service  and  pay, 
in  or  on  board  any  of  our  ships  of  war,  or  other  vessels 
acting  by  immediate  commission  or  warrant  fiom  our  Com- 
missioner for  executing  the  office  of  High  Admiral  of  Great 
Britain,  or  fixjni  our  High  Admiral  of  Great  Britain,  for 
the  time  beins,  mider  the  seal  of  our  Admiralty  ;  but  that 
such  Captain,  Commander,  Lieutenant,  Master,  Officer, 
Seaman,  Soldier,  or  otlier  person,  so  offending,  shall  be 
left  to  be  proceeded  against,  and  tried,  as  their  offences 
shall  require,  either  by  commission  under  our  great  seal  of 
this  Kingdom,  as  the  statute  of  the  twenty-eightli  of  Henry 
VHL  directs  ;  or  bv  commission  from  our  said  Commis- 
sioners for  executing  the  office  of  High  Admiral  of  Great 
Britain,  or  from  our  High  Admiral  of  Great  Britain,  for  the 
time  beinsT,  accordins;  to  the  aforementioned  Act,  intituled, 
'■  An  Act  for  aniendins,  explaining,  and  reducing  into  one 
'•  act  of  Parliament,  the  laws  relating  to  the  Government 
"  of  his  Majesty's  ships,  vessels,  and  forces,  by  sea;"  and 
not  otherwise. 


179 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


180 


Provided  nevertheless,  that  all  disorders  and  misdemea- 
nors committed  on  shore  by  any  Captain,  Commander, 
Lieutenant,  Master,  Oflicer,  Seaman,  Soldier,  or  other  per- 
son whatsoever,  belonging  to  any  of  our  ships  of  war,  or 
other  vessels  acting  by  immediate  commission  or  warrant 
from  our  Commissioners  for  executing  the  office  of  High 
Admiral  of  Great  Britain,  or  from  our  Higii  Admiral  of 
Great  Britain,  for  tiie  lime  behig,  under  the  seal  of  our 
Admiralty,  may  be  tried  and  punished  according  to  the 
laws  of  the  place,  where  any  such  disorders,  offences,  and 
misdemeanors  shall  be  committed  on  shore ;  notwithstand- 
ing such  offender  be  in  our  actual  service,  and  borne  in 
our  pay  on  board  any  of  our  ships  of  war,  or  other  ves- 
sels acting  by  our  innnediate  commission,  or  warrant  from 
our  Commissioners  for  executing  the  office  of  High  Admi- 
ral of  Great  Britain,  or  from  our  High  Admiral  of  Great 
Britain,  for  the  time  being,  as  aforesaid,  so  as  he  sliall  not 
receive  any  protection  for  the  avoiding  of  justice  for  such 
offences  committed  on  shore  from  any  pretence  of  his  being 
employed  in  our  service  at  sea. 

And  our  further  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  all  public 
moneys  raised,  or  which  shall  be  raised,  by  any  act  here- 
after to  be  made  vvitliin  our  said  Province,  be  issued  out 
by  warrant  from  you,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  our  Council,  as  aforesaid,  for  the  support  of  the  Govern- 
ment, and  not  otherwise. 

And  we  likewise  give  and  grant  unto  you  full  power  and 
authority,  by  and  witli  the  advice  and  consent  of  our  said 
Council,  to  settle  and  agree  with  the  inhabitants  of  our  said 
Province,  for  such  lands,  tenements,  and  hereditaments,  as 
now  are,  or  hereafter  shall  be  in  our  power  to  dispose  of, 
and  them  to  grant  to  any  person  or  persons  upon  such 
terms  and  under  such  moderate  quit-rents,  services,  and 
acknowledgments  to  be  thereupon  reserved  unto  us,  as  you, 
with  the  advice  aforesaid,  shall  tiiink  fit ;  which  said  grants 
are  to  pass,  and  be  sealed  by  our  public  seal  of  our  said 
Province,  and  being  entered  upon  record  by  such  officer 
or  officers  as  shall  be  aj)pointed  thereunto,  shall  be  good 
and  effectual  in  law  against  us,  our  lieirs,  and  successors. 

Provided  the  same  be  conformable  to  the  instructions 
herewith  delivered  to  you,  or  to  such  other  instructions  as 
niay  hereafter  be  sent  to  you  under  our  signet  and  sign 
manual,  or  by  our  order  in  our  Privy  Council ;  which  in- 
structions, or  any  articles  contained  therein,  or  any  such 
order  made  in  our  Privy  Council,  so  far  as  the  same  shall 
relate  to  tiie  granting  of  lands  as  aforesaid,  shall  from  time 
to  time  be  published  in  the  Province,  and  entered  on  re- 
cord in  like  manner  as  the  said  grants  are  hereby  directed 
to  be  entered. 

And  we  do  hereby  give  you,  the  said  James  Murray, 
full  power  and  authoiity  to  order  fairs,  marts,  and  markets  ; 
and  also  such  and  so  many  ports,  harbours,  bays,  havens, 
and  other  places  for  the  conveniency  or  security  of  ship- 
ping, and  for  the  better  loading  and  unloading  of  goods  and 
merchandises,  in  such  and  so  many  places,  as  by  you,  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  our  said  Council,  shall  be  thought 
fit  and  necessary. 

And  we  do  hereby  require  and  command  all  officers  and 
ministers,  civil  and  military,  and  all  other  inhabitants  of  our 
said  Province  to  be  obedient,  aiding,  and  assisting  unto  you, 
the  said  James  Murray,  in  the  execution  of  this  our  com- 
mission, and  of  tlie  powei-s  and  authorities  therein  contain- 
ed ;  and  in  case  of  your  death  or  absence  from  our  said 
Province  and  Government,  to  be  obedient,  aiding,  and  as- 
sisting, as  aforesaid,  to  the  Commander-in-chief  for  the  time 
i)eing,  to  whom  we  do  therefore  by  these  presents  give  and 
grant  all  and  singular  the  powers  and  authorities  herein 
granted  to  be  by  him  executed  and  enjoyed,  during  our 
pleasure,  or  until  your  arrival  witliin  our  said  Province. 

And  in  case  of  your  deatii  or  absence  from  our  said  Pro- 
vince, our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  our  Lieutenant  Go- 
vernor of  Montreal  or  Trois  Rivieres,  according  to  the 
priority  of  their  commissions  of  Lieutenant  Governor,  do 
execute  our  said  commission  with  all  the  powers  and  au- 
tliorities  therein  mentioned,  as  aforesaid.  And  in  caSe  of 
the  death  or  absence  of  our  Lieutenant  Governors  of  Mon- 
treal and  Trois  liivieres  from  our  said  Province,  and  that 
there  shall  be  no  person  within  our  said  Province  ajipoint- 
ed  by  us  to  be  Lieutenant  Governor  or  Commander-in- 
chief  of  our  said  Province,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that 
die  eldest  Counsellor,  who  shall  be,  at  the  time  of  vour 


death  or  absence,  residing  within  our  said  Province,  shall 
take  upon  him  the  administration  of  the  Government,  and 
execute  our  said  commission  and  instructions,  and  the  sev- 
eral powers  and  anthorities  therein  contained,  in  the  same 
manner  and  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  other  our  Go- 
vernor or  Commander-in-chief  should  or  ought  to  do,  in 
case  of  your  absence,  or  until  your  return,  or  in  all  cases 
until  our  further  ])leasure  be  known. 

And  we  do  hereby  declare,  ordain,  and  appoint,  tliat 
you,  the  said  James  Murray,  shall  and  may  hold,  execute, 
and  enjoy  the  office  and  place  of  our  Captain  General  and 
Governor-ill-chief,  in  and  over  our  said  Province  of  Qtie- 
bec,  and  all  the  territories  dependant  thereon,  with  all  and 
singular  the  powers  and  authorities  hereby  granted  unto 
you,  for  and  during  our  will  and  pleasure. 

In  witness  whereof  we  have  caused  these  our  letters  to 
be  made  patent. 

Witness  ourself  at    Westminster,  the   twenty-first  day 
of  November,  in  the  fourtii  year  of  our  reign. 
By  writ  of  Privy  Seal. 

(Signed)  YORKE  &  YORKE. 

The  Order  of  the  Day,  for  the  second  reading  of  the  Bill, 
being  read, 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  said,  the  very  deplorable  situation  of 
the  Canadians  ever  since  the  late  peace,  has  been  a  matter, 
I  confess,  which  has  repeatedly  engaged  my  attention. 
Without  law,  without  regulation,  or  any  protection  what- 
ever, I  must  own,  I  often  pressed  that  they  should  be 
put  under  some  form  of  Government,  or  left  to  themselves, 
to  choose  a  mode  of  regulation  suited  to  their  immediate 
wants ;  but  little  did  I  think  that  my  solicitude  was  press- 
ing on  to  a  measure  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature  as  the 
present;  little  did  I  think,  that  a  country  as  large  as  half 
Europe,  and  within  the  Dominions  of  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain,  was  going  to  have  the  Romish  religion  establish- 
ed in  it,  as  the  religion  of  the  State. 

Little  did  I  think,  that  so  many  thousand  men,  entitled 
and  born  to  the  rights  of  Englishmen,  settling  on  the  faith 
of  the  King's  proclamation,  should,  contrary  to  that  assis- 
tance, contrary  to  every  idea  of  the  constitution,  be  sub- 
jected to  French  Papists,  and  French  laws.  Little  did  I 
think,  that  when  the  noble  Lord  opposite  me  v\as  frequent- 
ly applied  to,  session  after  session,  in  this  House,  to  restore 
order  and  regulation,  in  a  country  where  nothing  for  full 
twelve  years  had  prevailed  but  anarchy  and  confusion ; 
and  that  his  liOrdship  assured  us,  that  the  Crown  Officers 
in  that  country,  the  Crown  Officers  over  the  way  (Solicitor 
and  Attorney  General,)  the  sages  learned  in  the  law,  the 
first  great  law  officer  under  the  Crown  in  the  other  House, 
nay,  even  the  Lord  President  of  the  Council,  had  been 
consulted,  and  had  turned  their  closest  attention  to  this 
subject ;  little  did  I  think,  1  say,  that  any  measure  like  the 
present  could  have  been  the  united  result  of  so  many  great, 
wise,  grave,  and  learned  men.  Standing  as  1  do,  and  as- 
tonished as  I  am,  1  call  upon  the  noble  Lord  to  answer 
and  tell  to  whicii  of  those  sages  does  the  nation,  do  the 
Canadiam,  stand  indebted  for  this  extraordinary  act  of  le- 
gislation. Is  it  to  the  Lord  President,  to  the  first  law  officer 
in  the  other  House  ?  Is  it  to  tiie  very  able  and  learned 
gentleman  over  tlie  way  ?  or  to  his  Majesty's  law  servants 
in  Canada  1  JJut  let  it  have  originated  where  it  might,  1 
rise  not  only  to  condemn  the  several  clauses,  but  the  very 
principle  of  the  Bill,  and  shall  be  therefore  against  its  being 
read  a  second  time. 

The  Bill  establishes  a  despotic  Government  in  that 
country,  to  whicli  tlie  Royal  Proclamation  of  1763  promis- 
ed the  protection  of  tlie  la^vs  of  England.  I  call  it  despo- 
tic ;  for  so  in  fact  it  is,  as  the  Council  of  Seventeen  or 
Twenty-three  is,  with  the  Go\ernor,  tlie  legislative  authori- 
ty of  the  Province.  This  Council  the  Governor  can  ap- 
point, suspend,  and  turn  out,  at  his  pleasure :  there  is  no 
(]uoruin  appointed  ;  for  what  purpose  omitted,  no  one  can 
tell.  Now,  Sir,  tliis  is  rendering  the  Governor  securely 
absolute  ;  you  had  much  better  have  made  him  literally  so, 
and  then  he  would  not  have  had  a  Council  to  screen  him: 
he  is  resjionsible  in  England,  if  he  acts  tyrannically  ;  but 
by  means  of  this  convenient  Legislative  Council,  he  can  do 
any  thing  with  impunity. 

Well,  Sir,  not  content  with  constituting  this  Legislative 
Council,  the  mere  creature  of  a  Governor,  who  must  ne- 


181 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


182 


cessarily  be  the  creature  of  a  Minister,  you  go  farther,  and 
throw  under  this  absokite  power  a  country  never  considered 
as  Canada,  and  peopled  by  British  subjects  alone  ;  for  you 
extend  the  Government  to  the  Mississippi  on  the  West, 
to  the  Ohio  on  the  South,  to  Hudson's  Bay  on  the  North, 
and  on  the  East,  to  God  knows  where  ;  for  no  mortal  can 
tell  from  the  Bill  where  the  Eastern  boundaries  are,  so  ex- 
ceedingly indefinite  and  unintelligible  is  the  Bill.  I  should 
be  glad  to  know  for  what  purpose  the  Colony  is  thus  ama- 
zingly extended. 

In  the  next  place,  Sir,  the  internal  arrangement  of  the 
Colony  consists  in  leaving  the  inhabitants  the  civil  law 
of  France.  You  take  away  tiie  trial  by  Jury,  in  civil 
mattere,  and  you  cut  off  the  habeas  corpus  from  them. 
Thus,  in  giving  a  Government  to  the  Canadians,  you  de- 
prive many  British  borri  subjects,  residing  in  countries 
where  they  never  dreamed  of  such  innovations,  of  the 
dearest  birth-rights  of  Britains.  And  as  by  this  Act  all 
commissions  to  the  legal  Magistrates  are  revoked,  I  sup- 
pose the  Province  is  to  change  her  present  excellent  Chief 
Justice  for  a  new  one  to  be  appointed.  It  is  for  these 
reasons,  Sir,  and  for  others,  which  I  am  clear  will  suggest 
themselves  to  all  the  members  of  the  House,  that  I  shall 
give  my  hearty  negative  to  the  Bill. 

Lord  North.  Tlie  honorable  gentleman  has  put  a  string 
of  questions  to  me,  which  I  am  in  no  way  able,  nor,  if  I  were, 
should  I  look  upon  myself  bound  to  answer.  I  know  not 
who  drew  the  Bill  up.  I  know  not  whether  it  was  this  great 
Lawyer,  or  that  noble  Lord.  All  I  know  about  the  matter 
is,  that  it  is  a  Bill  from  the  other  House  offered  to  us  for 
consideration,  and  on  which  the  House  is  at  liberty  to  form 
that  opinion  best  suited  to  its  wisdom  and  judgment.  I 
know  further,  that  very  great  and  uncommon  pains  have 
been  taken  to  form  a  Bill  least  liable  to  inconvenience  or 
objection  from  any  quarter.  The  honorable  gentleman  has 
often  pressed  the  King's  servants  on  this  subject,  and  now 
owns  that  the  affairs  of  that  country  call  loudly  for  regula- 
tion and  redress  ;  yet  the  very  first  attempt  that  is  made  to 
put  them  on  a  proper  footing,  he  at  once  condemns  in  the 
gross,  and  is  willing  to  continue  the  evils  he  complains  of, 
rather  than  attempt  their  correction  in  the  first  instance. 
For  my  part,  all  circumstances  considered,  I  think  the  Bill 
is  tlie  best  that  can  at  present  be  devised  ;  other  gentlemen, 
may  think  otherwise  ;  but  at  all  events  it  seems  to  me 
proper  that  it  should  be  permitted  to  go  to  a  Committee  ; 
and  if  it  shall  then  appear  to  be  the  sense  of  tlie  House, 
that  the  Bill  should  pass  in  its  present  form,  that  it  should 
receive  amendments,  or  that  particular  clauses  should  be 
struck  out,  and  others  substituted  in  their  stead  ;  or,  in  fine, 
that  it  should  be  totally  rejected  ;  in  any  or  either  of  these 
events,  I  shall  be  perfectly  satisfied. 

I  wish  to  give  the  right  honorable  member  all  the  satis- 
faction in  my  power  upon  this  measure.  Respecting  the 
Government  given  to  the  Province,  the  right  honorable 
gentleman  objects,  I  suppose,  to  an  Assembly  not  being 
appointed.  The  reason  why  a  Council  alone,  appointed 
by  the  Governor,  was  preferred,  was  the  small  number  of 
English  settlers  who  must  choose  that  Assembly,  in  order 
for  their  acts  to  govern  and  bind  all  the  French  and 
Roman  Catholic  subjects.  This,  Sir,  was  thought  to  be 
very  unequal,  and  even  cruel,  tohave  an  Assembly,  chosen 
by  so  small  a  body,  govern  so  large  a  one  ;  and  if  the  busi- 
ness is  considered  maturely,  it  will,  I  believe,  be  found  the 
most  conducive  to  the  happiness  of  the  People.  Next, 
Sir,  as  to  the  extent  given  to  this  Colony  ;  it  takes  in  no 
countries  regularly  jilanted  by  British  settlers,  but  merely 
distant  military  posts,  at  present  without  any  Government 
but  that  of  tiie  respective  commanding  officers.  Now,  the 
question  here  is  merely  this,  will  you  annex  them  under 
the  present  Government  ?  Will  you  leave  them  without 
any  Government  ?  Or  will  you  form  separate  Govern- 
ments and  Colonies  of  them  ? 

It  was  thought  by  the  Lords,  that  the  plan  in  which  there 
were  the  fewest  inconveniences,  was  to  throw  the  scattered 
{)osts  to  the  Government  of  (^mhcc.  As  to  the  civil  law 
of  France  being  left  to  the  Canadians,  it  was  thought  more 
humane  to  them  than  to  change  it  for  a  now  law,  of  which 
they  must  be  entirely  ignorant,  as  the  trial  by  Jury,  in 
criminal  matters  is  given  them.  The  present  officers  in 
the  Province  were  not  meant  to  be  changed,  most  cer- 
tainly. 


Mr.  Dunning.  I  cannot  omit  this  opportunity  of  giving 
my  hearty  protest  against  a  Bill,  which,  in  my  conscience, 
I  think  destnictive  of  every  principle  of  freedom,  and 
abounding  with  mischief  of  a  most  serious  tendency.  Sir, 
I  shall  beg  leave  to  follow  the  noble  I>ord  in  the  reply  he 
has  given  to  the  honorable  member  who  stated  his  objec- 
tions to  the  Bill ;  a  reply  which  by  no  means  answers  those 
objections  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  appear  to  me  to  remain 
in  full  force.  And  in  endeavouring  to  do  this,  1  shall  divide 
what  I  have  to  observe  into  two  considerations :  first,  the 
consequences  which  will  attend  this  Bill  if  it  passes,  in  case 
Canada  siiould  ever  be  restored  to  France,  an  idea  which 
by  no  means  hurts  me  ;  for  if  it  should  pass,  I  must  own  ] 
would  as  soon  see  the  one  Sovereign  reigning  there  as  the 
other ;  I  mean,  it  will  be  of  little  consequence  to  the 
People,  and  they  will  be  as  free  in  one  case  as  in  the 
other.  My  second  consideration  will  be,  if  the  Province 
should  remain  to  England. 

Consider  what  it  was  for  which  you  engaged  in  the 
last  war,  encroachments  of  the  French  upon  our  Colon- 
ies ;  they  passed  down  their  rivers,  they  seized  upon 
large  tracts,  and  built  forts  about  this  very  country  to 
the  southward  of  Canada,  claiming  it  as  a  part  of  Canada. 
You  repelled  force  by  force ;  they  offered  to  you  to  with- 
draw from  the  South  of  the  Ohio,  and  retire  to  the  North, 
making  that  river  the  boundary  of  the  two  Colonies.  No, 
you  replied  ;  the  river  of  St.  Lawrence  is  the  boundary  of 
Canada ;  we  will  admit  of  no  other ;  the  tracts  which  you 
claim  are  parts  of  our  Colonies  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania, 
&;c.,  and  we  cannot  grant  away  the  certain  and  undoubted 
rights  of  our  subjects  in  such  a  manner.  This  refusal 
brought  on  the  war;  and  in  case  a  future  war  should 
happen,  in  which  your  arms  do  not  succeed  in  the  manner 
they  did  in  the  last  war,  you  may  then  find  yourself  treat- 
ing upon  the  re-cession  of  Canada  to  France ;  will  not  the 
French  demand  the  cession  of  Canada  as  you  limit  it  by 
Act  of  Parliament  ?  Will  they  not  say,  you  have,  by  a 
solemn  act  of  your  whole  Legislature,  proved  to  all  the 
world,  that  in  the  dispute  of  limits  at  the  opening  of  the 
war  we  were  right,  and  you  wrong  ;  you  have  chalked  out 
the  very  limits  to  it,  which  we  insisted  on  ;  and  you  have 
confirmed  them  by  an  act  of  Parliament ;  how  therefore  can 
you,  with  any  propriety,  talk  of  restoring  any  thing  less 
than  what  we  always  claimed  as  Canada,  and  what  you 
have  since  solemnly  adjudged  to  be  Canada  1  And  this,  I 
think,  in  a  negotiation,  may  be  attended  with  most  serious 
consequences. 

Next  Sir,  supposing  you  preserve  the  possession  of  it, 
let  us  consider  the  consequences  that  flow  from  this  Act ; 
you  throw  at  once  the  whole  People  of  that  Colony  into  an 
arbitrary  power,  for  such  is  that  of  your  Governor,  as  it  has 
been  well  stated  ;  and  you  not  only  do  this  to  the  Canadian 
subjects,  but,  by  giving  to  the  new  Province  this  monstrous 
southern  extent,  you  run  it  down  upon  the  back  of  the 
planted  part  of  many  of  our  Colonies,  and  take  away,  by 
one  stroke,  the  charter  properties  confirmed  by  act  of  Par- 
liament of  those  Colonies,  you  violently  seize  their  rights, 
and  the  People  who  pass  the  mountains  to  settle  on  the 
eastern  side  of  them,  will  immediately  find,  that  by  going 
to  live  in  what  they  ever  esteemed  their  direct  property, 
they  find  themselves  gone  from  the  freedom  of  the  British 
constitution,  and  meet  with  all  the  power  of  despotism. 
This  is  not  only  a  cruel,  violent,  and  odious  measure,  but 
it  tears  up  justice,  and  all  its  principles,  by  the  root.  To 
think  that  the  inhabitants  of  those  countries,  settling  in 
them  under  the  protection  of  this  free  Government,  and  as- 
sured by  law  and  Parliament  that  they  settle  under  the 
liberty  of  their  old  charter  constitutions,  finding  themselves, 
by  crossing  an  imaginary  line,  deprived  of  the  dearest 
rights  and  privileges  of  English  subjects,  is  a  most  tyran- 
nical and  inhuman  conduct.  It  is  sporting  with  property 
in  a  manner  that  cannot  be  defended,  and  for  attaining  no 
end  whatever  that  deserves  attention. 

But  there  are  much  greater  and  more  solid  objections  to 
the  present  Bill,  than  can  possibly  arise  from  the  limits 
within  wliich  it  is  intended  to  operate.  I  am  well  warrant- 
ed in  affirming,  and  do  without  reserve  affirm,  that  it  is 
a  Bill  the  most  pernicious  in  its  frame,  and  destnictive  of 
the  principles  of  the  constitution  in  its  tendency,  that  was 
ever  introduced  into  this  House.  What  does  it  do  ?  It 
appoints  a  Legislative  Council,  under  the  absolute  controul 


183 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


184 


and  dominion  of  the  Goveraor ;  that  Governor  equally  de- 
pendant on  those  in  power  here  ;  that  Council  to  he  com- 
posed of  Papists  and  Frenchmen ;  and  this  is  the  Govern- 
ment and  the  mode  of  legislation  which  British  subjects  and 
Englishmen  are  hound  implicitly  to  obey.  But  what  are 
they  to  l)ave  in  return  ?  Oh  !  The  criminal  law  of 
England  is  to  be  retained  ;  that  is,  when  they  grossly  of- 
fend against  the  laws  of  society,  they  are  entitled  to  the 
superior  lenity  of  those  criminal  laws  ;  but  when  they  do 
not  ofiend,  but  demean  themselves  peaceably,  or  are  in  the 
fair  and  honest  prosecution  of  their  rights  and  properties, 
both  one  and  the  other  are  to  be  determined  on,  not  by  the 
fair  and  equitable  laws  of  England,  but  by  constitutions 
they  cannot  be  supposed,  nor  ever  will  be  able  to  under- 
stand. Suppose  those  laws  were  as  intelligible  as  they 
are  otherwise,  would  it  not  add  to  the  misery  of  an  En- 
glishman, that  he  perfectly  understood  the  full  meaning  and 
extent  of  a  lettre  de  cachet  ?  Is  not  this  part  of  the  con- 
stitutions of  Paris,  on  which  the  laws  of  Canada  are 
framed  ?  It  may  be  objected,  that  being  within  the 
criminal  jurisdiction,  no  such  thing  can  possibly  happen  ; 
but  I  contend  for  the  contrary,  as  letters  of  this  kind  are 
issued  upon  a  thousand  occasions,  in  which  no  crimes  are 
imputed  to  the  person  arrested  and  confined  ;  motives  of 
prudence,  motives  ofconvenicnce,  of  family  regulation,  he, 
frequently  give  birth  to  steps  of  this  nature.  On  the  whole, 
if  any  thing  were  wanting  to  give  me  the  worst  opinion  of 
this  Bill,  the  trial  by  Jury  in  civil  cases,  and  the  habeas 
corpus  law  being  omitted,  would  be  motive  strong  enough 
with  me  to  give  it  my  strongest  negative. 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow.  Respecting  the  ill 
consequences  that  may  flow  from  enlarging  the  Province 
of  Quebec,  in  case  of  being  forced  by  a  future  war  to 
restore  it,  I  cannot  see  that  in  the  same  light  as  my  learned 
friend ;  because  I  think  that  the  limits  and  importance  of 
cessions  are  never  dependant  upon  such  arrangements  as 
these,  but  upon  the  length  of  the  sword  ;  it  is  success  in 
war  that  gives  success  in  peace,  and  by  no  means  the 
imaginary  lines  drawn  by  a  State  in  its  Colonies ;  nor  have 
the  limits  now  drawn  any  thing  to  do  with  old  Canada ; 
they  take  in  countries  never  claimed  by  France ;  it  is  a 
new  scheme,  and  by  no  means  the  restoration  of  those  old 
limits  the  French  once  contended  for. 

With  regard  to  the  supposed  cruelty  of  not  giving  the 
Canadians  the  same  laws  in  every  instance  as  we  enjoy  in 
England,  1  am  so  far  from  being  of  the  same  opinion, 
that  I  think  you  could  not  act  more  cruelly  to  that  People, 
than  to  change  at  once  their  law  of  property,  and  give  them 
our  trial  by  Jury,  which  is  necessarily  giving  our  law  of 
actions.  I  am  clear  it  would  so  completely  confound  them, 
as  to  be  more  tyrannical  than  can  be  easily  imagined. 
They  would  not  understand  the  rule  of  their  own  actions  ; 
they  would  not  know  on  what  principles  they  stood  possess- 
ed of  their  own  property.  In  a  word,  you  would  give 
them  the  greatest  curse,  under  the  notions  of  a  blessing. 
There  is  not  a  circumstance  dearer  to  a  man,  nor  one  which 
he  ought  to  be  more  jealous  of,  than  to  be  tried  in  all  points 
by  laws  to  which  he  has  been  used,  and  whose  principles 
are  known  to  him. 

He  condemned  in  very  harsh  terms  the  advisers  of  the 
proclamation,  and  the  imperfect,  improper  manner  in  which 
it  was  drawn  up.  He  denied  however,  that  it  contained 
any  such  assurance  as  that  contended  for  by  the  gentlemen 
on  the  other  side.  He  said,  that  no  such  encouragement 
should  have  been  given  ;  that  it  was  impolitic  to  hold  out 
any  benefits  to  the  natural  horn  subjects  of  this  country  to 
emigrate  thither  from  lience,  or  to  go  from  the  other  Colo- 
nies ;  that  to  form  settlements  in  North  America,  far  dis- 
tant from  the  sea,  or  from  the  neigjibourhood  of  the  great 
navigable  rivers,  was  extremely  improper  ;  that  as  to  the 
establishment  of  the  French  laws,  relative  to  property, 
being  not  so  proper  as  those  of  England,  he  was  astonished 
to  hear  any  gentleman  object  to  them,  as  it  would  be  in  tlie 
last  degree  cruel  and  unjust  to  force  the  laws  of  the  con- 
querors on  the  conquered  ;  that  the  uniform  custom  of  all 
;;reat  and  conquering  nations  had  been  against  it;  and,  that 
therefore  taking  tiie  present  Bill  as  applying  to  French  or 
English,  it  was  perfectly  right  the  former  should  receive 
every  possible  encouragement  to  become  good  subjects,  and 
the  latter  meet  witli  every  possible  obstruction  from  settling 
in  that  Province. 


Colonel  Bar  re  said,  that  the  Bill  was  every  way  com- 
plete ;  that  its  clauses  perfectly  corresponded  with  its  princi- 
ple ;  and  that  taking  them  unitedly,  diey  were  the  most 
flagrant  attack  on  the  constitution  that  had  hitherto  been 
attempted.  He  next  stated  the  probable  number  of 
English  settlers  and  inhabitants  ;  the  situation  of  the  Pro- 
vince at  the  time  of  the  conquest ;  explained  the  terms  ol' 
the  Definitive  Treaty  of  Peace ;  the  King's  Proclamation 
in  October,  17G3  ;  and  demonsliated  how  repugnant  they 
W'Cre  to  the  design  and  provisions  of  the  present  Bill.  He 
entered  pretty  I'ully  into  several  points  before  spoke  to, 
particularly  relative  to  ihe  French  laws;  and  finished  with 
observing — I  cannot  agree  that  there  is  any  thing  in  the 
laws  of  England,  in  the  trial  by  Jury,  ami  the  habeas 
corpus,  that  the  Canadians  would  not  very  easily  under- 
stand ;  and  it  is  preposterous  to  suppose,  that  tlie  superiori- 
ty of  good  and  just  law,  and  freedom,  should  not  be  telt  by 
People,  because  they  had  been  used  to  arbitrary  power. 
But  why  is  the  religion  of  France,  as  well  as  the  law  of 
France,  to  become  the  religion  of  all  those  People  not 
Canadians,  that  pass  out  of  one  Colony  into  another?  By 
this  Act  you  establish  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  where 
it  never  was  established  before,  and  you  only  permit  the 
practice  of  your  own ;  you  do  not  so  much  as  let  them  go 
hand  in  hand.  For  what  purj)ose  is  the  Illinois  and  the 
Ohio  to  be  Roman  Catholics?  Why  is  that  to  be  made 
the  established  religion  of  that  vast  country,  in  which  are 
very  many  English  settlers  ? 

Lord  John  Cavendish  objected  to  many  of  the  principles 
laid  down  by  Mr.  Attorney.  He  said  he  did  not  contend 
for  the  total  introduction  of  the  English  laws,  particularly 
on  a  sudden,  but  that  by  blending  them  with  their  own, 
they  might  gradually  conciliate  the  Canadians  to  them,  and 
in  the  end  be  able  to  conquer  all  their  present  prejudices, 
so  as  to  lead  to  the  final  establishment  of  tlie  laws  of  this 
country.  He  added,  that  whatever  compromise  of  this 
kind  might  be  entered  into  on  the  present  occasion,  he 
could  perceive  no  possible  good  reason  for  withholding 
from  them  the  extension  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  and  die 
trial  by  Jury. 

Mr.  Sergeant  Glynn  controverted  most  of  the  positions 
laid  down  by  the  Attorney  General,  particularly  relative  to 
the  true  construction  of  the  Definitive  Treaty,  his  Majesty's 
Proclamation,  and  the  propriety  of  allowing  the  conquered 
to  retain  their  own  laws.  He  observed,  that  whatever 
contrary  opinion  might  be  maintained,  it  was  his,  that  all 
conquests,  as  soon  as  made,  vested  in  the  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons  ;  but  that,  until  the  two  latter  interfered,  the 
King,  as  actual  representative  of  the  whole,  was  justified  in 
making  such  regulations  as  he  might  think  proper,  so  that 
they  were  not  actually  repugnant  to  the  laws  or  constitution. 
The  latter  not  being  the  case  of  the  Proclamation,  he 
thought  the  nation  in  every  respect  bound  to  fulfil  every 
thing  promised  by  that  solemn' engagement.  He  instanced 
likewise  the  cases  of  Wales  and  Ireland,  as  conquered 
countries,  where  our  laws  had  been  established  ;  and  en- 
larged, in  a  very  able  manner  on  the  many  imjjortant  and 
salutary  effects  that  had  arisen  from  our  extending  them  to 
those  countries. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  denied  the  fact  as  stated  by  the 
learned  Sergeant ;  insisted,  that  it  was  not  till  the  reign  of 
Henry  the  Eighth,  that  they  were  introduced  into  Wales,  nor 
until  that  of  James  the  First,  that  they  obtained  in  Ireland. 
He  said,  that  among  all  the  great  or  powerful  nations  we 
had  an  account  of,  the  Romans  and  English  were  the  only 
two  who  forced  their  laws  on  the  conquered  ;  that  it  was  a 
most  cruel  and  barbarous  policy,  and  that  the  English  laws, 
how  much  soever  we  might  prize  them,  would  be  die 
greatest  curse  imaginable  to  the  Canadians. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox  objected  to  the  Bill,  as  being  contrary 
to  the  established  usage  of  Parliament.  He  said  a  pro- 
vision was  made  in  it  for  securing  the  tythes  to  the  Romish 
clergy ;  that  this  was  raising  money  on  the  subject,  and 
that  consequently  its  originating  in  the  odier  House,  was 
not  only  irregular  and  inliirmal,  hut  directly  repugnant  to 
the  custom  and  law  of  Parliament. 

Mr.  Dempster  said,  the  inqiropriety  of  the  Bill  stnick 
him,  for  it  certainly  was  a  Bill  cither  to  take  away  or  im- 
pose a  tax,  and  therefore  should  have  orij^inated  in  the 
Commons,  but  he  should  be  glad  of  die  Speaker's  opin- 


185 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


I8i 


Mr.  Sawbridge  rose,  saying,  he  found  the  Speaker  was 
unwilling  to  rise,  but  that  he  should  not  ask  his  opinion  as 
a  favour,  but  as  a  part  of  his  duty,  and,  if  the  honorable 
gentleman  (Mr.  Dempster)  was  willinj;,  he  would  make  it 
a  question,  whether  the  Speaker  should  give  his  opinion  or 
not? 

The  Speaker  rose,  seemingly  very  angry,  and  said,  he 
was  not  used  to  be  called  on  in  that  manner,  and  that  he 
did  not  think  it  his  business  to  give  any  opinion  on  the 
affair. 

A  strong  debate  ensued,  in  which  Mr.  Charles  jPoa;,  Mr. 
Dempster,  Mr.  T.  Townshend,  Mr.  Dunning,  Sergeant 
Glynn,  and  Sir  George  Savile,  strongly  contended  that 
the  Bill  was,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  either  a  Bill  to 
impose  a  tax,  or  to  repeal  a  part  of  a  tax,  and  therefore  it 
was  against  a  standing  order,  concerning  the  privileges  of 
all  money  bills,  originating  in  that  House.  Lord  North,  and 
the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  Generals,  defended  the  Bill. 

The  question  was  then  put.  That  the  Bill  be  now  read 
a  second  time ; 

The  House  divided :  Yeas,  105  ;  Nays,  29. 

So  it  was  resolved  in  the  Affirmative  :  and  the  Bill  was 
accordingly  read  a  second  time. 

Resolved,  That  the  Bill  be  committed  to  a  Committee 
of  the  whole  House. 

Resolved,  That  the  House  will,  upon  Tuesday  morning 
next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House, 
upon  the  said  Bill. 

Tuesday,  May  31,  1774. 

Mr.  Baker  presented  a  Petition  of  Thomas  Penn, 
Esquire,  on  behalf  of  himself,  and  of  John  Penn,  Esquire, 
true  and  absolute  Proprietaries  of  the  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  the  three  lower  Counties  of  New  Castle, 
Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  in  America,  setting  forth, 
that  his  late  Majesty  King  Charles  the  Second,  by  letters 
patent  under  the  great  seal,  bearing  date  the  fourth  day  of 
March,  in  the  three  and  thirtieth  year  of  his  reign,  was 
graciously  pleased  to  grant  unto  William  Penn,  Esq.,  (late 
fiither  of  the  Petitioner,  Thomas  Penn,  and  grandfather  of 
the  Petitioner,  John  Penn,)  in  fee,  the  said  Province  of 
Pennsylvania ;  the  extent  and  bounds  whereof  were  expres- 
sed in  the  said  letters  patent ;  and  taking  notice  of  the  Bill 
for  making  more  effectual  provision  for  the  Government  of 
tiie  Province  of  Qiiebec,  in  North  America;  and  alleging 
that,  from  the  best  observations  which  have  been  made,"and 
the  most  correct  maps  which  have  been  laid  down  of  those 
parts,  and  from  other  evidence,  it  appears,  that  the  river 
Ohio,  intersects  a  very  large  tract  of  the  Northwestern, 
Western,  and  Southwestern  parts  of  the  said  Province, 
as  granted  by  the  said  letters  patent,  the  limits  or  bounda- 
ries whereof,  in  that  part,  have  not,  as  yet,  been  allowed 
and  confirmed  by  the  Crown  ;  and  that,  in  order  to  have 
the  limits  and  boundaries  of  the  said  Province  ascertained, 
the  Petitioners  did,  on  the  27th  day  of  March,  1773, 
present  a  petition  to  his  Majesty,  in  Council,  praying  that 
his  Majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  appoint  such 
disinterested  pereons  in  those  parts,  as  his  Majesty  should 
think  proper,  to  join  with  such  persons  as  should  be  named 
by  the  Petitioners,  to  mark  out  and  ascertain  the  Northern, 
Western,  and  Southwestern  boundaries  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince ;  which  petition  has  been  referred,  by  his  Majesty, 
to  the  consideration  of  the  Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade 
and  'Plantations,  and  is  now  under  consideration  of  that 
Board ;  and  that  the  Petitioners  conceive  that  the  said 
Bill  will  be  injurious  to  them,  if  it  should  pass  into  a  law, 
without  containing  some  provision,  that  the  same  may  not 
affect  the  Petitioners  rights  under  the  said  letters  patent : 
and  therefore  praying,  that  the  description  of  tlie  Territo- 
ries, Islands,  and  Coinitries,  to  be  annexed  to  the  said 
Province  of  (Quebec,  may  be  so  confined,  as  not  to  affect 
tlie  Petitioners  said  Province ;  or  that  a  provision  mav 
be  made  in  the  said  Bill,  that  the  same  shall  not  affect 
ilie  Petitioners  Province,  granted  to  them  by  the  said  let- 
ters patent :  and  that  the  Petitioners  may  be  at  liberty  to  be 
lieard,  by  their  Counsel,  upon  the  matter  of  their  Petition. 

Upon  the  Petition  being  read,  Lord  North  rose  and 
said,  that  he  should  not  think  of  opposing  it,  as  it  was 
never  the  intention  of  tlie  Bill  to  affect  tlie  just  rights  of 
any  proprietors,  or  of  any  of  the  Colonies. 


Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  upon  the  table, 
until  the  Report  be  received  from  the  Cominittce  of  the 
whole  House,  to  whom  die  said  Bill  is  committed  ;  and 
that  the  Petitioners  be  then  heard,  by  their  Counsel,  upon 
their  petition,  if  they  think  fit. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  The  Petition  which  I  have  in  my 
hand,  is  from  the  merchants  of  London,  trading  to  Quebec, 
who  finding  that  a  Bill  is  about  to  pass  this  House,  which 
they  apprehend  will  essentially  injure  them  in  their  com- 
mercial transactions  with  that  Colony,  rely  on  the  justice 
and  the  candour  of  this  House  to  take  their  case  into 
consideration.  As  to  the  merit.  Sir,  of  the  Bill,  which  is 
now  coming  before  us,  I  must  make  this  general  observa- 
tion, that  a  Bill  which  has  confessedly  taken  nine  years 
for  Administration  to  consider  of  effectual  means  to  remedy 
the  evils  complained  of;  such  a  Bill,  Sir,  surely  will 
demand  more  time  than  a  few  days  for  the  members  of 
this  House,  to  judge  in  what  manner  to  give  their  vote. 
Information  is  what  we  want.  I  know  not  what  opinion  I 
am  to  form  upon  the  necessity  which  can  call  for  such  a 
Bill,  and  for  want  of  that  information  which  ought  now  to 
be  before  the  House.  I  cannot  but  condemn  most  sin- 
cerely several  arrangements  in  the  Bill,  which  seem  de- 
structive of  that  liberty  which  ought  to  be  the  ground-work 
of  every  constitution  formed  by  this  House ;  but  I  cannot 
judge  what  are  the  causes  which  call  for  such  measures, 
while  I  remain  so  uninformed  as  at  present.  There  were 
reports  from  the  Board  of  Trade,  to  the  King  in  Conucil, 
upon  the  state  of  the  Province ;  there  were  representa- 
tions from  men  in  the  highest  offices  in  the  Provinces,  upon 
the  proposed  constitution  to  be  given  to  it ;  there  were 
opinions  in  writing  from  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  Gene- 
ral, upon  the  plans  proposed  ;  these  papers  would,  if  laid 
before  us,  give  that  information  which  we  want,  and  with- 
out which  it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  give  any  other 
than  blind  votes,  which  will,  fi-om  every  thing  that  we  can 
at  present  see  in  the  Bill,  establish  a  most  fatal  system  of 
Government  in  that  country. 

Mr.  Mackivorth  then  presented  a  Petition  of  the  seve- 
ral merchants  of  the  City  of  London,  trading  to  the  Pro- 
vince of  Quebec,  in  North  America,  whose  respective 
names  are  thereunto  written,  setting  forth,  that  there  is  a 
clause  in  the  said  Bill,  by  which  his  Majesty's  Royal  Pro- 
clamation, and  the  grants  and  commissions  issued  in  conse- 
quence thereof,  will  be  revoked  and  made  void ;  and  that 
by  anotlier  clause  in  the  said  Bill,  all  matters  of  contro- 
versy, relative  to  the  property  and  civil  rights  of  any  of  his 
Majesty's  subjects  of  the  said  Province,  are  to  be  decided 
by  the  laws  of  Canada,  and  by  the  Judges  presiding  in  the 
courts  of  judicature  of  that  Province,  without  the  inter- 
position of  a  Jury  ;  and  representing  to  the  House,  that  the 
system  of  government  and  administration  of  justice  in  the 
said  Province  of  Quebec,  which  have  taken  place  in  con- 
sequence of  his  Majesty's  said  Royal  Proclamation,  have 
been  hitherto,  as  nearly  as  might  be,  according  to  the  laws 
of  England,  and  such  government  and  administration  of 
justice  have  been  perfectly  satisfactory  to  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects residing  in  the  said  Province  of  Canada ;  and  the  Pe- 
titioners conceive  it  will  be  highly  injurious  to  his  Majesty's 
said  subjects  trading  to  the  said  Province,  to  have  the  laws  of 
Canada  substituted  in  the  place  of  the  laws  of  England, 
and  to  have  the  trial  by  Jury  abolished :  and  therefore 
praying  (in  behalf  of  themselves  and  others  interested  in 
the  prosperity  of  the  said  Province)  that  the  said  Bill  may 
not  pass  into  a  law,  with  the  above-mentioned  clauses 
remaining  in  it ;  and  that  they  may  be  heard,  by  their 
Counsel,  against  the  same. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  be  referred  to  the 
consideration  of  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
whom  the  said  Bill  is  committed ;  and  that  the  Petitioners 
be  heard,  by  themselves  or  Counsel,  before  the  said  Com- 
mittee, upon  their  petition,  if  they  think  fit. 

A  motion  was  made,  by  Mr.  Mackworth,  that  an 
humble  Address  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  that  he  will 
be  graciously  pleased  to  give  directions,  that  there  be  laid 
before  this  House : 

Copy  of  a  Report  made  by  Major  General  Carleton, 
Governor  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  to  his  Majesty,  rela- 
tive to  die  state  of  the  Province. 

Copy  of  a  Report  made  by  William  Hey,  Esquire, 
Chief  Justice  of  the  said  Province. 


187 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


188 


Copy  of  a  Report  made  by  Francis  Maseres,  Esquire, 
late  Attorney  General  of  the  said  Province ;  and 

Copies  of  the  Reports  of  liis  Majesty's  Advocate  Gen- 
eral, Attorney  General,  and  Solicitor  General,  relating  to 
the  said  Province. 

Lord  North.  I  sliall  oppose  the  calling  for  those  pa- 
pers ;  they  will  take  some  time  in  copying ;  there  have 
been  several  reports  from  the  Board  of  Trade,  vvliich  are 
long,  and  if  we  wait  for  addressing  the  Crown  to  lay  them 
before  us,  the  season  will  be  delayed  too  late,  and  for  no 
purpose,  as  we  may  have  the  same  information  at  our  bar. 
The  Governor  of  the  Province  I  see  at  the  bottom  of  the 
House,  who  may  be  ordered  to  attend  when  you  go  into 
the  Committee ;  Mr.  Hey,  who  is  Ciiief  Justice,  is  near 
Canterbury,  and  may  be  ordered  up ;  and  Mr.  Maseres, 
who  was  Attorney  General  of  that  Province,  is  also  in 
Ltondon ;  as  to  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  General,  we 
iiave  them  amongst  us ;  therefore  I  do  not  see  but  we  may 
have  just  as  good  information  in  this  manner,  and  much 
more  expeditiously,  than  by  addressing  for  the  papers. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  As  this  is  not  the  proper  time  for 
going  into  the  principle  of  the  Bill,  I  shall  confine  myself 
to  the  absurdity,  to  say  no  more  of  it,  of  bringing  in  a 
Bill  of  such  magnitude  and  importance  so  late  in  the 
session,  without  previously  laying  upon  the  table  the 
necessary  information ;  at  present  we  have  none ;  and  if 
the  noble  Lord  means  that  we  should  know  the  subject 
upon  which  we  are  to  debate,  he  certainly  will  not  object 
to  giving  us  that  information,  without  which  we  cannot 
proceed  with  propriety.  Let  us,  in  the  name  of  common 
sense,  see  what  are  the  complaints  of  the  Canadians 
against  their  present  Government,  what  are  their  distress- 
es ;  what  their  desires ;  and  let  us  see  the  opinions  of 
the  great  law  officei-s  which  have  been  given  upon  this 
point. 

Colonel  Barre.  I  think  there  will  be  very  little  dif- 
ficulty in  shewing,  that  the  proposition  now  made  by  the 
noble  Lord  will  be  very  far  from  answering  the  purpose  of 
those  who  wish  for  full  information  on  this  subject.  The 
papers  we  now  call  for  would  give  us  that  information ; 
those  papers  are  drawn  up  coolly,  attentively,  and  upon 
long  and  mature  consideration  ;  and  they  have  been  drawn 
up  at  leisure  by  men  of  great  character  and  abilities. 
Now,  Sir,  the  noble  Lord  will  not,  he  cannot  assert,  with 
any  appearance  of  justice,  that  calling  those  men  to  your 
bar,  to  be  questioned  in  the  desultory  manner  common 
upon  those  occasions,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  contention 
between  those  who  patronise  the  Bill,  and  others  who 
condemn  it — 'will  he  tell  us  that  this  is  such  information  as 
we  should  receive  from  the  papers  referred  to?  It  is 
impossible.  As  to  the  two  great  law  officers  who  are 
present,  I  admit  that  their  standing  in  their  places,  and 
reciting  the  opinions  they  gave  would  be  satisfactory  ;  but 
then  tliey  ought  simply  to  inform  us  what  those  opinions 
were,  and  not  to  enter  into  the  debate  on  the  merit  of  the 
Bill  at  the  same  time,  or,  by  a  side  wind,  to  warp  infor- 
mation concerning  a  past  fact  into  an  opinion  of  a  debate 
in  question.  That  satisfaction  should  be  made  the  House 
on  these  points  nobody  can  doubt ;  for  to  tell  us  that  we 
cannot  have  information  for  want  of  time  to  copy  papers, 
is  to  tell  us  plainly  that  we  are  to  proceed  in  the  dark ;  it 
ii  and  will  be  a  deed  of  despotism,  and  therefore  may  well 
be  linked  with  darkness.  I  wish  it  to  be  the  deed  of  a 
single  hand ;  it  is  a  projjer  exertion  of  arbitrary  power,  in 
which  the  less  concern  Parliament  has,  tiie  better.  Intel- 
ligence must  be  kept  from  us  because  it  will  not  bear  the 
light;  if  it  was  openly  and  fairly  laid  before  you,  it  would 
condemn  in  the  strongest  and  clearest  manner  the  princi- 
ples and  the  provisions  of  this  Bill,  all  of  which  it  would 
be  found  are  equally  unnecessary  and  pernicious. 

Mr.  Attorney  General.  My  opinion,  and  that  of  my 
learned  colleague,  were  in  writing,  and  lodged  among  our 
State  papers ;  nor  have  we  any  right  to  read  them  in  our 
jilaces  as  servants  of  the  Crown.  l\o  person,  without  his 
Majesty's  consent,  has  a  right  to  them. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  I  am  very  sorry  to  find  from 
the  turn  which  the  debate  takes  on  the  other  side  of  the 
House  that  we  are  to  have  no  satisfaction  relative  to  the 
information  which  every  man  of  common  sense  must  think 
necessary  on  this  occasion :  this  is  a  fresh  reason  for 
condemning  the  Bill,  since  if  Administration  thought  their 


conduct  in  this  Bill  would  bear  the  light,  they  would 
give  you  light  to  view  it  in,  and  rejoice  in  the  opportunity 
of  giving  such  a  proof  of  their  abilities  and  moderation. 
For  what  purpose  is  it  that  you  would  precipitate  this 
affair  ?  You  have  been  nine  years  considering,  weighing 
maturely,  and  reflecting  perpetually  upon  what  Govern- 
ment should  be  given  to  this  Province :  what  harm  can 
arise  from  a  delay  of  a  single  year?  What  prodigious 
mischief  is  to  result  from  the  Government  of  the  Province 
continuing  one  year  more  in  the  present  situation  ? 

And  the  question  being  put,  the  House  divided :  Yeas, 
45 ;    Nays,  85. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Resolved,  That  an  humble  Address  be  presented  to  his 
Majesty,  that  he  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  give  direc- 
tions that  there  be  laid  before  this  House  : 

The  last  Report  from  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade 
and  Plantations,  to  his  Majesty,  in  Council,  relative  to  the 
Constitution  of  the  Province  of  Quebec;  and 

The  Reports  from  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade 
and  Plantations,  to  his  Majesty,  in  Council,  dated  the  11th 
of  January,  and  3d  of  September,  1765,  relating  to  the 
said  Province. 

Ordered,  That  Francis  Maseres,  Esquire,  late  Attorney 
General  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  do  this  day  attend  the 
Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to  whom  the  engrossed 
Bill  from  the  I^ords,  intituled,  "  An  Act  for  making  more 
"  effectual  provision  for  the  Government  of  the  Province 
"  of  Quebec,  in  North  America,"  is  committed. 

Ordered,  That  Major  General  Carleton,  Governor  of 
the  said  Province,  do  attend  the  said  Committee,  at  the 
same  time. 

Ordered,  That  William,  Hey,  Esquire,  Chief  Justice  of 
the  said  Province,  do  attend  this  House  upon  Thursday 
morning  next. 

Ordered,  That  Doctor  James  Marriott,  his  Majesty's 
Advocate  General,  do  attend  this  House  upon  Thursday 
morning  next. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read ; 

The  House  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  upon  the  Bill. 

Mr.  Mansfield,  counsel  for  the  Merchants  of  London, 
petitioners  against  the  Bill,  was  called  in,  who,  after  a  long 
speech,  setting  forth  the  dangerous  tendency  of  the  Bill, 
desired  leave  to  call  in  Edward  Watts. 

He  being  accordingly  called  in,  was  asked  a  number 
of  questions  by  Lord  Barrington,  Lord  North,  Lord 
Clare,  Lord  Carmarthen,  Colonel  Barre,  Capt.  Fhipps, 
Mr.  W.  Burke,  Mr.  Mackworth,  Gov.  Johnstone,  Mr. 
Hopkins,  Sic.  as  to  the  French  and  English  laws  in  Can- 
ada, and  to  which  the  inhabitants  gave  the  preference. 

After  he  withdrew,  Mr.  Samml  Morin  was  called  in. 

They  both  spoke  in  favour  of  the  English  laws  being 
exercised  in  Canada,  and  mentioned  that  the  English  resi- 
dents there  highly  approved  of  the  trial  by  Jury,  and  seem- 
ed to  think  that  an  annihilation  of  that  right  would  greatly 
hurt  the  Colony.  The  former  of  the  witnesses  had  been 
nine  years  resident  in  Canada,  the  latter  eleven. 

The  Committee  then  rose,  reported  progress,  and  asked 
leave  to  sit  again. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Thursday  morn- 
ing next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole 
House,  to  consider  further  of  the  said  Bill. 

Ordered,  That  the  several  persons,  who  were  ordered 
to  attend  the  said  Committee  this  day,  do  attend  the  said 
Committee  upon  Thursday  morning  next. 

Wednesday,  June  1,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  pursuant  to 
their  Addresses  to  his  Majesty  : 

Copy  of  a  Representation  of  the  Lords  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations,  to  tlie  Lords  of  the  Committee 
of  Council  for  Plantation  Affairs,  dated  Whitehall,  2d 
September,  1765. 

Copy  of  a  Representation  of  the  Lords  Commissioners 
for  Trade  and  Plantations,  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee 
of  Council  for  Plantation  Affairs,  dated  Whitehall,  July 
10th,  1769. 


189 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


190 


Copy  of  a  Representation  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  to  the 
King,  dated  January  9th,  1765,  on  affairs  of  tlie  Province 
of  Quebec. 

Tlie  Lord  North  also  presented  to  the  House,  by  his 
Majesty's  command : 

Copy  of  a  Memorial  of  the  new  subjects  of  Qitebec,  to 
his  Majesty. 

Copy  of  a  Memorial  of  Canadian  subjects,  to  the  King. 

Copy  of  a  Memorial  of  the  citizens  and  Burgesses  of 
Montreal,  to  the  King. 

Copy  of  a  Memorial  of  the  principal  citizens  of  Quebec. 

Memorial  of  the  principal  French  inhabitants  of  Cana- 
da, in  support  of  their  Petition  to  the  King. 

And  the  titles  of  the  said  Papers  were  read : 

Ordered,  that  the  said  Papers  be  referred  to  the  consi- 
deration of  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  on  the 
Bill. 

Thursday,  June  2,  1774. 

The  Lord  North  presented  to  the  House,  by  his  Majes- 
ty's command : 

A  paper  intituled,  "  Petition  from  the  new  Inhabitants 
"  of  Quebec,  to  his  Majesty." 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Paper  be  referred  to  the  consi- 
deration of  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  on  the 
Bill. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read,  the  House  resolved 
itself  into  a  Committee  of  Whole,  upon  the  Bill. 

General  Carleton  was  called  in  and  examined. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  What  was  the  proceedings  and  course 
of  justice  in  Canada,  when  you  first  went  there  ? 

General  Carleton.  There  is  a  Court  of  King's  Bench 
and  Court  of  Common  Pleas,  in  which  the  proceedings  are 
in  the  English  form. 

Mr.  Macktvorth.  Did  the  Canadians  express  a  dislike 
to  the  distribution  of  justice  in  that  form  ? 

General  Carleton.  In  some  things  they  did,  in  others 
they  did  not.  I  never  heard  them  express  a  disapproba- 
tion of  the  criminal  law  of  England;  but  in  relation  to 
the  law  in  civil  trials,  they  have  disapproved  it  greatly. 

Mr.  Mackworth.    Did  they  disapprove  the  trial  by  Jury  ? 

General  Carleton.  Very  much ;  they  have  often  said 
to  me,  that  they  thought  it  very  extraordinary  that  En- 
glish gentlemen  should  think  their  property  safer  in  the 
determination  of  tailors,  shoe-makers,  mixed  with  people 
in  trade,  than  in  that  of  the  judges. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  But  if  they  had  juries  such  as 
they  approved  of,  would  they  then  object  to  the  English 
civil  law  ? 

General  Carleton.  Their  objections  to  that  law  are 
very  numerous ;  they  do  not  know  what  it  is  ;  and  they 
expressed  great  apprehensions  at  being  governed  by  a  law 
of  which  they  were  ignorant :  they  also  complained  of 
the  proceedings  of  tlie  Courts  being  in  a  language  they  did 
not  understand. 

Lord  North.  Did  the  General  hear  them  complain  of 
the  want  of  the  trial  by  Jury  in  civil  causes  ? 

General  Carleton.  Never.  Though  I  have  heard  the 
same  men  praise  the  English  law  in  points  wherein  it 
favoured  their  own  causes,  who  at  other  times  were  much 
against  it. 

Lord  North.  Did  they  express  wishes  of  having  an 
Assembly  ? 

General  Carleton.  Very  much  the  contrary.  In  the 
conversation  I  have  had  with  them,  they  have  all  said 
that  when  they  found  what  disputes  the  other  Colonies 
had  with  the  Crown,  upon  account  of  Assemblies,  they 
would  much  rather  be  without  them ;  and  when  they 
supposed  tliat  an  Assembly,  if  they  had  one,  would  be 
chosen  from  tiie  old  British  subjects  only,  expressed  an 
horror  at  the  idea  of  one. 

Lord  North.  Does  the  General  know  the  proportion 
of  old  subjects  to  those  of  new  ones  in  Canada  1 

General  Carleton.  Tlie  Protestants  in  Canada  are  un- 
der four  hundred;  about  three  hundred  and  sixty;  but 
the  French  inhabitants,  who  are  all  Catholics,  amount  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand. 


Lord  North. 
of  substance  ? 


Are  those  three  hundred  and  sixty,  men 


General  Carleton.  Much  the  greatest  part  of  them 
are  not.  There  are  some  that  have  purchased  seignories, 
some  in  trade,  and  some  reduced  soldiers :  but  the  majority 
are  men  of  small  substance. 

Mr.  Jenkinson.  Is  there  much  intercourse  or  commu- 
nication between  those  three  hundred  and  sixty  and  the 
rest  of  the  Province  ? 

General  Carleton.     Very  little. 

Lord  North.  Are  those  People,  upon  the  whole, 
proper  and  eligible  for  an  Assembly  to  be  chosen  from 
them  ? 

General  Carleton.     I  should  apprehend  by  no  means. 

Mr.  Phipps.  What  is  the  extent  of  the  cultivated  and 
populous  part  of  Canada  1 

General  Carleton.     About  three  hundred  miles. 

Mr.  Phipps.  Are  there  any  populous  settlements  de- 
tached from  that  line,  at  a  distance  ? 

General  Carleton.     None  of  consequence. 

Mr.  Phipps.  Is  the  cultivation  of  the  lands  and  the 
trade  of  the  Province  much  increased  since  the  conquest  ? 

General  Carleton.     Very  much. 

Lord  North.  Does  General  Carleton  attribute  that 
increase  to  the  introducing  of  the  trial  by  Jury,  and  the 
English  law? 

General  Carleton.     By  no  means. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  To  what  then  does  the  General 
attribute  it  ? 

General  Carleton.  To  the  change  from  a  state  of  war 
to  one  of  peace  ;  the  Government  was  before  extremely 
military  ;  and  military  expeditions  ever  going  on  to  a  dis- 
tance, great  numbers  of  men  lost,  population  hurt,  and  the 
People  taken  from  the  culture  of  the  earth  for  those 
purposes.  This  change  (for  they  have  now  enjoyed  above 
ten  years  peace,  with  none  of  the  inhabitants  taken  for  the 
military)  has  wrought  the  increase  of  People. 

Mr.  Turner.  Has  not  the  increase  of  trade  and  wealth 
been  much  owing  to  the  free  export  of  corn  ? 

General  Carleton.  I  take  it  to  be  owing  to  the  increase 
of  People. 

Mr.  Turner.  Was  not  the  increase  of  cultivation  owing 
to  the  export  ? 

General  Carleton.  The  cultivation  I  attribute  to  the 
increase  of  People.  There  must  be  the  People  before 
there  could  be  the  cultivation. 

Lord  North.  Does  the  General  know  any  thing  of  a 
Monsieur  Le  Brun  ? 

General  Carleton.  I  know  him  very  well.  He  was  a 
blackguard  at  Paris,  and  sent  as  a  lawyer  to  Canada  : 
there  he  gained  an  extreme  bad  character  in  many  re- 
spects ;  he  was  taken  up  and  imprisoned  for  a  very  filthy 
crime  with  children  of  eight  or  nine  years  old  ;  for  tliis  he 
was  fined,  I  think,  twenty  pounds,  but  being  unable  to 
pay  it 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  1  desire  the  General  may  with- 
draw. [He  withdrew.]  Sir,  I  know  not  what  use  is  to 
be  made  of  this  part  of  the  evidence ;  but  sure  I  am,  it  is 
a  most  unprecedented  thing,  and  such  an  one,  as  an  inde- 
pendent member  of  Parliament,  I  cannot  see  and  hear 
without  interrupting  it ; — you  are  criminating  a  man  un- 
heard— not  before  you — and  with  whom  you  seem  to  have 
nothing  to  do. 

Ijord  North.  This  Monsieur  Le  Brun  has  come  over 
from  Canada  to  make  representations  that  it  is  the  gen- 
eral opinion,  desire,  and  wish  of  the  Canadians,  to  have  an 
Assembly :  I  thought  it  right  to  know  how  likely  he  was 
to  know  the  opinion  of  that  country ;  and  what  degree  of 
dependance  could  be  placed  in  his  testimony — but  I  shall 
ask  no  more  questions  concerning  him. 

[The  General  called  in  again.] 

Mr.  Phipps.  Were  there  any  other  objections  to  the 
English  law  than  what  the  General  has  mentioned  i 

General  Carleton.  I  recollect  an  instance  against  the 
criminal  law.  Some  Canadian  and  English  gentlemen 
were  ajipreliended  for  a  crime,  and  laid  in  goal ; — the 
whole  Province  supposed  them  innocent,  and  the  Jury 
found  them  so ;  the  nobility  complained,  that  by  our  law 
they  were  punished  by  a  severe  imprisonment,  which,  in 
the  French  law,  they  would  have  escaped.  This  made  a 
great  impression  upon  them,  and  prejudiced  them  very 
much  against  even  our  criminal  law. 


191 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


192 


Mr.  Maseres  called  in  and  examined. 

Mr.  Soltritor  General.  What  form  of  Government 
have  the  Canadians  expressed  themselves  most  desirous 
of? 

Mr.  Maseres,  They  have  no  clear  notions  of  Goveni- 
ment,  having  never  been  used  to  any  such  speculations. 
They  will  be  content  with  any  you  give  them,  provided  it 
be  well  administered. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Have  they  expressed  any  dissatisfac- 
tion at  the  trial  by  Jury  in  criminal  matters  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.     They  like  it  very  well. 

Mr.  T.  Toivnshend.  Do  you  know  that  they  have  any 
objection  to  the  same  trial  in  civil  cases  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  Certainly  they  have ;  but  they  ])rinci- 
pally  consist  in  the  expense  and  trouble  of  that  attendance. 
Were  they  allowed  a  compensation,  I  should  apprehend 
they  would  be  well  satisfied  in  all  cases  ;  and  I  think  so 
small  a  sum  as  five  shillings  a  man  would  do  for  that 
purpose. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  Does  Mr.  Maseres  think  that 
they  would  be  pleased  with  the  abolition  of  their  old  cus- 
toms by  the  introduction  of  our  civil  law  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  A  total  abolition  of  their  customs  rela- 
tive to  descents,  dower,  and  the  transfer  of  land,  would 
be  highly  offensive  to  them.  In  other  matters  I  beheve 
they  would  be  very  well  satisfied  with  the  English 
laws. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Would  they  have  any  objection  to 
the  law^  of  habeas  corpus  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  It  is  impossible  that  any  People  should 
object  to  that  law. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Did  not  the  Canadians  think 
themselves  promised,  by  tlie  Proclamation,  the  benefit  of 
an  Assembly,  and  do  they  not  now  desire  to  have  it  ? 
>  Mr.  Maseres.  As  to  an  Assembly,  they  have  a  very 
confused  idea  of  what  it  is  ;  the  generality  of  the  People 
have  no  desire  to  have  it,  for  they  know  not  what  it  is ; 
but  there  are  a  few  among  them  who  have  considered  the 
matter,  and  they  would  prefer  an  Assembly. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  Mr.  Maseres  think  that  the 
pro\nsions  of  this  Bill  for  the  Government  of  Canada  are 
the  freest  that  could  with  propriety  be  granted  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  Certainly  not ;  I  have  sufficiently  ex- 
plained to  the  world  how  I  think  there  might  have  been  a 
judicious  mixture  of  a  law  for  the  free  Government  of  that 
Province. 

Mr.  Dunning.  Is  Mr.  Maseres  acquainted  with  the 
laws  of  Canada  1 

Mr.  Maseres.     I  iiave  some  slight  knowledge  of  them. 

Mr.  Dunning.  As  by  this  Bill  resort  is  to  be  had  to 
the  laws  of  Canada,  and  not  the  laws  of  England,  in  all 
matters  of  jjroperty  and  civil  rights,  I  would  ask  Mr. 
Maseres,  whether  the  Governor  of  the  Province  will  not 
have  a  right  by  the  laws  of  Canada,  if  this  Bill  should 
))ass,  to  issue  a  lettre  de  cachet  to  imprison  any  of  the 
King's  subjects  in  the  Province  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  I  believe  he  would  not  have  a  riu-ht  to 
imprison  persons  by  Icttres  de  cachet  signed  by  himself; 
because  I  have  always  heard  that  no  Icttres  de  cachet  are 
ever  used  for  that  purpose  in  France,  or  the  French  Do- 
minions, but  such  as  are  signed  by  the  French  Kin;' 
himself.  But  I  have  also  been  told,  that  blank  Icttres  dc 
racket,  ready  signed  by  the  King,  are  sometimes  given  to 
Governors  .and  Intendunts  of  Provuices,  to  be  used  by 
them  as  occasion  shall  require. 

Mr.  Dunning.  I  desire  then  to  Ivuow,  whether  if  lettres 
dc  cachet,  signed  by  the  King,  were  to  be  delivered  to  the 
Governor  of  Canada,  after  this  Bill  shall  be  passed  into  a 
law,  these  Icttres  dc  cachet  might  not,  in  Mr.  Maseres' 
opinion,  be  lawfully  made  use  of  by  the  Governor,  to 
imprison  the  King's  subjects  in  that  Province  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  [After  some  pause.]  I  think  tliev 
might. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  I  desire  to  know  of  Mr. 
Maseres,  upon  what  principle  of  the  French  law  he  sup- 
lioses  the  authority  of  issuing  lettres  de  cachet  to  be  found- 
ed ? 

I\Ir.  Maseres.  I  do  not  know.  It  seems  probable, 
that  it  was  at  first  an  usurped  authority.  But  it  is  now 
constantly  practised,  and  acquiesced  in  throughout  the 
French  Dominions,  and  is  therefore  now  understood  to  be 


the  legal  prerogative  of  the  Crown  of  France,  whatever 
might  be  its  origin. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  Mr.  Maseres  does  not  rightly 
apprehend  my  question.  I  will  explain  myself.  I  want 
to  know  in  what  capacity  the  French  King  is  supposed, 
by  writers  upon  the  French  laws  and  Government,  to  act, 
when  he  issues  a  lettre  de  cachet  7 

Mr.  Maseres.  I  do  not  yet  thoroughly  comprehend 
the  question. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  I  mean  to  ask  whether  Mr. 
Maseres  does  not  understand  the  King  of  France  to  act  in 
his  legislative  capacity,  when  he  issues  one  of  those  letters  ? 

Mr.  Maseres.  I  have  never  yet  considered  the  rela- 
tion between  a  lettre  de  cachet  and  the  legislative  authority. 
It  may  perhaps  be  on  that  authority  that  the  right  of  issu- 
ing those  letter  is  grounded,  or  said  to  be  grounded. 
I  cannot  say  to  the  contrary.  Yet  there  seems,  at  first 
sight,  to  be  a  considerable  diflierence  between  a  law  and  a 
lettre  de  cachet ;  since  a  law  is  generally  understood  to  be 
a  previous  declaration  of  the  will  of  the  lawgiver,  or  lawgi- 
vei-s,  whetlier  one  or  many,  upon  a  particular  subject,  witli 
penalties  annexed  to  the  breach  of  it,  when  so  previously 
declared ;  wliereas  a  lettre  de  cachet  is  a  sudden  exercise 
of  power  without  such  a  previous  declaration  of  the  will  of 
the  legislator. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General.  Though  Mr.  Maseres  has  not 
considered  it  in  that  light,  yet  it  is  certain,  that  the  French 
King's  power  of  issuing  lettres  de  cachet  is  generally  un- 
dei-stood  by  the  writers  on  the  French  laws  and  Govern- 
ment to  be  a  part  of  his  legislative  authority,  by  which  he 
provides  for  the  sudden  emergencies  that  occur  in  Govern- 
ment, as  he  does  by  the  more  formal  kind  of  laws  for  the 
usual  business  of  the  State.  And,  consequently,  as  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  has  not  in  himself  alone  the  legis- 
lative authority  over  this  Kingdom,  and  the  other  dominions 
of  the  Crown,  but  this  authority  belongs  to  the  King  and 
tiie  two  Houses  of  Parliament  conjointly,  this  power  of 
issuing  lettres  de  cachet,  in  the  Province  of  (Quebec,  which 
'had  formerly  belonged  to  the  French  King,  by  reason  of 
his  being  the  sole  legislator  of  that  country,  cannot,  by 
this  revival  of  the  laws  of  Canada,  accrue  to  the  King  of 
Great  Britain,  who  is  not  the  sole  legislator  of  it,  but  only 
to  the  King  and  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  who  are 
so.  I  dare  say  Mr.  Maseres  must  now  see  this  matter  in 
the  same  light  that  I  do,  and  be  convinced,  that  no  lettres 
de  cachet  can  legally  be  used  in  Canada,  by  virtue  of 
this  Act. 

Mr.  Maseres.  This  reasoning  may  perhaps  be  just.  It 
is  so  new  to  me  that  I  cannot  undertake  just  at  present  to 
form  a  judgment  of  it.  But  though  it  should  be  just,  and, 
in  consequence  of  it,  the  use  of  lettres  de  cachet  should 
not  be  legal,  yet  I  cannot  help  thinking  that,  if  they  were 
used,  the  subjects  against  whom  they  were  em|)loyed 
would  be  without  any  legal  remedy  against  them  ;  for  if  a 
motion  was  made  on  the  behalf  of  a  pei-son  imprisoned  by 
one  of  them  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  in  the  Province, 
for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  or  any  other  relief  against  such 
imprisonment,  the  Judges  would  probably  think  themselves 
bound  to  declare  that,  as  this  was  a  question  concern- 
ing personal  liberty,  which  is  a  civil  right,  and  in  all 
matters  of  property  and  civil  rights  they  are  directed,  by 
this  Act  of  Parliament,  to  have  resort  to  the  laws  of 
Canada,  and  not  to  the  laws  of  England,  they  could  not 
award  the  writ  of  habeas  corpiis,  or  any  other  remedy 
prescribed  by  the  English  law,  but  could  only  use  such 
methods  for  the  relief  of  the  prisoner  as  were  used  by  the 
French  Courts  of  Justice  in  the  Province  during  the  time 
of  the  French  Government,  for  the  relief  of  a  person 
imprisoned  by  the  Intendant  or  Governor,  by  a  letti'c  de 
cachet,  signed  by  the  King  of  France.  And  such  relief 
would,  I  imagine,  be  found  to  be  none  at  all.  Tlierefore, 
if  it  is  intended  that  the  King's  subjects  in  Canada  should 
have  the  benefit  of  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  I  apprehend 
it  would  be  most  advisable,  in  order  to  remove  all  doubts 
and  difficulties  upon  the  subject,  to  insert  a  short  clause  for 
that  purpose  in  this  Act. 

Lord  North.  I  desire  to  know  of  Mr.  Maseres,  whe- 
ther he  does  not  think  it  would  be  criminal  in  a  Governor 
to  make  use  of  any  such  lettres  de  cachet,  and  in  a  Ministei' 
of  State  to  advise  the  King  to  sign  them  ;  and  whether  they 
would  not  be  punishable  here  in  England  for  doing  so  ? 


Its 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


194 


Mr.  Maseres.  If  the  lettres  dt  cachet  should  not  be  in 
themselves  illegal,  I  do  not  see  how  the  Governor  could 
be  punished  in  the  courts  of  law  for  making  use  of  them, 
nor  the  Ministers  of  State  for  advising  the  King  to  sign 
them.  The  use  of  legal  powers  is  in  general  no  crime. 
Indeed  if  legal  powers  are  employed  to  bad  purposes,  there 
is  one  method  of  proceeding  against  the  persons  concerned 
in  such  abuse  of  them,  and  but  one,  and  that  is  by 
impeachment  by  this  House,  before  tiie  House  of  Lords. 
But  tliis  is  an  operose  way  of  proceeding,  and  out  of  tlie 
common  course  of  things.  So  that  if  the  issuing  lettres  de 
cachet  should  not  be  absolutely  illegal  when  this  Bill  shall 
be  passed  into  an  Act  (and  1  am  still  inclined  to  think  they 
will  not  be  so,)  the  poor  objects  of  them  may  linger  a 
long  time  in  prison,  indeed  one  may  say  indefinitely,  with- 
out any  legal  method  of  redress ;  therefore  a  short  clause 
to  establish  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  in  the  Province  seems 
to  be  highly  expedient. 

Lord  North.  I  would  ask  the  witness  one  question 
more  before  I  sit  down.  Does  he  think  it  probable  that, 
if  this  Bill  should  pass  into  a  law,  such  lettres  de  cachet 
would  be  made  use  of? 

Mr.  Maseres.  I  do  not  think  it  probable  that  they 
would  be  used. 

Mr.  Hey,  Chief  Justice,  called  in. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  Mr.  Hey  think  that  the  Cana- 
dians are  well  satisfied  with  the  trial  by  Jury,  in  criminal 
matters  ? 

Mr.  Hey.     They  are  well  satisfied  with  it. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Would  they  not  be  also  satisfied  with 
the  same  trial  in  civil  matters  ? 

Mr.  Hey.  Under  certain  regulations  they  might:  for 
instance,  if  the  unanimity  required  in  England  was  dis- 
pensed with,  and  a  majority  of  two-thirds  of  a  Jury  of 
thirteen  or  fifteen  was  sufficient ;  and  if  they  were  allowed 
some  compensation  for  the  expense  and  trouble  of  atten- 
dance ;  also  if  the  trial  by  that  mode  was  optional  in  the 
parties  ;  under  these  regulations,  'I  apprehend,  they  would 
be  very  well  satisfied  with  that  mode  of  trial  in  civil  as 
well  as  criminal  cases.  Half  tlie  year  in  Canada  all 
business  is  stopped  by  the  climate,  which  makes  them 
much  the  busier  the  other  half,  and  at  that  season  they 
consequently  find  the  attendance  as  jurymen  a  burden. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Would  they  wish  for  and  approve 
the  other  parts  of  the  English  law  in  civil  matters  ? 

Mr.  Hey.  They  are  very  little  acquainted  with  the 
English  law,  and  from  their  ignorance  of  it,  would  be 
very  much  against  its  establishment.  They  are  tenacious 
of  their  ancient  laws  and  customs,  and  would  esteem  a 
total  change  a  great  injury  to  them. 

Mr.  Baker.  Would  they  esteem  the  Habeas  Corpus 
Act  an  injury  ? 

Mr.  Hey.  I  cannot  imagine  that  any  People  would  be 
so  stupid  as  not  to  esteem  it  a  benefit. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Would  not  the  Canadians  think 
an  Assembly  also  a  great  benefit  ? 

Mr.  Hey.  Very  far  from  it :  they  ai'e  too  ignorant  a 
People  to  understand  the  value  of  a  free  Government ; 
they  are  exceedingly  obedient:  would  obey  the  King's 
commands  let  it  be  what  it  may  :  if  he  ordered  an  Assem- 
bly to  meet  they  would  go,  but  they  would  not  know  what 
to  do  when  they  came  there :  the  fact  is,  they  are  not 
capable  of  that  Government :  they  do  not  expect  it :  it  is 
contrary  to  all  their  ideas,  to  all  their  prejudices,  to  all 
their  maxims :  their  idea  of  a  House  of  Assembly  is  that 
of  a  House  of  riot  and  confusion,  which  meets  only  to 
impede  public  business,  and  to  distress  the  Crown :  all 
which  is  a  system  extremely  contrary  to  the  ideas  and 
principles  of  the  Canadians. 

Mr.  T.  Totvnshend.  Did  Mr.  Hey  ever  hear  of  a  plan 
or  representation  of  what  Government  would  probably  be 
successful  in  Canada  1 

Mr.  Hey.  There  was  a  commission  from  his  Majesty 
to  Governor  Carleton,  the  Attorney  General,  and  myself, 
to  draw  up  a  report  of  that  Government  which  would  be 
most  proper  for  Canada.  In  that  deliberation  I  had  the 
misfortune  to  differ  in  opinion  from  Governor  Carleton ; 
my  ideas  were,  that  the  laws  of  Canada  might  be  blended 
with  those  of  England,  so  as  to  form  a  system  perfectly 
adapted  to  the  wants  of  the   Canadians,  and  also  to  the 

FouHTu  Series.  13 


principles  of  the  polity  of  this  country.  I  would  have  left 
the  Canadians  all  their  laws  that  in  any  degree  concerned 
the  transfer,  possession,  settlement,  or  mortgage  of  landed 
property.  1  would  have  secured  them  their  religious 
toleration  and  security :  but  I  proposed  to  give  them  the 
ciiniinal  law  of  England,  and  the  civil  law  as  far  as  it 
concerned  the  rights  of  moveable  property,  the  modes  of 
trial,  &ic.  Tliis  was  a  mixture  which  1  imagined  would 
answer  the  purposes  that  were  wanting. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Is  Mr.  Hey  acquainted  with  the  laws 
of  Canada,  by  which,  in  matters  of  property,  he  must 
conduct  himself  in  case  this  Bill  passes. 

Mr.  Hey.  Not  as  a  system :  only  in  the  cases  which 
have  come  before  me  from  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas. 

Mr.  Baker.  If  this  Bill  passes,  will  there  be  any  legal 
remedy  for  a  man's  being  arbitrarily  imprisoned  ? 

Mr.  Hey.  That  must  depend  very  much  on  the  con- 
stitution which  his  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  give  to  his 
Courts  of  Justice,  which  he  is  enabled  to  erect  by  this 
Bill.  But  if,  as  a  Chief  Justice,  I  knew  of  a  man's 
imprisonment,  I  should  be  much  induced,  if  1  found  no  law 
for  the  purpose,  to  make  one,  to  have  the  prisoner  brought 
before  me,  that  the  cause  of  his  commitment  might  be 
known. 

The  Committee  then  reported  to  the  House. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  to-morrow  morning, 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
consider  further  of  the  said  Bill. 

Ordered,  That  Major  General  Carleton,  Governor  of 
the  Province  of  Quebec,  William  Hey,  Esquire,  Chief 
Justice  of  the  said  Province,  Doctor  James  Marriott,  his 
Majesty's  Advocate  General,  and  M.  De  Lotbiniere, 
Esquire,  do  attend  the  said  Committee  at  the  same  time. 

Fkiday,  June  3,  1774. 

The  House  being  informed  that  the  ^eriffs  of  the  City 
of  London  attended  at  the  door,  they  were  called  in ;  and, 
at  the  Bar,  presented  to  the  House, 

A  Petition  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Com- 
mons, of  the  City  of  London,  in  Common  Council  assem- 
bled. 

And  then  they  withdrew. 

And  the  said  Petition  was  read ; 

To  the  Honorable  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  Par- 
liament assembled,  the  humble  Petition  of  the  Lord 
Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Commons,  of  the  City  of  Lon- 
don, in  Common  Council  assembled,  sheweth  : 

That  your  Petitioners  are  deeply  concerned,  and  much 
alarmed,  to  find  there  is  now  a  Bill  depending  before  this 
honorable  House,  intituled,  "  An  Act  making  more  effectual 
"  provision  for  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  Q«e- 
"  bee,  in  North  America,"  which,  in  all  civil  cases,  takes 
away  the  exercise  of  the  English  law,  and  that  sacred  part 
of  it,  the  Trial  by  Jury,  and  substitutes  in  its  stead  the 
French  law  of  Canada,  whereby  the  freedom  of  the  per- 
son, and  security  of  the  property  of  his  Majesty's  subjects, 
are  rendered  very  precarious. 

That  if  this  Bill  passes  into  a  law,  the  Roman  Catholic 
will  be  the  only  legal  established  religion,  without  any  pro- 
vision being  made  for  the  free  exercise  of  the  Protestant 
religion,  which  may  prove  greatly  injurious  and  oppressive 
to  his  Majesty's  Protestant  subjects,  who  do  now,  or  may 
hereafter  reside  in  the  said  Province. 

That  the  Legislative  power  is  vested  solely  in  persons 
appointed  during  pleasure,  by  the  Crown,  which  is  totally 
inconsistent  with  the  liberty  and  principles  of  the  English 
Constitution. 

Your  Petitioners  therefore  most  humbly  pray  that  th« 
said  Bill  may  not  pass  into  a  law. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Petition  do  lie  upon  the  table. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read,  the  House  resolved 
itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  Whole,  upon  the  Bill : 

M.  De  Lotbiniere  was  called  in,  and  examined  in  French. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.     Are  you  of  Canada  ? 
M.  De  Lotbiniere.     I  am. 
Mr.  T.  Tomtsherid.     Of  the  corps  of  nobility  ? 
M.  De  Lotbiniere.     Yes. 


195 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


Mr.  T.  Totvmhend.  Do  you  know  if  the  Canadians 
are  desirous  of  having  an  Assembly  to  represent  them  in 
tlie  Government  of  the  Province  ? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.     Tiiey  are  very  desirous  of  it. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Why  then  have  they  not  made 
representations  to  tiiat  purpose  ? 

M.  Dc  Lotbiniere.  Because  tiiey  understand,  that  if 
tliey  were  gratified  witii  an  Assembly,  they  would  in  con- 
sequence have  the  expenses  of  the  Government  to  sujjport, 
which,  in  the  present  state  of  the  Province,  would  be  much 
more  than  they  can  support. 

Lord  North.  Did  M.  De  Lotbiniere  ever  hear  any 
material  objections  to  the  establishment  of  a  Legislative 
Council  ? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.  I  never  heard  it  particularly  debated, 
nor  any  objections. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Does  he  think  the  Canadians  are 
not  desirous  of  a  more  free  Government  than  a  Governor, 
with  a  Council,  the  members  of  which  are  appointed,  re- 
moved, and  suspended  by  him? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.  They  would  certainly  desire  a  freer 
Government. 

Lord  Beauchamp.  But  if  some  of  the  noblesse  were 
admitted  into  that  Council,  would  tliey  not  then  be  well 
satisfied  ? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.     Tliey  might  tlien  be  satisfied. 

Lord  North.  Would  the  noblesse  be  desirous  of  an 
Assembly  in  which  the  Bourgeois  were  admitted  to  sit  in 
common  with  themselves  ? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.  I  do  not  apprehend  they  would  ob- 
ject to  that,  if  it  was  the  King's  pleasure  so  to  have  it. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend.  Have  they  been  displeased  with 
the  Ens^Ush  law  ? 

M.  De  Lotbiniere.  While  the  circumstances  of  lands 
have  been  left  to  the  Canadian  laws,  they  like  the  English 
judicature  very  well. 

Dr.  Marriott,  his  Majesty's  Advocate  General,  was  call- 
ed in. 

Mr.  Macliworth.  I  desire  to  know  of  the  gentleman  at 
the  bar,  what  would  be  the  best  establishment  of  laws  in 
the  Province  of  Quebec,  in  his  opinion  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  It  is  difficult  to  say  upon  any  subject, 
in  this  world,  what  is  best  for  any  men  or  set  of  men  of 
speculation :  that  which  succeeds  best  in  public  and  private 
life  is  best ;  and  therefore  I  cannot  tell  what  will  be  best 
for  the  Canadians. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  he  think  that  the  Canadians 
would  chuse  the  system  of  English  law,  or  the  French  law  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  1  do  not  know  a  single  Canadian.  I 
never  was  in  Canada. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  the  gentleman  think  that  the 
commerce  of  this  country,  and  the  Province,  would  be 
hurt  by  a  revival  of  the  French  laws  in  cases  of  property? 

Mr.  Marriott.     I  cannot  tell. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  he  know  any  thing  of  the  state 
of  Canada ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  What  I  know  is  from  such  papers  as 
have  been  laid  before  me,  by  order  of  the  King,  in  Coun- 
cil, and  by  information  of  other  persons. 

Captain  Fhipps.  I  desire  to  ask  if  he  understands  tlie 
French  law? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  find  it  very  difficult  to  understand  any 
law. 

Captain  Phipps.  Does  he  know  the  power  of  the 
French  King,  under  the  constitution  of  the  French  laws  ? 

Mr.  Marriott,  I  do  not  well  understand  the  constitu- 
tion of  France.  I  never  was  in  France.  It  is  a  very 
hard  thing  for  a  foreigner  to  obtain  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
constitution  of  another  country.  The  constitution  of  one's 
own  requires  a  great  deal  of  close  application  and  study: 
I  wish  I  understood  it  better ;  and  that  many  other  People 
would  study  it  more,  and  understand  it  better  than  I  fear 
they  do. 

Captain  Phipps.  Does  he  understand  the  constitution 
of  Ireland  1 

Mr.  Marriott.     No:  I  never  was  in  Ireland. 

Mr.  Dempster,  Does  ho  think  it  expedient  to  give  the 
Province  of  Quebec  any  part  of  the  French  constitution  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  question  is  upon  the  word  "  expe- 
dient." 


Mr.  Dempster.     I  mean,  will  it  be  wise  and  prudent  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  By  the  words  "  expedient,  wise,  and 
prudent,"  I  understand  the  question  to  mean,  whether  it 
will  be  pohtically  wise  and  prudent.  Expediency  is  min- 
isterial language.  It  is  a  word  of  State  :  State  expediency. 
It  means  that  high  policy,  that  great  arcanum,  the  sublime 
of  Government,  extended  almost  beyond  the  reach  of  hu- 
man wisdom.  Few  that  can  pry  into  this  sort  of  know- 
ledge.   Fewer  that  can  comprehend  it.    I  am  sure  I  do  not- 

Mr.  Dempster.  The  gentleman,  by  the  nature  of  his 
office,  and  greatly  informed  as  he  is  from  his  connections 
with  Government,  and  his  own  reading,  must  know  much 
concerning  the  actual  state  of  the  Province  of  Quebec ;  I 
desire  he  will  answer  what  sort  of  Government  he  would 
give  to  it  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  giving  laws  to  mankind  is  the  per- 
fection of  all  knowledge,  human  and  divine.  It  is  not  the 
work  of  days,  of  months,  of  years,  but  of  ages.  For  me 
to  answer  that  gentleman's  question,  what  sort  of  Govern- 
ment I  would  give  to  the  Province,  I  must  be  the  vainest 
of  men. 

Mr.  Dempster.  From  such  papers  and  informations  as 
have  been  laid  before  the  gentleman  for  his  consideration, 
I  desire  to  know,  in  general,  what  is  his  idea  of  a  civil  es- 
tablishment for  the  Province  of  Quebec,  the  properest  to 
be  given  it  by  the  Legislature  of  tills  country? 

Mr.  Marriott.  It  depends  upon  a  most  extensive  know- 
ledge, infinite  indeed,  of  the  relations  of  men  and  things, 
times  and  circumstances ;  the  positions  of  both  countries ; 
the  manners  and  genius  of  the  People  ;  the  wants  of  the 
Province  ;  the  views  of  the  mother  country  ;  the  conduct 
of  tlie  neighbouring  Colonies ;  the  state  of  the  nation  vis 
a  vis,  or  respecting  them  and  the  designs  of  the  rest  of 
Europe.  These  relations  change  every  moment ;  this  vast 
political  prospect  is  for  ever  doubtful  and  floating ;  it  con- 
tains too  many  objects  for  my  short  vision  and  poor  com- 
prehension.— My  answer  therefore  to  the  question  (what 
is  the  properest  establisliment  for  the  Province  of  Quebec, 
to  be  given  by  the  Legislature  of  this  country)  is,  I  can- 
not tell. 

Mr.  JV.  Burke.  There  is  an  absurdity  in  this  answer. 
The  gentleman  spoke  of  an  infinite  knowledge  of  men 
and  things,  times  and  circumstances,  and  yet  he  says  he 
cannot  tell. 

House. — Read  the  Minutes. 

The  Clerk  read  the  Minutes — as  Mr.  Burke  had  repre- 
sented them. 

Mr.  Marriott.  They  were  not  my  words — It  depends 
upon  a  most  extensive  knowledge,  &,c.,  Stc,  that  is,  the 
question  depends — The  words  "it  depends"  were  left  out. — 
Repeats  as  above. 

Mr.  Baker.  I  would  ask  the  gentleman  at  the  bar  if 
ever  he  has  read  any  thing  of  the  laws  of  France  1  I 
believe  he  has  read  a  great  deal. 

Mr.  Marriott.     I  have  read  a  little  of  the  French  law. 

Mr.  Baker.     Does  he  understand  it  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  Not  the  style  of  it,  nor  its  forms  very 
well. 

Mr.  Baker.     What  does  he  mean  by  the  style  of  it  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  There  is  in  every  civilized  country,  in 
which  a  system  of  civil  laws  is  established,  a  law  language — 
as  there  are  in  every  art  and  science  words  and  phrases 
peculiar  to  them,  only  understood  by  the  persons  who 
practise  those  arts  and  sciences ;  I  correct  myself:  not 
always  understood  perfectly  even  by  them,  for  they  fre- 
quently dispute  about  the  force  and  meaning.  The  law 
therefore  calls  these  arts,  crafts,  and  mysteries.  The  French 
have  a  serious  word  for  the  style  of  law ;  they  call  it 
jargon;  we  ludicrously  use  \i  jargon.     It  is  a  cant  word. 

Mr.  Baker.  Did  he  ever  see  any  system  of  the  French 
law  in  Canada  1 

Mr.  Marriott.     I  have  read  a  collection  of  Frenchlaws, 
which  contains,  by  way  of  abstract,  the  laws  and  usages 
of  that  Province,  founded  on  the  laws  of  the  Prevote  of 
Paris :  and  it  also  contains  several  ordonnances  of  police  . 
and  arrets  of  tiie  French  King. 

Mr.  Baker.     Does  he  understand  them  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  Some  part  of  them :  the  law  language 
is  difficult. 

Mr.  Baker.  Is  there  not  in  that  collection  something 
concerning  the  jus  retractus  1 


197 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


198 


Mr.  Marriott.  I  suppose  the  gentleman  who  puts  the 
question  means  the  retrait  lignager.  It  is  the  right  which 
a  Lord  of  a  fief  or  a  manor,  and  the  first  original  possessor 
of  a  grant  from  the  Crown,  has  to  receive  some  indemni- 
fications from  those  persons  who  are  called  the  arrier 
tenants,  who  hold  under  him.  There  is  such  a  title  as 
retrait  lignager. 

Mr.  Baker.  If  the  French  civil  laws  were  revived,  or 
suffered  to  remain  in  Canada,  would  it  not  be  a  discourage- 
ment to  the  old  British  subjects  to  go  and  trade  there,  and 
make  purchases  of  lands  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  If  old  British  subjects  were  to  go 
thither,  the  French  civil  law  remaining  in  force,  or  being 
revived,  they  would  go  thither  at  their  option,  and  of  their 
own  free  will,  as  they  now  go  to  Jersey  or  Guernsey, 
where  the  French  laws  prevail.  Or  for  another  instance, 
if  you  please ;  if  any  person  on  speculation  thought  of 
going  to  buy  an  estate  in  Scotland,  if  he  found  that  he  did 
not  like  the  Scotch  law  and  inhabitants,  he  might  do  a 
better  thing,  keep  his  money  in  his  pocket  and  stay  at 
home  ;  a  thing  much  wanted  in  this  country. 

Mr.  Dempster.  On  what  terms  do  you  think,  in  the 
state  of  things  in  Canada,  an  English  merchant  going  to 
settle  there,  would  hold  any  lands  which  he  should  pur- 
cliase? 

Mr.  Marriott.  On  the  same  terms  as  the  Canadians 
held  them  who  convey  the  lands :  or  if  the  new  settler 
takes  them  by  grant  from  the  Crown,  he  will  then  take 
them  on  the  same  terms  as  any  other  grantee  would  do ; 
that  is  to  say,  on  such  terms  as  the  granter  shall  please. 
All  is  voluntary  on  the  part  of  the  purchaser  or  grantee — 
he  may  take  the  lands,  or  he  may  leave  them. 

Mr.  Dempster.  Has  he  given  no  opinion  upon  the 
subject  of  Canada! 

Mr.  Marriott.     I  have. 

Mr.  Dempster.     In  what  capacity,  and  to  whom  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  As  his  Majesty's  Advocate  General,  to 
his  Majesty,  in  Council,  I  drew  up  a  plan  of  a  code  of  laws. 

Mr.  Dempster.  Will  the  gentleman  be  pleased  to  give 
the  House  some  account  of  the  plan  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  had  the  honor  of  his  Majesty's  com- 
mands in  Council,  together  with  my  brethren  in  office,  the 
Attorney  and  Solicitor  General,  to  consider  a  great  number 
of  papers  referred,  and  to  call  for  such  persons  as  could  give 
me  information  upon  the  subject ;  and  to  prepare  a  plan  of 
civil  and  criminal  law  for  that  Province :  it  was  referred 
separately  to  each  of  us  three,  as  being  the  law  officers  of 
the  Crown.     I  drew  up  my  plan  accordingly. 

Mr.  Dempster.     What  was  the  plan  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  drew  my  plan  in  the  following 
method:  after  stating  the  principles  of  legislation,  and 
representing  what  appeared  to  me  to  have  been  the  late 
condition,  and  now,  to  be,  and  likely  to  be  hereafter,  the 
state  of  the  Colony,  I  formed  my  plan  under  four  heads : 
the  Courts  of  Judicature  ;  the  Common  Law  of  the  Pro- 
vince ;  the  Revenue  ;  the  Religion. 

Mr.  Dempster.     To  whom  did  he  deliver  that  plan  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.     To  his  Majesty  in  Council. 

Mr.  Dempster.  As  doubtless  it  was  very  extensive  in 
point  of  knowledge  and  information,  the  House  would  be 
glad  to  know  tlie  contents  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  stand  here  as  his  Majesty's  servant : 
my  colleagues  next  to  me  in  office,  who  have  given  their 
opinions  as  well  as  myself  to  his  Majesty,  are  within  the 
bar.  When  an  advocate  or  counsellor  gives  his  opinion, 
it  is  the  property  of  his  client.  His  Majesty  is  in  posses- 
sion of  my  opinion.  If  this  House  does  me  the  high  honor 
of  being  desirous  to  know  my  sentiments,  such  as  they  are, 
(and  they  are  very  free  ones)  the  House  will  then  address 
his  Majesty  to  lay  my  opinion  before  the  House.  If  tiie 
House  will  not  agree  to  that  address,  my  sentiments  must 
remain  deposited  with  his  Majesty,  in  his  great  wisdom, 
where  they  now  most  happily  rest. 

Mr.  Dempster.  When  somebody  moved  to  have  all  the 
papers  laid  before  the  House,  the  motion  was  overruled, 
on  the  ground  that  we  might  have  complete  information  at 
the  bar.  I  fear  we  shall  not  have  it  where  we  wish  it,  and 
were  bidden  to  expect  it.  What  is  the  sum  and  conclu- 
sion of  that  opinion  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  In  a  question  so  extensive,  and  which 
inrolved  every  possible  consideration  of  policy,  and  very 


little  of  law,  I  drew  up  my  opinion  with  all  that  modesty 
and  diffidence  which  became  me.  The  danger  of  positive- 
ness  in  speculative  opinions  is  too  obvious  to  every  man  of 
a  right  mind.  The  more  I  viewed  the  subject  on  every 
side,  the  more  difficulties  occurred  to  me.  I  weighed  all 
facts  and  reasonings  in  a  true  balance,  without  bias  to  any 
man  or  any  party,  but  found  it  hard,  after  the  whole  result 
of  my  inquiries,  to  fix  decisively  what  the  system  of  law 
ought  to  be  for  a  People  so  remote  from  home,  of  whose 
manners  and  wants  we  know  so  little.  My  method  of  pro- 
ceeding was,  I  collected  all  facts  as  represented  to  me,  and 
as  far  as  other  persons,  who  well  knew  the  Colony  by 
having  been  in  it,  were  agreed  in  their  reports  made  to  the 
King's  Government.  I  then  brought  all  the  facts  and  pro- 
bable reasonings  together  in  one  general  point  of  view,  for 
the  assistance  of  my  two  colleagues  in  office,  that  they 
might  form  an  easier  decision  on  their  part.  I  drew  indeed 
my  own  conclusions,  but  they  were  not  positive,  but  open 
to  better  reasonings.  I  therefore,  through  the  whole, 
adopted  the  style  and  manner  of  that  which  Cicero  calls  the 
deliberativum  genus  dicendi ;  I  submitted  every  thing  to  his 
Majesty's  wisdom  in  Council,  aided  by  opinions  and  argu- 
ments of  much  higher  authority  than  any  which  I  could 
offer. 

Mr.  Dempster.  Can  the  gentleman  recollect  any  parts 
of  the  opinion  which  he  gave? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  answered  before,  that  doubtless  if  this 
House  will  address  his  Majesty,  they  will  have  the  whole 
of  it  before  you :  I  have  no  objection,  I  am  sure,  for  my 
part ;  but  my  memory  will  not  serve  me  to  repeat  so  ex- 
tensive a  work. 

Mr.  Dempster.  Does  it  agree  in  substance,  or  part, 
with  the  Bill  now  depending  before  this  House  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  know  nothing  of  such  a  Bill  officially. 
A  printed  paper,  with  a  title  of  a  Bill  relative  to  the  Go- 
vernment of  Quebec,  was  put  into  my  hands  only  two  days 
ago,  by  a  friend  accidentally.  Not  having  the  honor  to  be 
a  member  of  this  House,  I  cannot,  according  to  the  rules 
of  it,  take  notice  of  any  thing  proposed  within  its  walls. 
If  the  House  were  pleased  to  refer  the  Bill  to  me,  I  should 
desire  to  take  it  home,  to  read  it  with  great  care  and  de- 
liberation. And  if  I  were  within  the  bar,  as  I  am  now 
without,  I  would  give  my  opinion  upon  the  Bill  in  my 
place  as  freely,  and  with  as  much  courage,  as  any  man 
upon  this  ground. 

Mr.  Dempster.  The  gentleman  owns  that  he  has  had 
much  information :  I  wish  he  would  tell  us  what  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  same  as  the  House  has  already 
heard  just  now,  and  from  some  of  the  same  persons. 

Mr.  Cavendish.  If  we  cannot  have  the  whole  of  his 
opinion,  will  he  give  us  some  of  the  very  learned  quota- 
tions in  his  book. 

Mr.  Marriott.  So  many  compliments  would  naturally 
draw  a  positive  answer  from  any  person  capable  of  feeling 
the  flattery  and  giving  an  answer ;  but  I  do  not  know  what 
the  honorable  gentleman  thinks  of  me.  It  is  not  a  little 
memory  or  a  little  time  will  serve  to  repeat  all  the  quota- 
tions of  civil  and  common  law,  and  all  the  French  and 
latin  extracts  which  I  have  used.  I  have  used  a  great 
many  in  dressing  out  my  own  thoughts.  Quotations  are 
commonly  among  authors  but  the  mere  ornaments,  the 
fringe  and  trappings  of  a  book.  They  only  shew  that  the 
man  who  uses  them,  has  read  a  great  deal ;  but  they  do 
not  prove  how  much  he  has  thought,  and  whether  well  or 
ill ;  and  they  shew  he  has  thought  like  other  people  who 
have  thought  and  wrote  before  him.  If  I  could  possibly 
recollect  and  repeat  this  amass  of  the  opinions  and  infor- 
mations of  other  men,  I  must  be  very  tedious,  and  appear 
very  pedantic  to  the  House.  I  question  much  whether  a 
walking  library  would  be  tolerable  in  these  walls.  I  cannot 
remember  quotations. 

Mr.  JV.  Burke.  Will  the  gentleman  tell  us  how  long 
he  was  composing  his  plan  ?  (It  must  require  great  labour 
and  study)  and  how  many  pages  it  contained  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.     About  three  hundred  closely  written. 

Mr.  W.  Burke.  What  was  the  time  it  took  to  com- 
pose it. 

Mr.  Marriott.     I  cannot  exactly  tell. 

Mr.  W.  Burke.     Was  it  several  months  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  Ten  or  twelve  months,  at  different  in- 
tervals, to  compose  it.     Bui  if  I  am  to  speak  to  all  the 


199 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


300 


time  that  I  vras  thinking  on  the  subject,  the  time  was  near 
two  years.  1  took  it  up,  laid  it  in  my  desk  ;  took  it  up, 
and  laid  it  in  my  desk  again,  that  it  might  ripen  in  my 
mind.  I  saw  my  difficulties  of  coming  to  a  decision  in- 
creased. 1  dreaded  being  hasty  or  positive,  and  1  thought 
no  trouble  too  much  on  such  a  public  subject,  which  ap- 
peared too  much  for  the  life  of  any  man,  and  most  certain- 
ly for  any  one  man's  understanding. 

Mr.  ff^.  Burke.  1  desire  to  know,  Mr.  Chairman, 
what  was  the  name  of  the  thing  which  he  took  up  and  laid 
down  so  often,  and  which  he  delivered  in  at  last  to  his 
Majesty  ? 

Mr.  Marriott,  I  think  Mr.  Chainnan,  I  remember  the 
face  of  that  gentleman  who  asks  me  the  question,  "  what 
"  is  that  thing  which  I  took  up  and  laid  down  so  often,  and 
"  delivered  in  to  his  Majesty."  I  answer,  when  that  gen- 
tleman was  himself  in  office,  he  very  well  know  what  sort 
of  things  are  the  opinions  of  Crown  lawyers. 

Mr.  fV.  Burke.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  witness  at  the  bar 
has  behaved  without  any  respect  to  the  House.  It  was 
enough  for  the  House  to  be  insulted  elsewhere.  We  are 
in  an  abject  state.  I  say  so,  and  others  think  so.  We  are 
very  ill  used.  The  upper  House  had  used  us  ill.  They 
shut  us  out,  not  for  fear  we  should  hear  what  they  did,  but 
for  fear  we  should  see  they  did  nothing.  They  frame  the 
Bill  there,  delay  it  by  keeping  it  in  their  hands,  aad  then 
send  it  down  to  us  ;  and  now  we  are  to  hurry  through  it 
without  sufficient  information ;  and  nobody  will  own  it. 
The  doors  are  shut  upon  us;  nobody  will  give  us  informa- 
tion. 1  said,  the  gentleman  at  the  bar  said  he  had  a 
knowledge  of  men  and  things,  and  yet  he  said  he  could 
not  tell.  I  am  not  guilty  of  any  blunders,  any  Iricism. 
The  Clerk  mistook  as  well  as  I.  The  gentleman  says,  he 
does  not  know  the  constitution  of  France ;  he  doas  not 
know  the  constitution  of  Ireland ;  he  never  was  in  Cana- 
da ;  the  King  is  his  client ;  he  will  not  tell  you  what  ad- 
rice  he  has  given  the  King  ;  we  have  a  right  to  be  inform- 
ed by  him.  The  Minister  told  us  we  sliould  be  so  ;  and 
now  truly  the  witness  will  not  give  an  answer  to  any  thing, 
what  his  real  ophiion  is.  By  the  rules  of  this  House,  no 
witness  at  the  bar  is  to  answer  any  thing  personally,  touching 
a  member.  It  is  a  disrespect  to  the  House.  The  questions 
are  to  be  put  to  the  Chair  by  a  member ;  and  tlie  Chair, 
which  represents  the  House,  is  to  put  the  questions  to  a 
witness.  He  is  to  return  answers  to  the  Chair,  that  is  to  the 
House.  If  an  improper  question  is  put,  the  House  may 
overmle  it.  I  always  behave  like  a  gentleman ;  I  know 
the  gentleman  at  the  bar,  though  I  am  not  intimate  with 
him.  He  has  taken  fire  at  my  expression  ;  I  did  not  mean 
to  affront  him.  He  would  not  tell  us  what  it  was  he  had 
delivered:  he  himself  therefore  forced  me  to  call  it  "  that 
thing"  which  he  delivered.  I  had  no  other  way  to  express 
it.  I  am  ready  every  where  to  demand  or  give  satisfaction, 
where  there  is  an  aflront  offered  or  received.  I  desire  the 
gentleman  may  withdraw,  and  to  know  the  sense  of  the 
House,  whether  I  put  an  improper  question,  or  the  gentle- 
man made  an  improper  answer  ? 

[Mr.  Marriott  was  ordered  to  withdraw.] 

Mr.  Pulteney.  It  is  certainly  very  irregular  for  a  witness 
at  the  bar  to  answer  any  thing  relating  to  a  member,  per- 
sonally, who  puts  the  question.  It  was  always  in  my 
opinion  wrong,  considering  that  gentleman's  situation,  to 
call  him  to  be  examined :  but  we  were  refused  the  penisal 
of  his  opinion,  and  the  papers.  The  Attorney  and  Solici- 
tor General  here  refused  to  tell  us  what  were  the  opinions 
which  were  given  in  by  them.  I  often  have  observed 
much  debate  and  confusion  occasioned  in  the  House,  when 
a  witness  of  wit  and  abilities  is  examined.  It  should  be 
remembered  by  both  the  persons,  by  tlie  one  who  puts  the 
question,  and  by  the  other  who  gives  the  answer,  that  the 
question  is  put  by  the  House,  and  tiie  answer  is  returned 
to  the  House.  An  attention  to  this  would  preserve  reci- 
procal decorum. 

Captain  Phipps.  I  must  observe  to  the  Committee, 
that  this  examination  is  getting  into  a  train  which  appears 
to  me  to  be  very  improper.  Sir,  when  men  of  great  parts 
and  abilities,  and  much  wit,  come  to  tliis  bar,  I  cannot 
help  condemning  that  kind  of  applause  which  is  given 
tliem  for  exertions  of  that  wit,  though  very  unseasonable. 
I  may  have  been  guilty  of  joining  in  this  encouragement 


to  a  witness,  but  am  sure  the  Committee  sees,  by  this  time, 
that  if  we  proceed  thus,  the  witness  will  have  been  called 
to  the  bar  to  very  little  purpose.  Besides,  Sir,  there  is  a 
conduct  in  witnesses  that  is  not  at  all  consistent  with  tha 
dignity  of  this  House.  I  therefore  hope,  tliat  the  witness, 
as  well  as  any  others  that  may  come  to  this  bar  hereafter, 
would  recollect,  that  although  the  House  owes  much  to 
the  situation  of  a  witness,  yet  does  the  witness  owe  some- 
thing to  the  dignity  of  the  House. 

Lord  North.  1  rise  to  answer  the  honorable  gentleman 
who  was  so  warm.  He  is  angry  that  the  gentleman  will 
not  tell  you  what  his  opinion  was.  He  made  a  complete 
answer  to  his  (juestion.  He  said  it  was  a  deliberative 
opinion  :  that  he  made  no  decision.  I  do  admit,  that  the 
answer  of  a  witness,  by  the  rules  of  this  House,  should  not 
be  any  thing  personiil  to  the  member  questioning,  however 
impertinent,  rude,  or  absurd,  the  question  may  appear  to 
him.  Tlie  rank  and  station  of  the  gentleman  at  the  bar 
ought  to  be  considered.  The  word  "  thing"  is  understood 
generally  as  a  word  of  contempt.  Nothing  contemptible 
comes  from  tiie  gentleman  at  the  bar:  such  a  word  might 
naturally  strike  him :  and  his  not  being  a  member  of  this 
House,  so  as  to  know  the  rules  of  it,  excuses  him  for 
shewing  his  spirit  on  the  occasion,  when  he  thought  himself 
affronted.  He  is  under  the  j)rotection  of  the  House,  and 
no  improper  question  ought  to  be  asked.  In  that  case  he 
may  demand  the  protection  of  the  House,  and  so  may 
every  person  who  is  examined  at  this  bar. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke.  I  rise  to  apologize  for  the  honor- 
able gentleman  next  me.  1  am  perfectly  sure  he  did  not 
mean  to  affront  the  gentleman  at  the  bar.  I  know  the 
gentleman  there  extremely  well,  his  great  abilities,  learn- 
ing, and  character ;  he  has  distinguished  himself  by  his 
writings  and  beliaviour,  and  nobody  here  or  any  where  else 
can  treat  him  with  contempt;  but  we  should  have  been 
very  glad  to  have  had  his  information.  1  am  sensible  that 
he  is  in  a  very  trying  situation.  His  information  is  with- 
held. It  is  a  distress  upon  him,  and  an  insult  upon  us  to 
refer  us  to  him,  when  it  was  known  beforehand  that  it  was 
not  likely  that  he  should  think  himself  at  liberty  to  give  us 
his  opinion  viva  voce,  after  what  he  has  written  was  refused 
us  by  others.  It  was,  however,  very  natural  for  us  to  call 
for  him.  We  had  no  other  hope  of  obtaining  any  informa- 
tion of  great  authority.  All  tlie  world  knows  that  the 
King's  Advocate  General,  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  Gen- 
eral, from  the  nature  of  their  very  high  offices,  have  the 
power  of  obtaining  every  sort  of  information.  All  is  open 
to  them  in  every  department  of  Government.  They  can 
enter  behind  the  veil.  The  sanctum  sanctorum  of  State 
must  be  frequently  and  confidentially  submitted  to  their 
view ;  but  the  curtain  is  drawn  u))on  us,  and  the  door  is 
shut.  How,  then,  are  we  to  get  information  ?  I  ask  ;  shall 
we  liave  it  from  the  other  Crown  lawyers  ?  The  answer 
is,  they  stand  upon  their  own  ground,  and  take  and  narrow 
it  when  and  where  they  please,  as  members  within  the 
bar ;  and  thf  gentleman  who  proceeds  in  office,  but  who 
stands  without  the  bar,  necessarily  suffers  from  a  variety  of 
torturing  questions  put  to  him  on  speculative  points,  which 
it  must  put  any  man  under  difliculties  to  answer,  especially 
one  in  his  station.  I  never  should  have  concurred  in  the 
motion  to  examine  him,  if  the  former  motion  for  the 
address  for  papers  in  general  had  not  been  overruled. 

Mr.  Marriott  was  again  called  in. 

Chairman,  Sir,  you  are  to  address  yourself  to  th« 
Chair. 

Captain  Phipps.  Under  what  denomination  are  the 
papers  which  were  delivered  in  by  Mr.  Marriott  to  the 
King? 

Mr.  Marriott.     A  Report. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  I  wish  tiie  gentleman  would  give  a 
short  account  of  the  substance  of  that  report,  as  concise  as 
he  pleases  to  make  it. 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  thought  I  had  before  given  an  account 
of  the  contents,  and  of  the  plan.  It  is  impossible  to  give  a 
short  account  of  a  long  affair. 

Mr,  Mackworth.  In  tiiat  report  does  he  approve  of 
Juries  ;  docs  he  like  them  ;  what  does  he  think  of  them  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  should  choose  to  be  tried  by  thenu 
But  I  think  of  Juries  as  I  do  of  every  thing  else  in  this 
wofld— every  thing  is  imperfect,     I  have  often  considered 


201 


QUEBEC  BILLs 


202 


the  different  modes  of  trial  in  different  countries ;  the  Civil 
Law  Courts,  the  Courts  of  Common  Law,  and  Chancery  ; 
tlieir  modes  are  all  defective  in  discovering  truth.  Juries 
are  like  most  other  men  and  things ;  they  have  their  ex- 
cellent qualities,  and  they  have  their  bad  ones. 

Mr.  Mackworth.  Does  he  think  it  will  be  a  hardship 
upon  the  Canadians  not  to  have  Juries?  Not  to  liave 
Uieir  lives  and  properties  tried  by  a  Jury  out  of  tiieir  own 
neighbourhood  ?  Would  it  be  tlieir  happiness  or  unhappi- 
ness  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  If  I  were  a  Canadian  I  could  tell  what 
would  make  me  happy  ;  if  I  were  to  go  to  Canada  I  could 
tell  the  same.  As  an  Englishman,  I  say  that  Juries  are  a 
mode  of  trial  which  I  like  ;  they  are  very  favourable  to  the 
property  of  the  subject,  and  the  natural  liberties  of  man- 
kind. 

Mr.  Dempster.  Does  Mr.  Marriott  think  that  the 
present  Bill  is  calculated  to  give  as  much  freedom  to  Cana- 
da as  is  expedient  to  give  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  Expedient  to  give  them  !  I  answered 
before  to  that  question ;  it  involves  a  thousand  others. 

Mr.  C.  Jenkinson.  Does  he  think  that  the  Canadians 
will  not  suffer  greatly  if  the  habeas  corpus  law  is  not  intro- 
duced among  them  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  desire  the  question  may  be  repeated ; 
the  merit  of  the  habeas  corpus  law  is  a  great  constitutional 
question. 

Question  repeated. 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  idea  of  the  suffering  is  the  idea  of 
the  sufferer,  and  not  of  a  third  person  ;  I  cannot  answer  for 
the  feelings  of  the  Canadians. 

Mr.  C.  Jenkinson.  Cannot  the  gentleman  conceive  the 
pain  of  another  person  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  No  person  has  a  true  impression  of  the 
degree  of  pain  or  pleasure  of  another  being;  there  is 
no  complete  medium  to  convey  the  sensations ;  words  will 
not  do  it.  No  person  can  tell  what  a  man  of  probity  and 
reflection,  who  wishes  to  judge  without  error,  and  to  do  his 
public  duty  in  an  arduous  question,  feels,  when  put  upon 
tlie  rack  of  opinion.  No  man  in  this  place  exactly  knows 
how  I  feel,  in  my  particular  and  relative  situation,  by  being 
so  long  kept  at  this  bar,  and  called  upon  to  answer  every 
sort  of  question  that  can  be  imagined  about  all  possible  and 
probable  things  from  such  a  variety  of  persons.  Witnesses, 
by  all  the  law  I  know  in  the  world,  are  called  every  where 
only  to  speak  to  facts  ;  to  opinions,  no  where ; — except  in 
one  court  of  religion,  in  the  world. 

Mr.  C.  Jenkinson.  The  gentleman  then  has,  I  find, 
some  sort  of  idea  of  another  man's  suffering,  although  not 
an  adequate  and  perfect  one.  Cannot  he  tell  the  House, 
supposing  I  were  to  give  the  gentleman  who  sits  below  me 
a  slap  on  the  face,  what  he  would  suffer?  I  mean,  what 
would  a  person  struck  suffer  when  there  are  visible  signs 
of  a  violent  blow  ?  Suppose  that  the  blood  gushes  out  of 
tlie  nose  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  noses  of  some  people  bleed  without 
pain.  That  gentleman  might  have  a  blow  on  the  nose,  and 
he  might  feel  it.  I  should  not.  I  mean,  he  would  feel  it  if 
he  were  sober ;  if  he  were  drunk  he  might  not ;  he  might 
take  it  all  in  good  part ;  and  as  for  the  blood,  swear  it  was 
all  good  claret. 

A  Member.  Repeat  the  answer. 
Mr.  Marriott.  If  he  were  inebriated  he  might  not  feel. 
Mr.  Chairman,  I  hope  my  answers  are  not  improper.  I 
desire  to  be  serious.  I  am  in  earnest.  The  answer,  I 
take  it,  by  the  law  of  all  evidence,  ought  to  be  of  the  same 
colour  with  the  question,  and  pointed  to  it. 
Chairman.     Right,  certainly. 

Colonel  Barrc.  I  would  not  desire  to  distress  the  learned 
gentleman  at  the  bar.  He  is  certainly  under  personal  diffi- 
culties in  his  situation  of  office,  and  not  being  a  member. 
But  I  see  he  bears  his  examination  with  much  patience  and 
good  humour.  We  were  all  going  to  be  very  dull,  and  he 
has  enUvened  us.  He  has  been  asked  above  one  hundred 
questions,  and  has  parried  them  all :  not  one  decisive 
answer.  I  did  not  expect  he  would  have  kept  his  ground 
M)  stoutly  against  numbers.  I  will  now  beg  leave  to  try 
him.  I  undertake,  Sir,  to  ask  him  one  very  easy  question, 
which  I  think  he  may  and  will  answer.  What  does  he 
(hiok  is  the  King  of  Prutsia's  religion  I 


Mr.  Marriott.  1  have  read  some  of  his  works ;  if  the 
writings  I  mean  are  really  his ;  although  some  people  have 
doubted  the  title,  "  Oeuvres  du  Phitosophe  de  Sans  Souci." 
His  religion  may  be  judged  from  tliem. 

Colonel  Barre.  I  desire  to  know.  Sir,  what  he  judges 
the  King  of  Prussia's  religion  to  be  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  From  them?  I  believe  his  Majesty 
has  no  (formal)  religion. 

Colonel  Barrc.  Jf  the  Province  of  Canada  were  to  be 
ceded  to  his  Prussian  Majesty,  what  religion  would  he  in- 
troduce into  it  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.     A  soldier's  religion. 

Colonel  Barre.     What  is  a  soldier's  religion  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  If  I  were  a  soldier,  Sir,  I  would  answer 
the  words — my  honor. 

Colonel  Barre.     What  is  a  lawyer's  religion  ? 

Mr.  Marriott.  His  honor  too ;  not  to  give  up  his 
client.  But  I  suppose  the  gentleman  knows  there  are  two 
orders  of  men  in  this  country,  the  civilians,  and  the  com- 
mon lawyers.  I  am  no  conunon  lawyer. — ^The  religion  of 
which  ? 

Colonel  Barre.     Of  both. 

Mr.  Marriott.  The  common  lawyers  must  answer  for 
themselves.  I  can  readily  answer  for  the  civilians ;  they 
are  ecclesiastical  lawyers,  and  subscribe ;  they  are  of  the 
religion  of  this  country  by  law  established. 

Colonel  Barrc.  I  see,  Sir,  there  is  no  hitting  the  gen- 
tleman at  the  bar.  But  I  have  read  an  opinion  of  some 
weight  in  a  book  here  in  my  hand  :  it  is  so  laid  down, 
that  I  think  the  gentleman  cannot  escape  answering  to  it. 
With  the  leave  of  the  House,  I  will  read  it : — 

"  In  order  to  judge  politically  of  the  expediency  of  suf- 
"  feringthe  Romish  religion  to  remain  an  established  religion 
"  of  the  State  in  any  part  of  your  Majesty's  Dominions,  the 
"  Romish  religion,  I  mean  its  doctrines,  not  its  ceremonies 
"  ought  to  be  perfectly  understood.  The  opinion  of  the 
"  royal  author  of  the  Memoires  de  Brandenburgh,  seems  to 
"  be  conclusive  on  this  head  to  every  sovereign  power,  that 
"  the  Protestant  religion  is  best  both  for  the  Prince  and  the 
"  People  ;  because  there  is  in  it  no  middle  power  to  inter- 
"  vene  and  stand  before  the  Prince  against  the  People,  nor 
"  before  the  People  against  the  Prince." 

The  House  now  sees  why  I  put  the  other  question. 

Colonel  Barre.  Did  the  gentleman  ever  read  the  Me- 
moires de  Brandenburgh  ?  Is  that  which  I  have  read  the 
King  of  Pi-ussia's  opinion?  Is  that  opinion  in  the  Me- 
moires de  Brandenburgh  1 

Mr.  Marriott.  I  have  read  a  book  with  that  tide :  but 
whether  that  book  was  his  writing  or  whether,  being  his 
book,  that  was  his  opinion,  (for  many  people  write  books, 
who  are  not  of  an  opinion  with  their  own  book,)  I  do  not 
know.  There  is  something  very  like  that  opinion  in  the  book. 

Colonel  Barrc.  The  book.  Sir,  in  which  this  opinion  is 
recommended  and  adopted,  ends  with  the  name  of  the 
gentleman  at  the  bar.     He  has  subscribed  to  that  opinion. — 

Mr.  Marriott.  [Bowing  with  great  respect  round  to  the 
House,  and  laying  his  hand  on  his  bosom.]  I  now  subscribB 
to  that  opinion  most  seriously — and  most  sincerely. 

Mr.  Marriott.     Was  ordered  to  withdraw. 

The  House  went  into  a  debate,  in  the  course  of  which 
Mr.  Charles  Fox  and  Mr.  7'.  Toiunshend  agreed  witli  Mr. 
Edmund  Burke,  that  it  was  wrong  to  have  examined  the 
King's  Advocate  General,  and  to  force  him  to  give  an 
opinion  to  the  House ;  and  laid  the  blame  on  the  Minister,, 
and  those  persons  who  opposed  the  motion  for  the  papers. 

Mr.  Baker  moved,  "  That  General  Murray  be  examin- 
ed as  a  witness." 

Notice  being  given,  that  the  General  was  not  in  the 
House,  the  Sergeant  was  sent  out  for  him,  but  he  was 
gone  home. 

The  Committee  then  reported  progress,  and  asked  leave 
to  sit  again. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  upon  Monday  mommg 
next,  resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House, 
to  consider  furtiier  of  the  said  Bill. 

Mr.  Baker  then  moved,  "That  Lieutenant  General 
"  Murray,  late  Governor  of  Canada,  and  present  Govem- 
"  or  of  the  town  of  Quebec,  do  attend  the  said  Committee, 
"  on  Monday  next." 


203 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


204 


The  motion  was  seconded  by 

Mr.  T.  Toumshend,  who  set  forth  the  necessity  of  his 
attendance  ;  and  said,  he  could  assign  no  other  reason  for 
his  evidence  being  denied,  unless  it  was  that  he  himself 
had  been  imprudent  enough  to  declare  to  the  House,  tliat 
General  Murray  coincided  with  Mr.  Maseres ;  and  said, 
lie  believed  when  the  noble  Lord  gave  his  consent  to  hear 
him,  and  sent  the  Sergeant  to  look  for  him,  he  well  knew 
he  was  not  in  the  House. 

Lord  North  rose  in  a  terrible  passion,  and  said,  he  cared 
not  what  the  honorable  gentleman  thought  of  him ;  that  he 
never  paid  any  respect  to  what  a  passionate  and  prejudiced 
person  said  ;  that  he  knew  the  honorable  gentleman  had  an 
ill  opinion  of  him,  and  he  was  welcome  to  think  so  still. 
He  said,  had  General  Murray  been  in  the  House  he  would 
have  heard  him,  but  as  he  was  not,  summoning  him  for 
another  day  would  greatly  delay  the  business,  and  he 
should  therefore  oppose  the  motion. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  rose,  and  in  a  spirited  manner  an- 
swered, that  he  would  submit  to  the  House  which  seemed 
most  passionate  ;  that  he  was  certain  General  Murray's 
evidence  was  material ;  and  as  to  prejudice,  he  desired 
nothing  but  that  it  miglit  be  remarked,  he  was  prejudiced 
to  hear  General  Murray,  the  noble  Lord  was  prejudiced 
against  hearing  him.  He  then  set  forth,  that,  by  this  law, 
the  fishery  on  the  Labrador  coast  would  be  altered,  which 
would  affect  the  Newfoundland  fishery  ;  that  as  it  was  an 
affair  of  great  consequence.  Admiral  PaUiscr  would  be  ne- 
cessary to  be  examined  ;  but  as  the  noble  Lord  objected  as 
to  time,  he  would  not  move  for  his  attendance,  but  only 
wish  to  refer  the  noble  Lord  to  him  for  information. 

Colonel  Barre  set  forth  how  material  it  was  to  have 
General  Murray's  evidence,  as  he  was  at  the  taking  of 
Quebec,  was  Governor  of  the  Colony  the  first  after  it  was 
taken,  and  remained  Governor  several  jears  after,  and 
therefore,  consequently,  knew  the  manners  and  customs  of 
the  Canadians;  that,  as  he  had  been  resident  there  at  so 
critical  a  juncture,  he  must  have  seen  how  they  liked  the 
French  laws,  and  how  they  liked  the  English  laws. 

Captain  Phipps  was  likewise  much  for  the  General 
being  heard,  saying,  that  the  evidence  produced  had  been 
deficient  in  many  points  of  information  which  he  could  have 
wished  to  have  heard. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox  rose,  and  in  the  most  sarcastic  manner 
attacked  Lord  North,  as  to  passion  and  prejudice.  He 
said,  the  noble  Lord  always  had  two  opinions ;  that  most 
people's  second  opinion  was  best,  but  the  noble  Lord's 
second  thought  was  generally  the  worst ;  that  he  was  al- 
ways very  uniform  in  his  conduct ;  for  about  half  an  hour 
before  he  gave  leave  for  General  Murray  to  be  heard,  but 
now  he  was  against  it.  He  said  there  had  been  no  other 
objection  started  against  the  motion  except  want  of  time ; 
that  that  was  ridiculous,  for  the  persons  who  brought  in 
the  Bill  now,  might  have  brought  it  in  at  tl^e  beginning  of 
the  session,  or  even  last  session ;  that  they  could  not  make 
an  excuse,  and  say  it  was  a  case  of  such  urgent  necessity, 
tliat  if  the  Bill  did  not  pass  in  a  day  or  two,  the  place 
would  be  entirely  ruined,  therefore  the  Bill  must  pass. 

Ijord  North  rose  to  explain  himself,  and  said  he  had 
often  been  accused  of  having  panegyrists  in  pay  to  write  in 
favour  of  him  in  the  newspapers ;  that  he  then  would 
solemnly  protest  that  he  never  had  employed,  or  knew  any 
person  that  ever  did  write  in  favour  of  him ;  that  he  did  not 
wish  for  newspaper  applause,  as  it  was  generally  meant  to 
serve  some  end  ;  and  as  to  panegyrics  on  him,  he  believed, 
if  they  only  looked  into  the  opposite  scale,  that  which  held 
abuse,  they  would  find  the  account  had  been  more  than 
balanced. 

Mr.  Dempster,  Governor  Johnstone,  Mr.  Burke,  Mr. 
Baker,  Mr.  Turner,  &.C.,  spoke  in  favour  of  the  motion, 
and  none  but  Lord  North  against  it. 

When  the  question  was  put,  the  House  divided :  Yeas, 
36;  Nays,  90. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Monday,  June  6,  1774. 

The  House  again  went  into  Committee  of  the  Whole, 
upon  the  Bill. 

Governor  Johnstone,  after  stating  his  objections  to  the 
principle  of  the  Bill,  and  to/ the  extension  of  Canada, 


(which  another  member  informed  the  House,  was  no  less 
than  11,400,000  acres  more  than  as  claimed  by  France,) 
read  a  list  of  propositions,  which,  he  said,  appeared  to  him, 
to  be  contained  b  the  Bill,  amongst  which  were — 

That  a  state  of  Slavery  is  better  than  a  state  of  Free* 
dom: 

That  the  Popish  Religion  is  better  than  the  Protestant : 

That  Juries  are  unnecessary,  and  therefore  to  be  disused; 

That  Monopolies  are  useful  to  Trade : 

That  French  Laws  and  Commercial  Regulations  aro 
preferable  to  English : 

And  that  the  Constitution  which  our  ancestors  had  fram- 
ed widi  so  much  wisdom,  and  established  at  the  expense 
of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  is  to  be  destroyed  by  their 
wiser  sons. 

Mr.  E.  BurJce  spoke  against  the  Bill ;  but  confined  himself 
to  the  point  of  ascertaining  the  limits  of  New  York ;  and 
proposed  the  following  to  be  the  boundaries  of  Canada, 
against  that  Province,  viz  :  by  a  line  drawn  from  a  point 
on  the  East  side  of  Lake  Champlain,  in  45  degrees  North 
latitude,  and  by  a  line  drawn  in  that  parallel  West  to  the 
river  St.  Lawrence,  and  up  that  river  to  Lake  Ontario), 
and  across  that  lake  to  the  river  Niagara,  and  from  Niaga- 
ra across  Lake  Erie,  to  the  Northwest  point  of  the  boun- 
dary of  Pennsylvania,  and  down  the  West  boundary  of 
that  Province,  by  a  line  drawn  from  thence  till  it  strike  the 
Ohio.  After  some  debate  this  passed.  The  limits  of 
Qtiebec  were  next  carried  along  the  Ohio  to  the  Missis- 
sippi. Governor  Johnstone  spoke  against  the  annexing 
tlie  Illinois  to  Canada.  There  was  another  debate  on  an- 
nexing the  coast  of  Labrador  to  Quebec.  The  objection 
was  begun  by  Sir  C.  Saunders,  who  deduced  from  it  the 
loss  of  the  fishery  to  the  Americans.  Lord  North  gave  an 
account  of  the  sea  cow  and  seal  fishery  on  the  Labrador 
coast,  and  shewed,  that  from  the  sedentary  nature  of  it,  it 
could  not  be  conducted  upon  the  same  principles  as  the 
Newfoundland  fishery. 

Upon  tliis  clause  the  House  divided:  Yeas,  88; 
Nays,  49. 

The  Committee  then  reported  progress  ;  and  it  was. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  to-morrow  morning, 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
consider -further  of  the  said  Bill. 

Tuesday,  June  7,  1774. 

The  House,  according  to  order,  went  into  a  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  upon  the  Bill. 

An  objection  was  made  to  a  part  of  the  preamble  of  a 
clause,  which  says,  "  It  will  be  highly  expedient  to  grant 
"  them  the  same  laws,  by  which  their  lives  and  property 
"  have  been  heretofore  governed,  protected,  and  ordered." 

Mr.  Dempster  and  Mr.  E.  Burke  objected  to  the  word 
"  protected,"  as  it  was,  in  their  opinion,  not  true,  and  was 
at  the  same  time,  paying  the  French  too  great  a  compli- 
ment. 

Lord  North,  Lord  Beauchamp,  and  Mr.  Grey  Cooper, 
insisted  the  word  was  proper,  and  that  the  law  that  govern- 
ed, protected. 

The  next  objection  was  made  to  the  clause,  which  re- 
peals all  laws  and  ordinances  passed  by  the  Governor  and 
Council,  for  the  civil  Government  of  Quebec,  and  the  King's 
Proclamation,  in  1763,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  Province 
of  Quebec,  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  May,  1775. 

A  very  strong  debate  ensued,  in  which  Mr.  Dunning 
spoke  for  near  an  hour  and  an  half  against  it ;  he  was  sup- 
ported by  Mr.  E.  Burke,  Captain  Phipps,  Mr.  Howard, 
&,c.  Lord  North,  Mr.  Cornwall,  Lord  Clare,  Mr.  Rice, 
&ic.,  &CC.,  as  strongly  suppoi'ted  the  clause. 

And  on  the  motion,  that  the  clause  shall  stand,  tlie 
Committee  divided  :   Ayes,  91  ;  Nays,  31. 

The  next  objection  was  made  to  the  clause,  which 
settles  that  Tytlies  and  Dues  shall  be  paid  to  the  Romish 
clergy. 

A  .very  strong  debate  here  ensued,  in  which  Mr.  E. 
Burke,  Mr.  Baker,  Mr.  Dunning,  Mr.  W.  Burke,  Mr.  C. 
Fox,  Captain  Phipps,  Stc,  strongly  opposed,  not  only  the 
whole  clause,  but  particularly  an  alteration  proposed  by 
Ijord  North,  which  was,  "  that  his  Majesty  should  have 
"  power  to  appropriate,  when  he  thought  proper,  the  said 
"  tythes  unto  the  establishing  a  Protestant  clergj'." 


205 


QUEBEC  BILL, 


206 


Lord  North,  the  Attorney  and  Solicitor  General,  &c., 
fcc,  as  strongly  supported  the  clause,  with  the  amendment, 
which  was  carried  without  a  division. 

A  motion  was  then  made  to  adjourn,  it  being  past  eleven 
o'clock,  but  the  friends  of  the  Bill  insisting  to  go  on,  a 
debate  arose,  and  the  Committee  divided  ;  for  proceeding, 
75  ;  against  it,  31. 

Several  of  the  most  strenuous  opposers  of  the  Bill  now 
quitted  the  House,  and  the  Committee  proceeded,  with 
very  little  interruption,  through  the  two  next  clauses,  the 
fourth  and  fifth.     After  which 

The  Committee  reported  further  progress  ; 

And  it  being  half  an  hour  after  twelve  of  the  clock,  on 
Wednesday  morning. 

Resolved,  That  the  House  will,  this  day,  resolve  itself 
into  a  Committee  of  tlie  whole  House,  upon  the  said  Bill. 

Wednesday,  June  8,  1774. 

The  House,  according  to  order,  was  resolved  into  a 
Committee  of  the  Whole,  upon  the  Bill. 

Mr.  Burke  said,  he  had  last  night,  when  it  was  past 
eleven  o'clock,  moved  to  adjourn,  hut  his  motion  was  re- 
jected on  account  of  the  great  necessity  of  going  through 
die  Bill  with  all  possible  d^patch  ;  yet  he  understood  they 
were  to  adjourn  on  account  of  a  champetre  to  be  given  by 
a  noble  Lord  (Stanley,)  and  therefore  desired  to  know 
which  ought  to  be  given  way  to  most,  the  pleasures  of  dis- 
sipation, or  a  Bill  of  such  magnitude  as  that  before  them  ? 
He  said,  he  had  several  very  material  amendments  to  pro- 
pose to  the  clauses,  which  had  been  so  slovenly  and  scan- 
dalously gone  through  that  morning,  but  now  he  was  pre- 
cluded. 

Lord  North  replied,  he  was  sure  he  had  shewn  great 
candour  to  the  House  at  the  time  the  honorable  gentleman 
.  mentioned,  and  that  he  should  always  trust  to  his  con- 
science for  the  uprightness  of  his  conduct. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  rose,  and  answered  the  noble  Lord 
as  to  the  slovenly  manner  in  which  the  two  clauses  men- 
tioned had  been  carried  through  the  Committee  ;  he  said, 
he  likewise  understood  that  the  House  was  to  adjourn  a  day 
on  account  of  a  champetre,  and  to  be  sure,  the  ninth  day  of 
June  was  more  proper  for  a  champetre,  than  for  a  Com- 
mittee of  the  House  of  Commons  to  be  sitting  on  so  impor- 
tant a  Bill ;  but  he,  at  the  same  time,  could  not  but  allow 
that  the  noble  Lord  had  an  amazing  foresight,  in  ordering, 
above  all  days  in  the  year,  the  tenth  day  of  June,  for  the 
finishing  a  Bill  to  establish  Popery  :  he  said,  the  day  was 
truly  characteristic  to  the  business  ;  and  he  made  no  doubt, 
but  the  noble  Lord  and  his  party  would  come  with  white 
roses  in  their  breasts,  which  would  at  once  make  them 
tndy  respectable  ;  he  said,  however,  he  should  have  a 
dause  to  introduce  on  the  report,  which,  if  the  noble  Lord 
would  suffer  it  to  pass,  he  should  be  so  far  devoted  to  him 
ts  to  smirk  and  smile  with  the  rest  of  his  friends. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke  also,  in  a  most  pointed  speech,  at- 
tacked the  noble  Lord  as  to  candour  and  conscience  ;  he 
ran  on  in  such  a  vein  of  humour  that  the  House  was  in  a 
continual  laugh  during  the  whole  of  his  speech.  He  said, 
the  noble  Lord  ought  to  be  highly  commended  for  his  hu- 
mility, for  he  always  gave  way  to  the  majority  of  the 
House ;  he  said,  as  to  the  father  of  the  Bill,  he  would  be 
bold  to  say  the  noble  Lord  was  the  father;  he  brought  it 
into  that  House,  he  supported  it,  and  he  was  responsible 
for  the  mischiefs  that  might  ensue  from  it. 

Colonel  Bar  re  severely  attacked  the  noble  Lord  as  to 
his  candour  and  conscience.  He  said,  the  Bill  had  origin- 
ated with  the  Lords,  who  were  the  Romish  Priests  that 
would  give  his  Majesty  absolution  for  breaking  his  promise 
given  by  the  Royal  Proclamation,  in  1763 ;  that  they,  in 
this  Bill,  had  done  like  all  other  Priests,  not  considered 
separately  the  crimes  with  which  the  Bill  abounded,  but 
had  huddled  them  all  up  together,  and,  for  despatch,  had 
determined  to  give  absolution  for  the  whole  at  once.  He 
said,  the  noble  Lord  might  go  on  and  support  that  or  any 
sinful  affair,  as  he  was  sure  of  getting  absolution  for  all  at 
last.  He  said,  he  was  certain,  by  the  noble  Lord  and  his 
dependants  proceedings,  that  after  their  death.  People 
might  say  as  they  did  after  the  death  of  King  Charles, 
"  that  by  papers  found  in  their  closets,  they  appeared  to 
"  have  died  in  the  Roman  Catholic  belief." 


Mr.  Dempster,  Governor  Johnstone,  Mr.  Baker,  &c., 
attacked  Lord  North,  for  hurrying  the  two  clauses  through 
the  Committee  at  such  an  improper  time  of  the  morn- 
ing. 

Mr.  C.  Jenkinson,  Mr.  Welhore  Ellis,  Lord  Beau- 
champ,  he,  supported  Lord  North,  and  said,  as  they  were 
Roman  Catholics,  and  were  deemed  near  their  end,  it 
would  be  kind  to  let  them  die  in  peace ;  but  that  they 
found  their  case  was  like  most  Roman  Catholics,  who, 
generally,  at  their  end,  were  surrounded  by  a  number  of 
troublesome  People. 

The  House  was  full  two  hours  and  a  half  thus  wrangling 
about  the  manner  in  which  the  business  had  been  conduct- 
ed the  night  before.  After  which.  Sir  Charles  Whit- 
worth,  the  Chairman,  read  the  clause  which  mentions  the 
number  of  the  Legislative  Council  to  be  appointed,  which 
is  not  to  be  more  than  twenty-three,  nor  less  than  seven- 
teen. 

Mr.  Dempster  objected  as  to  the  number,  and  proposed 
thirty.  Lord  North  strongly  opposed  the  amendment,  and 
on  the  question  being  put,  it  was  rejected. 

Mr.  jB.  Burke,  Captain  Phipps,  Mr.  Baker,  Mr.  C 
Fox,  Mr.  Dempster,  Governor  Johnstone,  &,c.,  opposed 
the  clause,  and  Lord  North,  Lord  Beauchamp,  Mr.  C. 
Jenkinson,  Mr.  Welhore  Ellis,  Mr.  Gascoigne,  &,c.,  sup- 
ported it ;  which  clause,  on  the  question  being  put,  was 
carried  without  a  division.  They  next  proceeded  to  seve- 
ral of  the  provisos  annexed  to  the  clause,  which  likewise 
occasioned  much  debate.  Several  amendments  were  pro- 
posed by  the  enemies  to  the  Bill,  but  rejected,  and  other 
amendments  inserted  in  their  stead,  proposed  by  Lord 
North;  after  which  the  last  clause  was  read  without  any 
debate. 

Mr.  Jenkinson  said,  he  had  the  other  evening  heard  an 
honorable  gentleman  mention,  that  the  oath  to  be  taken  by 
any  person  who  was  entrusted  with  power,  would  not  suit 
the  Roman  Catholics,  he  had  therefore  substituted  a  new 
oath,  which  he  begged  leave  to  bring  up,  and  to  have  it  in- 
serted as  a  clause,  which  being  brought  up  and  read,  was 
approved  of,  as  follows : 

"  Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted.  That  no  person 
"  professing  the  religion  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  re- 
"  siding  in  the  said  Province,  shall  be  obliged  to  take  the 
"  oath  required  by  the  said  statute,  passed  in  the  first  year 
"  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  or  any  other  oaths  sub- 
"  stituted  by  any  odier  Act  in  the  place  thereof;  but  that 
"  every  such  person,  who  by  the  said  statute  is  required  to 
"  take  the  oath,  therein  mentioned,  shall  be  obliged,  and  is 
"  hereby  required  to  take  and  subscribe  the  following  oath, 
"  before  the  Governor,  or  such  other  person,  or  in  such 
"  court  of  record,  as  his  Majesty  shall  appoint ;  who  is 
"  hereby  authorized  to  administer  the  same ;  videlicet : 

"  I,  A — ■  B — ,  do  solemnly  promise  and  swear,  that  I  will 
"  be  faithful  and  bear  true  allegiance  to  his  Majesty,  King 
"  George,  and  him  will  defend  to  the  utmost  of  my  power, 
"  against  all  traitorous  conspiracies  and  attempts  whatso- 
"  ever,  which  shall  be  made  against  his  person,  crown,  and 
"  dignity  ;  and  I  will  do  my  utmost  endeavour  to  disclose 
"  and  make  known  to  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors, 
"  all  treasons  and  traitorous  conspiracies  and  attempts 
"  which  I  shall  know  to  be  against  him,  or  any  of  them; 
"  and  all  this  I  do  swear,  without  any  equivocation,  mental 
"  evasion,  or  secret  reservation,  and  renouncing  all  pardons 
"  and  dispensations  from  any  power  whomsoever,  to  the 
"  contrary.    So  help  me  God. 

"  And  every  such  person  who  shall  neglect  or  refuse  to 
"  take  the  said  oath  before  mentioned,  shall  incur,  and  be 
"  hable  to  the  same  penalties,  forfeitures,  disabilities,  and 
"  incapacities,  as  he  would  have  incurred,  and  been  liable 
"  to,  for  neglecting  or  refusing  to  take  the  oath  required  by 
"  the  said  statute,  passed  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of 
"  Queen  Elizabeth." 

The  Committee  then  rose,  and 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  reported  from  the  Committee, 
that  they  had  gone  through  the  Bill,  and  made  several 
amendments  thereunto  ;  which  they  had  directed  him  to 
report,  when  the  House  will  be  pleased  to  receive  the 
same. 

Ordered,  That  the  Report  be  received  on  Friday 
morning  next. 


*07 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


208 


Friday,  June  10,  IT74. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read, 

Sir  Charles  Whitworth  reported  the  amendments  made 
to  the  Bill,  by  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House. 

And  the  House  being  informed,  Thomas  Penn,  Esquire, 
who  petitioned  this  House,  upon  the  31st  day  of  May  last, 
on  behalf  of  himself,  and  of  John  Pcnn,  Esquire,  true  and 
absolute  Proprietaries  of  the  Province  ol  Pennsylvania,  and 
tlie  three  lower  Counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Hu^sex, 
on  Delaware,  in  America,  praying  to  be  heard  by  Counsel 
upon  the  matter  of  said  Petition,  and  which  Petition  was 
then  ordered  to  lie  upon  tlie  table,  until  the  Report  should 
be  received  from  the  Commhtee,  to  whom  the  said  Bill 
was  committed,  declined  being  now  heard  by  Counsel  upon 
the  said  Petition. 

The  amendments  of  the  Committee,  were  then  severally 
read  and  agreed  to  by  the  House,  except  that  made  on 
the  motion  of  Mr.  Burke,  on  the  6lh  instant,  in  relation 
to  the  Southern  boundary  of  Canada,  which  was  amended 
to  read  as  follows,  and  then  adopted : 

'•  Bounded  on  the  South  by  a  line  drawn  from  the  Bay 
"  of  Chaleurs,  along  the  iiigh  lands  which  divide  the  rivers 
"  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
"  from  those  which  fall  into  the  sea,  to  a  point  of  forty-five 
"  degrees  of  Northern  latitude,  on  the  Eastern  bank  of  the 
"  river  Connectiait,  keepuig  the  same  latitude,  directly 
"  West,  through  the  Lake  Champlain,  until,  in  the  same 
"  latitude,  it  meets  the  river  ^V.  Lawrence ;  from  thence, 
"  up  the  Eastern  bank  of  the  said  river,  to  the  LaJce  On- 
"  tario ;  thence  through  the  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  river 
"  commonly  called  Niagara,  along  the  Eastern  and  South- 
"  eastern  bank  of  Lake  Erie,  following  the  said  bank,  until 
"  the  same  shall  be  intersected  by  the  Northern  boundary 
"  granted  by  the  charter  of  the  Province  of  Penmylvania, 
"  in  case  the  same  shall  be  so  intersected  ;  and  from  thence 
"  along  the  said  Northern  and  Western  boundaries  of  the 
"  said  Province,  until  the  said  Western  boundary  strike  the 
"  Ohio.  But  in  case  the  said  bank  of  the  said  lake  shall 
"  not  be  found  to  be  so  intersected,  then  following  the  said 
"  bank,  until  it  shall  arrive  at  that  point  of  the  said  bank 
"  which  shall  be  nearest  to  the  Northwest  angle  of  the  said 
"  Province  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  thence,  by  a  right  line 
"  to  the  said  Northwest  angle  of  the  said  Province  ;  and 
"  thence  along  tlie  Western  boundary  of  the  said  Pro- 
"  vince." 

Mr.  Mackioorth  moved,  that  a  clause  should  be  added 
to  the  Bill,  "  That  in  all  trials  relating  to  property  and  civil 
"  rights,  where  the  value  shall  exceed  a  certain  sum,  either 
"  of  the  contending  ])ailies  may  demand  a  trial  by  Jury, 
"  constituted  according  to  the  laws  of  England,  and  that 
"  the  issue  between  the  parties  shall  be  determined  by  the 
•'  verdict  of  such  Jury,  and  not  otherwise."  He  recom- 
mended the  clause  as  a  security  for  the  English,  in  Quebec, 
aoTiinst  the  French  laws. 

Iiord  North  opposed  it.  He  recapitulated  part  of  the 
evidence  that  had  been  produced  at  the  bar,  and  said  Go- 
vernor Carkton  had  informed  the  House,  that  the  Cana- 
dians  had  a  dislike  to  the  English  laws  in  general ;  and  it 
was  his  opinion,  that  giving  the  Canadians  their  old  sys- 
tem of  laws  would  be  the  only  means  of  making  them  a 
happy  People  ;  that  Mr.  Hey,  the  Chief  Justice,  had  said 
it  was  his  opinion,  that  the  Canadians,  at  first,  might  have 
been  brought  to  like  the  English  laws,  but  since  they  had 
been  so  indulged,  they  expected  now  nothing  less  than  a 
repeal  of  the  whole  of  the  laws  by  which  they  are  governed 
at  present ;  and  that  the  noblesse  of  the  country  thought 
trial  by  Jury  was  humiliating  and  degrading  to  them,  as  it 
subjected  their  property  to  the  decision  of  barbei-s  and  tai- 
lors ;  that  Mr.  Maseres,  had  to  be  sure,  said,  that  Juries, 
he  believed  would  be  liked  under  proper  regulations,  but 
the  People  of  Canada  did  not  choose  to  irive  their  time 
and  attendance  for  nothing ;  that  Mons.  Lotbiniere,  on  a 
que^ion  being  put  to  him,  whether  he  did  not  think  the 
Enrrlish  laws  the  best  for  the  Canadians  in  general?  Said, 
"  Imake  no  doubt  but  your  hws  are  good  and  wise,  and 
"  make  you  a  happy  People,  but  I  do  not  think  they  are 
"  suited  to  every  climate."  His  Lordship  afterwards  en- 
tered much  upon  the  subject  of  Juries,  and  said,  the  Cana- 
dians  could  have  but  a  bad  opinion  of  English  Juries,  when 


a  Grand  Jury  there  had  presented  the  Roman  Catholics 
as  a  nuisance  ;  he  said,  the  Canadians,  in  their  petition  K> 
the  Throne,  had  desired  to  have  the  whole  of  their  ancient 
laws  restored  to  them,  which  the  Bill  was  meant  to  do  ;  that 
in  his  opinion,  the  trial  'by  Jury  was  not  necessary  there ; 
and  that,  by  what  he  had  been  informed,  the  French  law», 
were  sufficient  to  protect  property  without  it ;  that  People 
had  very  industriously  circulated  a  report  that  he  had  mado 
a  ministerial  question  of  this ;  he  would  assure  the  House, 
upon  his  honor  he  had  not ;  that,  after  once  fixing  the  Go- 
vernment of  (Quebec,  in  the  hands  of  this  nation,  it  was  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  him  what  law  or  religion  was  esta- 
blished, so  that  it  made  the  People  happy ;  that  the  British 
merchants  saying  their  property  would  not  be  secure  with- 
out English  laws,  let  gentlemen  recollect  that  British 
merchants  trade  to  all  parts  of  the  world,  and  think  their 
property  secure  in  Portugal  or  Sjjain,  where  they  know 
the  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  the  religion  of  the  land, 
and  that  the  number  of  old  or  English  subjects  in  Canada 
were  so  few  in  number,  that  the  cries  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  ought  to  be  given  way  to  in  preference  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty. 

Sergeant  Glynn  recapitulated  the  parts  of  the  evidence 
which  the  noble  Ijord  had  so.  ingeniously  selected ;  he 
said,  tlie  noble  Lord  had  laid  great  stress  on  the  imprudence 
of  the  Grand  Jury  presenting  the  Roman  Catholics  as  a 
nuisance,  and  seemed  to  think,  for  that  reason,  they  ought 
to  have  the  trial  by  Jury  taken  away ;  did  the  noble  Lord 
never  recollect,  that  the  British  House  of  Commons  had 
committed  equally  flagrant  acts  of  injustice ;  and  that,  if 
the  reason  for  abolishing  held  good  in  one  point,  it  ought  in 
the  other  ;  yet  he  sincerely  hoped  that  the  House  would 
never  be  taken  away  ;  for,  bad  and  corrupt  as  it  was  be- 
lieved to  be  by  ignorant  People,  it  still  remained  some 
safeo-uard  to  the  nation ;  he  afterwards  launched  forth  into 
the  praise  of  Juries,  and  mentioned  many  particular 
circumstances  where  Juries  had  been  found  extremely 
beneficial  to  the  welfare  of  the  public  ;  he  afterwards 
stated  the  account  of  the  seizing  the  papers  of  Mr.  Wilkes, 
the  general  warrants,  &ic.,  Sic.  He  said,  all  State  causes 
would  be  carried  as  desired,  was  it  not  for  Juries  :  he  mein 
tioned  tlie  affair  of  Hampden,  concerning  ship  money,  and 
concluded  with  saying,  that  the  tenth  day  of  June,  1774, 
would  be  handed  down  to  posterity  as  a  day  when  the 
members  of  a  British  House  of  Commons  preferred 
Popery  and  French  laws  to  the  established  religion  and 
laws  of  their  own  country ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  that 
trials  by  Jury,  which  their  forefathers  accounted  a  blessing, 
they  deemed  a  curee. 

Mr.  Attorney  General  Thurlow  said,  he  did  not  agree 
with  the  honorable  and  learned  gentleman,  that  whoever 
was  against  the  allowing  a  trial  by  Jury  in  that  Bill  thought 
the  mode  a  curse  ;  far  from  it ;  he  had,  himself,  in  many 
cases,  often  thought  the  trial  by  Jury  a  great  blessing  ;  yet 
it  would  be  highly  imprudent,  unparliamentary,  ridiculous, 
and  absurd,  to  establish  a  clause  at  the  end  of  the  Bill,  (as 
that  must  be,)  which  clause  would  entirely  repeal  that 
clause  in  the  body  of  the  Bill,  which  allows  the  Canadians 
all  their  ancient  laws  ;  for  would  any  body  say,  that  trial  by 
Jury  was  one  of  their  ancient  customs,  or  assert  that  it  was 
necessary  ;  that,  as  for  the  petitioning  Canadians,  they 
only  desired  to  have  their  ancient  laws  and  customs  restored 
to  them  ;  and  that  he  by  no  means  thought  an  optional 
Jury  any  thing  like  an  English  Jury ;  that,  by  the  former, 
any  party  that  thought  he  could  gain  a  preference  in  his 
trial  over  the  other,  would  adopt  it ;  and  that  it  must  be 
allowed,  that  where  the  option  was  liked  by  one,  it  would 
displease  the  other  ;  besides,  the  evidences  at  the  bar  had 
declared,  that  the  Canadians  were  averse  to  the  form  of  an 
English  Jury,  especially  in  that  part  which  obliges  them 
to  be  unanimous  in  their  verdict ;  and  that,  if  you  took 
away  that  part,  in  his  opinion,  you  destroyed  the  whole; 
that  lie  believed  the  learned  gentleman  had  been  wrong  in 
giving  {iraise  to  a  Jury  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Hampden,  for 
no  Jury  was  consulted  on  that  case. 

Mr.  Dunning  said,  that  as  to  the  learned  gentleman  men- 
tioning that  he  by  no  means  approved  of  optional  Juries, 
had  we  not,  every  term,  instances  in  the  Court  of  Chan- 
cery, where  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  Lord  Chancellor  to 
appoint  a  Jury,  if  he  thought  proper  ?     That,  as  to  the  es- 


209 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


210 


tablishing  the  French  laws  in  Canada,  who  had  we  fit  to 
administer  them  ?  Had  not  the  two  learned  and  respect- 
able gentlemen  at  the  bar,  Mr.  Hey  and  Mr.  Maseres, 
informed  the  House,  that  they  by  no  means  thought  them- 
selves capable  of  learning  the  French  law  sufficiently  to 
administer  it  with  justice ;  and  if  such  learned  gentlemen 
had  not  abilities  sufficient  to  understtuid  it,  sure  he  was, 
that  no  person  the  Minister  could  produce  was  capable  of 
undertaking  the  task,  so  as  to  do  justice  to  the  People  and 
honor  to  himself.  He  said,  the  noble  Lord  had  been 
repeatedly  called  upon  to  declare  the  author  of  the  Bill ;  let 
the  author  now  stand  forth  and  clear  himself;  but  he  would 
be  bold  to  say,  no  man  would  dare  to  own  a  bill  which 
was  meant  to  establish  Popery.  The  noble  Lord  had  said 
the  Canadians  had  not  desired  to  have  a  Jury  ;  could  the 
noble  Lord  say  the  Canadians  had  desired  not  to  have  a 
Jury  ?  He  then  entered  fully  into  the  nature  of  Juries; 
said  they  were  fit  in  all  cases  ;  that  he  had  known  many 
instances  where  Juries  had  found  for  the  Crown,  and  that 
he  could  wish  to  see  Juries  established  throughout  the  world, 
as  they  were  a  check  upon  evil  judges,  and  consequently 
if  they  were  not  so  good  judges  of  law,  they  were  judges 
of  fact ;  he  said,  as  to  the  People  of  Canada  being  negli- 
gent of  attending  to  serve  on  Juries,  it  was  the  case  here  ; 
there  was  scarce  a  term  passed  but  jurymen  were  fined 
for  non-attendance. 

Mr.  Solicitor  General  Wedderhum  said,  he  could  not 
agree  with  the  learned  Serjeant,  that  the  supporters  of  the 
Bill  deserved  the  appellation  of  traitors  to  their  country ; 
that  he  had  no  objection  to  a  Jury  hereafter  being  establish- 
ed there,  but  let  it  be  left  in  the  power  of  the  Crown,  and 
if  they  saw  it  was  necessary,  they  could  at  any  time  adopt 
it ;  but  this  was  not  the  time,  when  the  People  were  so 
much  enraged  against  the  proceedings  of  Juries  in  that 
country ;  that  as  to  the  Jury  which  Mr.  Maseres  had 
formed  for  that  country,  in  the  pamphlet  he  had  published, 
he  by  no  means  thought  it  like  an  English  Jury,  for  it 
was  to  be  formed  of  an  odd  number  of  people,  thirteen, 
fifteen,  or  seventeen,  and  a  majority  of  those  people  to  be 
decisive,  and  the  jurymen  to  have  five  shillings  per  day 
allowed  them  for  their  attendance.  He  said  he  never  would 
allow  that  the  Canadians  were  fit  persons  to  serve,  upon  a 
Jury  ;  they  understood  nothing  of  its  form,  and  therefore 
were  not  judges  enough  how  to  act  upon  it ;  that  as  to 
cases  of  revenue,  we  had  had  two  instances  of  their  de- 
ciding different  to  an  English  Jury  ;  that  a  Jury  in  Eng- 
land had  found  for  the  Crown,  they  in  Canada  had  twice, 
on  the  same  trial,  found  for  the  defendant ;  and  the  witness 
at  the  bar,  Mr.  Hey,  had  informed  the  House,  that  he  had 
often  been  put  to  trouble,  because  he  never  could  get  the 
Canadians  to  give  a  special  verdict. 

Mr.  Byng.  The  noble  Lord  had  given  them  such  of 
the  evidence  as  he  thought  proper,  and  mentioned  the 
equality  of  the  numbers  of  the  two  sorts  of  subjects ;  that 
as  to  the  numbers,  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  him 
whether  they  were  three  hundred  and  sixty  or  three  hun- 
dred and  sixty  thousand,  they  had  equally  a  claim  to  com- 
passion ;  that  he  thought  it  proper,  that  wherever  an  Eng- 
lish Colony  was  settled,  English  laws  ought  to  be  esta- 
blished ;  that  he  did  not  approve  of  the  clause  now  offered, 
because  he  thought  it  not  sufficient,  yet  he  would  gladly 
accept  of  it  as  part  of  a  good  thing,  and  he  made  no  doubt 
but  the  Canadians  would,  when  they  became  used  to  the 
nature  of  it,  love  it,  and  wish  to  have  it  in  its  full  extent ; 
that  General  Carleton  had  informed  them  that  the  Cana- 
dians were  a  docile  People  ;  had  we  any  occasion  to  go  to 
Canada  to  look  for  docile  creatures  ?  No  !  There  was  a 
sufficient  number  always  to  be  seen  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  House,  docile  enough  to  do  any  thing  the  noble  Lord, 
their  leader,  should  direct  them  to  do. 

Governor  Johnstone  spoke  highly  in  favour  of  Juries, 
and  recommended  the  clause. 

Mr.  T.  Townshcyid  spoke  against  the  whole  of  the  Bill, 
and  much  in  praise  of  Juiies  ;  and  recommended  the  clause 
offered  in  a  strenuous  manner,  setting  forth,  that  the  Eng- 
lish residents  there  had  not  gone  to  that  Colony,  had 
they  not  been  invited  by  his  Majesty's  Jloyal  Proclama- 
tion ;  but  those  who  advise  him  to  break  his  promise, 
would  advise  him  to  do  any  thing  that  was  bad. 

Mr.  Edmund  Burke,  in  a  long  speech,  the  first  part  of 
which  was  a  keen,  pointed  vein  of  humour,  against  the 


ministerial  members,  who  just  then  came  into  the  House  in 
great  numbers,  said,  he  should  not  then  have  risen,  only  he 
thought  he  now  seized  a  happy  moment  when  he  should 
carry  his  point,  for  the  House,  had  filled,  all  of  a  sudden, 
with  members  who  had  not  heard  any  thing  that  had  been 
said  against  the  Bill,  no,  not  even  from  its  being  first  agi- 
tated in  the  House ;  that  they  had  now  come  with  good 
English  dinners  in  their  bellies,  which  would,  he  trusted, 
make  them  good  humoured,  and  by  being  thus  full  of  likg- 
lish  meat,  would  undoubtedly  be  for  English  laws  that 
could  secure  to  them  that  meat ;  that  he  should  have  been 
afraid  to  attack  such  a  body  of  power  and  wisdom  as  the 
other  side  of  the  House  contained,  had  he  not  fortunately 
observed,  that  the  noble  Lord,  and  his  two  great  oracles  of 
wisdom  and  order,  had  all  difiiered  in  their  opinions  ;  that 
finding  them  thus  at  variance,  he  thought  the  moment 
would  be  fortunate  to  his  cause  ;  the  one  was  for  a  Jury, 
only  now  was  not  the  proper  time ;  the  other  against  any 
Jury  at  all ;  and  a  third  that  it  could  not  be  inserted  in  the 
Bill.  He  then  divided  the  People  concerned  in  the  Bill 
under  three  heads :  first,  the  English  merchants  ;  second, 
the  English  subjects ;  and  thirdly,  the  Canadians ;  he 
said  they  all  deserved  support ;  and,  though  the  noble 
Lord,  and  his  supporters,  had  so  industriously  always  made 
use  of  the  number  three  hundred  and  sixty,  as  suitable  to 
their  cause,  let  them  only  recollect  what  all  the  evidence 
at  the  bar  agreed  in,  which  was,  that  the  English  subjects 
were  possessed  of  upwards  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole 
trade :  did  the  noble  Lord  think  then  that  they  were  a 
body  of  People  to  be  minded  ?  That  as  to  their  numbers 
being  small,  the  noble  Lord  might  recollect  that  there  was 
an  old  vulgar  saying,  "  that  one  Englishman  was  always 
worth  two  Frenchmen,"  that,  in  this  case,  he  thought 
them  preferable  to  fifty  Frenchmen ;  that  he  would  be 
willing  to  give  a  Canadian  every  indulgence  in  his  power, 
but  not  grant  that  indulgence  at  the  expense  of  the  jEn^^-- 
lish ;  that  if  these  noblesse  were  the  only  persons  (as 
they  appeared  to  be  by  the  evidences  at  the  bar,)  that  were 
against  the  English  laws,  he  would  sacrifice  them  and  all 
the  noblesse  of  England  and  other  countries,  but  he  would 
make  the  majority  of  the  People  happy.  But  the  reason 
the  noblesse  did  not  like  the  English  laws,  was  on  account 
of  the  manner  in  which  they  had  been  represented  to 
them  ;  namely,  that  they  were  a  string  of  religious  and  civil 
persecutors,  which  would  entirely  hinder  them  either  from 
exercising  their  own  religion,  or  from  having  any  share  in 
the  Government  of  their  own  country  ;  that,  remove  those 
prejudices  which  the  noblesse  had  imbibed  from  misrepre- 
sentations, and  he  would  be  bound  to  say  they  would  not 
only  admire  our  laws,  but  petition  to  have  them ;  that,  as 
to  the  noblesse  hating  Juries,  because  it  trusted  their  pro- 
perty to  their  inferiors,  it  was  a  principal  reason  why  he 
would  give  the  Canadians  a  Jury,  in  order  to  protect  their 
property  from  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  noblesse, 
who,  in  all  countries,  always  wished  to  have  the  poor  under 
their  controul ;  that  as  to  the  English  laws  not  being 
esteemed  by  the  French,  he  could  produce  mountains  of 
books  written  by  Frenchmen,  on  the  justness  and  excellen- 
cy of  our  laws,  where  they  approved  of  the  trial  by  Jury 
as  one  of  the  greatest  excellencies  our  Constitution  pro- 
duced ;  that  the  noble  Lord  had  invited  him,  and  others,  to 
come  and  offer  their  opinions;  setting  forth,  that  the  Bill 
was  imperfect,  and  he  wished  to  alter  it,  yet  he  had  not  at- 
tended to  what  had  been  offered  ;  that,  in  the  Committee, 
when  he  meant  to  propose  a  clause,  the  noble  Lord  told 
him  he  might  do  it  with  propriety  on  the  Report,  and  that 
there  would  be  no  other  obstacle  in  his  way,  than  that  he 
would  oppose  it :  he  said  he  was  greatly  obliged  to  the 
noble  Lord  for  his  candour,  for  it  had  spared  him  much 
trouble,  having  intended  to  offer  several  clauses,  which  he 
should,  with  great  justice  be  called  obstinate,  were  he  now 
to  attempt  it,  when  he  knew  there  was  such  a  glorious 
triumvirate  of  power  and  wisdom  formed  against  him  ;  that 
he  sincerely  believed  the  French  were  in  awe  of  us,  yet 
he  could  not  help  thinking  that  they  must  be  astonished 
that  a  People,  who  had  such  powerful  arms,  should  have 
such  weak  heads :  he  strongly  recommended  the  state  of 
the  merchants  as  an  object  of  the  noble  Ijonl's  attention, 
setting  forth,  tiiat  their  property  was  always  in  a  fluctuating 
state,  and  that  they  run  great  risks  of  their  whole  fortune, 
to  benefit  Government  as  well  as  themselves. 


FouKTH  Series. 


14 


211 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


212 


The  question  was  then  put,  and  tlie  House  divided : 
Yeas  40 ;  Nays,  83. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Mr.  T.  Townshend  offered  an  amendment,  making  tem- 
porary tliat  part  of  the  Bill  which  relates  to  the  Legislative 
Council. 

Tiiis  produced  a  short  debate,  but  it  passed  in  the  Nega- 
tive, without  a  division. 

Mr.  Dempster  offered  an  amendment,  for  establishing 
rules  to  be  observed  in  the  making  of  Ordinances  ;  which 
also  passed  in  tlie  Negative. 

Mr.  C.  Fox  proposed  an  amendment,  to  secure  the  reli- 
gious Orders  their  rights  and  properties,  as  a  corporate 
body  claiming  under  the  capitulation. 

Which  was  rejected  without  a  division. 

Mr.  Dempster  then  proposed  to  amend  the  Bill,  giving 
to  the  Canadians,  claiming  it,  the  benefit  of  the  English 
laws  oi  habeas  corpus,  and  bail,  in  cases  of  commitment. 

And  the  question  being  put,  the  House  divided :  Yeas, 
21 ;  Nays  76. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Negative. 

Ordered,  That  the  Bill  be  read  the  third  time,  upon 
Monday  morning  next. 

Monday,  June  13,  1774. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read,  the  Bill  was  accord- 
ingly read  the  third  time. 

Mr.  Cooper  moved,  that  the  Bill  do  Pass. 

Mr.  Charles  Fox  opposed  this,  on  the  ground  of  its 
being  a  money  Bill,  and  having  originated  in  the  other 
"House ;  he  moved,  therefore,  that  the  Journals  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  of  the  5th  of  March,  1677,  might  be 
read ;  and  the  same  being  read  accordingly,  it  appeared 
that  they  had  rejected  a  Bill  from  the  Lords,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  collecting  customary  tythes  and  other  dues.  He 
then  argued  from  this  precedent  as  a  case  exactly  applica- 
ble and  in  point  to  the  clause  in  the  Bill,  which  provides 
for  the  security  of  the  accustomed  rights  and  dues  of  the 
Romish  clergy ;  and  appealed  to  the  sense  of  the  House  if 
the  present  Bill,  under  such  circumstances,  was  permitted 
to  pass,  whether  it  would  not  be,  in  fact,  a  relinquishment 
of  the  ancient  and  hitherto  undisputed  right  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  to  originate  money  Bills. 

Mr.  Cooper,  in  answer,  quoted  another  precedent,  from 
the  Journals  in  the  year  1691,  on  the  Bill  for  the  recovery 
of  small  tythes,  in  which  the  Lords  had  made  an  amend- 
ment. 

Mr.  Howard  observed,  that  Mr.  Cooper^s  precedent  did 
not  apply,  and  that  he  knew  of  but  one  in  the  whole 
records  of  Parliament  that  did,  which  was  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  the  Sixth,  on  which  the  learned  Bishop  who  wrote 
the  History  of  the  Reformation  remarked,  that  it  was  a 
direct  infringement  on  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
Reformation. 

Then  the  question  being  put,  That  the  Bill,  with  the 
amendments,  do  Pass  ;  the  House  divided :  Yeas,  56 ; 
Nays,  20. 

So  it  passed  in  the  Affirmative. 


HOUSE  OF  LORDS. 

Tuesday,  June  14,  1774. 

A  Message  was  brought  from  the  House  of  Commons, 
by  Mr.  Cooper  and  others  : 

To  return  the  Bill,  and  to  acquaint  this  House,  that  they 
have  agreed  to  tlie  same,  with  some  amendments,  to  which 
they  desire  their  Lordships  concurrence  thereto. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  amendments  be  taken  into 
consideration  on  Friday  next ;  and  that  the  Lords  be 
summoned. 

Ordered,  That  the  said  Bill  with  the  amendments,  be 
printed. 

Friday,  June  18,  1774. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  being  read,  the  amendments  to 
the  Bill  were  read  three  times  by  the  Clerk ; 

it  was  proposed,  "  To  agree  with  the  Commons  in  tlie 
said  amendments." 

Lord  Chatham  rose,  and  entered  fully  upon  tlie  subject 
of  tiie  Bill.     He  said  it  would  involve  a  great  country  in 


a  thousand  difficulties,  and  in  the  worst  of  despotism,  and 
put  the  whole  People  under  arbitrary  power ;  that  it  was  a 
most  cruel,  oppressive,  and  odious  measure,  tearing  up 
justice  and  every  good  principle  by  tlie  roots;  that  by 
abolishing  the  trial  by  Jury,  he  supposed  the  framers  of  the 
Bill  thought  that  mode  of  proceeding,  togetlier  with  the 
habeas  corpus,  mere  moonshine,  whilst  every  true  Eng- 
lishman was  ready  to  lay  down  his  life  sooner  than  lose 
those  two  bulwarks  of  his  personal  security  and  property. 
The  merely  supposing  that  the  Canadians  would  not  be 
able  to  feel  the  good  elFects  of  law  and  freedom,  because 
tliey  had  been  used  to  arbitrary  power,  was  an  idea  as 
ridiculous  as  false.  He  said  the  Bill  established  a  despotic 
Government  in  that  country,  to  which  the  Royal  Proclama- 
tion, of  1763,  promised  the  jirotection  of  the  English  laws. 
Here  the  noble  Lord  read  part  of  the  Proclamation,  and 
then  entered  fully  on  tlie  Council  and  power  vested  in  the 
Governors,  tlie  whole  mode  of  which,  he  said,  was  tyran- 
nical and  despotic :  he  was  likewise  very  particular  on  the 
bad  consequences  that  would  attend  the  gr^at  extension 
of  that  Province,  tliat  the  whole  of  the  Bill  appeared  to 
him  to  be  destructive  of  that  liberty  which  ought  to  be  the 
ground-work  of  every  constitution :  ten  thousand  objec- 
tions, he  was  confident,  might  be  made  to  the  Bill,  but  the 
extinction  of  the  mode  of  trial  above  mentioned,  was  a 
very  alarming  circumstance,  and  he  would  pronounce  him 
a  bold  man  who  proposed  such  a  plan.  When  his  Lordship 
came  to  the  religious  part  of  the  Bill,  he  directed  his 
discourse  to  the  bench  of  Bishops,  telling  them,  that  as  by 
the  Bill  the  Catholic  religion  was  made  the  establisiied 
religion  of  that  vast  Continent,  it  was  impossible  they 
could  be  silent  on  the  occasion.  He  called  the  Bill  a  child 
of  inordinate  power,  and  desired  and  asked  if  any  of  that 
bench  would  hold  it  out  for  baptism ;  he  touciied  again 
upon  the  unlimited  power  of  the  Governor,  in  appointing^ 
all  the  membei-s,  and  who  might  be  made  up  of  Roman 
Catholics  only.  He  also  took  notice  of  an  amendment 
which  had  been  made  in  the  House  of  Commons,  which 
was  a  new  clause,  repealing  so  much  of  the  Act  of  Refor- 
mation of  the  first  of  Elizabeth,  as  relates  to  the  oath  of 
supremacy,  and  substituting  a  common  oath  of  allegiance 
in  its  place.  This  Act  of  Elizabeth,  he  said,  had  always 
been  looked  upon  as  one  that  the  Legislature  had  no  more 
right  to  repeal,  than  the  Great  Charter,  or  the  Bill  of 
Rights. 

His  Lordship  stated,  with  great  force,  many  objections 
to  the  clause  giving  to  the  French  Canadians  so  advanta- 
geous a  part  of  the  fisheries  of  cod  on  the  Labrador  coast, 
to  the  great  prejudice  of  the  English  fishemien  on  the 
banks  of  Newfoundland;  considering  the  said  fisheries  of 
Labrador  as  a  nursery  of  French  Canadian  seamen,  to 
man,  in  case  of  a  French  war,  any  squadrons  of  France, 
in  those  seas.  He  exposed  the  train  of  fatal  mischiefs 
attending  the  establishment  of  popery  and  arbitrary  power 
in  that  vast  and  fertile  region  now  annexed  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  (Quebec,  and  capable  of  containing  (if  fully  peo- 
pled) not  less  than  thirty  millions  of  souls.  He  deduced  the 
whole  series  of  laws  from  the  supremacy  first  re-vindicated 
under  Henry  the  Eighth,  down  to  this  day,  as  fundamentids 
constituting  a  clear  compact  that  all  establishments  by  law 
are  to  be  Protestant ;  which  compact  ought  not  to  be 
altered,  but  by  tlie  consent  of  the  collective  body  of  the 
People.  He  further  maintained,  that  the  dangerous  inno- 
vations of  this  Bill  were  at  variance  with  all  the  safeguards 
and  barriers  against  the  return  of  Popery  and  of  Popish 
influence,  so  \visely  provided  against  by  all  the  oaths  of 
office  and  of  trust,  from  the  Constable  up  to  the  members 
of  both  Houses,  and  even  to  the  Sovereign,  in  his  corona- 
tion oath.  He  pathetically  expressed  his  fears,  that  it 
might  shake  the  affections  and  confidence  of  his  Majesty's 
Protestant  subjects  in  England  and  Ireland ;  and  finally 
lose  the  hearts  of  all  his  Majesty's  American  subjects. 
His  Lordship  then  said,  that  for  these  and  other  reasons, 
he  gave  his  hearty  negative  to  the  Bill. 

Lord  Dartmouth  said  a  few  words  in  favour  of  the  Bill. 
Lord  Lyttclton  he'^aii  by  observing,  that  whatever  fell 
from  that  noble  Earl,  fell  with  such  weight  as  to  make  the 
deepest  impression  on  those  who  heard  him  :  that  from  the 
solemn  opposition  he  had  given  to  that  clause  of  the  Bill, 
which  excused  the  Canadians  from  the  oath  of  suprema- 
cy, and  imposed  an  oath  of  allegiance  in  the  room  of  it, 


213 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


214 


he  was  induced  to  give  his  reasons  why  he  differed  from 
Lord  Chatham ;  that  so  far  from  thinking  with  the  noble 
Lord  hxst  named,  that  no  man  who  was  a  Protestant  in  his 
heart  could  give  his  consent  to  the  passing  of  that  clause, 
he  affirmed  that  no  true  Protestant  could  refuse  it  his 
hearty  concurrence,  because  the  doctrinal  principles  of  our 
holy  religion,  drawn  from  that  pure  and  excellent  source 
die  Gospel  of  our  Saviour,  breathed  forth  a  spirit  of  mo- 
deration, candour,  and  universal  toleration  to  all  religions 
that  were  not  incompatible  with  the  precepts  of  morality, 
and  the  general  welfare  and  happiness  of  mankind.  That 
to  oblige  Catholics  to  deny  the  supremacy  of  the  Pope, 
was  to  compel  them  forcibly  to  abjure  their  religion,  and 
in  reality,  to  commence  a  persecution  against  them  ;  that 
opposition  always  grew  and  strengthened  under  the  scythe 
of  persecution,  and  that  fanaticism  was  never  formidable 
till  it  was  oppressed.  He  said  that  the  Canadians  had, 
ever  since  the  conquest  of  that  country,  behaved  like  good 
and  peaceable  subjects,  that  therefore  they  were  justly 
entitled  to  a  beneficial  code  of  civil  policy,  and  to  a  free 
exercise  of  their  religion.  That  though  he  had  the  great- 
est reverence  for  the  Protestant  faith,  yet  he  had  no  less 
respect  for  the  safety  and  good  government  of  the  State ; 
that  to  force  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  to  renounce  those 
errors  which  they  had  imbibed  with  their  mother's  milk,  was 
to  alter  by  violence  the  constitution  of  their  mind,  and  by  so 
doing,  to  lay  a  foundation  for  resistance,  which  if  it  did  not 
proceed  to  rebellion,  would  at  least  tend  to  alienate  their 
minds  from  that  allegiance  which  they  had  but  just  adopt- 
ed, and  which,  under  the  mild  government  we  exercised 
over  them,  would,  he  hoped,  be  daily  strengthened  and 
matured  by  time.  That  it  was  matter  of  triumph  to  this 
great  and  free  country  to  treat  the  conquered  subjects  of 
France  with  more  lenity,  and  to  give  them  a  better  form 
of  Government  than  that  which  they  had  received  from 
their  mother  country ;  that  so  far  was  he  from  believing 
that  Administration  had  predetermined  in  the  closet  the 
result  of  the  proceedings  of  Parliament,  and  that,  as  the 
noble  Earl  expressed  himself,  "  what  must  be,  must  be," 
that  on  the  contrary,  in  every  stage  of  the  Bill,  they  had 
shewed  the  greatest  candour  and  desire  of  information,  and 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  liad  actually  adopted  many 
ideas  that  had  been  thrown  out  by  opposition,  especially 
in  regard  to  a  very  important  part  of  the  Bill,  the  defini- 
tion of  the  limits  of  Canada.  He  said,  he  approved  of 
the  Bill,  chiefly  from  Us  lenity  and  moderation,  and  that 
he  deemed  it  sound  policy  for  a  conquering  nation  to  lay 
tlie  yoke  lightly  over  the  necks  of  those  who  were  subject- 
ed to  its  dominion.  That  as  the  noble  Earl  had  observed 
how  much  Canada  was  inclined  towards  France,  he 
thought  nothing  was  more  likely  to  win  them  over  to  Eng- 
land than  to  improve  and  meliorate  their  commercial  as 
well  as  political  situation,  and,  above  all,  to  give  them 
liberty  of  conscience  in  religious  matters. 

His  Lordship  then  observed,  the  dark  times  of  super- 
stition were  past,  that  the  gloomy  reign  of  persecution 
and  priestcraft  were  now  at  an  end,  that  science  every 
where  diffused — had  every  where  enlightened  the  human 
mind;  he  took  notice  that  the  noble  Earl  had  said,  if  the 
Bill  passed  you  might  take  down  the  bells  from  your 
steeples,  and  the  steeples  from  your  churches  ;  but  that  if 
even  that  was  to  happen,  the  evil  would  not  be  great,  for 
that  Christian  men  might  meet  in  the  faith  of  Christ  and  in 
Christian  charity  without  these  things,  which  to  the  pure 
of  heart  and  to  the  truly  devout  were  of  little  importance  ; 
tJiat  they  were  the  externals  of  religion,  the  internals  of 
which  were  charity  and  universal  benevolence;  and  that 
these  principles  gave  birth  to  the  clause  which  the  noble 
Earl  had  so  unciiaritably  censured. 

After  Lord  LijHelton  had  thus  answered  Lord  Chotham^s 
objections  to  the  religious  tendency  of  the  Billy  he  pro- 
ceeded to  shew  why  he  approved  of  the  genersf  policy  of 
it:  he  said,  he  would  not  pretend  to  be  sufficiently  versed 
in  the  deep  science  of  politics  to  affirm  whether  or  no  a 
better  system  of  legislation  might  not  have  been  invented, 
but  that  lie  insisted  upon  the  code  contained  in  the  Bill  to 
be  conformable  to  the  genius  of  the  country  over  which  it 
is  to  be  exercised  ;  that  it  was  consistent  with  the  political 
notions  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  form  of  Government  to 
which  they  had  been  accustomed  ;  that  forms  of  Govern- 
ment must  always  be  suited  to  the  dispositions  of  the 
governed,  and  infinitely  varied  in  different  climates  ;  that 


the  mild  Constitution  of  this  country  would  be  rejected 
with  contempt  by  the  sons  of  despotism  in  Asia,  and  the 
excess  of  liberty  happily  spread  over  England,  would 
degenerate  to  an  excess  of  licentiousness  in  Canada.  As 
to  the  idea  of  the  noble  Earl,  that  this  political  separation 
of  Canada  from  the  rest  of  America  might  be  a  means  of 
dividing  their  interests,  and  that  French  Canada  would  in 
a  future  day  be  used  as  a  proper  instrument  to  quell 
British  America,  Lord  Lyttelton  said,  he  was  not  appre- 
hensive of  these  consequences ;  but  that  if  British  Ame- 
rica was  determined  to  resist  the  lawful  power  and  })re-emi- 
nence  of  Great  Britain,  he  saw  no  reason  why  the  loyal 
inhabitants  of  Canada  should  not  co-operate  with  the  rest 
of  the  Empire  in  subduing  them,  and  bringing  them  to  a 
right  sense  of  their  duty ;  and  he  thought  it  happy,  that, 
from  their  local  situation,  they  might  be  some  check  to 
those  fierce  fanatic  spirits  that,  inflamed  with  the  same 
zeal  which  animated  the  Round-heads  in  England,  directed 
that  zeal  to  the  same  purposes,  to  the  demolition  of  regal 
authority,  and  to  the  subversion  of  all  power  which  they 
did  not  themselves  possess ;  that  they  were  composed  of 
the  same  leaven,  and  whilst  they  pretended  to  be  contend- 
ing for  liberty,  they  were  setting  up  an  absolute  indepen- 
dent Republic,  and  that  the  struggle  was  not  for  freedom, 
but  power,  which  was  proved  from  the  whole  tenor  of 
their  conduct,  even  to  demonstration. 

The  question  was  then  put,  and  the  House  divided : 
Contents,  26;  Non-Contents,  7. 

So  it  was  resolved  in  the  Affinnative. 

The  following  Lords  were  the  minority :  the  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  the  Earls  Chatham,  Coventry,  Eff,ngham,  and 
Spencer,  the  Lords  Sandys,  and  King.* 

Wednesday,  June  22,  1774. 

[The  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen  Crosby,  Lewis,  and  Plomer, 
the  Recorder,  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the 
Common  Council,  and  City  Officers,  went  from  Guildhall 
to  St.  James's,  (Alderman  Sawbridge  joined  them  in  the 
way,)  in  order  to  present  an  Address  and  Petition  to  his 
Majesty,  previous  to  his  going  to  the  House,  relative  to  the 
Bill  for  the  government  of  Quebec.  They  arrived  at  St. 
James's  a  quarter  before  one.  A  little  before  two,  the 
Lord  Chamberlain  waited  on  the  Lord  Mayor  with  a  Mes- 
sage from  the  King,  which  he  had  committed  to  writing,  to 
prevent  any  mistake ;  and  he  read  the  following  paper  : 

*  The  Session  was  drawing  near  to  the  usual  time  of  recess ;  and 
the  greatest  number  of  the  members,  fatigued  with  a  long  attendance 
on  the  American  Bills,  were  retired  into  the  country.  In  this  situa- 
tion, a  Bill  which  has  engaged  a  great  deal  of  the  public  attention, 
was  brouglit  into  the  House  of  Lords ; — "  The  Bill  for  making  more 
"effectual  provision  for  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  in 
"  North  America."  Tliis  passed  through  that  House  with  very  little, 
if  any  observation.  But  wlien  it  came  down  to  the  House  of  Commons, 
it  met  with  a  very  different  reception.  A  disposition  immediately  ap- 
peared in  that  House  to  criticise  it  with  unusual  severity.  The  party 
for  Ministry  seemed  to  be  a  little  alarmed  at  this  spirit,  partly  because, 
from  its  easy  passage  through  the  House  of  Lords,  it  was  not  so  much 
e.\pected ;  but  principally,  because  tliey  apprehended  it  would  create 
more  uneasiness  among  the  People  out  of  doors  than  any  of  the  former 
Bills.  In  this  case,  the  passions  which  had  been  excited  by  the  disor. 
ders  in  America,  did  not  operate  in  their  favour.  And  as  the  Act  had 
for  a  part  of  its  objects  establishments  touching  religion,  it  was  far 
more  likely  to  give  occasion  for  popular  complaint.  The  Ministry 
therefore  found  it  necessary  not  to  carry  things  with  so  high  an  hand 
as  in  the  preceding  Bills. 

Tlie  Bill  received  in  the  course  of  these  debates  [in  the  Commons] 
many  amendments,  so  as  to  change  it  very  greatly  from  the  state  in 
which  it  came  down  from  the  House  of  Lords ;  but  the  ground-work 
remained  the  same.  Throughout  the  whole  progress  of  the  business, 
though  well  fought,  the  numbers  in  the  minority  were  uncommonly 
small.  It  produced,  nevertheless,  much  greater  uneasiness  and  dis- 
content out  of  doors  than  any  of  the  Bills  for  punishing  of  the  old 
Colonies. 

This  discontent  called  on  the  attention  of  the  House  of  Lords ;  so 
that  wlien  the  Bill  was  returned  to  them  with  the  amendments,  ther« 
was  a  considerable  opposition  to  it,  although  in  some  respects  less  ex. 
ceptionable  than  when  it  had  passed  tlicir  House  with  so  little  notice; 
but,  as  in  all  other  questions,  so  in  this,  the  minority  shewed  no 
strength  in  numbers. 

The  session  had  now  stretched  far  into  the  Summer.  The  business 
of  it  had  been  of  as  much  importance  as  that,  perhaps,  of  any  session 
since  the  revolution.  Great  changes  had  been  made  in  the  economy 
of  some  of  Die  Colonies,  wliich  were  thought  foundations  for  changes 
of  a  like  nature  in  others  ;  and  the  most  sanguine  expectations  were 
entertained  by  tlic  Ministry,  that  when  Parliament  had  shewn  so 
determined  a  resolution,  and  the  advocates  for  the  Colonies  liad  ap- 
pearcd  so  very  little  able  to  protect  them,  the  submission  throughout 
America  would  bo  inunediate  ;  and  complete  obedience  and  tranquilli- 
ty  would  be  secured  in  future.  Tlio  triumphs  and  mutual  congratu- 
lations of  all  wlio  supported  these  measures,  within  doors  and  without, 
were  unusually  great. — Ann.  Regit. 


215 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


216 


"  As  your  Petition  relates  to  a  Bill  agreed  on  by  the 
"  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  of  which  his  Majesty  cannot 
"  take  public  notice,  until  it  is  presented  for  iiis  royal  as- 
"  sent  in  Parliament,  1  am  commanded  by  the  King  to  in- 
"  form  you,  that  you  are  not  to  ex))ect  an  answer." 

The  Lord  Mayor  immediately  sent  the  Remembrancer, 
to  present  his  duty  to  the  King,  and  inform  his  Majesty, 
"  That  they  waited  to  present  their  Address,  agreeable  to 
"  his  Majesty's  order  ;"  which  was  in  a  little  time  complied 
with  ;  when  no  other  answer  was  given. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  City  Address: 
"  To  the  Kinir's  Most  Excellent  Majaty,  the  humble  Ad- 
dress and  Fetition  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and 

Ci)mmons,  of  the  City  o/ London,  in  Common  Council 

assembled  : 

"  Most  Gracious  Sovereign, 

"  We,  your  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the 
Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  Commons,  of  the  City  of 
London,  in  Common  Council  assembled,  are  exceedingly 
alarmed  that  a  Bill  has  passed  your  two  Houses  of  Parlia- 
ment, entitled  "  An  Act  for  making  more  effectual  provi- 
"  sion  for  the  government  of  the  Province  of  (Quebec,  in 
"  North  America,"  which  we  apprehend  to  be  entirely 
subversive  of  the  great  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Constitution  of  the  British  Monarchy,  as  well  as  of  the 
authority  of  various  solemn  acts  of  the  Legislature. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  observe,  that  the  English  law,  and 
that  wonderful  effort  of  human  wisdom,  the  trial  by  Jury, 
are  not  admitted  by  this  Bill  in  any  civil  cases,  and  the 
French  law  of  Canada  is  imposed  on  all  the  inhabitants  of 
that  extensive  Province,  by  which  both  the  persons  and 
properties  of  very  many  of  your  Majesty's  subjects  are 
rendered  insecure  and  precarious. 

"  We  humbly  conceive,  that  this  Bill,  if  passed  into  a  law 
will  be  contrary,  not  only  to  the  compact  entered  into  with 
the  numerous  settlers  of  the  reformed  religion,  who  were 
invited  into  the  said  Province,  under  the  sacred  promise  of 
enjoying  the  benefits  of  the  laws  of  your  realm  of  England, 
but  likewise  repugnant  to  your  royal  Proclamation  of  the 
7th  of  October,  1763,  for  the  speedy  settling  the  said  new 
Government. 

"  That  consistent  with  the  public  faith,  pledged  by  the 
said  Proclamation,  your  Majesty  cannot  erect  and  consti- 
tute Courts  of  Judicature  and  Public  Justice  for  the  hear- 
ing and  determining  all  cases,  as  well  civil  as  criminal, 
within  the  said  Province,  but  as  near  as  may  be  agreeable 
to  the  laws  of  England ;  nor  can  any  laws,  statutes,  or 
ordinances  for  the  public  peace,  welfare,  and  good  govern- 
ment of  the  said  Province,  be  made,  constituted,  or  or- 
dained, but  according  to  the  laws  of  this  Realm. 

"  That  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  which  is  known 
to  be  idolatrous  and  bloody,  is  established  by  this  Bill,  and 
no  legal  provision  is  made  for  the  free  exercise  of  our 
reformed  faith,  nor  the  security  of  our  Protestant  fellow 
subjects  of  the  Church  of  England,  in  the  true  worship 
of  Almighty  God,  according  to  their  consciences. 

"  That  your  Majesty's  illustrious  family  was  called  to  the 
throne  of  these  Kingdoms,  in  consequence  of  the  exclu- 
sion of  the  Roman  Catholic  ancient  branch  of  the  Stuart 
line,  under  the  express  stipulation  that  they  should  pro- 
fess the  Protestant  religion  ;  and  according  to  the  oath  es- 
tablished by  the  sanction  of  Parliament,  in  the  first  year  of 
the  reign  of  our  great  deliverer,  William  the  Third,  your 
Majesty,  at  your  coronation,  solemnly  swore  that  you  would, 
to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  maintain  the  laws  of  God, 
the  true  profession  of  the  gospel,  and  Protestant  reformed 
religion,  established  by  law. 

"  That  although  the  term  of  imprisonment  of  subjects  is 
limited  to  three  months,  the  power  of  fining  is  left  indefi- 
nite and  unrestrained,  by  which  the  total  ruin  of  the  party 
may  be  effected  by  an  enormous  and  excessive  fine. 

"  That  the  whole  Legislative  power  of  the  Province  is 
vested  in  persons  to  be  solely  appointed  by  your  Majesty, 
and  removable  at  your  pleasure,  which  we  apprehend  to  be 
repugnant  to  the  leading  principles  of  this  free  Constitution, 
by  which  alone  your  Majesty  now  holds,  or  legally  can 
hold,  the  imperial  crown  of  these  Realms. 

"  That  the  said  Bill  was  brought  into  Parliament  very 
late  in  the  present  session,  and  after  the  greater  number  of 
tlie  members  of  the  two  Houses  were  retired  into  the  coun- 
try, so  that  it  cannot  fairly  be  said  to  be  the  sense  of  those 
parts  of  tlie  Legblature. 


"  Your  Petitioners,  therefore,  most  humbly  supplicate 
your  Majesty,  as  the  guardian  of  the  laws,  liberties,  and 
religion  of  your  People,  and  the  great  bulwark  of  the 
Protestant  faith,  that  you  will  not  give  your  royal  assent 
to  the  said  Bill. 

"  And  your  Petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  will  ever 
pray."] 

His  Majesty,  being  seated  on  the  Throne,  adorned  with 
his  crown  and  regal  ornaments,  and  attended  by  his  Offi- 
cers of  State,  (the  Lords  being  in  their  robes,)  and  the 
Commons,  with  their  Speaker,  being  in  attendance, 

The  Royal  assent  was  pronounced  to  the  Bill,  by  the 
Clerk's  Assistant. 

Then  his  Majesty  made  a  Speech,  in  which  he  said  : — 

"  My  Lurds  and  Gentlemen, 

"  I  have  observed,  with  the  utmost  satisfaction,  the 
"  many  eminent  proofs  you  have  given  of  your  zealous 
"  and  prudent  attention  to  the  public  service,  during  the 
"  course  of  this  very  interesting  session  of  Parliament. 

"  The  very  peculiar  circumstances  of  embarrassment  in 
"  which  the  Province  of  (Quebec  was  involved,  had  render- 
"  ed  the  proper  adjustment  and  regulation  of  the  Govern- 
"  ment  thereof,  a  matter  of  no  small  difficulty.  The  Bill 
"  which  you  prepared  for  that  purpose,  and  to  which  I 
"  have  now  given  my  assent,  is  founded  on  the  clearest 
"  principles  of  justice  and  humanity  ;  and  will,  I  doubt  not, 
"  have  the  best  effects  in  quieting  the  minds,  and  promot- 
"  ing  the  happiness  of  my  Canadian  subjects. 

"  I  have  long  seen,  with  concern,  a  dangerous  spirit  of 
"  resistance  to  my  Government,  and  to  the  execution  of 
"  the  laws,  prevailing  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetti 
"  Bay,  in  New  England.  It  proceeded  at  length  to  such 
"  an  extremity  as  to  render  your  immediate  interposition 
"  indispensably  necessary  ;  and  you  have  accordingly  made 
"  provision,  as  well  for  the  suppression  of  the  present  dis- 
'•■  orders,  as  for  the  prevention  of  the  like  in  future.  The 
"  temper  and  firmness  with  which  you  have  conducted 
"  yourselves  in  this  important  business,  and  the  general 
"  concurrence  with  which  the  resolution  of  maintaining  the 
"  authority  of  the  laws,  in  every  part  of  my  dommions, 
"  hath  been  adopted  and  supported,  cannot  fail  of  giving 
"  the  greatest  weight  to  the  measures  which  have  been  the 
"  result  of  your  deliberations.  Nothing  that  depends  on 
"  me  shall  he  wanting  to  render  diem  eflectual.  It  is  my 
"  most  anxious  desire  to  see  my  deluded  subjects,  in  that 
"  part  of  the  world,  returning  to  a  sense  of  their  duty  ;  ac- 
"  quiescing  in  that  just  subordination  to  the  authority,  and 
"  maintaining  that  due  regard  to  the  commercial  interests 
"  of  this  country ;  which  must  ever  be  inseparably  con- 
"  nected  with  their  own  real  prosperity  and  advantage." 


Anno  Decimo  (Quarto  Georgii,  III.  Regis. 

An  Act  for  making  more  effectual  provision  for  the  Go- 
vernment of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  in  North 
America. 

[N.  B.  The  words  printed  within  crotcliets  [  ],  denote  what  w.n» 
leil  out  by  the  Commons ;  and  those  printed  witliin  a  parenthesis  ( ), 
what  have  been  inserted  by  them.] 

Whereas  his  Majesty,  by  his  Royal  Proclamation,  bear- 
ing date  the  seventh  day  of  October,  in  the  third  year  of 
his  reign,  thought  fit  to  declare  the  provisions  which  had 
been  made  in  respect  to  certain  Countries,  Territories,  and 
Islands,  in  America,  ceded  to  his  Majesty  by  the  Definitive 
Treaty  of  Peace,  concluded  at  Paris,  on  the  tenth  day  of 
February,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-three : 
And  whereas,  by  the  arrangements  made  by  the  said  Royal 
Proclamation  a  very  large  [part  of  the  territory  of  Cana- 
da,] (extent  of  country)  within  which  there  were  several 
Colonies  and  setdements,  of  the  subjects  of  France,  who 
claimed  to  remain  therein  under  the  faith  of  the  said 
treaty,  was  left,  without  any  provision  being  made  for  the 
administration  of  civil  Government  therein,  and  [o^Aer] 
(certain)  parts  of  the  [said  country]  (territory  of  Canada) 
wiiere  sedentary  fisheries  had  been  established  and  car- 
ried on  by  the  subjects  of  France,  inhabitants  of  the  said 
Province  of  Canada,  under  grants  and  cf'oncessions  from 
the  Government  thereof,  were  annexed  to  the  Government 
of  Newfoundland,  and  thereby  subjected  to  regulations 
inconsistent   with   the    nature    of  such   fisheries :  May  it 


217 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


218 


tlierefore  please  your  most  excellent  Majesty,  that  it  may 
be  enacted,  and  be  it  enacted  by  the  King's  most  excellent 
Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords, 
Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Commons,  in  this  present  Par- 
liament assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  that 
all  the  [suid]  territories,  islands,  and  countries,  [heretofore 
part  of  the  Province  of  Canada.]  in  North  America,  [ex- 
tending Southivard  to  the  banks  of\  (belonging  to  the  Crown 
of  Great  Britain,  bounded  on  the  South  by  a  line  from  the 
Bay  of  Chaleurs,  along  the  high  lands  which  divide  the 
rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
from  those  which  fall  into  the  sea,  to  a  point  in  forty-five 
degrees  of  Northern  latitude,  on  the  Eastern  bank  of  the 
river  Connectimt ;  keeping  the  same  latitude  directly  west 
tlirough  the  Lake  Champlain,  until,  in  the  same  latitude, 
it  meets  tlie  river  St.  Lawrence ;  from  thence  up  the 
Eastern  bank  of  the  said  river,  to  the  Lake  Ontario; 
thence  through  tiie  Lake  Ontario,  and  the  river  called 
the  Niagara;  and  thence  along  by  the  Eastern  and 
Southeastern  bank  of  Lake  Erie,  following  the  said  bank 
until  the  same  shall  be  intersected  by  the  Northern  boun- 
dary, granted  by  the  Charter  of  the  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania, in  case  the  same  shall  be  so  intersected ;  and 
from  thence  along  the  said  Northern  and  Western  bounda- 
ries of  the  said  Province,  until  the  said  Western  boundary 
strike  the  Ohio:  but  in  case  the  said  bank  of  the  said 
lake  shall  not  be  found  to  be  so  intersected,  then  following 
the  said  bank,  until  it  shall  arrive  at  that  point  of  the  said 
bank  which  shall  be  nearest  to  the  Northwestern  angle  of 
the  said  Province  of  Pennsylvania;  and  thence  by  a  right 
line  to  the  said  Northwestern  angle  of  the  said  Province, 
and  thence  along  the  Western  boundary  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, until  it  strike)  the  river  Ohio  (and  along  the  bank 
of  the  said  river)  Westward,  to  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  Northward  to  the  Southern  boundary  of  the  ter- 
ritory granted  to  the  Merchants  Adventurers  of  England, 
trading  to  Hudson's  Bay;  and  [which  said]  (also  all 
such)  territories,  islands,  and  countries,  [are  not  within  the 
limits  of  some  other  British  Colony  as  allowed  and  con- 
firmed by  the  Crown,  or]  which  have,  since  the  tenth  of 
February,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-three, 
been  made  part  of  the  Government  of  Newfoundland, 
be,  and  they  are  hereby,  during  his  Majesty's  pleasure, 
annexed  to,  and  made  part  and  parcel  of,  the  Province  of 
(Quebec,  as  created  and  established  by  the  said  Royal  Pro- 
clamation of  the  seventh  of  October,  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  sixty-three. 

{Provided  always.  That  nothing  herein  contained  rela- 
tive to  the  boundary  of  the  Province  of  Quebec,  shall  in 
any  wise  affect  the  boundaries  of  any  other  Colonies.) 

(Provided  always,  And  be  it  enacted,  that  nothing  in 
this  Act  contained  shall  extend,  or  be  construed  to  extend, 
to  make  void,  or  to  vary  or  alter  any  right,  title,  or  pos- 
session, derived  under  any  grant,  conveyance,  or  otherwise 
howsoever,  of  or  to  any  lands  within  the  said  Province, 
or  the  Provinces  thereto  adjoining,  but  that  the  same  shall 
remain  and  be  in  force,  and  have  effect,  as  if  this  Act  had 
never  been  made.) 

And  whereas  the  provisions  made  by  the  said  Proclama- 
tion, in  respect  to  the  civil  Government  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince of  (Quebec,  and  the  powers  and  authorities  given  to 
the  Governor,  and  other  civil  officers  of  the  said  Province, 
by  the  grants  and  commissions  issued  in  consequence 
tliereof,  have  been  found,  upon  experience,  to  be  inappli- 
cable to  the  state  and  circumstances  of  the  said  Province, 
the  inhabitants  whereof  [amounting]  (amounted)  at  the 
conquest,  to  above  [one  hundred]  (sixty-five)  thousand 
persons,  professing  the  religion  of  tiie  Church  of  Rome, 
and  enjoying  an  established  form  of  constitution  and  system 
of  laws,  by  which  their  persons  and  property  had  been 
protected,  governed,  and  ordered  for  a  long  series  of  years, 
from  the  first  establishment  of  the  said  Province  of  Cana- 
da ;  Be  it  therefore  further  enacted  by  the  authority  afore- 
said the  said  Proclamation,  so  far  as  the  same  relates  to  tlie 
said  Province  of  (Quebec,  and  the  commission  under  the 
authority  whereof  tiie  Government  of  the  said  Province 
is  at  present  administered,  and  all  and  every  the  ordinance 
and  ordinances  made  by  the  Governor  and  Council  of 
(Quebec  for  the  time  being,  relative  to  the  civil  Govern- 
ment and  administration  of  justice  in  the  said  Province, 
and  all  commissions  to  Judges  and  other  officers  thereof, 
be,  and  the  same  are  hereby  revoked,  annulled,  and  made 


void,  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  May,  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-five. 

And  for  the  more  perfect  security  and  ease  of  the  minds 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Province,  it  is  hereby 
declared,  that  his  Majesty's  subjects  professing  the  religion 
of  the  Church  of  Rome,  of,  and  in  the  said  Province  of 
Quebec,  [as  the  same  is  described  in  and  by  the  said  Pro- 
clamation and  commissions,  and  also  all  the  territories,  part 
of  the  Province  of  Canada,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest 
thereof,  tvhich  are  hereby  annexed  during  his  Majesty's 
pleasure,  to  the  said  Government  of  Quebec,]  may  have, 
hold,  and  enjoy,  the  free  exercise  of  the  religion  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  subject  to  the  King's  supremacy,  de- 
clared and  established  by  an  Act  made  in  the  first  year  of 
the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  over  all  the  dominions  and 
countries  which  then  did,  or  thereafter  should,  belong  to 
the  imperial  Crown  of  this  realm ;  and  that  the  Clergy  of 
the  said  churci),  may  hold,  receive,  and  enjoy  their  accus- 
tomed dues  and  rights,  with  respect  to  such  persons  only 
as  shall  profess  the  said  religion. 

Provided  nevertheless.  That,  [nothing  herein  contained 
shall  extend,  or  be  construed  to  extend,  to  the  disabling] 
(it  shall  be  lawful  for)  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors, 
[from  making]  (to  make)  such  provision  (out  of  the  rest  ■ 
of  the  said  accustomed  dues  and  rights)  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  for  the  maintenance 
and  support  of  a  Protestant  clergy  within  the  said  Pro- 
vince, as  he  or  they  shall,  from  time  to  time,  think  neces- 
sary and  expedient. 

{Provided  always,  and  be  it  enacted,  That  no  person 
professing  the  religion  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  residing 
in  the  said  Province,  shall  be  obliged  to  take  the  oath 
required  by  the  said  statute,  passed  in  the  first  year  of  the 
reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  or  any  other  oaths  substituted 
by  any  other  Act  in  the  place  thereof,  but  that  every  such 
person,  who  by  the  said  statute  is  required  to  take  the 
oath  therein  mentioned,  shall  be  obliged,  and  is  hereby 
required  to  take  and  subscribe  the  following  oath,  before 
the  Governor,  or  such  other  person,  or  in  such  court  of 
record  as  his  Majesty  shall  appoint,  who  are  hereby 
authorized  to  administer  the  same  ;  videlicet  : 

"  I,  A — B — ,  do  sincerely  promise  and  swear  that  I  will 
"  be  faithful  and  bear  true  allegiance  to  his  Majesty  King 
"  George,  and  him  will  defend  to  the  utmost  of  my  power, 
"  against  all  traitorous  conspiracies  and  attempts  whatso- 
"  ever,  which  shall  be  made  against  his  person,  crown  and 
"  dignity  ;  and  I  will  do  my  utmost  endeavours  to  disclose 
"  and  make  known  to  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  succes- 
"  sors,  all  treasons  and  traitorous  conspiracies  and  attempts, 
"  which  I  shall  know  to  be  against  him,  or  any  of  them, 
"  and  all  this  I  do  swear,  without  any  equivocation,  mental 
"  evasion,  or  secret  reservation ;  and  renouncing  all  par- 
"  dons  and  dispensations  from  any  power  or  person  whom- 
"  soever  to  the  contrary.     So  help  me  God." 

And  every  such  person  who  shall  neglect  or  refuse  to 
take  the  said  oath,  before  mentioned,  shall  incur,  and  be 
liable  to  the  same  penalties,  forfeitures,  disabilities,  and 
incapacities,  as  he  would  have  incurred  and  been  liable  to, 
for  neglecting  or  refusing  to  take  the  oath  required  by  the 
said  statute,  passed  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  all  his  Majesty's  Canadian  subjects,  within  the  Pro- 
vince of  Quebec,  the  religious  orders  and  communities 
only  excepted,  may  also  hold  and  enjoy  their  property 
and  possessions,  together  with  all  customs  and  usages 
relative  thereto,  and  all  other  their  civil  rights,  in  as  large, 
ample,  and  beneficial  manner,  as  if  the  said  proclamation, 
commissions,  ordinances,  and  other  acts,  and  instruments, 
had  not  been  made,  and  as  may  consist  with  their  allegiance 
to  his  Majesty,  and  subjection  to  the  Crown  and  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain;  and  that  in  all  matters  of  controversy 
relative  to  property  and  civil  rights,  resort  shall  be  had 
to  the  laws  of  Canada,  (as  the  rule)  for  the  decision  of 
the  same,  and  all  causes  that  shall  hereafter  be  instituted 
in  any  of  the  courts  of  justice,  to  be  appointed  within 
and  for  the  said  Province,  by  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and 
successors,  shall,  with  respect  to  such  property  and  rights, 
be  determined  [by  the  Judges  of  the  same]  agreeably  to 
the  said  laws  and  customs  of  Canada  [and  the  several] 
(until  they  shall  be  varied  or  altered  by  any,)  ordinances 
that  shall,  from  time  to  time,  be  passed  in  the  said  Pro- 


219 


QUEBEC  BILL. 


220 


vince  by  tlie  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Com- 
mander-in-chief, for  the  time  being,  by  and  with  tlie  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  same,  to  be 
appointed  in  maimer  hereinafter  mentioned. 

(^Provided  always,  That  nothing  in  tiiis  act  contained 
shall  extend,  or  be  construed  to  extend,  to  any  lands  that 
have  been  granted  by  his  Majesty,  or  sliall  hereafter  be 
granted  by  his  Majesty,  his  heii's,  and  successors,  to  be 
holden  in  free  and  common  soccage.) 

Providtd  [always]  (also,)  That  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  to  and  for  every  person  that  is  owner  of  any  lands, 
goods,  or  credits,  in  the  said  Province,  and  that  has  a 
right  to  alienate  the  said  lands,  goods,  or  credits,  in  his  or 
her  life  time,  by  deed  of  sale,  gift,  or  otherwise,  to  devise  or 
bequeath  the  same,  at  his  or  her  death,  by  his  or  her  last 
will  and  testament ;  any  law,  usage,  or  custom  heretofore 
or  now  prevailing  in  the  Province,  to  the  contrary  hereof 
in  any  wise  notwithstanding. 

[Provided  also,  That  nothing  in  this  Act  contained 
shall  extend  or  be  construed  to  extend,  to  any  lands  that 
have  been  granted  by  his  Majesty,  or  shall  hereafter  be 
granted  by  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  to  be 
holden  in  free  and  common  soccage;]  (such  will  being 
executed  either  according  to  the  laws  of  Canada,  or 
according  to  the  forms  prescribed  by  the  laws  of  England.) 

And  whereas  the  certainty  and  lenity  of  the  criminal 
law  of  England,  and  the  benefits  and  advantages  resulting 
from  tlie  use  of  it,  have  been  sensibly  felt  by  the  inhabi- 
tants from  an  experience  of  more  than  nine  years,  during 
which  it  has  been  uniformly  administered  ;  be  it  therefore 
further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  the  same 
shall  continue  to  be  administered,  and  shall  be  observed  as 
law,  in  the  Province  of  (Quebec,  as  well  in  the  description 
and  quality  of  the  offence,  as  in  the  method  of  prosecu- 
tion and  trial,  and  the  punishments  and  forfeitures  thereby 
inflicted,  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other  rule  of  criminal 
law,  or  mode  of  proceeding  therein,  whicii  did  or  might 
prevail  in  the  said  Province  before  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-four;  any  thing  in 
this  Act  to  the  contrary  thereof  in  any  respect  notwithstand- 
ing ;  subject  nevertheless  to  such  alterations  and  amend- 
ments, as  the  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Com- 
mander-in-chief, for  the  time  being,  by  and  with  the  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Legislative  Council  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, hereafter  to  be  appointed,  shall  from  time  to  time, 
cause  to  be  made  therein,  in  manner  hereinafter  directed. 

And  whereas  it  may  be  necessary  to  ordain  many 
regulations,  for  the  future  welfare  and  good  Government  of 
the  Province  of  Quebec,  the  occasions  of  which  cannot 
now  be  foreseen,  nor  without  much  delay  and  inconve- 
nience be  provided  for,  without  entiusting  tiiat  authority  for 
a  certain  time,  and  under  proper  restrictions,  to  persons 
resident  there :  And  whereas  it  is  at  present  inexpedient 
to  call  an  Assembly  ;  be  it  therefore  enacted  by  the  author- 
ity aforesaid,  that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  his 
Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  by  warrant  under  his 
or  their  signet,  or  sign  manual,  and  with  the  advice  of  the 
Privy  Council,  to  constitute  and  appoint  a  Council  for  the 
affairs  of  the  Province  of  (Quebec,  to  consist  of  such 
persons  resident  there,  not  exceeding  twenty-three,  nor 
less  than  seventeen,  as  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, shall  be  pleased  to  appoint;  and  upon  the  death, 
removal,  or  absence,  of  any  of  the  members  of  the  said 
Council,  in  like  manner  to  constitute  and  appoint  such  and 
so  many  other  person  or  persons  as  shall  be  necessary  to 
supply  the  vacancy  or  vacancies ;  which  Council,  so  ap- 
pointed and  nominated,  or  the  major  part  thereof,  shall 
have  \full]  power  and  authority  to  make  ordinances  for 
tlie  peace,  welfare,  and  good  government  of  the  said  Pro- 
vince, with  the  consent  of  his  Majesty's  Governor,  or,  in 
his  absence,  of  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Commander- 
in-chief,  for  the  time  being. 

Provided  always,  Tiiat  nothing  in  this  Act  contained 
sliall  extend  to  authorize  or  emjiower  the  said  Legislative 
Council  to  lay  any  taxes  or  duties  within  the  said  Province, 
(such  rates  and  taxes  only  excepted,  as  the  inhabitants  of 
any  town  or  distinct  witliin  the  said  Province,  may  be 
authorized  by  the  said  Council  to  assess,  levy,  and  apply, 
within  the  said  town  or  district,  for  tlie  purpose  of  making 
roads,  erecting  and  repairing  public  buildings,  or  for  any 
other  purpose  respecting  the  local  convenience  and  econ- 
omy of  such  town  or  district.) 


Provided  also,  and  be  it  enacted  by  the  authority 
aforesaid,  That  every  ordinance  so  to  be  made  shall,  with- 
in six  months,  be  transmitted  by  the  Governor,  or  in  liis 
absence,  by  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Cqmmander-in- 
chief,  for  the  time  being,  and  laid  before  his  Majesty,  for 
his  royal  approbation ;  and  if  his  Majesty  shall  think  fit  to 
disallow  tliereof,  the  same  shall  cease  and  be  void  from 
the  time  that  his  Majesty's  order  in  Council  thereupon 
shall  be  promulgated  at  (Quebec. 

Provided  also.  That  no  ordinance  touching  religion,  or 
by  which  any  punishment  may  be  inflicted  greater  than  fine 
or  imprisonment  for  three  months,  shall  be  of  any  force  or 
effect,  until  the  same  shall  have  received  his  Majesty's 
approbation. 

Provided  also,  That  no  ordinance  shall  be  passed,  at 
any  meeting  of  the  Council,  (where  less  than  a  majority 
of  the  whole  Council  is  present,  or  at  any  time,)  except 
between  the  first  day  of  January,  and  the  first  day  of  May, 
unless  upon  some  urgent  occasion;  in  which  case,  every 
member  thereof  resident  at  Quebec,  or  within  fifty  miles 
thereof,  shall  be  personally  summoned  by  the  Governor, 
or,  in  his  absence,  by  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  or  Com- 
mander-in-chief, for  the  time  being,  to  attend  the  same. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  nothing  herein  contained,  shall  extend,  or  be  con- 
strued to  extend,  to  prevent  or  hinder  his  Majesty,  his 
heirs,  and  successors,  by  his,  or  their,  letters  patent,  under 
the  great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  from  erecting,  constituting, 
and  appointing,  such  courts  of  criminal,  civil,  and  ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction,  within  and  for  the  said  Province  of  Que- 
bec, and  appointing,  from  time  to  time,  the  Judges  and 
oflicers  thereof,  as  his  Majesty,  liis  heirs,  and  successors, 
shall  think  necessary  and  proper,  for  the  circumstances  of 
the  said  Province. 

{Provided  always,  and  it  is  hereby  enacted,  That  no- 
thing in  this  Act  contained  shall  extend,  or  be  construed 
to  extend,  to  repeal  or  make  void,  within  the  said  Province 
of  Quebec,  any  Act  or  Acts  of  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  heretofore  made,  for  prohibiting,  restraining,  or 
regulating  the  trade  or  commerce  of  his  Majesty's  Colonies 
and  Plantations  in  America;  but  that  all  and  every  the 
said  Acts,  and  also  all  Acts  of  Parhament,  heretofore  made, 
concerning  or  respecting  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations, 
shall  be,  and  are  hereby  declared  to  be,  in  force,  within 
the  said  Province  of  Quebec,  and  every  pan  thereof.) 


An  Act  to  prevent  the  Exportation  to  Foreign  parts  of 
Utensils  made  use  of  in  the  Cotton,  Linen,  f'Voollen, 
and  Silk  Manufactures  of  this  Kingdom. 

Whereas  the  exportation  of  the  several  tools  or  utensils 
made  use  of  in  preparing,  working  up,  and  finishing,  the 
cotton  and  linen  manufactures  of  this  Kingdom,  or  any 
or  either  of  them,  or  any  other  goods  wherein  cotton  and 
linen,  or  eitlier  of  them,  are  used,  will  enable  foreigners 
to  work  up  such  manufactures,  and  thereby  greatly  dimin- 
ish the  exportation  of  the  same  from  this  Kingdom :  there- 
fore, for  preserving  as  much  as  possible  to  his  Majesty's 
British  subjects  the  benefits  arising  from  those  great  and 
valuable  branches  of  trade  and  commerce,  be  it  enacted  by 
the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty,  by  and  with  tlie  advice 
and  consent  of  the  Lords,  Spiritual  and  Temporal,  and  Com- 
mons, in  this  present  Parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  au- 
thority of  the  same.  That  if  at  any  time  after  the  first  day 
of  July,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  any 
person  or  persons,  in  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  shall  upon 
any  pretence  whatsoever,  load  or  put  on  board,  or  cause 
to  be  laden  or  put  on  board,  of  any  ship,  vessel,  or  boat, 
which  shall  not  be  bound  directly  to  some  port  or  place  in 
Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  any  such  tools  or  utensils  as  are 
commonly  used  in,  or  are  proper  for  the  ])reparing,  work- 
ing up,  or  finishing,  of  the  cotton  or  linen  manufactures, 
or  any  or  eitlier  of  them,  or  any  other  goods  wherein 
cotton  and  linen,  or  either  of  them,  are  used,  or  any  parts 
or  parcels  of  such  tools  or  utensils,  by  what  name  or 
names  the  same  shall  or  may  be  called  or  known ;  the 
person  or  persons  so  offending  shall,  for  every  such  offence, 
not  only  forfeit  and  lose  all  such  tools  and  utensils,  or  parts 
or  parcels  thereof,  which  shall  be  so  laden  or  put  on  board 
as  aforesaid,  but  also  the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds  of 
lawful  money  of  Great  Britain ;  to  be  recovered  by  ac- 


221         BILL  PROHIBITING  EXPORTATION  OF  TOOLS  USED  IN  MANUFACTURES.         222 


lion  of  debt,  bill,  plaint,  or  information,  in  any  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's courts  of  record  at  fVestminster,  or  in  the  Court  of 
Session  in  Scotland,  or  in  any  of  tlie  four  courts  of  Dub- 
lin respectively,  wherein  no  essoine,  protection,  privilege. 
Of  wager  of  law,  shall  be  allowed,  or  more  than  one  im- 
parlance. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  from  and  after  the  said  first  day  of  July,  it  shall  and 
may  be  lawful  to  and  for  any  officer  of  his  Majesty's 
Customs  in  Great  Britain,  and  for  any  officer  of  the  Re- 
venue in  Ireland,  to  seize  and  secure  in  some  or  one  of 
his  Majesty's  warehouses,  all  such  tools  or  utensils,  or 
parts  or  parcels  thereof,  by  this  Act  prohibited  to  be  export- 
ed, as  such  officer  shall  find  or  discover  to  be  lade  or  put 
on  board  of  any  ship,  vessel,  or  boat,  which  shall  not  be 
bound  directly  to  some  port  or  place  in  Great  Britain  or 
Ireland,  and  that  every  officer  who  shall  seize  and  secure 
any  of  the  said  tools  or  utensils,  or  parts  or  parcels  thereof, 
shall  be  fully  and  absolutely  indemnified  for  so  doing ;  and 
all  tools  and  utensils,  or  parts  or  parcels  thereof,  so  seized 
and  secured  as  aforesaid,  shall,  after  condemnation  thereof 
in  due  course  of  law,  be  publicly  sold  to  the  best  bidder, 
and  one  moiety  of  the  produce  arising  by  the  sale  of  such 
tools  and  utensils  shall  be  to  the  use  of  his  Majesty,  his 
heirs,  and  successors,  and  the  other  moiety  to  the  officer 
who  shall  seize  and  secure  the  same  as  aforesaid. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  from  and  after  the  said  first  day  of  July,  if  the 
captain  or  master  of  any  ship,  vessel,  or  boat,  in  Great 
Britain  or  Ireland,  shall  knowingly  permit  any  tools  or 
utensils,  by  this  Act  prohibited  to  be  exported  as  aforesaid, 
to  be  put  on  board  his  said  ship,  vessel,  or  boat,  every 
such  captain  or  master  shall,  for  every  such  offence,  for- 
feit the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds  of  lawful  money  of 
Great  Britain;  to  be  sued  for  and  recovered  in  such 
manner  as  the  penalties  by  this  Act  upon  persons  export- 
ing the  said  tools  and  utensils  are  to  be  sued  for  and  reco- 
vered :  and  if  the  said  ship,  vessel,  or  boat,  belongs  to  his 
Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors,  then  the  captain  or  mas- 
ter thereof  shall  not  only  forfeit  the  sum  of  two  hundred 
pounds,  to  be  sued  for  and  recovered  as  aforesaid,  but  shall 
also  forfeit  his  employment,  and  be  uicapable  of  any  office 
or  employment  under  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors. 
And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  if  any  Customer,  Comptroller,  Surveyor,  Searcher, 
Waiter,  or  other  officer  of  the  Customs  in  Great  Britain, 
or  any  officer  of  the  Revenue  in  Ireland,  shall  take,  or 
knowirgly  or  willingly  suffer  to  be  taken,  any  entry  out- 
ward, or  shall  sign  any  cocket,  warrant,  or  sufferance,  for 
the  shipping  or  exporting  of  any  of  the  said  tools  or  uten- 
sils by  tins  Act  prohibited  to  be  exported,  or  shall  know- 
ingly or  willingly  permit  or  suffer  the  same  to  be  done, 
directly  or  indirectly,  contrary  to  the  true  intent  and  mean- 
ing of  this  Act,  every  such  Customer,  Comptroller,  Sur- 
veyor, Searcher,  Waiter,  or  other  officer  of  the  Customs 
of  Great  Britain,  or  officer  of  the  Revenue  in  Ireland, 
shall,  for  every  such  offence,  forfeit  the  sum  of  two  hun- 
dred pounds  of  lawful  money  of  Great  Britain ;  to  be  sued 
for  and  recovered,  as  aforesaid,  and  shall  also  forfeit  his 
office,  and  be  incapable  of  holding  any  office  or  employ- 
ment under  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  or  successors. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  if  any  person  or  persons,  from  and  after  the  said  first 
day  of  July,  shall  collect,  obtain,  or  have,  in  his,  her,  or 
llieir  custody  or  possession  any  such  tools  or  implements  as 
aforesaid,  or  any  tools  or  implements  used  in  the  woollen 
or  silk  manufactures  of  this  Kingdom,  or  any  parts  or  par- 
cels thereof,  and  complaint  shall  be  made  upon  the  oath  of 
one  or  more  credible  witness  or  witnesses  before  any  Jus- 
tice or  Justices  of  the  Peace,  that  there  is  reason  to  believe 
tliat  such  person  or  persons  have  or  hath  collected,  obtain- 
ed, or  got  into  his,  her,  or  their  custody  or  possession,  such 
tools  or  implements  as  aforesaid,  or  parts  or  parcels  thereof, 
with  intent  to  export  the  same  to  some  other  port  or  place 
than  Great  Britain  or  Ireland;  then,  and  in  such  case,  it 
shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  Justice  or  Justices  of 
the  Peace  unto  whom  such  complaint  shall  be  made,  to 
Issue  his  waiTant  or  waixants,  not  only  to  seize  all  such 
tools  or  implements,  and  parts  or  parcels  thereof,  but  also 
to  bring  the  person  and  persons  so  complained  of  before 
him  or  them,  or  some  other  of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of 
the  Peace  for  the  same  county,  riding,  division,  or  city ; 


and  if,  when  such  person  or  persons  shall  be  so  brought 
before  such  Justice  or  Justices,  he,  she,  or  they,  shall  not 
give  such  an  account  of  the  use  or  purpose  to  which  such 
tools,  utensils,  or  parts  or  parcels  thereof,  are  intended  to 
be  appropriated,  as  shall  be  satisfactory  to  the  Justice  or 
Justices  before  whom  he,  she,  or  they,  shall  be  brought  as 
aforesaid,  then,  and  in  such  case,  it  shall  and  may  be  law- 
ful to  and  for  such  Justice  or  Justices,  not  only  to  cause 
all  such  tools  or  utensils,  or  parts  or  parcels  Uiereof,  which 
shall  have  been  seized  as  aforesaid,  to  be  detained,  but 
also  to  bind  the  person  or  persons  so  charged  to  appear  at 
the  next  assizes,  general  gaol  delivery,  or  quarter  sessions 
of  the  peace  for  the  county,  city,  riding,  or  division, 
where  such  offence  shall  be  conmiitted,  with  reasonable 
sureties  for  his,  her,  or  their  appearance ;  and  in  case  such 
person  or  persons  shall  refuse  or  neglect  to  give  such 
security,  then,  and  in  such  case,  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful 
to  and  for  such  Justice  and  Justices  to  commit  the  person 
or  persons  so  refusing  to  the  county  gaol,  there  to  be  kept 
until  the  next  assizes,  or  next  quarter  sessions  of  the 
county,  city,  riding,  or  division,  where  such  commitment 
shall  be,  at  the  election  of  such  Justice  of  the  Peace,  and 
until  he,  she,  or  they,  shall  be  delivered  by  due  course  of 
law :  and  in  case  any  such  person  or  persons  shall  be  con- 
victed upon  any  indictment  or  information  against  him,  her, 
or  them,  at  such  assize  or  general  goal  delivery,  or  quar- 
ter sessions  of  the  peace  as  aforesaid,  of  collecting,  ob- 
taining or  getting  into  his,  her,  or  their  custody  or  posses- 
sion, such  tools  or  utensils,  or  parts  or  parcels  thereof,  with 
such  intent  as  aforesaid  ;  then,  and  in  such  case,  the  per- 
son or  persons  so  offending,  shall,  for  every  such  offence, 
not  only  forfeit  and  lose  all  such  tools  and  utensils,  and 
parts  and  parcels  thereof,  which  shall  be  so  seized  and 
detained,  but  also  the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds  of  law- 
ful money  of  Great  Britain ;  to  be  recovered  by  action 
of  debt,  bill,  plaint,  or  information,  in  any  of  his  Majesty's 
courts  of  record  at  Westminster,  or  in  the  Court  of  Session 
in  Scotland,  or  in  any  of  the  four  courts  at  Dublin  re- 
spectively, wherein  no  essoine,  protection,  privilege,  wager 
of  law,  or  more  than  one  imparlance,  shall  be  allowed. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  one  moiety  of  the  respective  forfeitures  by  this  Act 
inflicted  upon  offenders  against  the  same,  shall,  when 
recovered,  go  and  be  applied  to  the  use  of  his  Majesty,  his 
heirs,  and  successors,  and  the  other  moiety  to  the  use  of 
the  person  or  persons  who  shall  sue  and  prosecute  for  the 
same  respectively. 

And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid. 
That  if  any  suit  or  action  shall  be  commenced  against  any 
person  for  what  he  shall  do  in  pursuance  of  this  Act,  such 
action  shall  be  commenced  within  six  months  after  the 
fact  committed ;  and  the  person,  so  sued,  may  file  com- 
mon bail,  or  enter  a  common  appearance,  and  plead  the 
general  issue,  not  guilty ;  and  may  give  this  Act,  and 
the  special  matter,  in  evidence ;  and  if  the  plaintiff  or 
prosecutor  shall  become  nonsuit,  or  suffer  discontinuance, 
or  if  a  verdict  pass  against  him  or  her,  or  if  upon  demurrer, 
judgment  be  given  against  the  plaintiff,  the  defendant  shall 
recover  treble  costs. 


The  following  Speech  of  Lord  North,  on  presenting  the  American 
papers  to  tlie  House  of  Commons,  7th  of  March,  1774,  was,  through 
accident,  omitted  to  bo  inserted  in  its  proper  place ;  See  folio  32. 

These  papers,  his  Lordship  said,  consist  of  copies  and 
extracts  of  letters  from  the  Commander  of  the  forces,  and 
from  the  several  Governors  in  America ;  of  threats  and  pro- 
phetic warnings  to  the  gentlemen  to  whom  the  tea  lately  sent 
over  by  the  East  India  Company  was  consigned  ;  of  copies 
of  letters  from  the  several  consignees  at  Boston  to  a  ring- 
leader of  the  faction  in  that  tow  n ;  of  votes  and  resolves  of 
the  town  of  Boston,  previous  to  the  an-ival  of  the  tea;  of 
narratives  of  transactions  that  happened  after  the  arrival ; 
of  a  Petition  from  the  consignees  to  the  Council  of  Massa- 
chusetts, praying  diat  they  and  their  property  might  be  taken 
under  the  protection  of  Government;  with  the  absolute  de- 
nial of  the  Council  to  interfere  in  the  business  ;  of  notes  from 
the  India  House  ;  of  letters  from  the  Admiral  commanding 
in  Boston  harbour ;  and  from  Lt.  Col.  Leslie,  of  the  sixty- 
fourth  regiment,  in  barracks  at  Castle  William;  of  a  Proc- 


223 


LORD  NORTH'S  SPEECH,  MARCH  7,  1774. 


224 


lamation  of  the  Governor's  against  the  factious  meetings  of 
the  inhabitants,  which  they  treated  with  tlic  most  insolent 
contempt ;  of  copies  of  treasonable  printed  paj)ers  ;  of  the 
transactions  of  the  Massachusetts  Council,  condemning  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  and  advising  legal  prosecutions 
against  the  perpetrators,  none  of  whom  were  publicly 
known. — So  far  regards  the  Massachusetts  only. 

Tlie  papers  written  and  printed  from  the  other  Colonies, 
partake  in  a  great  measure  of  the  nature  of  those  already 
mentioned,  and  are  formed  exactly  on  their  model.  Besides 
the  regular  official  information  of  the  different  Governors, 
transmitted  to  the  American  Secretary  of  State,  tl)ere  are 
copies  of  many  inflammatory  fugitive  pieces,  handbills, 
alarms,  resolves  of  town  meetings,  and  minutes  of  Council ; 
but  as  there  was  no  outrage  committed  but  at  Boston,  it 
were  unnecessary  to  trouble  the  House  with  all  the  incen- 
diary scribbling  and  printing  in  the  different  Colonies.  It 
may,  however,  be  necessary  to  observe,  that  all  the  printed 
and  circulated  trash  were  plentifully  larded  with  tlie  fash- 
ionable phrases  of  "  desjjerate  plans  of  despotism ;  niinis- 
"  terial  designs  to  ruin  their  liberties ;  slavery  ;  galling 
"  fetters ;  forging  infernal  cliains  ;  encouraging  poj)ery  ; 
"  despotic  rule;"  &,c.  he. 

The  letters  from  the  different  Governors  contain  a  mi- 
nute and  regular  detail  of  the  state  of  their  respective 
Provinces,  and  particularly  of  the  capital  cities  of  each, 
from  the  first  intelligence  of  the  teas  being  shipped  at  home 
till  its  anival  in  America,  and  return  back,  or  destruction. 
Above  all  Governor  Hutchinson's  letters  are  the  most 
precise,  exact,  and  circumstantial.  He  appears  to  have 
left  nothing  untried  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  town,  and 
secure  the  property  of  the  Company.  He  appears  to  have 
endeavoured,  first,  to  sooth,  and  when  that  did  not  do,  to 
intimidate  the  faction.  It  was  the  Governor  who  advised 
the  consignees  to  apply  to  the  Council  for  their  advice,  for 
the  preservation  of  the  tea  committed  to  their  care,  and  for 
their  personal  security  ;  for  two  of  his  sons  were  the  two 
principal  consignees.  He  also,  during  the  height  of  their 
turbulent,  unlawful,  and  seditious  assemblings,  before  the 
tea  was  destroyed,  sent  the  Sheriff  to  the  town-meeting  at 
Boston,  commanding  the  people  there  to  break  up  and 
depart.  When  the  Sheriff,  Mr.  Grcenleaf,  entered  tlie 
liall,  and  intimated  that  he  had  a  paper  to  read  from  the 
Governor,  the  faction  put  it  to  the  vote,  whedier  he  should 
be  permitted  to  read  it  or  not  ?  After  some  debate,  per- 
mission was  granted,  and  the  Sheriff  accordingly  proclaim- 
ed the  Governor's  orders  for  them  to  disperse.  Tlie  in- 
stant he  had  done  speaking,  the  faction  saluted  him  with 
an  universal  hiss,  which  continued  during  his  stay,  and 
accompanied  him  in  his  retreat.  The  Proclamation  was 
afterwards  published  in  the  Gazette,  from  whence  it  was 
copied  into  the  other  papers,  and  commented  upon  with 
every  mark  of  contempt  and  indignity. 

Before  the  arrival  of  the  tea,  the  Governor  appeared  to 
have  taken  every  measure  that  prudence  could  suggest,  or 
good  policy  justify,  both  for  the  security  of  the  Company's 
property  and  for  the  safety  of  the  consignees.  The  prin- 
cipal leader  of  the  faction  was  applied  to ;  he  commanded 
the  Governor's  company  of  cadets ;  and  although  it  was 
hardly  to  be  expected  that  he  would  muster  the  cadets  to 
oppose  his  own  party,  it  was  judged  necessary  to  make  him 
acquainted  with  his  duty,  and  to  leave  him  without  excuse. 
The  application,  as  was  foreseen,  was  without  effect;  and 
no  steps  were  taken  either  to  preserve  the  peace,  or  to 
secure  the  tea.  The  Selectmen  of  the  town  insisted, 
indeed,  that  IMr.  Botch,  the  owner  of  Captain  Hall's  ship, 
should  demand  a  clearance  outward  from  the  custom- 
house, in  order  that  the  tea  might  be  carried  back  ;  Mr. 
Botch,  knowing  that  the  demand  was  unusual,  resisted  for 
a  long  time,  till  finding  his  life  in  danger,  he  was  constrained 
to  comply.  The  custoin-liouse  refused  to  grant  him  an 
illegal  clearance.  The  Governor  was  then  applied  to  for 
a  pass,  without  which  the  vessel  would  have  been  stopped 
at  Castle  William;  but  this  was  also  refused  to  Mr.  Botch, 
because  it  was  totally  inconsistent  with  the  duty  of  a  Go- 
vernor to  grant  a  pass  to  a  vessel  that  had  not  been  regu- 
larly cleared  at  the  custom-house.  This  negotiation,  there- 
fore, being  to  a  crisis,  a  town  meeting  was  called  about  the 
middle  of  December  last,  wlien  an  account  of  the  several 
denrands  and  refusals,  with  the  reasons  that  prevented  the 


compliance,  were  very  fairly  reported  by  Mr.  Botch ;  upon 
which  a  signal  way  given,  and  presently  a  number  of  men 
disguised  like  Indians,  boarded  the  vessel  in  wltich  the 
tea  was  stowed,  broke  open  the  chests,  and  committed  the 
contents  to  the  sea. 

This  is  a  succinct  account  of  the  proceedings  at  Boston, 
as  they  happened,  in  regular  succession.  It  happened  that 
the  ship  bound  for  Boston  was  the  first,  of  those  employed 
by  the  Company  to  carry  the  tea,  that  reached  her  destined 
port.  Every  civil  precaution  appears  to  have  been  tried,  to 
preserve  the  property,  and  the  peace  of  the  town;  his  Ma- 
jesty's Council,  the  cadets,  and  the  militia,  were  all  applied 
to,  without  effect :  the  Sheriff  read  a  Proclamation  to  the 
faction,  commanding  them  to  dissolve  their  assembly,  and 
this  Proclamation  was  immediately  afterwards  inserted  in 
the  Gazette ;  both  the  Sheriff  and  the  Proclamation  were 
treated  with   insult. 

The  people  of  Boston  were,  on  this  occasion,  fairly 
tried.  The  Governor  from  the  beginning  had  formed  the 
resolution  not  to  call  in  either  the  naval  or  military  force, 
but  to  trust  the  management  of  the  whole  affair  to  the 
conduct  of  the  civil  power.  The  loyal  and  peaceable 
people  of  the  mercantile  town  of  Boston,  as  they  have 
ever  affected  to  be  thought,  were  wholly  left  to  the  exer- 
cise of  their  own  judgment,  and  they  have  given  all  the 
world  a  notable  proof  of  their  justice  and  moderation,  by 
wantonly  committing  to  the  waves  a  valuable  commodity, 
the  property  of  another  mercantile  body  of  loyal  subjects, 
when  all  they  had  to  do,  in  order  to  defeat  any  supposed 
imposition,  was,  to  keep  firm  to  their  resolution,  not  to 
buy  or  to  use  it.  It  is  but  reasonable,  however,  that  they 
should  be  made  to  pay  for  their  outrageous  pastime,  and 
be  constrained  to  make  good  the  loss  ;  such  an  indemnifi- 
cation will  be,  to  them,  the  more  bitter  as  they  must  pay 
for  a  commodity  they  did  not  taste,  and  which  they  pre- 
tend to  abhor. 

The  other  Governors,  after  the  accomplishment  of  the 
Bostonian  exploit,  wisely  agreed  to  sufler  the  tea  to  be 
carried  back  from  whence  it  came.  The  consignees  refus- 
ed to  receive  it,  and  as  no  one  had  ordered  it,  no  one  was 
obliged  to  hazard  his  own  personal  safety,  in  taking  upon 
himself  to  be  the  owner  of  it.  They,  therefore,  well 
knowing  that  what  had  already  happened,  was  fully  suf- 
ficient to  rouse  the  resentment  of  the  British  people  and 
Parliament,  very  prudently  acquiesced  in  the  applications 
that  were  made  to  them  by  the  respective  Captains,  for 
leave  to  return  home,  thereby  avoiding  an  unnecessary 
occasion  of  involving  their  Provinces  in  a  troublesome 
dispute,  the  issue  of  which  could  not  but  be  foreseen. 

With  respect  to  Governor  Hutchinson,  had  it  not  been 
for  his  determined  resolution  not  to  irritate  the  people  by 
calling  in  the  assistance  of  the  naval  power,  the  Compa- 
ny's tea  might  undoubtedly  have  been  saved ;  but,  as  the 
leading  men,  in  the  town  of  Boston,  have  always  made 
great  complaints  of  the  interposition  of  the  army  and 
navy,  and  not  only  declared,  but  insisted  that  they  were 
the  aggressors  in  every  riotous  disturbance  that  has  happen- 
ed among  them,  it  cannot  but  give  pleasure  to  every  un- 
prejudiced mind,  that  their  Governor  gave  them  no  such 
plea  on  this  occasion.  They  were  left  wholly  to  them- 
selves, and  their  present  conduct  has  given  tiie  lie  direct 
to  their  former  declarations. 

By  an  impartial  review  of  all  the  letters  and  papers 
now  laid  before  the  House,  1  may  venture  to  assert,  that  it 
will  manifestly  appear,  that  nothing  can  be  done  there  by 
officers,  civil,  military  or  naval,  to  effectuate  the  re-establish- 
ment of  peace  in  that  Province,  without  additional  Parlia- 
mentary powers  to  give  weight  to  their  proceedings.  They 
can  make  no  movement,  even  the  most  trifling,  but  what  is 
exclaimed  against  by  the  licentious  as  an  infringement  of 
their  liberties.  It  is  the  settled  opinion  of  the  wisest  men 
in  that  and  this  country,  that  no  effort  in  the  Colonies  by 
any  body  of  men,  civil,  or  military,  can  remove  the  evils 
that  now  reign  amongst  them.  It  is  Parliament,  and  Par- 
liainent  only,  which  can  restore  that  turbulent  people  to 
peace,  and  bring  order  out  of  confusion.  It  is  therefore 
incumbent  upon  every  member  of  this  House,  to  weigh 
and  consider  the  purport  of  the  papers  that  his  Majesfy 
has  been  graciously  ))leased,  unasked,  to  communicate ;  and 
to  lay  all  prejudice  aside  in  forming  an  opinion  of  them. 


^^1 


PROCEEDINGS  IX  THE  SEVERAL  COLONIES 


THE  MEASURES  ADOPTED  BY  THE  BRITISH  PARLIAMENT; 


LETTERS    AND    OTHER    PAPERS 


RELATING  TO  THEIR  CONDITION  AND  AFFAIRS,  GENERALLY,  IN  1774. 


MR.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  HON.  JOHN  ERVING,  WM.  BRATTLE, 
JAMES  BOWDOIN,  AND  JAMES  PITTS,  ESq,RS.,  A  COMMIT- 
TEE   OF    THE  COUNCIL    OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 

Covent  Garden,  March  11,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Late  in  the  evening  of  Saturday,  the  5th 
instant,  I  received  certain  information  that  on  Monday  a 
Message  from  the  King  would  be  sent  to  the  two  Houses 
of  Parliament,  respecting  the  late  proceedings  in  North 
America,  and  at  Boston  in  particular,  accompanied  with 
papers  of  correspondence  ;  and  Lord  North,  on  that  day, 
presented  the  following  Message  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons :  "  His  Majesty  upon  information  of  the  unwarran- 
"  table  practices  which  have  been  lately  concerted  and 
"  carried  on  in  North  America,  and  particularly  of  the 
"  violent  and  outrageous  proceedings  at  the  town  and  port 
"  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  a 
"  view  of  obstructing  the  Commerce  of  this  Kingdom,  and 
"  upon  grounds  and  pretences  immediately  subversive  of 
"  the  Constitution  thereof,  has  thought  fit  to  lay  the  whole 
"  matter  before  his  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  fully  con- 
"  fidinc  as  well  in  their  zeal  for  the  maintenance  of  his 
"  Majesty's  authority,  as  in  their  attachment  to  the  com- 
"  mon  interest  and  welfare  of  all  his  dominions,  that  they 
"  will  not  only  enable  his  Majesty  effectually  to  take  such 
"  measures  as  may  be  most  likely  to  put  an  immediate 
"  stop  to  the  present  disorders,  but  will  also  take  into  their 
"  most  serious  consideration  what  further  regulations  and 
"  permanent  provisions  may  be  necessary  to  be  established 
"  for  better  securing  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  the 
"  just  dependence  of  the  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  and 
"  Parliament  of  Great  Britain." 

In  consequence  of  my  information,  after  doubting  some 
time  on  Sunday  what  was  the  best  step  now  to  be  taken, 
and  being  sensible  that  Ministers,  after  taking  as  much  time 
to  prepare  their  own  measures  as  they  think  fit,  sometimes 
so  far  hurry  on  execution  as  to  distress  their  opponents; 
for  this  and  other  reasons,  to  check  in  some  measure,  if  I 
could,  the  torrent  in  this  case,  I  resolved  to  prepare,  and 
publish  with  all  possible  despatch,  my  late  Petition  to  the 
King,  with  illustrations ;  and  thereupon  went  into  the  city 
to  the  printer,  who,  during  some  time  past,  had  been  em^ 
ployed  in  my  intended  vindication  of  the  Colonies,  a  labo- 
rious work,  requiring  great  care  ;  after  collecting  numerous 
proper  materials,  told  him  he  must  lay  that  aside  for  the 
present,  and  prepare  for  printing  a  short  pamphlet,  with 
all  speed,  promising  to  make  proper  allowance  to  the  men 
who  should  work  out  of  common  hours,  directing  him  to 
send  the  next  morning  for  part  of  the  copy  ;  when,  going 
about  it,  and  attending  to  it  without  intermission,  tlie  copy 
was  completed  on  Tuesday,  hehrc  dinner;  and,  by  my 
Clerk's  attendance,  and  my  going  to  the  printer's  in  person, 
several  times,  and  afterwards  going  late  farther  into  the 
city,  to  two  of  the  principal  publishers,  in  consequence  of 
Mr.  Almon's  telling  me  at  the  printer's  it  was  too  late  for 
the  next  day's  publication,  I  prevailed  on  them  to  publish 
it  on  Wednesday  morning,  and  now  send  herewith  enclosed 
two  copies  of  it. 
Fourth  Series. 


On  Tuesday  evening,  having  before  heard  of  nothing 
but  hostile  intentions,  I  was  informed  that  American  affairs 
would  come  on  in  the  House  of  Commons  to  day,  where- 
fore on  Wednesday  I  resolved  to  prepare,  as  far  as  the  un- 
certain state  of  the  affair  would  then  permit,  for  petitioning 
that  House,  my  chief  intent  being  to  ascertain  the  rights  of 
the  Colonies,  a  point  the  least  objectionable,  though  in  its 
nature  efficacious  ;  and  for  that  purpose  gain  admittance  at 
least  to  lay  before  the  House  authentic  copies  from  the  re- 
cords of  many  letters,  patent  royal,  passed  for  acquiring  and 
settling  new  dominion  inAinerica,  never  yet  laid  before  them, 
thereby  proving  that  the  several  Princes,  numerous  Nobles, 
and  other  worthy  persons  who  were  concerned  in  the  set- 
tlement of  the  Plantations,  as  well  as  the  actual  Settlers, 
were  very  far  from  understanding  that  they  who  by  their 
merits  should  enlarge  the  public  dominion,  should  thereby, 
contrary  to  natural  justice,  lessen  their  own  liberties ;  and, 
after  preparing  a  few  general  articles  that  might  possibly 
serve  on  the  occasion,  in  order  to  have  my  Petition  pre- 
sented when  ready,  and  proper  in  point  of  time,  I  waited 
yesterday  morning  on  General  Comcay,  who  had  in  the 
House  denied  the  authority  of  Parliament  to  tax  America. 
On  proposing  the  presentation  to  him,  he  answered  it  would 
be  more  proper  for  him  to  support  the  petition,  expressing 
clearly  his  readiness  to  do  it ;  at  the  same  time  complaining 
that  violence  and  disorders  in  the  Colonies  laid  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  their  friends  obtaining  the  relief  they  wanted. 
Waiting  upon  Sir  George  Savile,  he  declined  the  presenta- 
tion because  he  was  in  honour  obliged  various  ways  to  apply 
himself  closely  to  another  business.  He  told  me  Lord 
North  had  put  such  an  insidious  question  to  him  respecting 
the  measures  proper  for  the  House  to  take,  that  after  giving 
him  a  suitable  answer,  he  directly  went  out  of  the  House, 
out  of  resentment,  as  I  understand.  From  him  I  went  di- 
rectly to  the  mansion  house,  where  the  Lord  Mayor  very 
readily  and  kindly  promised  to  present  my  Petition.  From 
him,  pursuant  to  his  recommendation,  I  went  to  Mr.  Al- 
derman Oliver,  whom  I  found  very  intelligent  and  candid, 
and  who  satisfied  me  that  my  Petition  might  be  presented 
at  a  more  distant  day  than  I  had  supposed,  when  a  certain 
object  of  opposition  would  have  arisen.  He  told  me  the 
West  India  merchants  had  agreed  to  meet  on  Thursday 
next,  in  order  to  oppose  any  injurious  measures ;  agreeing 
with  me  that  this  was  one  common  cause  of  all  tlie  Colo- 
nies. I  had  the  pleasure  of  being  informed  by  the  Lord 
Mayor  that  the  spirit  of  resentment  in  their  House  was 
abated,  and  he  seemed  to  think  in  no  small  degree,  seve- 
ral of  the  members  to  whom  he  had  spoke  having  changed 
their  minds. 

I  had,  since  being  refused  to  be  heard  before  the  Lords 
of  the  Committee,  made  as  great  progress  in  my  examina- 
tion and  observations  on  the  most  material  parts  of  the 
Governor's  letters,  with  intent  to  complete  and  publish 
them  with  my  petition,  as  the  time  and  avocations  would 
permit,  when  the  late  proceedings  in  Parliament  began, 
which  obliged  me  to  change  my  measures,  and  publish  the 
Petition  as  you  will  find  if,  which  I  understand,  has  not 
been  unserviceable,  and  the  aflair  of  the  letters,  you  are 

15 


227 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


228 


sensible,  must  give  way  to  others  more  important  during 
their  continuance.  It  is  no  easy  matter  to  prepare  a  Peti- 
tion in  efficacious  terms  for  the  Province  service,  and  agree- 
able to  the  different  sentunents  of  those  who  are  to  support 
it,  and,  moreover,  least  liable  to  objection  from  your  ad- 
versaries ;  wherefore  to  this,  and  the  other  difficulties  at- 
tending this  important  business,  I  must  now  go  on  with  my 
preparations. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  with  the  greatest  respect,  for  you,  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Council,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  W.  Bollan. 

Tlie  Hon.  John  Erving,   Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  James  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


MB.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  COMMITTEE. 

Covent  Garden,  March  15,  1774. 

Gentlemen:  Having  begun  my  Petition  to  the  House 
of  Commons  upon  a  larger  scale,  after  conferring  with 
j)roper  members,  I  reduced  it  to  as  small  compass  as  the 
sufficience  and  perspicuity  of  proper  matter  would  permit, 
and  now  send  a  copy  of  it.  As  soon  as  completed  yester- 
day morning,  waiting  on  the  Lord  Mayor,  in  order  to  its 
presentation,  1  found  him  less  spirited  for  the  business  than 
before,  and  inclined  to  postpone  the  presentation ;  where- 
upon I  observed  that  it  was  uncertain  what  measures  the 
Ministers  might  take  ;  that  some  time  past,  when  a  Petition 
from  another  Colony  was  prepared  and  proposed  to  be 
presented  in  season.  Administration  got  it  delayed,  and  af- 
terwards, when  offered,  objected  with  success,  that  it  came 
out  of  time  ;  and  that,  in  point  of  fairness  to  all  parties,  as 
well  as  safety  to  my  constituents,  I  earnestly  desired  my 
l^etition  might  be  presented  that  day,  before  the  House 
pixK-eeded  to  their  consideration  at  large  on  the  state  of 
American  affairs.  He  at  length  assented,  and  received  my 
Petition  accordingly ;  having  in  the  course  of  what  passed 
observed  Ministers  could  carry  any  point  they  were  set 
upon;  to  which  I  answered,  that  was  no  sufficient  reason,  I 
thought,  for  ceasing  opposition  and  despairing  of  the  Com- 
monwealth, wherein  he  agreed.  Then  going  directly  to 
Mr.  Oliver's,  and  finding  he  was  gone  to  the  House,  I 
went  tliither,  when,  being  informed,  that  the  Lord  Mayor 
was  not  come,  nor  General  Conway,  for  whose  use  I  car- 
ried a  copy  of  my  Petition,  I  went  up  into  the  great 
committee  room  to  speak  with  Alderman  Oliver,  whom  I 
found  in  the  chair,  which,  upon  speaking  with  him,  I  was 
satisfied  he  could  not  leave  in  season  to  assist  or  second 
the  Lord  Mayor ;  then  returning  towards  the  lobby  the 
Under  Door-keeper  met  me  and  told  me  the  Lord  Mayor 
had  come  out  of  the  House  and  inquired  for  me  ;  where- 
upon, as  soon  as  possible,  I  got  the  Door-keeper  to  send  in 
a  message  to  let  his  Lordship  know  I  was  waiting  in  the 
lobby,  where  I  staid  a  considerable  time  in  painful  suspense, 
till  Sir  Joseph  Mawhey  came  out  and  told  me  the  Lord 
Mayor  had  desired  him  to  present  my  Petition,  being 
unacquainted  with  the  usual  proper  proceeding ;  and  after 
saying  a  few  things,  he  went  into  the  House,  and  soon 
coming  out  again  told  me  the  Speaker  had  endeavored  to 
throw  cold  water  upon  my  Petition;  but  after  making  proper 
inquiry  into  the  nature  of  the  Council,  on  whose  behalf  I 
petitioned,  he  directly  returned  into  the  House  with  the 
spirit  proper  for  pi-esenting  it.  After  waiting  a  consider- 
able time  he  came  out  again  and  told  me  he  had  got  my 
Petition  so  far  allowed  and  accepted,  as  to  be  laid  upon  tlie 
table,  where  it  would  lie  ready  to  be  taken  up  when  any 
prejudicial  measure  should  require  it.  Upon  asking  what 
countenance  the  House  shewed  when  it  was  read,  he  an- 
swered, favourable  by  many,  and  the  question  being  put, 
whether  it  should  be  received,  a  considerable  majority 
answered  in  the  affirmative.  The  Minister,  I  found,  with 
another  member,  setting  on  the  Treasury  bench,  at  first 
rather  ridiculed  the  Petition  ;  however,  he  did  not  chuse  to 
divide  the  House  upon  the  question.  Among  other  things 
Sir  Joseph  told  me,  Governor  Pownall  objected  tliat  it 
did  not  appear  I  was  the  proper  agent  for  the  Council  ;  to 
whom  he  answered,  my  authority  would  be  shewn  when  I 
appeared,  and  produced  my  proofs;  afterwards  adding,  they 
were  once  very  near  calling  me  in.  Upon  the  whole  Sir 
Joseph  behaved  extremely  well,  with  the  spirit  and  desr 


patch  proper  for  presenting  my  Petition  immediately  before 
the  House  proceeded  upon  American  affairs.  The  reading 
and  admittance  of  my  Petition  in  a  full  House  is  a  favour- 
able circumstance. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  in  the  present  interesting  state  of 
the  Province  affairs,  and  my  concerns  therein,  to  acquaint 
you  with  many  particulars  otherwise  desirable  ;  however  I 
must  by  no  means  longer  omit  mentioning  what  gave  me 
great  pleasure,  to  wit,  that  when  your  affairs  were  consi- 
dered in  the  House  of  Lords,  the  right  of  Parliament  to 
tax  the  Americans  was  not  only  denied  by  I^ord  Camden, 
esteemed  by  many  the  most  able  judge  of  this  question  in 
the  Kingdom,  but  he,  according  to  my  information,  vvith 
great  learning  and  historical  knowledge,  shewed  that  taxa- 
tion and  representation  were  inseparable  companions;  among 
otiier  things  reading  in  the  House  a  passage  in  Mr.  Locke, 
heretofore  cited  by  me,  in  some  public  essay,  for  this  pur- 
pose. 

In  case  I  had  in  my  Petition  expressly  opposed  the  Par- 
liament's right  of  taxation,  instead  of  stating  the  rights  of 
the  Colonies  incompatible  with  it,  in  order  to  give  proper 
proofs  of  the  same,  and  so  laying  the  foundation  of  oppo- 
sition, my  Petition  would  certainly  have  been  rejected. 

March  17M. 

I  wrote  in  haste  on  the  loth  inst.,  in  order  to  despatch 
my  letters,  with  a  copy  of  my  Petition  and  the  duphcates, 
by  the  Captains  Lloyd  and  Scott,  who,  I  understood,  were 
on  the  point  of  sailing  ;  but  going  into  the  city,  at  noon,  I 
found  their  departure  was  postponed  for  a  short  time.  At 
present  I  have  not  much  to  add,  and  less  time  for  doing  it. 
On  Monday,  having  risen  early,  and  been  in  a  constant 
state  of  hurry  and  anxiety  until  my  Petition  was  admitted, 
I  then  went  away  directly,  to  get  necessary  sustenance, 
getting  home  about  five,  having  before  coming  away  de- 
clined writing  to  the  Speaker,  as  the  Door-keeper  had 
proposed,  for  the  favour  of  leave  of  admittance  into  the 
House.  According  to  my  information,  next  morning  great 
disappointment  took  place  by  the  principal  persons,  men 
of  the  greatest  weight  in  the  opposition,  not  speaking  at  all; 
and  Lord  North's  drift  seemed  to  be  to  adopt  the  ancient 
maxim  divide  et  impera,  and  to  make  the  town  of  Boston 
the  chief  source  of  all  the  opposition  made  by  the  Colo- 
nies to  the  measures  of  Government,  and  by  punishment 
suitable  to  this  idea  to  make  an  example  of  them,  intcrro- 
rem,  to  others,  supposing  the  old  maxim,  proximus  ardet, 
would  not  take  place  in  the  Colonies. 

Lord  Camden  was  not  at  home  yesterday  when  I  went 
to  wait  on  him,  whereupon  I  left,  to  be  delivered  to  him, 
at  his  return,  a  copy  of  my  Petition  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  a  printed  copy  of  my  late  Petition  to  the  King, 
&.C.  American  affairs  being  appointed  to  come  on  in  the 
House  of  Lords  to-day,  upon  my  waiting  on  him  tiiis  morn- 
ing his  Lordship  told  me  his  servant  informed  him  Serjeant 
Baldwin  had  left  some  papers  for  him,  which  he  had  not 
looked  into,  and  he  was  in  such  haste,  that  I  had  bare  time 
to  inform  him  that  Calias,  which,  you  are  sensible,  Wiis 
obtained  by  conquest,  at  the  expense  of  much  blood  and 
treasure,  had,  in  process  of  time,  right  of  election  of  two 
members  to  set  in  Parliament,  to  which  he  seemed  quite  a 
stranger,  the  knowledge  whereof  after  making  many  re 
searches  in  vain,  I  had  at  length  acquired.  The  rights  of 
taxation  being  hastily  mentioned,  he  said  an  Act  of  Pariia- 
nient  hung  over  his  head,  and,  at  my  coming  away,  said  he 
should  be  glad  to  see  me  any  other  time;  and, as  the  Min- 
isters proceed  against  you  by  Bill,  that  will  give  opportu 
nity,  of  course,  for  my  waiting  on  him. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  for  you,  gentlemen,  and 
all  the  other  honorable  members  of  the  Council,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant,  VV.  Bollan. 

The  Hon.  John  Erving,  Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  Jaw,es  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


ARTHUR  lee  to  RICHARD  H.  LEE. 

London,  March  18th,  1774. 
Dear  Brother  :  The  affairs  of  America  are  now  be- 
come  very  serious ;  the  Ministry  are  determined  to  put 
your  spirit  to  the  proof.     Boston  is  their  first  object.     On 
Monday  the  I4th,  it  was  ordered  in  tlie  House  of  Com- 


229 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


280 


mons,  that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  Bill  "  for  the  imme- 
"  diate  removal  of  the  officers  concerned  in  the  collection 
"  andmanagementof  his  Majesty's  duties  of  Customs  from 
"  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  o{  Massachmetts  Bay, 
"  in  North  America;  and  to  discontinue  the  landing  and 
"  discharging,  lading  and  shipping  of  goods,  wares  and  mer- 
"  chandise,  at  the  said  town  of  Boston,  or  within  the  har- 
"  hour  thereof." 

If  the  Colonies  in  general  permit  this  to  pass  unnoticed, 
a  precedent  will  be  established  for  humbling  tliem  by  de- 
grees, until  all  opposition  to  arbitraiy  power  is  subdued. 
Tiie  manner,  however,  in  which  you  should  meet  this 
violent  act  should  be  well  weighed.  The  proceedings  of 
the  Colonies,  in  consequence  of  it,  will  be  read  and  regarded 
as  manifestos.  Great  care,  therefore,  should  be  taken  to 
word  tlieni  unexceptionably  and  plausibly.  They  should 
be  prefaced  with  the  strongest  professions  of  respect  and 
attachment  to  this  country ;  of  reluctance  to  enter  into  any 
dispute  with  her ;  of  the  readiness  you  have  always  shown, 
and  still  wish  to  show,  of  contributing  according  to  your 
ability,  and  in  a  constitutional  way,  to  her  support ;  and  of 
your  determination  to  undergo  every  extremity  rather  than 
submit  to  be  enslaved.  These  things  tell  much  in  your 
favour  with  moderate  men,  and  with  Europe,  to  whose  in- 
terposition America  may  yet.owe  her  salvation,  should  the 
contest  be  serious  and  lasting.  In  short,  as  we  are  the 
weaker,  it  becomes  us  to  be  suaviter  in  modo,  however  we 
may  be  determined  to  act  fortiter  in  re.  There  is  a  per- 
suasion here  that  America  will  see,  without  interposition, 
the  ruin  of  Boston.  It  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the 
general  cause,  that  your  conduct  should  prove  this  opinion 
erroneous.  If  once  it  is  perceived  that  you  may  be  at- 
tacked and  destroyed  by  piecemeal,  actum  est,  every  part 
will  in  its  turn  feel  the  vengeance  which  it  would  not  unite 
to  repel,  and  a  general  slavery  or  ruin  must  ensue.  The 
Colonies  should  never  forget  Lord  North's  declaration  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  that  he  would  not  listen  to  the  com- 
plaints of  America  until  she  was  at  his  feet.  The  character 
of  Lord  North,  and  the  consideration  of  what  surprising 
things  he  has  effected  towards  enslaving  his  own  coun- 
try,  makes  me,  I  own,  tremble  for  ours.  Plausible,  deep, 
and  treacherous,  like  his  master,  he  has  no  passions  to  divert 
iiim,  no  pursuits  of  pleasure  to  withdraw  him,  from  the 
accursed  design  of  deliberately  destroying  the  liberties  of 
his  country.  A  perfect  adept  in  the  arts  of  corruption,  and 
indefatigable  in  the  application  of  them,  he  effects  great 
ends  by  means  almost  magical,  because  they  are  unseen. 
In  four  years  he  has  overcome  the  most  formidable  opposi- 
tion in  this  country,  from  which  the  Duke  of  Grafton  fled 
with  horror.  At  the  same  time  he  has  effectually  enslaved 
the  East  India  Company,  and  made  the  vast  revenue  and 
territory  of  India,  in  eflect,  a  Royal  patronage.  Flushed 
with  these  successes,  he  now  attacks  America ;  and  cer- 
tainly, if  we  are  not  firm  and  united,  he  will  triumph  in 
the  same  manner  over  us.  In  my  opinion,  a  general  reso- 
lution of  the  Colonies  to  break  off  all  commercial  inter- 
course with  this  country,  until  they  are  secured  in  their 
liberties,  is  the  only  advisable  and  sure  mode  of  defence. 
To  execute  such  a  resolution  would  be  irksome  at  first,  but 
you  would  be  amply  repaid,  not  only  in  saving  your  money, 
and  becoming  independent  of  these  petty  tyrants,  the  mer- 
chants, but  in  securing  your  general  liberties. 

You  are,  however,  more  capable  of  judging  what  is 
proper  and  practicable.  My  great  wish  is  to  see  you  firm 
and  united.     Adieu.         Yours  affectionately, 

Arthi;r  Lee. 
Richard  II.  Lee. 


MR.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  C6MMITTEE. 

Covent  Garden,  Marcli  22,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Contrary  to  my  information,  received  from 
several  officers  of  the  House  of  Commons,  the  forenoon  of 
the  lOth,  who  supposed  American  affairs  would  be  defer- 
red to  some  day  this  week,  the  Bill,  of  which  you  have  a 
copy  enclosed,  was  brought  into  the  House  in  the  after- 
noon, and  being  read,  no  debate  ensued  ;  whereupon,  yes- 
terday was  appointed  for  tlie  second  reading.  Before  that 
took  place  Sir  Joseph  Mawby  moved  tliat  I  might  be  heard 
in  support  of  my  Petition,  which  being  opposed  by  Ad- 
ministration, was  refused,  chiefly  on  this  ground,  that  it  did 


not  relate  to  the  Bill  depending ;  but  in  the  course  of  the 
opposition  it  was  allowed  there  would  be  a  time  for  my 
being  heard  upon  a  proper  Petition.  Sir  George  Savilt, 
who  first  came  out  of  the  House,  told  me  he  had  endea- 
voured to  have  the  time  ascertained  when  I  should  be 
heard;  but  this  was  not  done.  Afterwards,  the  Lord 
Mayor  coming  out  with  Sir  Joseph  Mawby,  they  declared 
their  readiness  to  promote  another  Petition,  after  giving  me 
some  farther  information  hereupon.  Before  they  came 
out  the  Bill  had  been  read  a  second  time,  and  committed 
for  to-morrow,  when  I  expect  the  debates  will  take  place. 
As  soon  as  this  hasty  letter  is  concluded  I  shall  apply  my- 
self to  the  preparation  of  another  Petition,  proper,  and 
least  objectionable. 

Enclosed  you  have  copies  of  the  past  proceedings  in 
the  House,  received  from  the  proper  officer. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect  for  you,  gentlemen,  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Council,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  W.  Bollan. 

The  Hon.  John  Erving,  Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  James  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


MR.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  COMMITTEE. 

Covent  Garden,  March  23,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  I  am  just  returned  from  the  House  of 
Commons,  to  which  I  went  in  order  to  have  my  second 
Petition,  whereof  you  a  have  a  copy  enclosed,  presented, 
before  the  House  was  resolved  into  a  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  for  their  consideration  of  the  Bill  for  the  port  of 
Boston; — although  in  some  doubt  whether  this  was  the 
proper  time  for  presenting  my  Petition,  which  opposed  the 
principle  of  the  Bill,  being  determined  to  petition  as  soon 
as  possible,  to  prevent  your  adversaries  saying  I  did  not 
come  in  season.  When  there  I  shewed  my  Petition  to  Sir 
George  Savile,  having  not  found  him  at  home,  in  order  to 
his  supporting  the  motion  for  its  admission.  Upon  his 
perusal  he  said  he  saw  nothing  at  all  improper  in  it,  ob- 
serving at  the  same  time  that  he  was  not  well  acquainted 
with  the  forms  of  proceedings.  Soon  after  I  met  widi  Sir 
Joseph  Mawby,  who,  on  reading  the  Petition,  and  being 
informed  of  what  Sir  George  had  said,  readily  declared  he 
would  present  it  before  the  House  went  into  a  Committee. 
Afterwards  he  came  out  and  told  me  that  he  had  shewed  it 
to  the  Speaker,  spoken  to  the  Clerk  of  the  House,  and  con- 
sulted the  friends  of  the  Petition,  upon  the  proper  time  of 
its  presentation,  and  that  it  was  agreed  on  all  hands  that 
my  Petition,  opposing  the  principle  of  the  Bill,  could  not 
be  regularly  presented  now,  because  the  Bill  itself  might 
be  lost  in  the  Committee  ;  but  the  proper  time  of  present- 
ing it,  wherein  the  Speaker  agreed  it  would  be  admissible, 
was  before  the  third  reading  of  the  Bill ;  and  so  the  matter 
rests  at  present.  While  at  the  House  I  understood  the 
objection  mentioned  to  me  some  days  ago  by  Sir  Joseph, 
gained  ground,  to  wit,  that  the  Bill  as  it  now  stands  gave 
no  election  for  paying  the  value  of  the  tea  destroyed,  and 
thereby  preventing  the  shutting  up  of  the  \  ort,  but  pro- 
posed to  shut  it  up  directly,  to  be  opened  oh  condition  of 
future  payment,  which  would  be  a  precipitate,  compulsory 
proceeding,  without  any  certain  necessity  ;  and  it  seemed 
to  me  not  improbable  that  some  temperament  of  this  na- 
ture might  take  place  to  day.  However  'tis  necessary  for 
me  to  save  the  present  ship,  to  despatch  what  little  I  have 
said,  without  waiting  for  any  thing  more. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect  for  you,  gentlemen,  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Council,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  W.  Bollan. 

The  Hon.  John  Erving,   Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  James  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


a  gentleman  in  LONDON  TO  A  FRIEND  IN  ANNAPOLIS,  MD. 

London,  March  31,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  This  covers  a  Bill  brought  into  the  House 
of  Commons  by  Lord  North,  against  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, for  destroying  the  tea  sent  out  on  account  of  the 
East  India  Company ;  liy  its  complexion  you  may  judge 
what  will  be  the  ftite  of  America.  I  am  sorry  to  see  wliat 
little  opposition  it  met  with  in  the  House  of  Commons— 


231 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


382 


not  a  divbion  on  the  passage  of  the  bill !  In  the  House 
of  Lords  it  met  with  more  opposition  ;  a  number  of  able 
speakers  opposed  it,  but  the  court  party  prevailed.  You 
may  be  surprised  that  tiiere  was  not  a  Petition  presented  to 
the  House  sooner  than  there  was ;  the  Amerkans  residing 
here  waited  for  the  body  of  merchants  to  take  the  lead, 
but  they  acted  on  this  important  occasion  as  in  every  other 
matter  of  this  nature  heretofore. 

I  suppose  there  will  be  a  general  Congress  from  the 
Colonies  ; — on  their  deliberations  the  fall  or  rise  of  your 
country  will  depend.  You  will  imdoubtedly  form  some 
resolutions,  and  strictly  adhere  to  them,  or  give  up  the 
dispute  and  submit  at  once  to  English  tyranny.  A  deter- 
mination to  stop  the  exports  of  your  country,  and  not 
import  any  British  manufactures,  will  in  two  years  restore 
you  to  liberty,  and  draw  poverty  and  ruin  on  the  mother 
country. 

I  have  enclosed  you  the  Petition  to  the  King,  with  the 
names  of  those  who  signed  it. 

Lord  North  made  a  motion  in  the  House  of  Commons 
for  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  to  regulate  the  government  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  substance  of  which,  I  under- 
stand, is  to  invest  such  powers  in  the  Governor  as  to  enable 
him  to  hear,  determine,  and  turn  out  at  pleasure  ;  in  fact, 
to  be  as  arbitrary  as  he  pleases. 

If  Boston  acquiesces,  the  next  step  will  probably  be  to 
punish  Philadelphia  for  sending  the  tea  back,  and  thus, 
by  crushing  each  respectively,  enforce  a  submission  by  the 
whole,  to  any  tax  Britain  may  please  to  impose. 

May  heaven  protect  you,  and  direct  your  resolutions  to 
the  happiness  of  your  country — may  you  be  free  from  the 
chains  of  slavery  intended  by  a  wicked  and  arbitrary 
Government. 


MK.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  COMMITTEE. 

Covent  Garden,  April  2,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  After  being  several  times  assured  Jenkins 
would  not  take  away  his  bag  before  Monday,  my  servant 
is  now,  after  two,  returned  in  great  haste  to  let  me  know 
his  bag  might  be  taken  away  in  a  few  hours,  which  obliges 
me  to  discontinue  writing  a  letter  of  information  at  large, 
and  in  few  words  to  inform  you  that  after  various  difficul- 
ties my  Petition  to  the  House  of  Lords  was  presented,  on 
which  considerable  debate  ensued,  and  at  length  it  was 
determined  that  I  should  be  heard  in  support  of  my  Peti- 
tion, and  was  called  in,  and  heard  accordingly.  That  soon 
after  the  Bill  passed  to  be  enacted — that  Lord  North  has 
not  yet  brought  in  his  Bill  for  the  better  regulating  of  the 
government  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
North  America,  for  which  leave  was  given  on  the  28th 
ult — that  after  being  at  the  offices  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament  this  morning,  calling  at  the  Secretary  of  State's 
office,  I  saw  General  Gage,  who,  in  a  few  minutes,  Mr. 
Pownall  told  me  was  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  or 
at  least,  would  be  appointed  by  the  King  to-morrow. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect  for  you,  gentlemen,  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Council,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  W.  Bollan. 

The  Hon.  John  Erving,   Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  James  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


MR.  BOLLAN  TO  THE  COMMITTEE. 

Covent  Garden,  April,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  present  recess  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament,  during  the  holidays,  admits  of  resuming  a  more 
regular,  though  brief,  relation  of  what  has  passed  since 
the  account  given  of  what  was  done  in  the  former  part  of 
the  day  on  the  23d  ult.,  by  letter  then  despatched,  but 
came  an  hour  too  late  for  Captain  Scott.  In  the  evening  the 
House,  after  resolving  themselves  into  a  Committee,  went 
througli  the  Boston  Bill,  filled  up  the  blanks,  and  made 
several  amendments ;  and  then,  the  Speaker  resuming  the 
chair,  the  same  were  reported,  and  ordered  to  be  engrossed, 
and  to  be  read  tlie  third  time  the  next  day.  At  nine  in  the 
evening  a  gentleman  belonging  to  the  House  of  Connnons, 
to  my  great  concern,  acquainted  me  with  this  precipitate 
proceeding,  the  mention  whereof  next  morning  to  some  of 
the  principal  members  who  were  not  down  at  the  House, 


having  reserved  themselves,  I  suppose,  for  the  third  read- 
ing, so  surprised  them  they  could  scarce  credit  the  ac- 
count I  gave  of  the  matter,  but  soon  found  it  true. 

My  business  was  now  to  get  my  Petition  presented  in 
season,  which  was  attended  with  some  fresh  difficulties  ;  Sir 
Joseph  Mawby  was  gone  out  of  town,  expecting  the  Bill 
would  not  be  read  the  third  time  till  Monday  following,  when 
he  would  be  ready  to  ])rcst:nt  it.  Some  of  the  chief  mem- 
bers in  the  House  were  more  inclined  to  support  than  pre- 
sent the  Petition.  After  various  applications  Mr.  Alderman 
Crosby  undertook  to  present  it.  He  attended  accordingly, 
shewed  my  Petition  to  the  Speaker,  and  afterwards,  in 
point  of  fairness,  to  Lord  North,  and  other  members  of 
different  inclinations,  without  any  objection  being  made  to 
it.  After  waiting  a  considerable  time  Lord  North  went 
out  of  the  House,  and  I  was  soon  informed  the  Boston 
Bill  would  not  come  on  till  next  day,  and  presently 
Alderman  Crosby  coming  out,  told  me  what  he  had  done, 
adding  that  he  would  slay  and  present  it  that  evening,  if 
opportunity  offered.  Afterwards,  while  1  was  stept  out  of 
the  lobby  through  necessity,  he  left  the  House  fikewise. 
The  next  morning  waiting  upon  him,  he  said  the  friends 
of  the  Petition  were  inclined  to  put  oft'  the  presentation  to 
that  day,  and  that  it  had  been  objected  that  1  was  not  Agent 
for  the  Council,  upon  which  I  shewed  him  my  authorities, 
wherewith  he  was  fully  satisfied,  appearing  from  the  fii-st 
well  disposed  to  present  and  support  the  Petition  ;  and  be- 
fore the  tiiird  reading  he  offered  it  to  the  House,  stated  dis- 
tinctly all  the  particulars  of  its  contents,  and  added,  that  hav- 
ing seen  my  authority  from  the  Council  he  was  fully  satisfied 
with  it,  and  doubted  not  the  House  would  be  so  likewise 
upon  my  producing  the  same  ;  but  the  Ministry  having  no 
inclination  that  I  should  comet  here,  opposed  the  Petition's 
being  brought  up,  and  a  debate  thereupon  ensuing  the  Alder- 
man, as  he  told  me,  was  well  supported,  but  on  a  division 
of  the  House  the  Ministry  had  a  great  majority  against 
me ;  and  in  the  evening,  after  the  merits  of  the  Bill  were 
debated,  it  passed. 

The  next  day  it  had  the  first  reading  in  the  House 
of  Lords,  and  was  appointed  to  be  read  the  second 
time  on  Monday.  On  Saturday  morning  I  went  to 
Lord  Temple's,  in  hopes  that  he  would  be  inclined  to 
oppose  the  Bill.  He  being  rode  out,  and  his  return 
uncertain  before  noon,  I  took  the  liberty  to  write  to  him, 
enclosing  copies  of  my  two  Petitions,  and  praying  the 
favour  of  leave  to  wait  on  him  :  In  the  afternoon  his  Lord- 
ship by  a  civil  message,  in  writing,  informed  me  he  would 
receive  me.  On  the  next  morning,  at  ten  o'clock,  when 
waiting  on  him,  a  li'ee  conference  respecting  the  state  of 
America  began,  and  continued  for  an  hour  and  more, 
wherein  he  discovered  friendly  sentiments  towards  the 
Colonies  in  several  respects,  but  seemed  to  have  a  firm 
opinion  of  the  unlimited  authority  of  Parliament ;  granting 
indeed,  at  the  same  time,  that  no  benefit  could  arise  from 
exercising  the  power  of  taxation.  He  said  he  had  of  late 
declined  attendance  in  Parliament,  mentioning  the  state  of 
his  health  as  a  reason  for  it ;  and  I  have  since  been  told  he 
has  not  been  able  to  get  over  a  hurt  he  received  by  a  fall 
from  his  horse  some  time  ago.  In  the  evening  before,  by 
letter  to  Lord  Camden  I  took  the  liberty  after  informing 
his  Lordship  of  the  proceedings  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons to  lay  before  him  an  office  copy  of  the  amended 
Bill  as  it  passed. 

On  Monday  morning  being  solicitous  to  make  the 
best  preparation  for  presenting  my  Petition  to  the  Lords, 
I  first  waited  on  Lord  Stair,  to  whom,  when  an  ad- 
vocate in  Scotland,  his  title  lately  descended  from  the 
famous  Earl  of  Stair.  When  the  affair  of  the  Colonies 
was  first  moved  in  the  Lords'  House,  pursuant  to  the 
King's  message,  he  had  espoused  your  cause,  being  the 
first,  if  I  remember  aright,  who  spoke  in  their  behalf.  He 
now  appeared  very  friendly  towards  you  ;  but  on  propos- 
ing to  his  Lordship  to  present  my  Petition,  after  observing 
he  had  particular  reasons  for  not  presenting  it,  he  took  no- 
tice that  it  was  the  proper  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
for  the  Colonies  to  present  it.  On  my  discovering  a 
doubt  of  the  utility  of  this  proceeding,  he  immediately 
mentioned  the  Duke  of  Richmond,  as  the  most  proper 
man  in  all  respects.  From  his  Lordship,  who  had  frankly 
told  me  twice  that  if  1  could  get  no  other  person  to 
present  it,  he  would,  1  went  directly  down  to  the  Duke's 


233 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


234 


house,  who  was  gone  out,  and  upon  the  best  inquiry  found 
there  was  no  certainty  of  liis  return,  saving  to  dinner, 
about  four,  and  no  prospect  of  seeing  his  Grace  before  six, 
when  attending  again   1  found  he  had  been  gone  down 
to  the  House  a  considerable  time,  and  was  told  that  upon 
his  being  informed  of  my  having  come  to  wait  upon  him, 
he  said  he  was  sorry  he  had  not  seen  me  before  he  went, 
and  that  he  was  going  to  his  seat  in  the  country  the  next 
morning.     From  thence  I  went  down  to  the  House,  where 
1  found  he  was  speaking  on  your  behalf.     While  there  a 
noble  Lord,  with  whom  several  years  ago  I  had  the  honour 
of  some  acquaintance,  coming  out  of  tlie    House,   and 
passing  through  the  room,  hastily  came  up  to  me  and 
taking  me  by  tlie  hand,  said  he  had  not  seen  me  this  age, 
and  so  passed  on.     This  suddenly  inclined  me  to  think  I 
might  prevail  with  him  to  present  my  Petition,  but  after- 
wards considering  that  his  Lordship  holds  one  of  the  most 
important  and  valuable  offices  in  the  Kingdom,  I  laid  aside 
the  thoughts  of  applying  to  him.    Admission  into  the  House 
being  impracticable  1  returned  home.    Early  the  next  morn- 
ing my  servant  was  informed  by  the  Duke's  porter  that 
his  Gracious'  carriage  was  ordered  to  be  ready   at  nine ; 
whereupon  I  soon  attended.    On  seeing  his  Grace  I  found 
him  extremely  well  disposed  to  serve  you,  and  that  he 
had  used  his  best  endeavours  to  do  it  in  the  course  of  the 
debate,  which,  he  told  me,  lasted  till  ten  o'clock.     As  to 
presenting  my  Petition,  he  said  that  was  the  proper  busi- 
ness of  the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Colonies,  and  after- 
wards favoured  me  with  some  farther  advice.     From  him 
I  went  to  Lord  Stair,  who,  among  other  things,  told  me  he 
spoke  with  Lord  Dartmouth,  touching  the  presentation  of 
my  Petition,  and  advised  me  directly  to  apply  to  him,  in 
order  to  its  being  presented  the  next  day,  before  the  third 
reading  of  the  Bill ;  whereupon  going  to  Lord  Dartmouth's 
he  was  gone  out,  and  on  going  a  second  time  found  it 
very  uncertain  whether  I  could  see  him  that  day ;  where- 
fore in  the  evening  1  wrote  to  his  Lordship,  enclosed  my 
Petition,  with  my  authority  from  the  Council,  and  prayed 
the  favour  of  his  Lordship  to  present  it  in  season.     Attend- 
ing the  next  morning,  I  met  with  such  difficulty  in  seeing 
his  Lordship  as  obliged  me  to  urge  the  necessity  of  speak- 
ing a  few  words  with  him  immediately,  whereby  gaining 
admittance,  I  mentioned  the  contents  of  my  letter  as  the 
reason   for  my  application ;   whereupon   he  seemed   less 
inclined  to  the  presentation  than  Lord  Stair  supposed,  and 
objecting  to  the  sufficience  of  my  authority,  said  the  Coun- 
cil was  an  annual  body,  though  the  members  chosen  were 
generally  the  same,  and  that  the  Council's  vote  of  last 
June,  appointing  persons  to  correspond  with  me  as  their 
Agent,  was  not  a  regular  appointment  of  me  for  that  pur- 
pose ;  to  which  1  ansvi^ered  that  in  this  case  no  set  form  of 
words  was  requisite,  and  that  the  Council's  express  decla- 
ration of  my  being  their  agent  is  reason  sufficient  as  well 
for  this  purpose  as  any  larger  fonn  of  words ;  that  the 
former  vote  manifested  the  nature  of  the  trust  reposed  in 
me,  and  that  the  latter  vote  clearly  shewed  the  contin- 
uance of  it.     He  did  not  seem  fully  satisfied   with  my 
reasoning ;  however,  having  the   Petition,  with  the  two 
votes,  in  his  hand,  he  did  not  refuse  to  present  it,  but  said 
he  was  going  to  the  King  with  a  Petition  of  some  natives 
of  America  to  his  Majesty,  not  to  give  his  royal  assent  to 
the  Bill ;  that  it  was  uncertain  how  long  he  might  wait 
before  he  should  be  admitted  to  see  his  Majesty,  and  how 
long  he  might  be  detained  by  him,  so  that  it  was  uncer- 
tain whether  he  should  be  down  at  the  House  in  time  to 
present  it.     This  reason,  added  to  his  Lordship's  objec- 
tion to  the  sufficience  of  my  authority,  made  me  readily 
take  back  my  papers. 

From  him  I  went  directly  to  Lord  Stair,  who  seemed 
surprised  at  the  difficulty  I  had  met  with ;  and  having 
before  settled  my  Petition  to  his  mind,  and  now  ac- 
quainted him  with  Lord  Dartmouth's  objection  to  my 
authority,  after  considering  the  matter,  he  undertook  to 
present  it,  in  such  manner  as  clearly  shewed  he  was  de- 
termined to  support  it.  Upon  his  presenting  it  a  consider- 
able debate  ensued,  wherein  Lord  Camden  gave  the  most 
sensible  and  sjiirited  support  to  its  admissibility.  Other 
particulars  cannot  now  be  mentioned  ;  however  at  length 
the  debate  ceasing,  as  I  suppose,  an  officer  who  came  out 
of  the  House  on  some  other  occasion,  said  the  matter  was 
all  over;   nevertheless,  when  I  was  preparing  to  come 


away  the  proper  officer  came  out  of  the  House,  and  cal- 
ling me  by  name  introduced  me.  Upon  my  standing  up 
at  the  bar  the  Lord  Chancellor  told  me  I  had  petitioned 
the  House  to  be  heard  against  the  Bill  depending,  and 
that  the  Lords  had  agreed  to  hear  me  ;  and,  after  remind- 
ing me  of  the  great  dignity  of  the  House  of  Peers, 
observed  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  confine  myself  to  the 
matter  in  question ;  to  whom,  having  answered  that  I 
should  endeavour  to  beiiave  in  the  most  proper  manner,  and 
that  if  I  erred,  I  should  with  great  pleasure  stand  corrected, 
I  proceeded  to  set  forth  the  great  importance  of  the  port 
of  Boston,  wherein  as  to  the  number  of  ships  of  late 
employed  by  the  constant  trade  between  it  and  Great 
Britain,  I  had  not  long  since  received  useful  knowledge 
from  Mr.  Temple,  whom  I  described  by  his  late  offices 
without  naming  him  ;  then  mentioned  the  very  great  num- 
ber of  entries  inwards  and  outwards,  which  appeared  with 
certainty  upon  a  trial,  wherein  I  was  many  years  ago  con- 
cerned ;  adding  that  about  thirty-five  years  ago  Mr.  Din- 
widdie,  who  was  a  long  time  Surveyor  General  of  the 
Customs  for  the  South  district,  afterwards  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, told  me  that  the  annual  value  of  the  goods  imported 
from  Great  Britain  into  the  ])ort  of  Boston,  amounted  to 
£600,000  sterling,  which  exceeded  the  value  of  the  goods 
imported  into  any  other  American  port,  save  that  of  Kings- 
ton, in  Jamaica,  where  the  amount  of  the  imports  were 
much  increased  for  the  sake  of  the  Spanish  trade. 

I  have  not  time  to  state  all  particulars,  and  if  practica- 
ble I  do  not  perceive  any  great  benefit  would  thence  arise. 
Below  3'^ou  have  a  note  of  some  things  taken  in  haste,  as 
proper,  with  others,  to  be  mentioned  and  explained  ;  and  it 
may  not  be  amiss  to  take  notice  that  on  coming  to  the  fish- 
ery, I  observed  to  their  T^ordships  that  I  was  as  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  rise  of  the  English  and  French  navies  as 
my  poor  abilities  would  permit ;  and  after  touching  upon  the 
agreeable  nature  of  the  present  business  to  the  French,  I 
observed,  that  in  my  humble  opinion,  it  would  be  a  pleasure 
to  them  to  see  the  English  begin  to  lay  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  carrying  on  their  fishery.  Upon  coming  to  a  short 
pause,  when  preparing,  if  I  remember  aright,  to  speak  to 
the  great  hardships  imposed  by  the  Bill  on  the  numerous 
Boston  and  British  merchants  and  manufacturers,  a  noble 
Lord  stood  up  and  observed  to  this  effect,  that  I  had  peti- 
tioned as  Agent  for  the  Council,  but  did  not  confine  myself  to 
their  concerns  ;  whereupon  the  noble  Lord  who,  on  coming 
out  of  the  House  the  day  before  spoke  to  me  kindly,  and 
who,  on  my  standing  up  at  the  bar,  changing  his  seat, 
came  and  sat  near  me,  cried  out  with  othere,  go  on,  go  on. 
After  observing  that  the  innocence  of  the  merchants  was 
a  fact  stated  in  my  Petition,  and  that  during  the  long  time  I 
had  lived  at  Boston,  the  body  of  merchants  never  frequent- 
ed the  town  meetings,  but,  like  other  merchants,  were  a 
peaceable  set  of  men,  and  that  they  considered  themselves 
as  a  distinct  order,  of  which  I  had  the  proper  evidence,  to 
wit,  a  letter  from  a  committee  of  eight,  written  to  me 
respecting  the  great  difficulties  attending  their  commerce 
since  the  late  unhappy  difference.  A  short  time  after  my 
coming  out  of  the  House,  the  Bill  passed  to  be  enacted. 

On  the  Friday  preceding,  an  intelligent  member  of  the 
lower  House  assured  me  it  was  a  point  detennined  by 
Government  that  the  Bill  should  pass,  and  receive  the 
Royal  assent  on  Thursday.  This  account  was  not  long 
after  confirmed  by  a  noble  Lord,  who  nevertheless  agreed 
with  me,  that  my  business  was  to  go  on.  I  had  not  the 
least  expectation  of  succeeding  in  my  opposition  to  the 
Bill,  but  considered,  first,  that  the  establishment  of  the 
right  of  your  being  heard  was  beneficial ;  second,  that  the 
Lords  having  the  supreme  judicial  authority  of  the  King- 
dom, together  with  the  legislative,  their  admittance  of  the 
sufficience  of  my  authority  to  be  heard  on  the  Coimcil's 
behalf,  may  probably  promote  the  like  admittance  into  the 
Commons'  House,  in  order  to  oppose  two  other  disagreeable 
bills,  which  I  am  told  Lord  North  intends  to  bring  in, 
having  had  a  constant  view  towards  this  point  while  speak- 
ing before  the  Lords,  and  was  therefore  particularly  care- 
ful to  avoid  every  occasion  of  censure ;  and  upon  inquiry 
was  informed  by  a  noble  Lord  that  I  had  not  given  the 
least  offence  to  any  one  member  in  the  House. 

During  the  former  part  of  the  proceedings  in  Pariiament, 
subsequent  to  the  King's  message,  I  had  considerable  ex- 
pectation that  the  honorable  India  merchants  would  assist 


235 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


236 


and  strengthen  your  defence ;  aftenvards  that  the  manufac- 
turers in  tlie  principal  towns,  wlio,  according  to  my  infor- 
mation, were  alarmed,  and  stirring,  would  make  their 
opposition  to  the  Bill  for  shutting  up  the  port ;  but  all 
failed,  even  the  London  merchants  declining  their  opposi- 
tion to  it.  The  Duke  of  Richmond  told  me  that  Barclay, 
a  quaker,  had  presented  some  petitions  witiiout  mention- 
ing particulars ;  so  that  no  other  Petition  but  my  own  was 
presented,  save  a  Petition  of  several  natives  of  North 
America,  which  was  presented  to  both  Houses,  admitted, 
and  ordered  to  lie  upon  the  table.  The  number  of  persons 
who  signed  the  Petition  to  the  House  of  Commons  was 
seventeen ;  and  the  petitioners  to  tiie  Lords  were  twenty- 
nine;  this  Petition  was  well  drawn  ;  but  a  noble  Lord,  who 
was  your  faithful  and  active  friend  from  first  to  last,  told 
me  on  these  different  occasions  that  tiiis  Petition  had  hurt 
the  cause,  by  reason  of  the  small  number  of  petitioners, 
considering  how  numerous  the  natives  of  North  America, 
residing  in  this  metropolis,  were,  whence  those  Lords  who 
contended  for  the  Bill  drew  this  prejudicial  argument, 
"  that  the  voice  of  the  country  was  plainly  against  you." 

If  agreeable  to  the  honorable  the  Council,  it  may  not  be 
amiss,  I  conceive,  for  them  to  give  me  authority  to  make,  in 
their  behalf,  proper  grateful  acknowledgment  to  their  prin- 
cipal friends  in  each  House,  for  their  kind  endeavours  to 
serve  them,  desiring  at  the  same  time  that  no  public 
mention  may  be  made  of  any  of  tlieir  names. 

I  am  with  the  greatest  respect  for  you,  gentlemen,  and 
the  other  members  of  the  Council,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

W.    BOLLAN. 

The  Hon.  John  Erving,   Wm.  Brattle,  James  Bowdoin, 
and  James  Pitts,  Esqrs. 


B.  FRANKLIN  TO  THOMAS  GUSHING,  SPEAKER. 

London,  April  2,  1774. 

Sir  :  My  last  was  of  the  22d  past,  since  which  I  have 
received  none  of  your  favours. 

I  mentioned  that  the  Bill  brought  into  Parliament  for 
punishing  Boston,  met  with  no  opposition.  It  did,  how- 
ever, meet  with  a  little  before  it  got  through,  some  few  of 
the  members  speaking  against  it  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  more  in  the  House  of  Lords.  It  passed,  however, 
by  a  very  great  majority  in  both,  and  received  the  Royal 
assent  on  Thursday  the  31st,  past.  You  will  have  a 
copy  of  it  from  Mr.  Lee. 

In  mine  of  February  second,  I  informed  you,  that 
after  the  treatment  I  had  received  at  the  Council  Board, 
it  was  not  possible  for  me  to  act  longer  as  your  Agent,  ap- 
prehending 1  could,  as  such,  be  of  no  further  use  to  the 
Province;  I  have,  nevertlieless,  given  what  assistance  I 
could,  as  a  private  man,  by  speaking  to  members  of  both 
Houses,  and  by  joining  in  the  Petitions  of  the  natives  of 
America,  now  happening  to  be  in  London,  which  were 
ably  drawn  by  Mr.  Lee,  to  be  presented  separately,  to  the 
several  branches  of  the  Legislature.  They  serve,  though 
without  other  effect,  to  show  our  sentiments,  and  tiiat  we 
did  not  look  on  and  let  the  Act  pass,  without  bearing  our 
testimony  against  it.  And,  indeed  though  called  Petitions, 
(for,  under  another  name,  they  would  not  have  been  re- 
ceived,) they  are  rather  Remonstrances  and  Protests. 

By  the  enclosed  extract  of  a  letter  from  Wakefield,  in 
Yorkshire,  to  a  friend  of  mine,  you  will  see  that  the  manu- 
facturers begin  to  take  the  alarm.  Another  general  non- 
importation agreement  is  apprehended  by  tiiem,  which 
would  complete  their  ruin.  But  great  pains  are  taken  to 
(juiet  them,  with  the  idea  that  Boston  must  immediately 
submit,  and  acknowledge  the  claims  of  Parliament,  for  that 
none  of  the  other  Colonies  will  adhere  to  them.  A  num- 
ber of  the  |)rincipal  manufacturers  from  different  parts  of 
the  Kingdom,  are  now  in  town,  to  oppose  the  new  duty  on 
foreign  linens,  which  they  fear  may  provoke  the  Germans 
to  lay  discouragements  on  British  manufactures ;  they 
have  desired  me  to  meet  and  dine  with  them,  on  Wednes- 
day next,  when  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  learning 
their  sentiments  more  fully,  and  communicating  my  own. 

Some  alterations  of  the  Constitution  of  the  MassachU' 
setts  Bay,  are  now  hotly  talked  of,  though  what  they  are 
to  be,  seems  hardly  yet  settled ;  one  thing  mentioned,  is 


the  appointment  of  the  Council  by  mandamus ;  another, 
giving  power  to  the  Governor  to  appoint  Magistrates, 
without  consent  of  Council  ;  another,  the  abolishing  of 
town  meetings,  or  making  it  unlawful  to  hold  them,  till  the 
business  to  be  proposed,  has  been  certified  to  the  Governor, 
and  his  permission  obtained.  A  motion  has  also  been 
made  in  the  House  of  Commons,  with  a  view  to  conciliate, 
as  is  said,  that  all  tlie  Duty  Acts  should  be  revised,  and  in 
the  revision  and  re-enacting,  without  formally  or  expressly 
repealing  the  tea  duty  (which  will  hurt  the  dignity  of 
Parliament)  sink  or  omit  it,  and  add  an  equal  value  in  some 
of  the  coasting  port  duties ;  and  the  tea  duty  being  thus 
taken  out  of  the  way,  it  is  supposed  will  have  the  salutary 
effect  of  preventing  the  other  Colonies  from  making  a  com- 
mon cause  with  ours.  Some  advantages  in  trade,  are  at 
the  same  time  to  be  given  to  America,  for  the  same 
purpose,  such  as  carrying  wine  and  fruit  directly  from  Spain 
and  Portugal,  without  touching  in  England. 

I  send  enclosed,  the  proceedings  of  the  Ijords  on  Wed- 
nesday, which  show  their  zeal  in  the  business,  by  appoint- 
ing a  Committee  to  sit  during  the  recess,  and  the  Easter 
holidays. 

With  great  esteem,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant, 

Benjamin  Franklin. 
Hon.  Thomas  Cushing,  Esq. 


Extract  of  a  L<jtter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  T  **  ***,  of  Wakefield,  in 
Yorkshire,  (England,)  to  Dr.  Price,  dated  March  20,  1772;  enclosed 
in  the  preceding. 

Most  wretched  is  the  state '  of  the  poor  about  Dews- 
bury,  through  the  languishing  condition  of  the  woollen 
manufactory.  I  am  told,  that  the  poor's  assessment  for 
the  last  half  year,  amounted  to  five  shillings  in  the  pound, 
and  for  the  preceding  half  year,  to  three  shillings  and  six 
pence,  and  tl)is  merely  to  preserve  the  poor  wretches  from 
absolute  starving.  Many  of  the  lesser  manufacturers  have 
already  been  broken  and  sold  up,  and  the  rest  say,  with 
tears  in  their  eyes,  that  they  expect  it  will  soon  be  the 
common  fate.  Unfortunately,  the  chief  branch  of  the  busi- 
ness of  that  very  populous  neighbourhood  is  making  duffil 
blankets  for  the  North  American  market,  the  total  stagna- 
tion of  which  trade  has  chiefly  brought  on  this  distress. 
But  the  cloth  business  is  almost  as  bad.  I  am  told,  that 
last  Tuesday  an  account  was  taken  at  Leeds,  of  the 
cloths  that  lie  there  unsold,  and  they  amounted  to  near 
nineteen  thousand  cloths.  Measures  are  also  taken  to  get 
the  number  of  cloths  unsold  in  the  manufacturer's  posses- 
sion, which,  it  is  not  doubted,  will  be  found  exceedingly 
great ;  and  this  is  the  time  of  the  year  when  business  should 
be  most  brisk.  Mr.  W*****  h,  I  hear,  is  going  up  again 
to  London ;  furnished  with  these,  and  other  proper  facts, 
to  be  laid  before  Parliament.  Even  the  principal  manu- 
facturers express  their  apprehensions,  that  they  must  either 
stop  entirely,  or  soon  will  be  reduced  to  the  common 
level.  In  short,  the  present  state  of  things  here  is  lamen- 
table, and  the  prospect  dismal.  Our  work  people  at  Wake- 
ficld  are  tolerably  well  off,  for  tlie  Milneses  do  a  great  deal 
this  year;  but  at  Leeds,  I  am  told,  little  is  done.  Several 
families  are  already  gone  from  Bristol  this  spring  for  North 
America,  and  carry  their  arts  and  manufactures  with  them. 
If  they  succeed,  swarms  will  follow.  All  our  hope  of 
relief,  while  suffering  the  severities  of  sm  hungry  and 
cold  winter,  was  the  revival  of  the  demand  from  America. 
What  astonishment  and  indignation  then  must  we  feel  at 
the  measures  that  blast  that  hope  forever,  and  fill  us  with 
apprehensions,  that  these  are  but  the  beginning  of  sorrows. 
Such  measures  for  the  supporting  authority,  are  ridiculous 
enougli ;  but  alas,  we  are  too  miserable  to  laugh.  I  was 
exceedingly  affected  last  Friday,  on  observing  the  settled 
gloom  and  dejection  tiiat  sat  on  the  countenances  of  the 
poor  manufacturers,  who  brought  their  cloths  to  Mr. 
M****'s  wareiiouse.  How  different  from  the  looks  they 
wore  two  years  ago!  In  short,  our  situation  here,  is  a  too 
forcible  confirmation  of  the  principles  so  affectingly  exhibi- 
ted to  public  attention,  in  Dr.  Price's  additional  preface  to 
his  appeal  to  the  public,  &.C.,  which  Mr.  Lindscy  has  just 
sent.  Beyond  a  doubt,  if  the  event  he  so  probably  prog- 
nosticates takes  place,  the  manufacturing  part  of  the  nation 
will  first,  and  most  severely  suffer. 


237 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


238 


ARTHUR  LEE  TO  FRANCIS  L.  LEE. 

Extract. 

Ijoadon,  April  2d,  1774. 

The  Parliament  are  now  bringing  tlie  question  to  that 
decision,  which  makes  me  tremble  for  the  virtue,  the  cha- 
racter, the  liberties  of  my  countrymen.  They  have 
passed  an  act  to  take  away  the  port  of  Boston,  till  every 
compensation  is  made  for  the  tea,  and  perfect  obedience  is 
acknowledged.  And  then  it  is  to  be  restored  in  such 
iwrtions  as  the  King  pleases.  What  makes  this  more 
alarming  is,  that  no  accusation  is  brought  against  the  town  ; 
no  evidence  produced  to  criminate  it ;  and  it  is  avowed, 
that  this  is  the  first  step  towards  reducing  all  America  to  an 
acknowledgment  of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  impose  taxes 
upon  her,  and  to  a  submission  to  tlie  exercise  of  that  right. 

The  Americans  who  are  here,  have  thought  it  of  so 
much  consequence,  that  they  have  petitioned  the  three 
branches  of  the  Legislature,  against  passing  such  a  bill ; 
but  as  you  may  imagine,  without  success. 

The  next  proceeding  against  Boston  and  the  Province, 
is  already  announced  in  the  House  of  Commons.  The 
Selectmen  and  town-meetings  are  to  be  abolished.  The 
Governor  is  to  be  endued  with  the  power  of  calling  the 
citizens  together,  when,  and  for  what  purpose  he  pleases. 
They  are  not  to  deliberate  on  any  thing,  but  what  he 
dictates.  The  Council  and  Judges  are  to  be  suspended  at 
the  Governor's  pleasure.  The  constitution  of  Juries  is  to 
be  altered,  so  as  to  render  them  more  manageable,  in  find- 
ing bills  and  verdicts  against  the  friends  of  liberty. 

We  are  just  informed  that  General  Gage  is  going  over 
immediately,  with  three  regiments,  as  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Commander-in-chief;  that  he  is  to  collect  an 
army  about  Boston,  in  order  to  impose  these  measures, 
and  reduce  the  people  to  entire  obedience. 

The  storm,  you  see,  runs  high  ;  and  it  will  require 
great  prudence,  wisdom,  and  resolution,  to  save  our  liberties 
from  shipwreck.  In  my  opinion,  there  ought  to  be  a  gene- 
ral Congress  of  the  Colonies ;  and  I  think  Annapolis 
would  be  the  place,  where  it  would  be  less  liable  to  milita- 
ry interruption,  than  at  New  York  or  Philadelphia.  If 
you  have  virtue  enough  to  resolve  to  stop,  and  to  execute 
the  resolution  of  stopping  your  exports  and  imports  for  one 
year,  this  country  must  do  you  justice. 

The  shipping,  manufactures,  and  revenue,  depend  so 
much  on  the  Tobacco  and  Carolina  Colonies,  that  they 
alone,  by  stopping  their  exports,  would  force  redress. 
Such  a  measure,  should  be  attended  with  an  address  to  the 
merchants,  manufacturers,  and  traders  of  this  country, 
stating  the  necessity  which  compels  you  to  a  measure  in- 
jurious to  them ;  professing  every  thing,  to  flatter  or  con- 
ciliate them.  Such  a  measure,  operating  at  the  general 
election,  next  April,  would  probably  produce  such  a 
return  of  men)bers,  as  would  listen  to  tmth  and  redress, 
not  so  much  for  our  grievances,  as  their  own. 

This  is  the  only  effectual  measure  I  can  conceive.  If 
there  is  not  virtue  enough  for  it,  I  am  afraid  American 
liberty  is  no  more ;  for  you  may  depend  upon  it,  that  if 
they  find  the  chains  can  be  easily  imposed,  tliey  will  make 
them  heavy,  and  rivet  them  fast. 

It  is  impossible  for  me,  to  describe  how  much  I  am 
grieved  at  these  proceedings,  and  with  what  anxiety  I  look 
forward  to  the  event.  You  know  I  have  doubted  the 
virtue  of  my  countrymen.  God  grant  that  I  may  be 
mistaken  ;  that  by  a  wise,  temperate,  and  firm  conduct, 
they  may  escape  the  blow  intended,  and  preserve  their 
freedom.  The  friends  of  liberty  here,  look  to  your 
conduct  with  great  anxiety.  They  consider  it  as  de- 
cisive, either  to  establish  or  overturn  the  present  plan  of 
despotism. 

Tliere  is  a  spirit  of  violence,  injustice,  and  persecution 
in  Administration,  against  every  active  friend  oi  America, 
which  makes  that  character  perilous.  I  caimot  see  that 
any  service  can  be  done  here,  until  the  event  of  these 
measures  is  seen,  and  the  popular  prejudices  begin  to  abate. 
I  am  therefore  determined  to  withdraw  myself,  by  taking 
the  advantage  of  a  favourable  opportunity  of  visiting  Rome, 
for  some  months ;  from  whence  however,  I  shall  return 
sooner,  if  any  great  event  should  hold  out  a  probability  of 
my  being  useful. 

Mrs.  Lee  well  knows  the  power  of  her  praise ;  and 
how  ambitious  I  should  he  of  meriting  it  from  her.     But, 


alas,  I  have  not  the  powers  of  pleasing.  Horrors  only 
dwell  on  my  imagination.  Public  corruption  at  present, 
and  public  calamity  for  the  future,  are  the  dismal  ob- 
jects which  incessantly  fill  my  mind.  The  busy  haunts 
of  men  furnish  more  to  lament  than  to  rejoice  in ;  to 
censure,  than  to  praise.  They  are  filled  with  scenes  of 
false  happiness,  and  real  misery,  variety  of  vice  and 
wretchedness.  It  is  rural  retirement  only,  rural  innocence, 
rural  tranquillity,  which  excite  an  uninterrupted  flow  of 
ideas,  amiable  and  delightful.  In  these  pleasing  scenes, 
the  perturbed  spirits  settle  into  a  calm,  productive  of  more 
real  happiness  than  all  tliat  the  splendour  of  fortune,  all  that 
the  pomp  of  power  can  bestow.  It  is  there  the  golden  age 
revives,  and  all  things  inspire  the  spirit  of  love  and  delight. 
My  best  love  awaits  her.  Remember  me  at  Mount  Airy, 
Stradford,  Chantilly,  and  wherever  else  you  think  the 
mention  of  my  name  will  not  be  disagreeable. 

Adieu,  Sic,  Arthur  Lee. 

Francis  L,  Lee. 


SAMUEL    ADAMS  TO  ARTHUR   LEE. 

Boston,  April  4th,  1774. 
My  DEAR  Sir  :  My  last  letter  to  you  I  delivered  to  the 
care  of  Dr.'  Williamson,  who  sailed  with  Captain  *****^ 
in  December  last.  The  General  Assembly  has  since  been 
sitting,  and  the  important  subject  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Superior  Court  being  made  dependent  on  the  Crown  for 
their  salaries,  was  again  taken  up  by  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives with  spirit  and  firmness.  The  House  had,  in  a 
former  session,  passed  divers  resolutions  expressing  their 
sense  of  the  dangers  of  this  irraovation,  and  declaring,  that 
unless  the  Justices  should  renounce  the  salaries  from  the 
Crown,  and  submit  to  a  constitutional  dependence  upon  the 
Assembly  for  their  support,  they  would  proceed  to  impeach 
them  before  the  Governor  and  Council.  One  of  them, 
Mr.  Trowbridge,  very  early  in  the  session,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Speaker,  expressed  his  formal  compliance  with  that 
resolve,  which  letter  was  communicated  to  the  House  and 
voted  satisfactory.  The  other  four  had  taken  no  notice  of 
the  resolve.  The  House,  therefore,  having  waited  from 
the  26th  of  January,  which  was  the  first  day  of  the  session, 
till  the  1st  of  February,  then  came  to  a  resolution,  that 
unless  they  should  conform  to  their  order  on  or  before  the 
fourth  of  the  same  month,  further  proceedings  would  be 
had  on  such  neglect.  The  effect  of  this  resolve  was,  that 
three  of  them,  viz.  Hutchinson,  (a  brother  to  him  who  is 
called  Governor)  ******  *j  and  *******,  made  similar 
declarations  to  that  of  Trowbridge,  which  were  also  voted 
satisfactory.  Mr.  Justice  Oliver,  who  is  brother  of  the 
Lieutenant  Governor,  and  is  connected  with  the  Governor 
by  the  marriage  of  their  children,  came  to  a  different 
determination,  which  occasioned  a  controversy  between  the 
Governor  and  the  two  Houses,  inserted  at  large  in  the  en- 
closed papers.  Therein  you  will  see  that  the  Governor 
has  treated  the  petitions,  complaints  and  remonstrances  of 
the  Representative  body  with  haughty  contempt.  The 
people  view  it  with  deep  resentment,  as  an  effect  of  his 
independency  ;  whereby  he  is  aliened  from  them,  and 
become  a  fitter  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Ministry  to 
carry  into  effect  their  destructive  plans.  They  are  irritated 
to  the  highest  degree,  and  despair  of  any  constitutional  re- 
medy against  the  oppressions  of  a  corrupt  officer,  while  the 
Governor,  be  he  who  he  may,  is  thus  dependent  on  Minis- 
ters of  State.  They  have,  ever  since  the  trial  of  Preston 
and  his  soldiers,  been  murmuring  at  the  conduct  of  the 
Superior  Court,  and  tne  partiality  which  many  say  is  so 
clearly  discovered  in  causes  between  revenue  officers  and 
the  Government,  abettors,  and  other  subjects.  Indeed, 
the  House  of  Representatives,  two  or  three  years  ago, 
passed  a  resolution  that  such  conduct,  in  several  instances, 
had  been  observed,  as  appears  in  their  printed  journals. 
To  give  you  some  idea  of  what  the  temper  of  that  court 
has  been,  a  lawyer*  of  great  eminence  in  the  Province,  and 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  thrown 
over  the  bar  a  few  days  ago,  because  he  explained  in  a 
public  newspaper  the  sentiments  he  had  advanced  in  the 
House  when  he  had  been  misrepresented  ;  and  a  young 
lawyer  of  great  genius  in  this  town,  who  had  passed  the 
regular  course  of  study,  (which  is  more  than  can  be  said  of 

«  Joseph  Hawley,  Esq.,  of  North  Hampton. 


239 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


240 


the  Chief  Justice,)  has  been,  and  still  is,  refused  by  the 
Governor,  only  because  he  mentioned  the  name  of  Hutch- 
inson with  freedom,  and  that  not  in  court,  but  in  a  Boston 
town  meeting,  some  years  before.  And  to  show  you  from 
whence  this  influence  springs,  I  must  inform  you,  tliat  not 
long  ago  the  Governor,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  three 
of  the  Judges,  which  make  a  majority  of  the  bench,  were 
nearly  related  ;  and  even  now  the  Governor  has  a  brother 
there,  and  is  brother-in-law  to  the  Chief  Justice.  Such 
combinations  are  justly  formidable,  and  the  people  view 
them  with  a  jealous  eye.  They  clearly  see  through  a 
system  formed  for  their  destruction.  That  the  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain  is  to  make  laws,  binding  them  in  all  cases 
whatsoever;  that  the  Colonies  are  to  be  taxed  by  that 
Parliament  without  their  own  consent;  and  the  Crown 
enabled  to  appropriate  money  for  the  support  of  Executive 
and  arbitrary  powers ;  that  tliis  leaves  their  own  Assembly 
a  body  of  very  little  significance ;  while  the  officers  of 
Government,  and  Judges,  are  to  be  totally  independent  of 
the  Legislature,  and  altogether  under  the  controul  of  the 
King's  Ministers  and  Counsellors  ;  and  there  an  union  will 
be  effected,  as  dangerous  as  it  will  be  powerful  ;  the  whole 
power  of  Government  will  be  lifted  from  the  hands  into 
which  the  Constitution  has  placed  it,  into  tiie  hands  of 
the  King's  Ministere  and  their  dependants  here.  This  is, 
in  a  great  measure,  the  case  already  ;  and  the  consequences 
will  be,  aniiry  debates  in  our  Senate,  and  perpetual  tumults 
and  confusions  abroad ;  until  these  maxims  are  entirely 
altered,  or  else,  which  God  forbid,  the  spirits  of  the  people 
are  depressed,  and  they  become  inured  to  disgrace  and  ser- 
vitude. This  has  long  been  the  prospect  in  the  minds  of 
speculative  men.  The  body  of  the  people  are  now  in 
council.  Tiieir  opposition  grows  into  a  system.  They 
are  united  and  resolute;  and  if  the  British  Administration 
and  Government  do  not  return  to  the  principles  of  mode- 
ration and  equity,  the  evil  which  they  profess  to  aim  at 
preventing  by  their  rigorous  measures,  will  the  sooner  be 
brought  to  pass,  viz. — the  entire  separation  and  indepen- 
dence of  the  Colonies. 

Mr.  Gushing  obliged  me  with  a  sight  of  your  letter  to 
him  of  the  22d  of  December  last.  I  think  I  am  not  so 
clearly  of  opinion  as  you  seem  to  be,  that  '-  the  Declara- 
tory Act  is  a  mere  nullity,"  and  that  therefore,  "  if  we  can 
"  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  Revenue  Acts  frdm  1764,  without 
"  their  pernicious  appendages,  it  will  be  enough."  Should 
they  retract  the  exercise  of  their  assumed  power,  you  ask, 
when  will  they  be  able  to  renew  it  ?  I  know  not  when, 
but  I  fear  they  will  soon  do  it,  unless,  as  your  worthy  bro- 
ther in  Virginia,  in  a  letter  I  yesterday  received  from  him, 
expresses  himself,  "  we  make  one  uniform,  steady  effort, 
"  to  secure  an  explicit  bill  of  rights  for  British  America." 
Let  the  Executive  power  and  right  on  each  side  be  therein 
stipulated,  that  Britain  may  no  longer  have  a  power  or 
right  to  make  laws  to  bind  us,  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 
While  the  claim  is  kept  up,  she  may  exercise  the  power 
as  often  as  she  pleases ;  and  the  Colonies  have  experienced 
her  disposition  to  do  it  too  plainly,  since  she  in  anger  made 
the  claim.  Even  imaginary  power  beyond  right  begets 
insolence.  The  people  here,  I  am  apt  to  think,  will  be 
satisfied  on  no  other  terms  but  those  of  redress  ;  and  they 
will  hardly  think  they  are  upon  equitable  terms  with  the 
mother  country,  vi'hile,  by  a  solemn  act,  she  continues  to 
claim  a  right  to  enslave  them,  whenever  she  shall  think  fit 
to  exercise  it.  I  wish  for  a  permanent  union  with  the  mo- 
ther country,  but  only  on  the  principles  of  liberty  and  truth. 
No  advantage  that  can  accrue  to  America  from  such  an 
union,  can  compensate  for  the  loss  of  liberty.  The  time 
may  come  sooner  tiian  they  are  aware  of  it,  when  the 
being  of  the  British  n^iUon,  i  mean  the  being  of  its  impor- 
tance, however  strange  it  may  appear  to  some,  will  de])end 
on  her  union  witli  America.  It  requires  but  a  small  portion 
of  tlie  gift  of  discernment,  for  any  one  to  foresee  that 
Providence  will  erect  a  mighty  empire  in  America ;  and 
our  posterity  will  have  it  recorded  in  history,  that  their 
fathers  migrated  from  an  island  in  a  distant  pan  of  tlie  world, 
the  inhabitants  of  which  had  long  been  revered  for  wisdom 
and  valour.  They  grew  rich  and  powerful ;  these  emigrants 
increased  in  numbers  and  strength.  But  they  were  at  last 
absorbed  in  luxury  and  dissipation  ;  and  to  support  them- 
selves in  their  vanity  and  extravagance,  they  coveted  and 
seized  the  honest  earnings  of  those  industrious  emigrants. 


This  laid  a  foundation  of  distrust,  animosity  and  hatred,  till 
the  emigrants,  feeling  their  own  vigor  and  independence, 
dissolved  every  former  band  of  connexion  between  them, 
and  the  islanders  sunk  itito  obscurity  and  contempt. 

May  I  whisper  in  your  ear  that  you  paid  a  compliment 
to  the  Speaker  when  you  told  him  you  "  always  spoke 
under  the  correction  of  his  better  judgment."  I  admire 
what  you  say  to  him,  and  I  hope  it  will  have  a  good  im- 
pression on  his  mind  ;  that  we  shall  be  respected  in  Eng- 
land exactly  in  proportion  to  the  firmness  and  strength  of 
our  opposition.      I  am  sincerely  your  friend, 

Samuel  Adams. 
Arthur  Lee,  Esq. 

As  Captain  Wood  is  now  about  to  sail  there  is  not  time 
to  have  copies  of  the  papers  ;  1  will  send  them  by  the  next 
opportunity.  In  the  mean  time  I  refer  you  to  Dr.  Frank- 
lin, to  whom  they  are  sent  by  this  vessel.  S.  A. 


London,  April,  5,  1774. 

Sir  :  Such  is  my  regard  for  the  Americans,  that  though 
a  native  of  this  country,  I  do  not  know  how  1  would  wisji 
our  rulers  to  act  at  this  time.  The  great  folly  which  the 
Americans  are  running  into  is  luxury.  I  hope  we  shall 
teach  them  to  be  wise,  and  attend  to  their  real  interest. 

Though  the  present  resentment  seems  levelled  at  Bos- 
ton,  yet  as  the  principle  is  common  to  all,  viz.,  the  Parlia- 
mentary tax,  I  fear  the  rest  of  the  Northern  Colonies  will 
so  far  take  it  as  aimed  at  all,  as  in  some  degree  to  interrupt 
our  commerce  with  them.  This  will  in  every  shape  be  a 
loss  to  us  ;  for  though  it  may  lessen  the  profit  of  their  pro- 
vision vessels,  bound  to  the  Spanish  and  French  islands, 
yet  the  loss  of  the  sale  of  the  British  commodities  they 
carried  is  ours.  This  will  likewise  show  them,  that  their 
lasting  and  certain  expectation  of  profit  in  commerce,  must 
arise  from  their  own  productions ;  which  will  naturally  send 
them  out  of  their  maritime  towns,  to  attend  to  the  cultiva- 
tion of  their  land ;  and  thus  they  will  become  every  day 
more  independent  of  us  :  whereas  their  profit  on  the  sale  of 
our  manufactures  to  the  Spaniards  and  French,  at  present 
diverts  many  from  that  true  domestic  policy. 

The  French  make  cloth  which  pleases  the  inhabitants  of 
Turkey  and  Italy  better  than  our  iniquitous  fabric  does.  It 
may  perhaps  equally  please  the  Americans,  and  when  once 
commerce  has  taken  a  channel,  who  shall  stem  the  tide ! 
Our  cruisers?  Can  they  guard  a  coast  of  at  least  1500 
miles,  abounding  in  creeks  and  inlets  ?  Wise  policy  !  What 
is  the  loss  we  may  thereby  sustain  ?  Only  of  a  clear  profit 
of  about  a  million  and  a  half  sterling  from  the  Provinces 
of  New  England,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  with 
our  loss  from  the  other  Colonies.  A  trifle  to  so  rich  a 
nation  as  we  are  ! 

I  would,  as  a  Politician,  divide  our  American  settlements 
ijito  two  classes.  The  first,  and  favourite  one,  the  West 
India  islands  import  hither  a  million  sterling  more  than  they 
export  from  us,  the  whole  being  almost  articles  of  luxury 
and  consumption.  Cotton  is,  I  think,  the  only  rough  ma- 
terial they  send  us.  Tine  !  but  the  |)roj)rietors  spend  their 
fortunes  here.  If  strict  inquiry  was  made,  I  fancy  it 
would  be  found  that  large  remittances  are  made  from  hence 
to  Madeira  and  France  for  wines,  and  several  articles  of 
luxury.  I  Ciannot  suppose,  from  what  I  have  seen  in  these 
islands,  that  less  than  half  a  million  goes  that  way.  What 
is  pretty  singidaris,  that  New  England  exports  from  hence 
more  than  Jamaica  does,  and  that  Jamaica  exports  from 
hence  nearly  as  nuich  as  all  the  other  islands ;  so  that 
Nciv  England  and  New  York  export  a  greater  quantity  of 
British  manufactures,  then  all  the  favourite  islands. 

New  England,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  send  us, 
in  articles  of  luxury,  a  few  furs,  but  in  cash  and  bills,  at  an 
average  of  several  years,  about  a  million  and  a  half  sterling, 
and  about  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  in  rough  mate- 
rials, to  be  worked  up  by  our  people.  While  the  flags  of 
truce  were  permitted  during  the  last  war,  their  remittances 
were  much  greater.  In  the  year  1760,  the  balance  in  our 
favour,  from  these  three  Colonies,  was  one  million  nine  hun- 
dred thousand  and  odd  pounds.  Shall  we,  then,  on  the 
whole,  call  our  present  conduct  wise  ?  What  can  we  do  ? 
What  would  a  parent  do  to  reclaim  a  wayward  child,  on 
whose  reformation  the  parent's  subsistence  greatly  depends  ? 
Set  them  down  as  they  were  at  the  close  of  the  last  war. 


241 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


242 


and  glory  in  amending  an   injudicious  measure  too  long 
pursued. 

Tlie  word  war  brings  to  my  mind  another  transgression 
of  these  wicked  Bostoniam.  They  very  simply  imagining 
that  it  would  be  for  tlie  advantage  of  Britain,  conquered 
Cape  Breton,  in  the  war  before  the  last ;  and  we  restored 
it,  without  indemnifying  tliem,  so  far  as  I  have  heard,  for 
their  expense.  These  very  miscreants  continued  a  greater 
number  of  men  constantly  in  arms,  during  the  last  war, 
than  they  were  required  to  do ;  and  most  cruelly  injured 
us,  in  a  very  essential  manner,  by  sending  to  the  Havana 
a  supply  of  men,  without  whose  aid  the  city  had  not  been 
taken,  nor  our  exhausted  troops  carried  off  in  safety.  As 
a  just  punishment  on  the  gentleman  who  conducted  that 
supply,  to  the  ruin  of  his  own  fortune,  he  remained  here 
for  several  years  in  a  starving  condition  ;  and,  as  if  a  gene- 
ral infatuation  had  at  that  time  seized  all  ranks  of  people, 
even  the  then  House  of  Commons  returned  thanks  to  that 
people  for  these  exertions  of  Loyalty, 


I 


rROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  LONDON  TO  ONE  IN  NEW  YORK. 

London,  April  5,  1774. 

I  know  not  in  what  language  to  speak  my  concern  and 
indignation  relative  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill.  He  who  may 
view  it  singly,  as  pointed  at  a  part  of  America,  knows  but 
little  of  the  temper  and  designs  of  Administration. — 
The  liberty  of  this  country  seems  to  have  expired  in  their 
hands. — You  must  summon  all  the  wisdom  and  firmness  of 
the  United  Continent  of  AmeHca  to  preserve  youi-s.  I 
know  it  to  be  the  design,  and  an  indispensable  measure,  to 
divide — you  must,  therefore,  subdue  every  prejudice,  and 
bear  with  every  infirmity,  among  yourselves,  that,  like  a 
bundle  of  tender  rods,  you  may  not  be  separately  broken 
to  pieces.  If  the  other  Provinces  do  not  warmly  and 
firmly  support  an  opposition  to  this  horrid  attempt  to  ruin 
the  town  of  Boston,  you  must  fall  the  easy  victims  of 
tyranny,  and  become  the  most  abject  slaves  of  the  earth. 

Let  me  entreat  you,  therefore,  to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to 
every  prejudice  and  idle  report  against  your  suffering  fellow 
subjects ;  forgive  their  errors,  and  think  of  nothing  but 
mutual  defence. 

There  were  a  few  of  us  who  petitioned  Parliament, 
which  was  all  we  could  do.  The  Sheriffs  of  this  city 
stand  at  the  head  of  the  several  petitions ;  they  behaved 
nobly  and  spirited  on  this  occasion  ;  for  they  were  first  in 
proposing,  and  active  in  the  execution  of  the  affair — being 
the  first  in  rank  in  the  county  of  Middlesex,  where  the 
petitions  were  signed,  their  example  gave  weight  and  dig- 
nity to  the  proceedings. 

I  do  not  hold  myself  answerable  to  give  reasons  why 
those  gentlemen,  who  formerly  spoke  the  language  of  ^me- 
rica,  should  have  become  so  few  in  number ;  but,  for  your 
satisfaction,  can  assure  you  that  Lord  Chatham  holds  the 
same  friendly  sentiments  of  you.  When  he  is  asked  why 
he  does  not  attend  the  House  of  Lords,  he  says,  1  have 
talked  long  enough  to  the  tapestry* 

The  times  are  growing  dangerous,  and  I  know  they 
would  be  glad  to  have  my  head  ;  therefore  you  will  excuse 

my  not  writing  my  name — you  know  my  hand.- 

Yours. 


AN  APOLOGY  FOR  THE  LATE  CONDUCT  OF  AMERICA. 

From  the  Ixindon  Gazetteer,  April  7,  1774. 

Tliere  are  those  who  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  the 
Commons  of  Great  Britain  have  no  rigln  to  give  and 
grant  away  the  property  of  the  Americans. 

If  such  people  are  consistent  in  their  notions,  they  must 
allow  that  the  Americans  would  be  justified  in  refusing  to 
make  good  such  gifts,  and  to  comply  with  the  requisitions 
in  such  grants. 

And  if  they  would  be  justified  in  refusing  to  comply 
with  such  requisitions,  it  must  also  be  allowed  that  there  is 
a  line  of  conduct  which  it  would  be  proper  for  them  to 
pursue,  and  that  they  are  not  left  altogether  without  a 
remedy. 

They  that  are  most  violent  against  the  Americana  for 

•  The  House  of  Loriig  ih  hung  with  tapeitry. 

Fourth  Series.  16 


their  conduct  in  the  affair  of  the  tea,  would  do  well  if  they 
endeavoured,  before  they  passed  judgment  upon  it,  to 
obtain  proper  ideas  of  right  and  wrong,  and  qualified  them- 
selves to  distinguish  what  is  unlawful  from  what  is  inexpe- 
dient only;  otherwise  they  may  be  led  to  condemn,  as 
criminal,  measures  that  were  ill  judged  only ;  and  by  the 
false  colourings  of  Jesuitical  writers,  may  be  induced  to 
believe  actions  to  be  unjustifiable  and  wrong,  that  were 
only  impolitic  and  foolish. 

I  think  the  affair  of  the  tea  is,  in  general,  rather  ill  un- 
derstood ;  and  that  the  Constitution  of  England,  the  fun- 
damental law  of  property,  and  the  inalienable  rights  of 
human  nature,  seem  to  have  been  but  little  regarded  in 
this  dispute,  concerning  American  taxation. 

That  the  Constitution  of  England  has  been  but  little 
regarded  must  appear  evident  when  it  is  considered  what 
the  spirit  of  that  Constitution  is  with  respect  to  its  idea  of 
taxation.  Does  the  Legislature  levy  a  tax  upon  the 
Kingdom  in  the  same  manner,  and  with  the  same  preten- 
sions as  the  King  of  France,  by  his  edict,  imposes  taxes 
upon  his  subjects  ?— certainly  not :  The  Commons  give 
and  grant  for  themselves  and  jheir  constituents  ;  the  Lords 
answer  for  themselves ;  and  tlie  King,  by  his  assent  and 
acceptance  of  such  gifts,  binds  the  parties  to  fulfil  the  con- 
tract, and  gives  the  deed  the  sanction  of  the  law.  But, 
say  the  advocates  for  American  slavery,  taxation  is  a 
necessary  part  of  legislation;  forgetting,  or  rather  infa- 
mously misrepresenting  the  truth,  which  is  that  our  Con- 
stitution knows  of  no  arbitrary  legislative  money  bills,  nor 
acknowledges  any  other  source  of  taxation  but  free  gift. 
Can  any  man,  then,  have  a  right  to  give  away  another 
man's  property? — certainly  not.  And  the  Commons  of 
Great  Britain  may  give  and  grant  away  as  much  as  they 
please  of  their  own  property,  but  they  have  no  right  to 
give  and  grant  away  the  property  of  the  Americans. 

So  much  touching  the  constitutional  part  of  this  dis- 
pute, which  I  should  have  thought  too  obvious  to  have 
required  any  discussion,  had  there  not  appeared  to  have 
been  much  pains  taken  to  confound  the  two  very  distinct 
ideas  of  legislation  and  taxation,  and  to  persuade  mankind 
that  legislation,  which  is  essential  to  all  Government,  is 
nugatory  without  that  power,  which  is  incompatible  with 
the  very  end  of  Government  itself,  an  arbitrary  and 
unlimited  power  of  taxation ;  for  the  end  of  Government 
is  the  preservation  of  property,  and  there  can  be  no  pro- 
perty where  there  is  an  arbitrary  power  of  taxation ;  for 
what  property  can  any  man  have  in  that  which  another 
can,  by  right,  take  from  him  when  he  pleases,  against  his 
consent? 

And  that  the  fundamental  law  of  property  has  been  but 
little  attended  to  in  this  dispute,  the  application  of  the 
foregoing  observation  will  sufficiently  demonstrate ;  for 
what  security  can  the  Americans  be  said  to  have  in  their 
property,  if  the  people  of  Great  Britain  can  give  and 
grant  it  away  when  they  please  ?  or  rather,  can  they  truly 
be  said  to  have  any  property  at  all,  if  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  have,  under  this  pretended  right  of  taxation,  a 
power  of  taking  from  them,  when  they  please,  what  they 
possess,  and  of  using  and  disposing  of  it  afterwards  in 
what  manner  they  think  proper  ? 

But  how  are  the  rights  of  human  nature  violated  in  this 
dispute  ?  To  this  I  answer,  that  the  law  of  nature,  being 
founded  in  reason  and  justice,  admits  of  property  ;  for  the 
better  preservation  of  which,  and  for  the  use  and  enjoy- 
ment of  it  in  peace  and  quiet,  men  entered  into  society. 
If  therefore,  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  claim  a  right  to 
take  away  at  pleasure  from  other  men  their  property,  and 
to  dispose  of  it  as  they  please  such  claim  tends  to  a  disso- 
lution of  society,  and  is  repugnant  also  to  the  law  of  nature, 
as  it  would  place  mankind  in  a  worse  condition  than  the 
state  of  nature,  wherein  they  had  liberty  to  defend  their 
right  against  the  injuries  of  others. 

Unforiunately  also  for  these  flaming  advocates  for  the 
high  prerogative  doctrine  of  a  necessary  and  unlimited 
right  of  taxation  in  the  British  Legislature,  and  who  as- 
sert that  the  power  of  legislation  in  the  regulation  of 
commerce,  without  that  of  unbounded  taxation  also,  would 
be  nugatory  and  futile,  I  must  mention  the  cases  of  Scot- 
land before  the  union,  and  Ireland.  If  the  British  I^e- 
gislature  must  necessarily  be  possessed  of  that  power,  with 
respect  to  America,  why  was  it  not  necessary  with  respect 


248 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL,  1774. 


244 


to  Scotland  before  the  union  ?  and  why  is  it  not  at  this 
nionient  necessary  with  respect  to  Ireland  1  If  the  machine 
of  Government  cannot  move  on  without  this  power  over 
the  poor  dispersed,  divided  and  defenceless  Americans,  liow 
could  it  so  long  have  moved  on  witliout  the  same  power 
over  the  rebellious  Scots,  or  the  discountented  and  fickle 
Irish  1 

I  could  mention  also  the  Charters  of  the  Americans, 
which  would  be  entirely  subverted  by  this  right  of  taxa- 
tion ;  but  those  who,  in  their  utmost  pursuits,  scruple  not 
to  violate  the  Constitution  and  polity  of  Great  Britain, 
the  fundamental  law  of  property,  and  the  rights  of  human 
nature,  will  pay,  I  am  afraid,  but  very  little  regard  to  char- 
tered rights. 

But  what  line  of  conduct  is  to  be  observed  by  that  peo- 
ple whose  liberties  and  property  are  invaded  ?  In  answer 
to  this  question,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  subjoin  a  few  short 
extracts  iiom  Locke  :  "  Tyranny  is  the  exercise  of  power 
"  without  right.  Wherever  the  power  that  is  put  in  any 
"  hands  for  the  Government  of  a  people,  and  the  preserva- 
"  tion  of  their  properties,  is  applied  to  otiier  ends,  and 
"  made  use  of  to  impoverish,  harrass,  or  subdue  them  to 
"  the  arbitrary  and  irregular  commands  of  them  that  have 
"  it,  there  it  presently  becomes  tyranny,  whether  those 
"  that  thus  use  it  are  one  or  many.  Where  law  ends, 
"  tyranny  begins.  The  exceeding  the  bounds  of  authority 
"  is  no  more  a  right  in  a  great  than  a  petty  officer ;  no 
"  more  justifiable  in  a  King  than  a  Constable ;  but  is  so 
"  much  the  worse  in  him,  in  that  he  has  more  trust  put  in 
"  him.  May  the  commands  then  of  a  Prince  be  oppos- 
"  ed  ?  To  this  I  answer,  that  force  is  to  be  opposed  to 
"  nothing  but  unjust  and  unlawful  force.  Where  the  in- 
"  jured  party  may  be  relieved,  and  his  damages  repaired 
"  by  appeal  to  the  law,  tliere  can  be  no  pretence  for  force, 
"  which  is  only  to  be  used  where  a  man  is  intercepted 
"  from  appealing  to  the  law ;  for  nothing  is  to  be  accounted 
"  hostile  force  but  where  it  leaves  not  the  remedy  of  such 
"  an  appeal ;  and  it  is  such  force  alone  that  puts  him  that 
"  uses  it  into  a  state  of  war,  and  makes  it  lawful  to  resist 
"  him.  Men  can  never  be  secure  from  tyranny,  if  there 
"  be  no  means  to  escape  it,  till  they  are  perfectly  under 
"  it ;  and  therefore  it  is  that  they  have  not  only  a  right 
"  to  get  out  of  it,  but  to  prevent  it." 

Bearing  these  axioms  of  eternal  truth  in  our  minds,  let 
us  now  take  a  slight  view  of  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  America. 

The  three  estates  of  Great  Britain  claiming  a  supreme 
legislative  power  over  Great  Britain  and  its  dependencies, 
the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  claim  an  absolute  and  un- 
limited right  of  giving  and  granting  away  the  property  of 
the  Americans. 

America  admits  the  supreme  legislative  power  of  Great 
Britain,  as  extending  to  the  regulation  of  commerce,  &.C., 
but  denies  the  inference  drawn  from  it,  the  right  of  taxation, 
alleging,  that  such  a  right  is  not  only  contrary  to  the  Con- 
stitution of  Great  Britain,  and  the  venerable  Charters  of 
America,  but  that  it  cannot,  in  the  very  nature  of  things, 
exist ;  because,  if  it  did  exist,  it  would  be  unpossible  for  an 
American  to  possess  any  property. 

The  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  proceeding  to  carry 
their  claim  into  execution,  give  and  grant  away  a  tax  upon 
all  teas  that  shall  be  imported  into  America,  to  be  collected 
in  their  very  ports,  at  or  before  the  landing  thereof,  and 
the  Executive  appoints  his  tax-gatherers  to  collect  the 
same. 

The  Americans  petition  and  remonstrate  against  the 
measure,  as  looking  upon  it  to  be  a  violation  of  their  rights, 
and  a  total  .annihilation  of  their  property  ;  but  obtaining  no 
redress,  rather  than  submit  to  so  humiliating  a  iDeasure, 
the  whole  Continent  resolves  to  import  no  more  tea,  nobly 
choosing  rather  to  have  one  natural  right  violently  taken 
from  tiiein,  than  to  become  themselves  the  instruments  of 
surrendering  up  the  whole. 

Great  Britain,  not  satisfied  with  letting  things  remain 
in  this  situation,  the  East  India  Company  are  instigated  to 
attempt,  in  open  violation  of  the  Charters  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, in  opposition  to  the  general  voice  of  the  people,  and 
in  defiance  of  honour  and  justice,  by  a  hostile  importation 
of  their  tea,  and  by  a  submission  to  the  tax  so  imposed,  to 
sap  the  foundation  of  their  liberties  and  property,  and  to 
establish  a  precedent  for  future  inroads.     Dreading  the 


odium  of  such  an  action,  and  knowing  the  sentiments  of 
the  Americans,  the  Company  at  first  hesitate  ;  but  being 
formally  and  regularly  indenmified,  they  are  at  length  pre- 
vailed upon  by  Administi'ation  to  become  parties  in  the 
cause,  and  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon  the  liberties  and 
property  of  America.  A  party  also  in  America,  either 
dependent  upon,  or  looking  up  to  Government  for  advance- 
ment, or  influenced  by  the  mean  consideration  of  the  com- 
mission to  be  got  by  the  sale  of  the  tea,  are  procured,  who 
scruple  not,  to  conspire  with  her  external  enemies,  against 
the  freedom  of  America,  and  become  zealous  advocates  for 
taxation  and  slavery. 

When  the  vessels  arrive  in  America,  such  are  the  con- 
vulsions into  which  the  whole  Continent  is  thrown,  that 
the  parlies  concerned  are  prevailed  on  to  consent  to  their 
immediate  return. 

In  one  instance,  the  Governor  and  officers  of  the 
Customs  interfere  ;  a  proper  clearance  for  the  vessel  is 
denied ;  the  return  of  it  is  prevented  ;  and  a  day  for  the 
landing  of  the  cargo  and  the  execution  of  their  plan,  is 
fixed  upon. 

What  now  ought  the  Americans  to  have  done  ?  Ought 
they  to  have  tamely  submitted  to  this  taxation,  and  by 
acknowledging  the  principle  to  be  just,  from  which  it  origi- 
nated, confessed  themselves  in  so  humiliating  a  condition, 
as  that  the  whole  of  their  property,  and  every  convenience 
of  life  that  commerce  could  aflbrd  them,  depended  upon, 
and  was  held  at  the  pleasure  of  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  1 

This  would  have  been  to  have  imitated  the  lamb,  who 
yielded  his  throat  to  be  torn  by  the  imperious  wolf. 

Ought  they  to  have  submitted  first,  and  then  petitioned  ? 

They  have  repeatedly  petitioned,  but  their  cries  were 
not  regarded. 

Ought  they  to  have  appealed  to  the  law  ? 

But  what  appeal  can  be  made  to  the  law,  if  the  unjust 
acts  done  against  a  man,  are  maintained  by  the  power  of 
the  aggressors,  and  the  remedy  which  is  due  by  law,  be 
by  the  same  power  obstmcted  ? 

Ought  they,  when  the  tea  had  been  landed,  to  have 
taken  it  from  the  consignees,  and  locked  it  up? 

But  what  man  could  prudently  have  stood  forth  in  tiiis 
way  ;  wrested  the  property  fiom  its  owners,  locked  it  up, 
and  openly  exposed  himself  to  the  rage  of  the  blind  and 
infatuated  Ministry  of  Great  Britain  1 

Whatever  were  the  sentiments  of  the  Americans  upon 
this  head,  or  whether  in  the  heat  of  their  resentment,  they 
thought  at  all,  is  foreign  to  my  purpose  ;  it  is  sufficient  for 
me  to  observe,  that  in  the  conflict,  that  commodity,  which 
was  to  have  been  instrumental  to  the  introduction  of  slavery 
and  taxation,  was  destroyed. 

Let  us  next  consider  in  what  light  the  East  India 
Company  ought  to  have  been  considered  by  the  Ameri- 
cans :  as  merchants  trading  to  America,  under  the  sanction 
of  the  law  of  nations,  or  as  a  banditti  hired  to  attack  their 
privileges,  and  indemnified  against  any  loss  which  might  be 
sustained  in  such  attack  ? 

And  if  the  indemnification  by  them  required,  places  the 
nature  of  their  act  in  so  very  unfriendly  a  point  of  view, 
shows  that  they  were  fully  acquainted  with  the  sentiments 
of  the  Americans,  and  considered  the  measure  a^  danger- 
ous, because  unjust,  in  w-hat  light  must  tiie  indemnifiers, 
the  suborners  themselves,  appear  ? 

And  if  the  agents  in  this  business  appear  so  black,  let 
us  next  examine  in  what  light  their  commodity  o»ght  to 
have  been  considered — in  the  same  sacred  liglit  as  the  pro- 
perty of  the  honorahJe  trader,  or  as  the  indifferent 
property  of  men  combined  together  to  subvert  the  liberties 
of  America  1  But  neither  of  these  ideas  fully  expresses 
its  true  nature. 

Ought  it  not  rather  to  have  been  considered  as  that 
identical  property,  that  very  engine,  by  which  the  enemies 
oi  America  meant  to  subvert  its  privileges,  and  by  introdu- 
cing along  w'ith  it  an  unlimited  and  discretionary  right  of 
taxation,  totally  to  aniiiliiiate  American  property  ?  Cer- 
tainly, property  so  circumstanced,  brought  thither  with 
such  an  intent,  and  become  so  maliciously  involved  in  the 
subject  of  dispute,  had  lost  those  sacred  sanctions  which 
are  tiie  defence  of  common  property,  and  may  figuratively 
be  said  to  have  changed  its  very  nature,  and  to  have 
become  an  instrument  of  war. 


245 


CORRESPONDENCE,  APRIL  1774. 


246 


If,  then,  it  appears,  that  the  Executive  would  not  suffer 
it  to  be  taken  back,  and  that  the  landing  of  it  would,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Americans,  have  proved  as  fatal  to  Ameri- 
ca, as  the  introduction  of  the  wooden  horse  of  the  Grecians 
did  to  Troy,  though  the  alternative  which  they  chose  may 
have  procured  them  many  enemies,  there  will,  doubtless,  be 
found  many  others  who  will  pity  and  excuse. 


KARL  OF    DARTMOUTH  TO  GOVERNOR  GAGE. 

Extract. 

Whitehall,  9th  April,  1774. 

The  King  having  thought  fit  that  you  should  return  im- 
mediately to  your  command  in  ISorth  America,  and  that 
you  should  proceed  directly  to  Boston,  on  board  his  Majes- 
ty's ship  Lively,  now  lying  at  Plymouth,  ready  to  sail  with 
the  first  fair  wind,  I  send  you  herewith,  by  his  Majesty's 
command,  a  commission  under  the  great  seal,  appointing 
you  Captain  General  and  Governor-in-chief  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  together  with  such 
instructions  as  have  been  usually  given  to  Governors  of 
tJiat  Province,  for  their  guidance  in  the  exercise  of  the 
ordinary  and  more  permanent  powers  and  authorities  inci- 
dent to  that  command. 

What  is  further  necessary  for  your  direction  in  the  pre- 
sent state  of  disorder  and  commotion  within  that  Province, 
and  for  enabling  you  to  carry  into  execution  the  measures  that 
have  been,  and  probably  will  be  adopted,  for  reducing  it  to 
a  state  of  obedience  to  lawful  authority,  is  of  a  more  deli- 
cate and  important  nature,  and  requires  more  precise  and 
particular  instructions. 

With  this  letter  you  will  receive  an  Act  of  Parliament, 
passed  in  the  present  session,  for  discontinuing  the  loading 
and  unloading  of  goods  and  merchandise  at  the  town  and 
within  thQ  harbour  of  Boston ;  and  also  a  Minute  of  the 
Treasury  Board,  containing  the  substance  of  such  instruc- 
tions as  their  Lordships  have  thought  fit  to  give  to  their 
officers  in  consequence  thereof;  and  it  is  the  King's  com- 
mand that  you  do  give  them  all  proper  and  necessary 
assistance  and  support  in  the  execution  thereof. 

To  this  end  it  will  be  expedient  that  you  do,  immedi- 
ately upon  your  arrival,  and  as  soon  as  your  commission 
has  been  read  and  published,  in  the  usual  form,  appoint  a 
meeting,  either  at  the  town  or  within  the  castle,  (as  circum- 
stances shall  point  out,)  with  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
his  Majesty's  ships,  the  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  the  Chief  Justice,  and  the 
Secretary  of  the  Province,  in  order  to  consider  what  steps 
it  may  be  proper  to  take  for  carrying  the  Act  into  execution, 
and  for  enforcing,  if  necessary,  a  due  obedience  thereto ; 
and  if  Mr.  Hutchinson  should  not  be  come  away,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  leave  he  has  obtained  for  that  purpose,  his 
advice  and  assistance,  in  this  case,  as  well  as  in  the  execu- 
tion of  every  other  part  of  your  instructions,  will  be  of 
very  great  use  and  advantage  to  you. 

His  Majesty  trusts  that  no  opposition  will,  or  can,  with 
any  effect,  be  made  to  the  carrying  the  law  into  execution, 
nor  any  violence  or  insult  offered  to  those  to  whom  the 
execution  of  it  is  entrusted.  Should  it  happen  otherwise, 
your  authority  as  the  first  Magistrate,  combined  with  the 
command  over  the  King's  troops,  will,  it  is  hoped,  enable 
you  to  meet  every  opposition,  and  fully  to  preserve  the  pub- 
lic peace,  by  employing  those  troops  with  effect,  should 
the  madness  of  the  people,  on  the  one  hand,  or  the  timi- 
dity or  want  of  strength  of  the  peace  officers  on  the  other 
hand,  make  it  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  their  assistance. 
The  King  trusts,  however,  that  such  necessity  will  not 
occur,  and  commands  me  to  say,  that  it  will  be  your  duty 
to  use  every  endeavour  to  avoid  it ;  to  quiet  the  minds  of 
the  people  ;  to  remove  their  prejudices,  and,  by  mild  and 
gentle  persuasion,  to  induce  such  a  submission  on  their  part, 
to  this  law,  and  such  a  proper  compliance  with  the  just  re- 
quisitions it  contains,  as  may  give  full  scope  to  his  Majesty's 
clemency,  and  enable  his  Majesty  to  exercise  the  discre- 
tionary power  given  him  by  the  Acl,of  a^ain  restoring  to  the 
town  of  Boston  those  commercial  privileges  and  advantages 
which  it  hath  so  long  enjoyed,  and  which  have  raised  it  to 
its  present  state  of  opulence  and  importance. 

At  the  same  tin>e  the  sovereignty  of  the  King,  in  this 
Parliament,  over  the  Colonies,  requires  a  full  and  absolute 


submission  ;  and  his  Majesty's  dignity  demands,  that  until 
that  submission  be  made,  the  town  of  Boston,  where  so 
much  anarchy  and  confusion  have  prevailed,  should  cease 
to  be  the  place  of  the  residence  of  his  Governor,  or  of 
any  other  officer  of  Government,  who  is  not  obliged  by  law 
to  perform  his  functions  there.  It  is,  therefore,  his  Majes- 
ty's further  pleasure,  that  so  soon  as  the  law  for  discon- 
tinuing the  port  shall  have  taken  place,  and  every  step  has 
been  pursued  that  is  necessary  to  insure  the  execution  of  it, 
you  do  make  the  town  of  iSalem  the  ])lace  of  your  resi- 
dence ;  that  you  do  require  all  officers  (not  included  in  the 
above  exception)  to  attend  you  there  ;  and  that  the  Gene- 
ral Court,  and  all  other  courts  and  offices  which  are  not  by 
law  fixed  at  Boston,  be  appointed  and  held  at  Salem,  until 
his  Majesty,  satisfied  on  your  representation,  that  the  laws 
of  this  Kingdom  will  be  duly  observed,  and  Government 
be  again  administered  at  the  town  of  Boston,  without  op- 
position, shall  have  signified  his  Royal  will  and  pleasure  for 
the  return  of  his  Governor  to,  and  for  holding  of  the  Gene- 
ral Court  at  that  town. 

The  proceedings  of  the  body  of  the  people  at  the  town 
of  Boston,  in  the  months  of  November  and  December  last, 
were  of  such  a  nature  and  criminality  as  to  have  fixed  a 
deep  degree  of  guilt  upon  those  who  were  the  principal 
ringleaders  and  abettors  of  those  proceedings,  and  the  mea- 
sures proper  to  be  taken  for  inducing  the  punishment  of 
such  guilt,  become  a  very  necessary  part  of  the  present 
consideration,  relative  to  the  state  of  the  Province  oi  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay. 

The  King  considers  the  punishment  of  these  offenders 
as  a  very  necessary  and  essential  example  to  others,  of  the 
ill  consequences  that  must  follow  from  such  an  open  and 
arbitrary  usurpation  as  tend  to  the  subversion  of  all  govern- 
ment, and  the  rendering  civil  liberty  unsafe  and  precarious  ; 
and  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  general,  cannot  give  a  better  test  of  their  love  of 
justice,  and  respect  for  the  Constitution,  than  in  their  zealous 
endeavours  to  render  effectual  a  due  prosecution  of  such 
offenders. 

If,  however,  the  prejudices  of  the  people  should  appear 
to  you  to  be  such  as  would  in  all  probability  prevent  a  con- 
viction, however  clear  and  full  the  evidence  might  be,  in 
that  case  it  would  be  better  to  desist  from  prosecution,  seeing 
that  an  ineffectual  attempt  would  only  be  a  triumph  to  the 
faction,  and  disgraceful  to  Government. 

The  foregoing  is  all  that  I  have  at  present  in  command 
from  the  King  to  say  to  you.  I  need  not  suggest  to  you 
the  very  great  advantage  that  will  result  from  your  obtaining 
a  just  and  perfect  knowledge  of  the  characters,  inclinations 
and  tempers  of  the  principal  people  in  the  Colony  ;  such 
information  must,  of  necessity,  be  of  great  benefit,  and  your 
own  discretion  will  point  out  to  you  the  use  that  is  to  be 
made  of  it. 

The  last  advices  from  Boston  are  of  a  nature  to  leave  but 
little  room  to  hope  that  order  and  obedience  are  soon  likely 
to  take  the  place  of  anarchy  and  usurpation.  His  Majesty, 
however,  confides  in  your  fortitude  and  discretion,  and 
doubts  not  that  all  other  officers,  civil  and  military,  ani- 
mated by  your  example,  will  exert  themselves  in  such  a 
manner,  in  support  of  the  Constitution,  and  for  enforcing 
obedience  to  the  laws,  as  will  recommend  them  to  his 
Majesty's  royal  grace  and  favour. 


Enclosed  in  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth's  Letter  to  Governor  Gage,  of 
April  9th,  1774. 

COPY  OF  A  MINUTE  OF  THE  TREASURY  BOARD. 

Whitehall  Treasury  Chambers,  31st  March,  1774. 

Present  Lord  North,  Mr.  Townshend,  Lord  Beau- 
champ,  Mr.  Cormvall. 

My  Lords  take  into  consideration  an  Act  to  discontinue, 
in  such  manner  and  for  such  time  as  are  therein  mentioned, 
the  landing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping,  of  goods, 
wares  and  merchandise,  at  the  town  and  w  itliin  the  harbour 
of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North 
America :  and  being  desirous  that  the  provisions  of  the  said 
Act  should  be  carried  into  execution  with  all  possible  vigi- 
lance, despatch  and  circumspection,  as  far  as  the  same  relate 
to  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's  Customs,  established  in  the 
same  town  and  Province,  transmit  a  copy  of  the  said  Act 
to  the  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  in  America,  and 


247 


CORRESPONDENCE,  MAY,  1774. 


248 


direct  them  forthwith  to  take  such  steps  as  they  shall  find 
necessary  for  the  removal  of  their  Board  from  the  said  town 
of  Boston  to  tlie  town  of  tSalevi,  in  the  said  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  that  as  soon  as  proper  offices  can 
be  prepared  for  their  reception  and  accommodation. 

Direct  them,  together  with  all  the  otlicers  belonging  to 
their  Board,  to  repair  to  the  said  town  of  Salem,  and  there  to 
execute  the  duties  and  functions  of  their  commissions,  until 
they  shall  receive  further  orders  respecting  the  future  resi- 
dence and  establishment  of  their  Board. 

Direct  them,  at  the  same  time,  to  give  orders  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  Collector,  Comptroller,  Surveyor,  and  such 
other  officers  of  the  port  of  Boston  as  they  shall  judge  ne- 
cessary, to  the  town  of  Plymouth,  or  to  the  island  of  Nan- 
tucket, or  to  such  otiier  town  or  place  within  the  limits  of 
the  said  port,  as  siiall  appear  to  them  most  proper  and  most 
convenient  for  the  trade  of  his  Majesty's  subjects ;  and  let 
the  said  Collector,  and  other  officere,  be  ordered  to  establish 
themselves  in  the  said  town  of  Flyviouth,  or  such  other 
town  or  place  as  the  Commissioners  shall  appoint,  within 
the  limits  of  the  said  port  of  Boston ;  and  there  to  proceed 
and  carry  on,  in  the  usual  manner,  the  business  of  their 
several  departments  in  the  collection  and  management  of 
his  Majesty's  Customs,  and  in  the  execution  of  the  Laws 
of  Trade. 

And  inasmuch  as  it  may  be  reasonably  expected,  that 
the  trade  within  the  jiort  of  Salem  and  Marblehead,  will 
be  considerably  increased  during  tiie  continuance  of  the 
said  Act  of  Parliament,  and  may  require  an  additional  num- 
ber of  officers  to  be  stationed  at  those  places  to  transact  the 
business  of  the  Customs, — 

Direct  the  Commissioners  to  take  with  them  to  Salem, 
such  of  the  Tidesmen  and  incidental  officers,  now  employed 
at  Boston,  as  they  shall  think  the  service  at  Salem  and 
Marblehead  niay  demand  :  and  recommend  to  their  par- 
ticular care  and  attention,  that  clause  of  the  said  Act  which 
relates  to  vessels  carrying  coastwise,  under  the  restrictions 
therein  mentioned,  fuel  and  victual  for  the  necessary  use 
and  sustenance  of  the  people  of  the  town  of  Boston ;  and 
direct  them  to  give  express  orders  to  the  proper  officers  to 
be  vigilant  and  alert  in  visiting  and  searching  all  such  ves- 
sels laden  with  fuel  and  provisions,  as  aforesaid,  which  shall 
enter  the  harbour  of  Marblehead,  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
ing a  transire,  or  let  pass,  pursuant  to  the  said  Act  of  Par- 
liament. And  in  case  it  shall  appear  to  the  officers  em- 
ployed on  that  service,  by  information,  or  by  any  probable 
cause  of  suspicion,  that  there  are  concealed  on  board  any 
sucli  vessels,  any  goods,  wares  or  merchandise,  other  than 
such  fuel  or  victual,  that  then,  and  in  every  such  case,  such 
officers  should  be  directed  to  oblige  the  master  or  comman- 
der of  such  vessel  so  informed  against  or  suspected,  to 
unlade  his  cargo,  before  lie  obtains  such  transke,  or  let  pass, 
in  order  to  proceed  to  the  town  of  Boston. 

Let  the  Commissioners  take  care  that,  after  the  first  day 
of  June,  1774,  and  during  the  continuance  of  the  said  Act, 
no  officers  of  the  Customs  whatsoever  be  suffered  to  reside 
within  the  town  or  harbour  of  Boston. 

In  consideration  of  the  losses  which  the  Collector,  Comp- 
troller, and  other  officers  upon  the  establishment,  within 
the  said  port  of  Boston,  must  inevitably  suffer  by  the  dimi- 
nution of  the  fees  and  perquisites  of  the  respective  offices, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  said  Act, — 

My  Ijords  direct  the  Commissioners  to  report  to  their 
Lordships,  as  soon  as  they  can  form  any  opinion  of  the 
matter,  how  much  it  may  be  reasonable  to  allow  to  such 
officers  respectively,  as  a  compensation  for  such  their  losses. 
Direct  them,  from  time  to  time,  by  every  opportunity,  to 
inform  my  Lords  of  the  several  steps  they  shall  have  taken 
in  the  execution  of  the  said  Act,  and  of  their  Lordships 
orders. 

Acquaint  them  that  they,  and  all  the  officers  under  their 
authority,  may  depend  on  being  supj)orted  and  protected 
in  the  execution  of  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices. 

Inform  them  that  the  Ijords  Commissioners  of  the  Ad- 
miralty have  despatched  orders  to  the  Admiral,  comman- 
ders and  commissioned  officers  of  his  Majesty's  ships  of 
war  on  that  station,  to  use  the  utmost  vigilance  and  activity 
in  the  execution  of  the  several  provisions  of  the  said  Act 
of  Parliament ;  and  in  case  any  of  the  officers  in  any  of 
his  Majesty's  ships,  or  sloops  of  war,  shall  see  occasion  to 
require  any  officer  or  officers  of  the  Customs,  to  be  put  on 


board  any  of  the  vessels  under  their  command,  direct  the 
Conmiissioners  to  take  care  that  all  such  requisitions  be 
duly  complied  with. 

Transmit  a  copy  of  this  Minute  to  Mr.  Stephens,  for  the 
information  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  and  to  Mr. 
Pownall,  for  the  information  of  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth. 


FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  LONDON  TO  ONE  IN  NEW  YORK. 

Extract. 

London,  April  27.  1774. 

I  hope  there  is  no  necessity  of  admonishing  you  to  unite 
in  the  defence  of  the  liberty  of  America.  The  stroke  may 
first  be  felt  in  Boston ;  but  that  man  who  does  not  perceive 
it  meant  against  the  whole  line  of  Colonies  must  be  blind 
indeed.  Trust  me,  the  views  of  Administration  are  to  sub- 
due and  enslave  you.  They  have  so  sure  a  majority  in 
both  Houses  of  Parliament,  that  they  find  no  difficulty  in 
executing  every  wish  of  the  King,  either  in  the  ruin  of  this 
country  or  America.  I  love  to  speak  the  naked  tmth. 
Tell  the  people  of  America,  that  the  favourite  Ministry  of 
the  most  powerful  Monarch  in  Europe,  hate  the  name  of 
liberty,  and  abhor  the  man  who  dares  support  the  princi- 
ples of  it.  They  suffer  no  man  to  share  their  confidence, 
until  he  has  proved  himself  an  unprinci])led  apostate,  and 
spurns  at  the  idea  of  a  virtuous  opinion.  This  may  be  sup- 
posed one  of  the  great  reasons  why  so  few  of  the  first  rank 
among  us  openly  espouse  the  cause  of  America  ;  for  it  is 
the  cause  of  virtue,  in  which  nothing  can  be  gained,  but 
much  lost.  The  infinite  increase  of  perquisites,  pensions, 
and  places,  in  consequence  of  an  uncontrolled  direction  of 
the  India  Company,  has  almost  silenced  opposition.  Hav- 
ing, therefore,  but  few  friends  left,  and  even  those  left 
without  power  to  do  you  any  essential  service  you  must  rely 
upon  nothing  but  your  own  wisdom  and  virtue  to  disappoint 
the  wicked  purposes  of  your  powerful  enemies;  for  their 
interest,  inclinations,  and  even  existence,  all  unite  to  work 
your  ruin.  I  do  not  venture  to  point  out  what  steps  you 
should  take  to  avert  the  storm,  or  direct  it  to  your  advan- 
tage. If  you  mean  to  negotiate  any  thing  with  this  country, 
let  it  be  done  with  dignity  and  firmness. 

I  have  the  satisfaction  of  assuring  you  that  Ijord  Chat- 
ham is  that  kind  of  friend  to  America  which  he  ever  has 
been  ;  he  came  to  town  on  purpose  to  watch  and  oppose 
the  present  proceedings,  but  has  ever  since  been  confined 
to  his  bed.  Lord  Camden  and  Lord  Bockingham  are  your 
friends. 

The  two  Sheriffs  of  London,  with  other  gentlemen, 
natives  of  America,  have  another  petition  now  ready  to  pre- 
sent to  the  House  of  Commons,  against  the  Bills  now  before 
them.  Sir  George  Savile  has  agreed  to  bring  it  in  and 
support  it. 

As  to  the  merchants,  many  of  them  were  such  idiots 
as  to  wait  on  Lord  North,  and  return  to  their  country  houses 
perfectly  satisfied  that  he  meant  nothing  inimical  to  you, 
because  he  said  so.  He  served  the  East  India  Directors 
the  same  trick  not  many  months  since. 

I  have  no  doubt  but  that  the  people  of  England  will, 
in  six  months  time  see  the  folly  of  those  measures,  and 
drive  the  Ministry  to  the  necessity  of  giving  up  the  ques- 
tion, especially  if  you  have  spirit  enough  to  act  properly. 


LtEUT.  GOVERNOR    COLDEN    TO    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

New  York,  4th  May,  1774. 

Captain  Lockyer,  with  the  so  long  looked  for  tea  fiom 
the  India  Company,  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook  on  the  19th  of 
last  month.  The  ship  came  no  farther  up,  and  a  few  days 
after  sailed  from  thence  again  for  London,  with  the  tea  on 
board.  Neither  the  Captain,  nor  any  other,  made  the  least 
ajiplication  to  me  about  the  ship  or  her  cargo.  The  account 
of  this  affiiir,  published  in  the  enclosed  Newspaper,  is  as 
particular  and  full  as  any  I  could  procure. 

In  the  same  p- per  your  Lordship  will  find  an  account 
of  some  more  violent  proceedings  against  a  parcel  of  tea 
imported  by  Captain  Chambers,  of  the  ship  London,  who 
arrived  here  while  Captain  Lockyer  wn^  in  this  place.  As 
no  application  was  made  to  me  by  Captain  Chambers,  or 
any  other,  before  or  since  the  riotous  event,  I  cannot  give 


249 


CORRESPONDENCE,  MAY,  1774. 


250 


your  Lordsliip  a  better  account  of  it  than  is  contained  in 
tiie  printed  paper. 

It  happened  early  in  the  evening,  and  tliough  a  pretty 
large  number  of  spectators  were  assembled,  the  quarter 
where  I  reside,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  town,  was  per- 
fectly quiet.  It  is  said  Captain  Chambers  drew  the  par- 
ticular resentment  of  the  people  upon  himself  by  the  du- 
plicity of  his  conduct.  Last  voyage  he  claimed  applause 
here  for  being  the  first  who  refused  to  take  the  India  Com- 
pany's tea  on  board  his  ship,  and  received  public  thanks 
from  the  people  of  this  place  for  it. 

A  few  days  after  Governor  Tryon  wenX  from  hence,  a 
small  sloop  loaded  with  Dutch  tea,  duck,  &tc.,  was  seized 
by  an  oflicer  of  the  custom-house.  She  was  taken  in 
this  port  at  noon  day,  and  secured  without  any  tumult  on 
tlie  occasion. 

Enclosed   in   Lieutenant   Governor   Colden't  Letter  to  the    Earl   of 
Dartmouth,  of  May  4,  1774. 

Mew  York,  April  28,  1774. 

On  Monday  se'ennight,  April  18,  advice  was  received 
from  Philadelphia,  that  Captain  Chambers,  of  the  ship 
London,  of  this  port,  had  taken  on  board,  at  the  port  of 
Ltoiulon,  eighteen  boxes  of  fine  tea,  which  were  regularly 
cleared,  and  the  mark  and  numbers  were  taken  from  the 
cocket  by  Captain  All,  of  Philadelphia.  As  Captain 
Chambers  was  one  of  the  first  who  refused  to  take  the 
India  Company's  tea  on  freight  the  last  summer,  for  which 
he  received  the  thanks  of  the  citizens,  they  could  not  be- 
lieve that  he  knew  of  the  tea's  being  on  board,  and  therefore 
supposed  it  to  have  been  shipped  by  some  Ministerial  tool, 
under  another  denomination,  in  order  to  injure  the  owners, 
or  the  reputation  of  the  master,  or  to  make  an  experiment 
of  this  mode  of  introducing  the  teas  to  America.  The 
Committee,  and  tlie  inhabitants,  were,  therefore,  determined 
to  examine  into  the  matter  with  great  vigilance. 

In  the  night,  the  long  expected  tea  ship  Nancy,  Captain 
Lockyer,  arrived  at  Sandy  Hook  without  her  mizenmast, 
and  one  of  her  anchors,  which  were  lost  in  a  gale  of  wind 
the  2d  inst.,  when  her  maintopmast  was  sprung,  and  thrown 
on  her  beam-ends.  Letters  being  delivered  to  him  by  the 
Pilot,  from  sundry  gentlemen  of  this  city,  informing  him  of 
the  detennined  resolution  of  the  citizens  not  to  suffer  the 
tea  on  board  of  his  ship  to  be  landed,  he  requested  the  Pilot 
to  bring  him  up  to  procure  necessaries,  and  make  a  protest ; 
but  he  would  not  do  it  till  leave  was  obtained.  Early  the  next 
morning  this  was  communicated  to  the  Committee  ;  and  it 
appearing  to  them  to  be  the  sense  of  the  city  that  such 
leave  should  be  granted  to  him,  the  ship  to  remain  at  the 
Hook,  the  Pilot  was  immediately  despatched  to  bring  him 
up.  This  intelligence  was  immediately  communicated  to 
tlie  public  by  an  handbill. 

At  6  P.  M.  the  pilot  boat  returned  with  Captain  Lockyer 
on  board ;  and  although  the  people  had  but  a  very  short 
notice  of  it,  the  wharf  was  crowded  with  the  citizens,  to 
see  the  man  whose  arrival  they  long  and  impatiently  wished, 
to  give  them  an  opportunity  to  co-operate  with  the  other 
Colonies.  The  Committee  conducted  him  to  the  house  of 
the  Honorable  Henry  White,  Esq.,  one  of  the  consignees, 
and  there  informed  Captain  Lockyer,  that  it  was  the  sense 
of  the  citizens  that  he  should  not  presume  to  go  near  the 
custom-house,  and  to  make  the  utmost  despatch  in  procur- 
ing the  necessary  articles  he  wanted  for  his  voyage.  To 
this  he  answered :  "  That  as  the  consignees  would  not  re- 
"  ceive  his  cargo,  he  would  not  go  to  the  custom-house, 
"  and  would  make  all  the  despatch  he  could  to  leave  tlie 
"  city."  A  Committee  of  Observation  was  appointed  to 
go  down  in  a  sloop  to  the  Hook,  to  remain  near  the  tea 
ship  till  she  departs  for  London;  and  four  Committees 
were  appointed  to  watch  the  ship  London,  on  her  arrival, 
day  and  night,  till  she  should  be  discharged. 

Wednesday  night,  April  20th,  arrived  Captain  Law- 
rence, from  London,  who  confirmed  the  account  received 
from  Philadelphia,  of  Captain  Chambers  having  on  board 
eighteen  boxes  of  fine  tea,  but  could  not  tell  who  was  the 
shipper,  or  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  Thursday  the  Com- 
mittee interrogated  Captain  Lawrence  relative  to  what  he 
knew  of  the  tea's  being  on  board  of  Captain  Chambers ; 
when  he  showed  them  a  memorandum  in  his  pocket-book, 
which  he  took  from  the  cocket  in  the  middle  of  Captain 
Gtambers'  file  of  papers,  in  the  Searcher's  Office  at  Graves- 


end,  corresponding  with  the  advice  transmitted  from  Phil- 
adelphia, except  some  variation  in  the  mark.  This  morn- 
ing the  following  handbill  was  distributed  : 

"  To  the  Public. — The  sense  of  the  city,  relative  to  the 
"  landing  the  East  India  Company's  tea,  being  signified  to 
"  Captain  Lockyer  by  the  Committee,  nevertheless,  it  is 
"  the  desire  of  a  number  of  the  citizens,  that  at  his  depar- 
"  ture  from  hence,  he  should  see,  with  his  own  eyes,  their 
"  detestation  of  the  measures  pursued  by  the  Ministry  and 
"  the  India  Company,  to  enslave  this  country.  This  will 
"  be  declared  by  the  convention  of  the  people  at  his  de- 
"  parture  from  this  city,  which  will  be  on  next  Saturday 
"  morning  at  9  o'clock,  when,  no  doubt,  every  friend  to  this 
"  country  will  attend.  The  bells  will  give  the  notice  about 
"  an  hour  before  he  embarks  from  Murray's  wharf. 

"  By  order  of  the  Committee." 

"  New  York,  April  21,  1774. 

Friday,  at  noon.  Captain  Chambers  came  into  the 
the  Hook;  the  Pilot  asked  him  if  he  had  any  tea  on 
board  ?  He  declared  he  had  none.  Two  of  the  Committee 
of  Observation  went  on  board  of  Captain  Chambers,  and 
informed  him  of  the  advices  received  of  his  having  tea  on 
board,  and  demanded  a  sight  of  all  his  cockets,  which  was 
accordingly  given  them  ;  but  the  cocket  for  the  tea  was  not 
found  among  them,  nor  was  the  mark  or  number  on  his 
manifest. 

About  4  P.  M.  the  ship  came  to  the  wharf^  when  she  was 
boarded  by  a  number  of  the  citizens.  Captain  Chambers 
was  interrogated  relative  to  his  having  the  tea  on  board, 
but  he  still  denied  it.  He  was  then  told  that  it  was  in  vain 
to  deny  it,  for  as  there  was  good  proof  of  its  being  on  board, 
it  would  be  found,  as  there  were  Committees  appointed  to 
open  every  package,  and  that  he  had  better  be  open  and 
candid  about  it,  and  demanded  the  cocket  for  the  tea ;  upon 
which  he  confessed  it  was  on  board,  and  delivered  the 
cocket.  The  owners  and  the  Committee  immediately  met 
at  Mr.  Francis's,  where  Captain  Chambers  was  ordered  to 
attend.  Upon  examining  him  who  was  the  shipper  and 
owner  of  the  tea?  he  declared  that  he  was  sole  owner  of  it. 
After  the  most  mature  deliberation,  it  was  determined  to 
communicate  the  whole  state  of  the  matter  to  the  people, 
who  were  convened  near  the  ship,  which  was  accordingly 
done.  The  Mohawks  were  prepared  to  do  their  duty  at 
a  proper  hour ;  but  the  body  of  the  people  v.ere  so  impa- 
tient, that  before  it  arrived  a  number  of  them  entered  the 
ship,  about  8  P.  M.,  took  out  the  tea,  which  was  at  hand, 
broke  the  cases,  and  started  their  contents  into  the  river, 
without  doing  any  damage  to  the  ship  or  cargo.  Several 
persons  of  reputation  were  placed  below  to  keep  tally,  and 
about  the  companion  to  prevent  ill-disposed  persons  from 
going  below  the  deck. 

At  10  the  people  all  dispersed  in  good  order,  but  in  great 
wrath  against  the  Captain ;  and  it  was  not  without  some 
risk  of  his  life  that  he  escaped.  Saturday,  in  the  morning, 
the  shipping  in  the  harbour  displayed  their  colours,  and  a 
large  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  Liberty  Pole,  and  at  8  A.  M. 
all  the  bells  of  the  city  rang,  pursuant  to  the  notice  published 
on  Thursday.  About  nine,  the  greatest  number  of  people 
were  collected  at  and  near  the  coffee  house,  that  was  ever 
known  in  this  city.  At  a  quarter  past  nine  the  Com- 
mittee came  out  of  the  coffee  house  with'  Captain  Lock- 
yer, upon  which  the  band  of  music  attending  played  God 
save  the  IGnir.  Immediately  there  was  a  call  for  Captain 
Chambers.  Where  is  he  ?  Where  is  he  ?  Captain  Lockyer 
must  not  go  till  we  find  Captain  Chambers,  to  send  him  with 
the  tea  ship.  This  produced  marks  of  fear  in  Captain  Lock- 
yer, who  imagined  some  mischief  was  intended  him ;  but  upon 
assurances  being  given  him  to  the  contrary,  he  appeared 
composed.  The  Committee,  with  the  music,  conducted 
him  through  the  multitude  to  the  end  of  Murray's  wharf, 
where  he  was  put  on  board  the  pilot  boat,  and  wished  a 
safe  passage  ;  upon  which  the  multitude  gave  loud  huzzas, 
and  many  guns  were  fired,  expressive  of  their  joy  at  his 
departure.  Tiie  Committee  of  Observation  at  the  Hook 
have  cognizance  of  him  till  a  fair  wind  offers  for  his  depar- 
ture from  thence.  Thus,  to  the  great  mortification  of  the 
secret  and  open  enemies  of  America,  and  the  joy  of  all 
the  friends  of  liberty  and  human  nature,  the  union  of  these 
Colonies  is  maintained  in  a  contest  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  their  safety  and  felicity. 


3St 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


252 


On  Sunday  night,  at  8  P.  M .,  the  Committee  of  Obser- 
vation returned  from  the  Hook,  lliey  inform  us,  that  the 
sailors  of  the  tea  ship,  being  unwiUing  to  proceed  witii 
lier  to  London,  made  a  raft  of  spars  and  boards,  in  order 
to  quit  tiie  siiip  with  the  tide  of  flood,  but  were  observed 
by  the  Captain,  and  being  aided  by  the  Committee,  wlio 
offered  their  assistance  to  him,  they  desisted  from  their 
project. 

That  on  Sunday,  at  10  A.  M.,  the  ship  and  the  sloop, 
with  the  Committee,  weighed  their  anchors  and  stood  to 
sea ;  and  at  2  P.  M.  the  pilot  boat  and  the  Committee's 
sloop  left  her  at  the  distance  of  three  leagues  from  the 
Hook. 

^Vith  Captain  Lockyer,  in  the  ship  Nancy,  went  pas- 
senger Captain  James  Chambers. 

Many  pei-sons  still  suspecting  that  Captain  James  Cham- 
bers continues  privately  in  this  city,  they  may  be  assured 
that  he  sailed  out  of  the  Hook,  for  Ijondon,  on  Sunday 
last,  on  board  the  Nancy,  Captain  Lockyer,  who  afforded 
him  a  very  hospitable  and  gentlemanly  reception  ;  and 
whose  whole  behaviour,  during  his  stay  in  this  city,  proved 
him  to  be  a  sensible,  discreet,  and  a  very  well  bred  man.* 


*/n  the  same  Paper,  enclosed  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Colden  to  the 

Earl  oj  Dartmouth,  in  the  preceding  Letter,  was  this  additional 

notice  of  the  same  transaction. 

Mr.  RiviNGToN  :  You  declare  your  paper  is  impartial ;  ns  such  please 
to  insert  the  following  particul.irs  relative  to  the  idle  paragraplis  in 
Mr.  Gaines's  Gazette  of  last  Monday. 

What  is  the  Committee  of  Observation  ?  By  whom  were  they  ap- 
]>oiuted,  and  what  autliority  had  they  to  order  Captain  Chambers,  or 
any  body  else,  to  attend  them  at  Mr.  Francis's,  or  any  other  ]>laco 
whatsoever  ?  Who  says,  and  upon  what  authority  does  he  say,  that  the 
sense  of  the  city  was  asked,  relatively,  either  to  the  sending  away  Cap. 
tain  Lockyer,  or  the  destruction  of  the  tea  on  board  the  London  ?  Has 
not  every  London  Captain  brought  tea  under  the  same  circumstances  ? 
And,  if  so,  what  were  the  Apostates  that  informed  against  the  unfor- 
tunate man,  who  was  threatened  with  death  for  obeying  the  laws  of 
his  country  ?  Who  were  the  persons  of  reputation  tliat  were  placed 
below  to  keep  tally,  saving  one,  who  acted  according  to  honour  and 
principle  ?  Let  us  know  their  names,  or  else  we  will  dispute  their 
pretensions.  What  did  they  get  by  conducting  Captain  Lockyer  in 
public  through  the  crowd.but  a  mortilying  disgust  in  finding  he  would 
not  even  pull  off  his  hat  to  the  insulting  huzzas  of  all  the  people?  All, 
indeed  !  when  I  am  persuaded  that  not  one  twentieth  part  joined  in 
such  outrage  :  though  "  the  greatest  number  were  collected  at  and 
near  the  Cotfje  House,  that  ever  was  known  in  this  city."  Marvellous 
indeed,  and  utterly  beyond  belief!  Much  like  the  narrative  in  the 
introduction  to  this  noble  and  authentic  history,  wherein  the  his'orian 
informs  ua  that  the  Nancy's  "  maintopmast  was  sprung  and  the  ship 
thrown  on  her  beam-ends ;"  or  when  he  says,  the  tea  on  board  tho 
London  was  cast  into-  the  river  without  doing  any  damage  to  the  ship 
or  CARGO.  This,  too,  was  undoubtedly  effected  to  the  joy  of  all  the 
friands  of  liberty  and  human  nature. 

But,  Mr.  Printer,  to  end  the  matter  for  the  present.  Who  says 
that  ALL  the  bells  were  rung  on  this  solemn  occasion  ?  when  it  is 
assorted  that  several  did  not  ring  at  all ;  and  that  several  others  did 
not  ring  but  by  means  of  fellows  breaking  into  churches  where  they 
bad  no  Ijusiness,  and  for  which  they  ought,  and  every  good  man  hopes, 
so  far  as  I  know,  that  they  will  be  pros.jcuted  according  to  law. 

I  wish  the  Printers  of  public  Chronicles  would  be  cautious  of  dis- 
gracing their  papers  by  publishing  party  relations.  While  they  adhere 
to  matters  of  fact,  'tis  all  well ;  but  when  they  expand  their  columns 
to  either  patriot  or  ministerial  minions,  without  any  known  evidence — 
nay,  contrary  to  tiie  truth  of  fact — they  must  not,  they  cannot,  they 
shall  not  hope  to  escape  the  animadversions  of  a  lover  of  Constitu. 
tional  liberty,  but  a  sworn  foe  to  Coblers  and  Tailors,  so  long  as  they 
take  upon  their  everlasting  and  unmeasurahle  shoulders,  the  power 
of  directing  the  loyal  and  sensible  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  Province 
of  New  York.  April  25,  1774. 

The  following  Notice  and  Reply,  appeared  in  the  two  succeeding 
numbers  of  the  Gazetteer : — 

New  York,  May  5. 

A  full  Answer  to  the  animadversions  on  the  conduct  of  the  inhabi- 
tants  of  this  city,  relative  to  the  return  of  Captain  Lockyer,  &.C., 
which  were  inserted  in  last  weeks'  Gazetteer,  will  be  presented  in  our 
next. 

New  York,  May  12,  1774. 
To  the  Printer  of  the  New  York  Gazetteer. 

Sir  :  When  any  man  attempts  to  call  tho  attention  of  the  public  to 
his  compositions,  under  the  specious  character  of  an  advocate  for 
truth,  he  should  strictly  adhere  to  the  principle  he  pretends  to  main- 
tain;  otlierwise,  however  loud  and  artful  ho  may  be  in  his  profession, 
thoywill  consider  him  as  an  imposter.  I  was  led  to  these  reil'sctions  in 
perusing  the  animadversions,  published  in  your  Gazetteer,  on  the  con- 
duct of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  relative  to  the  dismission  of  Captain 
Lockyer,  and  his  tea,  and  tho  narrative  thereof,  in  Mr.  Gaines's 
Gazette. 

It  may  justly  be  expected,  that  when  an  anonymous  author  calls 
for  names  to  authenticate  facts,  wh  ch  he  disputes,  he  will  not  be  de- 
ficient in  that  kind  of  proof  to  support  his  assertions  or  suggestions, 
which  he  requires  of  otiiers ;  but  the  contrary  is  evident  to  every  one, 
who  will  be  at  the  trouble  to  peruse  the  piper  in  question.  Eviry 
man  of  information  in  this  Colony,  knows  that  it  contains  gross  mis- 
representations, to  say  no  worse  ;  for  the  .Assembly,  and  the  inhabi. 
tants  of  this  Colony  have,  more  than  once,  declared  their  abhorrence 
of  the  Revenue  Act,  and  consequonlly,  of  the  importation  of  tea,  while 
the  Act  exists ;  and  therefore,  if  Great  Britain  and  the  other  Colonics 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

Memoravdom.     16th  March,  1771. 
Tlie  Governor  this  day  received  the  following  letter  from 
Lord   Dunmure,  Go\crnor   of  Virginia,  by  express,  in 
answer  to  his  Honor's  letter  of  the  31st  of  January  : 

Williamsburg,  3d  March,  1774. 
Sir:  I  have  been  fav'oured  with  your  letter  of  the  31st 
January,  1774,  and  duplicate  of  the  same,  the  occasion  of 
which  having  been  the  appointment  of  certain  officers  by 
me  in  a  remote  district  of  the  county  of  Augusta,  in  this 
Colony,  which  includes  Fittsburg,  which  having  been 
done,  as  is  alw  ays  my  rule,  with  the  advice  of  his  Majesty's 
Council,  1  could  not,  till  I  had  an  opportimity  of  laying 
your  letter  before  them,  return  you  an  answer,  and  it  is  not 
till  now  that  I  am  enabled  so  to  do.  From  the  opinion, 
therefore,  of  his  Majesty's  Council  of  this  Colony,  I  nmst 
inform  )ou,  tiiat  altiiough  the  calculations  on  which  you 
rely  in  the  plan  accompanying  your  letter,  may  possibly  be 
found  exact,  yet  they  can  by  no  means  be  considered, 
by  us,  as  the  observation,  on  which  they  were  founded,  was 

were  fully  informed  of  our  sentiments,  relative  to  the  obnoxious  Act, 
it  would  Tiot  be  necessary  to  take  any  notice  of  the  animadvertor. 
He  would  in  tliat  case  be  left  to  tlie  just  reproaches  of  liis  fellow. citi- 
zens, of  which,  I  am  persuaded  he  is  not  ignorant.  But  as  the  paper 
under  consideration,  was  designed  to  induce  a  belief  in  those  places, 
that  wo  are  greatly  divided  in  tliis  city  upon  the  Revenue  Act,  and 
tho  point  of  returning  tlie  tea  ;  and  that  it  was  done  by  the  approba. 
tion  only  of  an  inconsiderable  number:  I  shall,  therefore,  for  the  in. 
formation  of  those  who  are  at  a  distance  from  us,  and  the  honour  of 
the  Colony,  show  these  representations  to  be  void  of  truth.  This  will 
appear,  by  a  proper  attention  to  the  following  facts,  viz :  lu  tliu 
Session  of  Parliament  of  1767,  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain  gave  to 
his  Majesty,  the  property  of  the  Americans,  by  granting,  among  other 
imposts,  three  pence  sterling  per  pound,  "  for  every  pound  weight, 
avoirdupois,  of  tea,"  which  should  be,  "imported  I'rora  Great  Britain 
into  any  Colony  or  Plantation  in  America."  The  merchants  of  this 
city,  and  a  groat  number  of  the  other  inhabitants  of  all  ranks,  being 
alarmed  at  this  attempt  to  enslave  them,  on  the  Ulth  of  August,  1768, 
signed  an  agreement  to  decline  tiie  most  valuable  part  of  their  com- 
merce with  Great  Britain,  until  this  Act  should  be  repealed ;  and  th'i 
violators  of  this  compact  were  declared  to  be  "  deemed  enemies  of 
their  country."  This  compact,  commonly  called  tlie  Non-Importation, 
met  with  the  general  approbation  of  the  citizens,  which  was  demon- 
strated by  their  conformity  to  it.  In  consequence  of  this,  tlie  Captains 
of  our  ships,  trading  to  Great  Britain  were,  by  standing  orders  from 
their  owners,  forbid  to  take  on  board  there  any  of  the  goods  prohibit, 
ed  by  the  agreement.  In  order  that  the  sense  of  the  (Colony  might 
be  known,  the  General  Assembly  in  their  next  Session,  on  the  3lst  of 
December,  1768,  passed  the  following  resolution,  with  several  others, 
declarative  of  our  rights  and  privileges,  viz : 

"  Resolved,  nem.  con.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Committee 
"  that  no  tax,  under  any  name  or  denomination,  or  on  any  pretence, 
"  or  for  any  purpose  whatsoever,  can  or  ought  to  be  imposed  or 
"levied,  upon  the  persons,  estates,  or  property  of  his  Majesty's  good 
"  subjects,  within  tins  Colony ;  but  of  their  free  gift,  by  their  Rcpro. 
"  sentatives,   lawfully  convened  in  General  Assembly."* 

This  resolution  had  evidently  the  Revenue  Act  for  its  object.  The 
opinion  of  the  Colony,  in  legal  consideration,  having  been  thus  dc. 
clared,  against  tlie  Parliamentary  principle  of  taxing  the  Colonies,  by 
Parliamentary  authority ;  it  was  judged  of  equal  importance  to  the 
common  cause  of  America,  that  a  declaration  should  be  representa- 
tively made  of  the  public  sense,  on  the  means  which  tlie  merchants 
and  others  had  adopted,  to  defeat  the  execution  of  that  act,  which 
proclaimed  to  the  world,  that  the  Americans  had  no  property  they 
could  call  their  own.  Accordingly,  on  the  10th  of  April,  1769,  Mr. 
Philip  Livingston,  an  eminent  merchant  of  this  city,  made  the  follow. 
ing  motion  in  the  Assembly,  viz: 

"  That  the  thanks  of  this  House  be  given  to  the  merchants  of  this 
"  city,  and  Colony,  for  their  repeated,  disinterested  public  spirit,  and 
"  patriotic  conduct,  in  declining  the  importation,  or  receiving  goods 
"  from  Great  Britain,  until  such  Acts  of  Parliament  as  the  General 
"  Assembly  had  declared  unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  the  rights 
••  and  liberties  of  the  people  of  tliis  Colony,  sliould  be  repealed  ;  and 
"  that  Mr.  Speaker  signify  tho  same  to  the  merchants  at  their  next 
"  monthly  meeting. 

"  Ordered,  That  IMr.  Speaker  signify  the  thanks  of  this  House 
"  to  the  merchants  of  this  city,  at  their  next  monthly  meeting  ac. 
"  cordingly."  t 

.\fter  advice  was  received  in  1770,  of  the  partial  repeal  of  the 
Revenue  Act,  a  number  of  the  merchants  were  inclined  to  import 
such  goods  from  Great  Britain  as  were  not  subject  to  the  paj'menl 
of  an  American  duty;  and  in  order  to  induce  the  consent  of  the 
citizens  to  depart  from  tho  first  form  of  the  non. importation  agree. 
nient,  they,  on  the  12th  of  June,  1770,  published  a  p^per,  which 
they  intended  as  the  basis  of  the  new  agreement.  It  contains, 
among  other  stipulations,  the  following,  viz. — "If  any  goods  shall 
"arrive  contrary  to  this  and  our  former  agreement,  they  shall  bo 
"  re-shipped  immcdiatoly.  And  any  persons,  masters  of  vessels, 
"  or  others,  that  shall  import  or  receive  a  consignment  of  any  dutia- 
"  ble  goods  (that  is  subject  to  tho  payment  of  duties  in  America,) 
"  shall  be  deemed  enemies  to  the  Colonies,  and  treated  accordingly." 
From  this  it  appears  that  the  old  agreement  was  confirmed,  so  far  as 
it  prohibited  the  importation  of  merchandise,  subject  to  an  American 
duty.     The  importation  of  goods  was  resolved  upon  the  9th  of  July, 

•Seethe  Journal  of  the  A  iBemblv,  that  endt.-tl  by  dUsolution  the  Sd  January,  1709, 
pasfe  73. 
1 3e«  the  Journal  of  the  Aiseiubl}',  for  April,  1760,  page  23  and  SS, 


253 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  .AND  APRIL,  1774. 


254 


made  without  the  participation  of  this  Government,  or  the 
assistance  of  any  person  on  the  part  of  the  Crown  ;  and 
even  if  they  were  admitted,  we  apprehend  tiiey  would 
decide  nothing  in  the  present  case ;  for  tiie  right  of  the 
Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  to  the  country  about  Fitts- 
burg,  jnust  be  founded  on  better  autiiority  than  is  there 
adduced  to  make  it  vahd,  and  we  are  strengthened  in  this 
opinion  by  tlie  principles  you  yourselves  adopt,  and  the- 
opinion  ol'  Lord  Camden,  which  you  have  produced  in 
your  dispute  with  Connecticut.  With  respect  to  the  right 
of  this  Colony  to  that  country,  the  transactions  of  the  late 
war  sliow  suihciently  what  was  ever  the  sense  of  the 
Government  of  Virginia  with  regard  to  it.  And  it  seems 
to  me  that  the  step  wliich  I  have  taken  ought  not  to  have 
been  either  unexpected  or  surprising,  as  you  are  pleased 
to  say  it  was  to  you,  when  it  is  well  known  that  formal 
declarations  were  made  by  the  Assembly  of  Fennsyhania, 
that  Fittshurg  was  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  that 
Government  at  the  time  that  retjuisitions  were  made  to 
them  for  the  defence  of  that  place,  the  burden  of  which, 
on  that  account,  fell  on  this  Government. 

In  conformity  to  these  sentiments  you  will  easily  see  I 
cannot  possibly,  in  compliance  with  your  request,  either 

1770,  agreeable  to  the  plan  proposed  in  that  paper,  the  non-importa. 
tion  agreement  thus  restricted,  continued,  as  it  still  does,  in  full  force, 
until  we  were  alarmed  with  accounts  in  the  latter  end  of  September, 
1773,  by  the  arrival  of  our  London  ships,  that  the  East  India  Com- 
pany intended  to  ship  their  own  tea  for  America.  Tlie  masters  of 
tliese  vessels  gave  public  information,  that  it  had  been  offered  to  them 
on  freight ;  and  tliat  they  had  refused  to  receive  it.  For  this  patrio- 
tic  and  spirited  conduct,  they  at  a  meeting  called  for  the  purpose,  by 
iidvortisament,  received  tlie  public  thanks  in  writing,  from  a  great 
body  of  merchants,  and  a  number  of  other  inhabitants,  in  which 
honour.  Captain  Ctiambera,  whose  apostacy  could  not  be  foreseen,  had 
his  share.  Our  citizens,  being  thus  informed  of  the  refusal  of  our 
London  Captains,  it  was  concluded,  that  such  refusal  would  discour- 
age the  India  Company  from  shipping  their  tea ;  and  therefore,  it  was 
judged  unnecessary  to  call  a  meeting  at  that  time,  to  agree  on  pre- 
cautions against  an  event  which  was  not  expected ;  especially  as  the 
friends  of  tlie  intended  consignees  gave  frequent  assurances,  that  they 
well  knew  the  sense  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  subject,  and  were 
resolved  to  refuse  the  trust  on  the  arrival  of  the  tea. 

A  number  of  our  citizens,  however,  fearing  that  the  tea  ship  would 
bring  the  first  intelligence  that  the  tea  was  actually  shipped,  were 
jealous  that  it  might  be  landed,  unexpectedly,  and  therefore,  without 
proper  opposition.  For  this  reason,  they  had  frequent  meetings,  to 
concert  a  plan  for  guarding  against  the  danger.  And  at  one  of  those 
meetings,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  present,  who  accordingly  did 
present  to  the  consignees,  the  following  Questions,  viz  : 

"  First,  Are  you,  gentlemen.  Commissioners,  satisfied  that  it  is 
"  contrary  to  the  general  sense  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  that  the 
"  tea  about  to  be  imported  by  the  India  Company,  should  be  received 
'•  or  sold  by  you  ? 

"  Second,  Will  you,  gentlemen,  declare  upon  your  honours,  that  in 
"  case  you  are  appointed  the  Commissioners,  for  the  sale  of  the  said 
"  tea,  that  you  will  not  receive,  or  sell,  or  be  in  any  respect  aiding  or 
"  assisting  in  receiving  or  selling  the  same  ? 

"  JVoremier  24,  1773." 

To  tliese  queries,  they  gave  the  following  Answer,  in  writing : 

"  Genti.kmen  :  At  present  we  have  received  no  appointment  from 
"  the  East  India  Company,  nor  any  certain  information  on  what  terms 
"  the  t^a  is  to  come  out  to  this  Colony ;  when  it  arrives,  (if  addressed  to 
"  us)  the  community  shall  be  acquainted  with  the  conditions  on  which 
**  it  is  sent.  Should  the  tea  be  shipped,  liable  to  the  payment  of  the 
"  American  duty,  we  believe  it  is  against  the  sentiments  of  the  inhabi. 
*'  tants,  tiiat  it  stiould  bo  sold  by  us,  or  any  otiier  person,  and  there- 
"  fore  we  cannot  execute  the  commission  ;  nor  shall  we  in  any  respect, 
**  act  therein  contrary  to  the  general  sense  of  our  fellow-citizens. 

"New  York,  November  25th,  1773." 

These  gentlemen,  when  they  were  certainly  informed  that  the  tea 
was  shipped,  subject  to  the  duty,  did,  in  compliance  with  their  en- 
gagement, make  the  following  resignation  to  a  Committee  who  waited 
on  tliem  for  that  purpose,  to  wit : 

"  The  Agents  since  find,  that  the  tea  will  come,  liable  to  American 
"  duty  ;  and  agreeable  to  their  former  promise,  have  declined  receiving 
"  and  selling  it  under  that  predicament. 

"  New  York,  December  1,  1773." 

That  no  means  might  be  neglected  to  secure  a  unanimity  of  con- 
duet  in  tlie  several  Colonies,  on  so  importjnt  a  point,  an  instrument  of 
association  was  framed ;  fifteen  hundred  copies  of  which  were  printed, 
and  dispersed  through  the  city ;  that  the  inhabitants  might  be  well 
apprised  of  its  contents,  before  they  were  requested  to  sign  it.  Tiiis 
association  paper,  in  its  preamble,  most  fully  and  expressly  declares 
against  the  unconstitutional  imposition  of  taxes  on  the  Colonies,  by 
authority  of  Parliament ;  particularly  points  at  the  evil  of  importing 
tea,  subject  to  duty;  expresses  the  warmest  sense  of  liberty  in  the 
subscribers ;  their  resolution,  by  all  lawful  means  to  defeat  the  perni- 
cious project;  to  transmit  to  posterity  the  blessings  of  freedom, 
derived  from  their  ancestors ;  and  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  the 
common  liberties  of  America ;  which  were,  (as  they  still  are)  in 
danger  of  being  subverted.  It  contains  five  resolves,  substance  de- 
claring, "  the  abettors  of  the  importation,  landing,  carting,  storing, 
"  sale  and  purchase  of  tea,  subject  to  Parliamentary  duty,  and  until 
■"  the  statute  7  George  the  Third,  chapter  46,  commonly  called  the 
"  Revenue  Act,  shall  be  totally  and  clearly  repealed, — enemies  to  their 
"  conntry.  That  whether  such  duty  be  paid  in  Britain  or  America, 
"  our  liberties  are  equally  afiected  ;  and  that  the  subscribers  will 
"  neither  deal  with,  employ,  or  have  any  connection  with  the  trans. 


revoke  die  commissions  and  appointments  already  made,  or 
defer  the  opportunity  of  such  other  officers  as  I  may  find 
necessary  for  the  good  government  of  that  part  of  the 
country,  which  we  cannot  but  consider  to  be  within  the 
dominion  of  Virginia,  until  his  Majesty  shall  declare  the 
contrary  ;  and  I  flatter  myself  1  can  rely  so  far  on  the  pru- 
dence and  discretion  of  the  officers  whom  I  have  appointed, 
that  the  measure  which  I  have  pursued  may  have  no  ten- 
dency to  raise  disturbances  in  your  Province,  as  you  seem 
to  apprehend,  and  if  any  should  ensue  I  cannot  but  believe 
they  will  be  occasioned,  on  the  contrary,  by  the  violent 
proceedings  of  your  officers  ;  in  which  opinion  1  am  jus- 
tified by  what  has  already  taken  place  in  the  irregular  com- 
mitment of  Mr.  Joltn  Conolly  for  acting  under  my  autho- 
rity, which,  however,  as  1  must  suppose,  it  was  entirely 
without  your  participation,  I  conclude  he  is  before  this 
time  released.  But,  nevertheless,  the  act  having  been  of 
so  outrageous  a  nature,  and  of  a  tendency  so  detrimental 
to  both  Colonies,  that,  with  the  advice  of  his  Majesty's 
Council  of  this  dominion,  I  do  insist  upon  the  most  ample 
reparation  being  made  for  so  great  an  insult  on  the  autho- 
rity of  his  Majesty's  Government  of  Virginia ;  and  no 
less  can  possibly  be  admitted  than  the  dismission  of  the 

"  gressors  of  any  of  those  resolves."  In  short,  it  contains  the 
strongest  terms  of  opposition,  without  actual  violence,  against  the  im- 
portation of  that  commodity,  under  those  circumstances,  leaving  the 
use  of  force  to  prevent  the  mischief,  to  be  resolved  in  some  future 
time,  in  case  any  emergency  might  thereafter  render  that  measure  un- 
necessary. Of  this  association  paper,  none  among  us  can  be  igno- 
rant. It  was  signed  by  a  vast  number  of  our  inhabitants,  including 
most  of  the  principal  lawyers,  merchants,  landholders,  masters  of 
ships,  and  mechanics  in  t  \c  city,  under  the  name  and  style  of  the 
Sons  of  Liberty  of  New  York;  was  published  in  Mr.  Holt's  New  York 
Journal,  number  1615. 

On  the  I6th  of  December  last,  a  Committee  of  the  Associates,  pub. 
lished  an  advertisement  in  this  (No.  35,)  and  Mr.  Holt's  paper.  No. 
1615,  and  in  handbills,  dispersed  about  this  city,  cordially  inviting 
the  Association  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty,  and  every  other  friend  of  ths 
Liberties  and  Trade  of  America,  to  met  at  the  City  Hall,  on  the  next 
day,  at  one  o*clock,  on  business  of  the  utmost  importance.  At  the 
time  and  place  appointed,  about  two  thousand  of  the  inhabitants, 
though  the  weather  was  bad,  attended  on  the  occasion,  and  were  ad- 
dressed by  one  of  tlie  members  of  the  Association,  who  informed  them, 
that  on  request  of  a  number  of  his  fellow-citizens,  he  had  several 
letters  to  communicate  to  the  assembly,  from  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence at  Boston,  and  a  letter  from  Philadelphia,  relative  to  the 
importation  of  the  East  India  Company's  tea.  The  letters  were  ac- 
cordingly read,  and  a  committee  of  gentlemen  chosen,  by  suffrage  of 
the  meeting,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  to  correspond  with  our  sister 
Colonies  on  the  subject.  After  this,  the  association  paper,  which  ha^i 
then  been  signed,  as  above  mentioned,  was  publicly  read  ;  and  the 
Speaker  having  put  the  question,  whether  they  agreed  to  the  resolves 
it  contained  ?     It  passed  in  the  affirmative,  nem,  con. 

So  respectable  was  this  meeting,  that  Government  thought  proper 
to  send  a  message  to  them  by  the  Mayor  and  Recorder,  which  was 
delivered  to  the  whole  body  by  the  first  Magistrate  of  the  city,  to 
the  following  purpose  :  "  That  the  Governor  declared  that  the  tea 
"  should  be  put  into  the  Fort  at  noon-day ;  and  engaged  his  honour  that 
"it  should  continue  there,  till  the  Council  should  advise  it  to  be 
**  delivered  out,  or  till  the  King's  order,  or  that  of  the  proprietors  should 
"  be  known  ;  and  that  then  the  tea  would  be  delivered  out  at  noon. 
"  day." 

Having  communicated  his  message,  he  asked,  "  Gentlemen,  is  this 
satisfactory  1"  The  question  was  answered  with  a  general  no  !  no !  no  ! 
The  Speaker  of  the  meeting  then  read,  with  a  loud  voice,  the  Act  of 
Parliament,  imposing  the  duty  on  tea ;  and  after  some  proper  remarks 
on  the  disposal  of  American  property,  by  the  Commons  of  Great 
Britain,  and  observing  that  the  duty  became  duo  on  landing  the  tea, 
he  put  the  following  question,  "  Is  it  then,  gentlemen,  your  opinion, 
"  that  the  tea  should  be  landed  under  this  circumstance  ?"  This  was 
carried  so  generally  in  the  negative,  that  there  was  no  call  for  a  divi. 
sion. 

He  having  then  informed  the  assembly  that  the  patriotic  inhabi. 
tants  of  Philadelphia  and  Boston  had  determined  that  no  tea,  subject 
to  duty  by  Parliamentary  authority,  for  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 
should  be  landed  in  either  of  those;  places ;  it  was  Resolved,  nem.  con., 
"  That  this  body  highly  approve  of  that  spirited  and  patriotic  conduct 
"  of  our  brethren  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  town  of  Boston, 
"  in  support  of  the  common  liberties  of  America  ;"  and  it  was  voted, 
that  those  proceedings  should  be  published,  and  transmitted  by  the 
Committee,  to  the  other  Colonies ;  which  was  accordingly  done. 

And  to  show  that  our  citizens  were  determined  not  to  preclude 
themselves  from  the  use  offeree,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  to  prevent 
the  landing  of  dutiod  tea,  it  is  notorious,  that  on  the  Monday  follow, 
ing,  a  few  persons,  among  whom  Messrs.  Jacob  Walton  and  Isaac 
Low,  were  the  most  active,  endeavoured  to  procure  a  subscription  to 
the  following  paper  : 

"  Whereas  an  Association  has  been  lately  entered  into,  by  the  in. 
"  habitants  of  the  city  of  New  York,  concerning  the  tea  now  expect  d 
"  from  England,  on  account  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  a  doubt 
"  has  arisen,  whether  it  is  the  goneral  sense  of  the  subscribers,  and 
"  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  that  the  landing  or  storing  of  the  said 
"  tea  should  be  opposed  by  force  ? 

"  We  the  subscribers,  to  remove  the  said  doubt,  as  far  as  concerns 
"  our  respective  sentiments,  do  declare,  and  resolve  as  follows  : 

"  1.  That  wo  do  concur  with  the  pirties  to  the  said  association,  that 
"  the  said  tea  ought  not,  on  any  account,  to  be  suffored  to  be  sold  or 
"  purcliasod  while  it  remains  subject  to  a  duty  imposed  by  the  authority 
"  of  Parliament,  for  the  purposes  of  an  American  revenue. 


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256 


clerk  {St.  Clair)  of  Westmoreland  county,  who  had  the 
audacity,  without  any  authority,  to  commit  a  Magistrate 
in  the  legal  discharge  of  his  trust,  unless  he  (St.  Clair) 
can  prevail,  by  proper  submission,  on  Mr.  Conolly,  to 
demand  his  pardon  of  me.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant,  Dunmohe. 

John  Penn,  Esquire. 

Memorandum.  SIhI  March,  1774. 
The  Governor  having  taken  the  foregoing  letter  into 
consideration,  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  wrote  a  let- 
ter tliis  day  to  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  in  answer  thereto, 
and  sent  the  same  by  express,  which  letter  follows  in  tliese 
words,  viz : 

Philiuielphia,  Slat  March,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  I  was  favoured  with  yours  of  the  third  of 
tliis  month  by  express,  which  arrived  when  several  of  the 
gentlemen  of  the  Council  were  out  of  town,  and  it  being 
also  my  rule  to  consult  the  Council  upon  all  occasions  of  a 

"  2.  That  to  carry  this  resolve  into  execution,  a  firm  and  rigorous 
"  opposition  ought  to  be  given  to  all  pursons  who  sliall  attempt  to 
"  betray  our  liberties,  either  by  purchasing  or  vending  the  said  tea. 

"  3.  That  we  are  deterniinod  to  have  no  agency  in  landing  or 
"  storing  the  said  tea. 

"4.  That  as  our  liberties,  with  respect  to  tliis  imposition,  must 
"  effectually  bo  secured  by  a  strict  adherence  to  the  preceding  re- 
"  solves,  we  do  not  conceive  it  necessary  or  expedient  to  hazard  the 
"  peace  of  the  city,  by  opposing  the  landing  or  storing  the  said  tea 
"  with  force. 

••  Dated  in  New  York,  the  —  day  o{  December,  1773." 

But  the  general  sense  of  the  citizens  ran  so  much  against  the  list 
resolve,  that  they  were  obliged  to  abandon  tlie  project  on  Tuesday ; 
having  been  able,  with  the  utmost  industry,  to  procure,  only  a  few 
subscribers.  In  tiio  evening  of  that  day,  an  express  arrived,  with  an 
Account  of  the  destruction  of  the  tea  at  Boston;  which  made  so  deep 
an  impression  on  the  minds  of  those  who  were  foremost  in  promoting 
the  last  mentioned  resolves,  that  some  of  them  declared,  that  tlie  tea 
expected,  would  not  be  safe  in  the  city. 

In  this  state  matters  continued  until  the  tea  ship  had  arrived,  and  we 
had  received  intelligence  from  Philadelphia  tliat  Captain  Chambers 
had  taken  on  board  eighteen  boxes  of  fine  tea,  at  the  port  o{  London, 
attended  with  a  regular  clearance.  The  arrival  of  the  tea  ship  at  the 
Hook,  induced  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  who  relied  on  the 
well  known  general  sense  of  the  inhabitants,  to  appoint  a  Committee 
of  Observation,  to  attend  her,  and  to  watch  the  arrival  of  Captain 
Chambers.  When  Captain  Lockyer  came  up  to  town,  he  was  in. 
formed  by  the  city  Committee,  antecedent  to  the  appointment  of  the 
Committee  of  Observation,  that  the  general  sense  was  fully  against 
the  lauding  of  the  tea;  and  attended  him  to  the  house  of  the  Honora- 
ble Henry  White,  Esquire,  one  of  liis  Majesty's  Council,  and  one  of 
the  consignees,  where  they  informed  him  that  the  same  general  sense 
was,  that  he  should  not  presume  to  go  near  the  custom-house ;  but 
make  the  utmost  despatch  in  procuring  necessaries  for  his  voyage. 
To  this  declaration,  which  was  fully  authorized  by  the  above 
mentioned  transactions,  he  answered,  that  as  the  consignees  would 
not  receive  the  tea,  he  would  comply  with  the  injunction.  The  city 
Committee,  appointed  four  other  Committees  to  watch  the  ship  Lon- 
don, on  her  coming  into  the  harbour,  and  attend  her  day  and  night, 
till  her  cargo  should  be  discharged.  Saturday,  the  23d  of  April, 
being  fixed  for  Captain  Lockyer's  departure,  an  handbill  was  circu- 
lated by  the  Committee  :  signifying  it  to  bo  the  desire  of  a  number  of 
citizens,  that,  added  to  the  declaration  he  had  received  of  the  general 
■ense  of  the  inhabitants  against  landing  of  the  tea,  he  should,  from  a 
convention  of  the  people,  liave  ocular  demonstration  of  our  detesta- 
tion of  the  measures  of  the  Ministry  and  East  India  Company,  to 
enslave  us. 

Tlie  friends  of  the  country  were  therefore  desired  to  attend  his  em. 
barkation,  al  the  appointed  time,  at  Murray's  wharf;  which  would  bo 
notified  an  hour  before  hand,  by  a  general  peal  of  the  bells.  To  add 
to  the  striking  solemnity,  it  was  fortunately  preluded  by  the  arrival  of 
Captain  Chambers,  on  Friday ;  and  the  destruction  of  his  tea,  by  some 
of  the  impatient  inhabitants,  at  an  earlier  hour  than  was  destined  for 
that  purpose.  The  next  morning,  all  the  church  bolls  of  the  city,  for 
it  is  again  repeated,  sounded  the  general  joy  of  the  inhabitants,  on  our 
deliverance  from  the  odious  burden.  And  this  may  be  relied  on,  as  a 
true  and  authentic  narrative  of  our  opposition  to  the  scheme  of  sub. 
JBctiiig  us  to  a  duty  on  tea,  from  its  first  projection,  to  the  fruitless 
attempt  to  execute  it. 

This  state  of  facts,  must  abundantly  prove  the  general  sense  of  the 
loyal,  free  people  of  this  Colony,  to  be  permanently  and  unalterably 
fixed  against  Parliamentary  imposts  on  America.  For,  to  wliat  other 
princi]ilo,  can  the  non-importation  agreement  be  attributed  ?  Are  men 
easily  induced  to  sliut  up  the  main  avjnues  to  the  support  of  them, 
selves  and  their  familii's  ?  Must  uot  the  call  to  such  a  measure  be 
the  loudest,  and  most  irresistible  ?  Or  can  the  trade  of  the  capital  of 
a  large  and  populous  country  bo  essentially  impeded  by  the  virtue  of 
a  {ew  1  By  no  means,  nothing  less  than  the  sense  ;  nothing  short  of 
the  determined  resolution  of  a  great  majority  could  produce  an  event 
so  important  in  its  nature ;  an  event  which  must  unavoidably  have 
sharpened  the  edge  of  a  thousand  wants. 

But  who  can  pretend  that  public  virtue  and  public  spirit  wore  con- 
fined to  this  city,  while  the  Journals  of  our  Assembly  so  emphatically 
declare  the  sense  of  the  whole  Province?  How  small  is  the  represen 
tation  of  this  capital  when  compared  to  that  of  the  rest  of  the  Colony  ? 
And  by  what  kind  of  reason  or  example  can  it  be  shown,  that  a  pre- 
valent interest  in  a  representative  body,  can  by  a  trilling  minority,  be 
induced  to  belie  their  constituents,  and  make  them  speak  a  language 
contrary  to  their  sentiments  ?  Again,  what  may  we  justly  infer  from 
the  spirited  declaration  of  our  rights,  on  the  Slst  of  December,  I76ti, 


public  nature,  I  could  not  possibly  give  your  Lordship's 
letter  an  answer  by  the  return  of  your  messenger,  who 
stayed  but  a  very  short  time  in  town.  I  am  sorry  the 
papers  1  enclosed  you  had  not  the  desired  effect.  1  never 
expected  they  would  be  taken  as  decisive  of  the  boimdaries 
of  Pennsylvania,  as  conclusive  upon  your  Government, 
but  I  had  reason  to  hope  they  contained  such  infonnation 
as  would  show  at  least  a  very  strong  probability  that  Pitts- 
burg, the  place  of  dispute,  was  within  this  Province,  and 
not  subject  to  the  Government  of  Virginia,  and  from 
them  1  concluded  you  would  be  convinced  of  the  impro- 
priety of  a  step  which  I  conceived  must  have  been  taken 
upon  a  supposition  that  that  place  was  certainly  beyond 
our  limits.  But  I  perceive  your  Lordship  hath  taken  up 
an  opinion  that  it  is  not  material  whether  it  be  within  our 
charter  bounds  or  not,  and  that  the  right  of  the  propri(itors 
of  Pennsylvania  to  the  country  about  Pittsburg  must  be 
founded  on  better  authority  than  the  Royal  grant !  And 
as  your  Lordship  seems  to  imagine  yourself  supported  in 
this  sentiment  by  our  own  principles  in  Lord   Camden' t 

the  resolve  and  vote  of  thanks  of  the  10th  of  April,  1769,  in  which 
the  merchants  of  this  city,  were  so  highly,  and  so  justly  compliment, 
ed  for  their  disinterested  and  self-denying  patriotism,  manifested  in 
the  non. importation  agreement  ?  Surely  nothing  less  than  that  the 
general  voice  of  the  people  of  all  ranks,  and  in  all  quarters  of  the 
Colony,  was  raised  in  favour  of  liberty,  and  against  Parliamentary 
impositions. 

The  restriction  of  our  original  non-importation  agreement,  and  it* 
present  subsistence,  under  that  modification,  is  the  clearest  proof  of 
our  permanent  resolution,  that  commerce  and  liberty  shaJl  keep  pace 
with  each  other ;  and  serves  as  a  standing  memorial,  that  we  scorn  to 
have  more  of  the  former,  than  is  consistent  with  our  due  enjoyment 
of  the  latter  ?  Had  not  the  spies  of  Administration  here  been  fully 
convinced  that  the  pulse  of  freedom  beat  high  in  every  vein  ;  that  tlie 
constitutional  resolves  of  our  representatives,  on  the  most  interesting 
points,  spoke  the  universal  language  of  their  constituents,  could  their 
information  have  produced  the  fruitless  and  merely  verbal  suspension 
of  our  internal  power  of  legislation  ?  By  no  means.  This  would 
have  been  an  attempt  to  punish  every  individual  for  the  transgressions 
of  a  few.  It  is  therefore,  to  a  demonstration  evident,  that  the  Genius 
of  Liberty  spreads  her  banner  over  the  whole  C'olony. 

Moreover,  when  wo  consider  that  Parliamentary  taxations,  are  not 
as  to  their  present  value,  a  matter  of  moment,  either  to  the  mother 
country,  or  the  Colonies ;  that  the  contention  between  us,  is  upon  the 
points  of  principle  and  precedent ;  that  it  is  not  the  quantum,  but  the 
jnanner  of  exacting  those  unconstitutional  imposts,  which  is  the  bone 
of  contention,  our  public  jealousies  must  necessarily  be  increased. 

When  the  taxation  was  more  general,  there  was  some  colour  for 
the  assertion  in  the  Revenue  Act,  that  it  was  intended  for  the  safety 
and  defence  of  the  Colonies .  But  if  is  not  only  true,  that  this  cannot 
bo  asserted  of  the  paltry  duty  on  tea;  we  know,  we  were  assured  by 
our  enemies,  that  when  the  other  articles  charged  by  the  Revenue 
Act  were  exempted  by  the  partial  repeal,  the  duty  on  tea  was  lef^  as  a 
standing  memorial  of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  Americans. 

We  have,  therefore,  no  reason  to  believe  that  our  spirit  of  liberty, 
founded  on  a  just  constitutional  basis,  waxes  cooler  as  the  design  of 
enslaving  us  grows  more  evident.  The  contrary  is  most  true  ;  it  has 
become  more  inveterate  by  habit ;  and  is  increased  by  every  fresh 
evidence,  of  a  fixed  resolution  to  reduce  us  to  bondage.  Who  then 
can  wonder  at  the  firmness  and  animation  of  the  people  of  all  ranks; 
so  conspicuous  in  every  line  of  our  association  paper  ?  Who  can 
wonder  that  such  vast  numbers,  after  the  most  cool  deliberation,  gave 
it  their  sanction  ? 

Who  cannot  well  account  for  that  universal  suffrage  of  a  public 
meetingof  our  inhabitants  in  its  favour,  after  it  had  been  signed,  and 
their  laudable  and  animated  rejection  of  a  temporising  expedient  of 
Government,  ineffectually  calculated  to  cool  our  ardour,  and  lay 
public  jealousy  asleep  ?  To  what  principle  can  our  attention  to  the 
unanimity  of  the  Colonics,  be  ascribed ;  when  at  the  same  public 
meeting,  a  Committee  was  unanimously  chosen,  to  correspond  with 
our  brethren  on  the  common  interest  ?  Can  any  one  in  his  senses, 
imagine,  tiiat  the  American  Lion,  which  has  once  roared  so  loudly,  as 
to  have  been  heard  with  astonishment,  across  the  Atlantic,  is  now 
fallen  asleep  ?  What  has  been  done  by  Administration,  to  quell  his 
rage  ?  On  the  contrary,  are  they  not  daily  practising  every  art  to 
exasperate  him?  And  yet  an  anonymous  scribbler  has. had  the  un. 
paralleled  effrontery  to  arraign  our  late  political  man<Buvres;  to  con. 
trast  the  tailors  and  coblers  with  the  loyal  and  sensible  inhabitants  of 
the  city  of  New  York;  to  attribute  that  to  a  few,  which  is  evidently 
expressive  of  the  sentiments  of  the  whole  body  of  our  citizens. 

With  this  view  he  begins  his  truly  contemptible  production,  by  ask- 
ing, What  is  the  Committee  of  Observation  ?  And  by  whom  were  they 
appointed  ?  Let  him  receive  his  answer  from  the  above  state  of  facts. 
They  were  a  select  Committee,  nominated  for  the  express  purpose  of 
watching  the  tea  ship,  and  Captain  Chambers ;  nominated  by  the  city 
Committee,  who  were  appointed  at  a  general  meeting  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, and  a  number  of  the  citizen",  to  |)revent  the  landing  of  dutied 
tea.  This  he  must  know.  How  impertinent,  then,  is  his  other  quos. 
tion  concerning  the  authority  by  which  a  man,  acting  in  the  charac. 
ter  of  an  enemy  to  his  country,  was  amened  to  their  tribunal.  If  the 
fact  was  really  so,  it  is  evident  that  he  was  summont  d  in  virtue  of  a  dele- 
gation  of  a  general  meeting.  But  the  trutli  is,  tliat  it  wa«  the  city 
Committee  before  whom  he  was  arraigned.  'I'he  cause  of  liis  arraign- 
ment was  a  breach  of  the  non-importation  agreement,  solemnly  en- 
tered into  by  his  owners  ;  and  to  which,  by  his  orders,  if  he  was  in 
heart  averse  to  it,  he  was,  nevertheless,  bound  to  pay  implicit  obe- 
dience. How  insolently  does  the  scribbler  inquire,  who,  and  upon 
what  authority,  says  that  the  si'nse  of  the  city  was  asked  about  the 
dismission  of  Captain  Lockyer,  or  the  destruction  of  the  tea  ?  If  he 
can  want  an  answer,  let  him  take  it  from  the  association  paper ;  from 


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opinion  upon  our  case  with  Connecticut,  tiie  transactions  of 
the  late  war,  and  tlie  dechirations  of  our  Assembly  some 
time  a^o,  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  endeavouring  to  set  you 
right  in  some  matters  which  )ou  do  not  seem  to  be  fully 
informed  of,  being  persuaded  that  if  I  can  be  so  happy  as 
to  place  them  in  a  different  point  of  light  from  what  you 
have  heretofore  viewed  them  in,  you  will  be  candid  enough 
to  change  your  sentiments. 

In  the  year  1752,  the  Proprietors  of  Vennsylvania, 
understanding  that  the  Government  of  Virginia  were 
about  to  erect  forts  upon  the  Ohio,  in  order  to  repel  the 
encroachments  of  the  French  on  the  properties  of  the 
subjects  of  his  Britanic  Majesty,  they  instructed  their 
then  Governor,  Mr.  Hamilton,  to  assist  in  any  measures  of 
that  sort,  taking  an  acknowledgment  from  the  Governor  of 
Virginia  that  such  settlement  should  not  be  made  use  of 
to  prejudice  their  right  to  that  country,  and  at  the  same 
time  allowed  him  to  give  assurances  that  the  people  should 
enjoy  their  lands  they  bona  fide  settled  on  theconmion  quit 
rent.  Of  this  instruction  Mr.  Hamilton  not  long  after 
gave  notice  to  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

its  re-enaction  at  a  public  town  meeting ;  from  their  rejection  of  the 
proposal  of  Government  to  put  the  expected  tea  in  a  state  of  safety 
on  its  arrival ;  from  their  open  declaration  that  it  should  nol  be  landed; 
from  the  fruitless  attempt  of  a  fow  to  procure  subscribers  to  a  set  of 
roKolves  calculated  to  prevent  a  forcible  opposition  to  its  debarkation, 
and  from  the  appointment  of  a  Committee  to  correspond  and  support 
a  harmony  of  measures  with  our  sister  Colonics.  From  all  these  ho 
will  bo  instructed,  that  the  public  sense  required  the  sending  back  of 
the  one,  and  the  destruction  of  the  other.  Let  us  suppose,  with  this 
vain  contemner  of  the  rights  of  mankind,  that  every  London  Captain 
brought  tea  to  this  port.  Will  he  have  the  assurance  to  say,  they  all 
imported  it  like  Captain  Chambers,  regularly  cocketted  and  cleared 
for  entry  at  our  custom-house  ?  Will  he  say,  that  they,  like  liim,  in 
defiance  of  repeated  warnings,  and  under  the  guise  of  the  most  solemn 
and  most  shamefully  false  asseverations,  persisted  in  a  wicked  design 
to  import  tea  into  this  Colony  subject  to  duty  ?  Or  is  it  not  a  public 
virtue,  while  this  badge  of  slavery  is  held  over  us,  to  supply  the  wants 
of  our  inliabitants  at  the  risk  of  a  seizure,  and  by  tliat  means  to  elude 
the  payment  of  the  odious  tax  ?  If  any  of  them,  but  his  friend,  who 
so  willingly  walks  with  him  in  chains,  liave  imported  tea  in  any  other 
manner,  let  the  latent  and  dastardly  accuser  stand  forth  with  his 
proofs.  Wo  shall  then  join  with  him  in  l)randing  them  as  apostates ; 
we  shall  despise  them  as  villanous  informers  ;  we  shall  pronounce 
them  as  deserving  that  infamous  death  which  has  been  justly  inflicted 
on  many  less  dangerous  enemies  to  their  country  than  Captain  Cham, 
hers.  The  spirit  of  tliis  high-flying  zealot  for  despotism  is  manifest 
in  his  assertion,  that  the  vvfortnntite  man  was  threatened  with  death 
for  obeying  the  laws  of  his  country.  A  most  excellent  comment  upon 
the  Revenue  Act !  Let  him  point  out  a  single  passage  in  that  statute 
which  requires  or  commands  all,  or  any  of  our  ship  Captains,  to  im. 
port  tea  subject  to  duty.  Should  such  a  liberal  commentator  become 
a  good  authority,  we  should  soon  be  paraphrased  out  of  our  liberties. 
Does  he  des'ro  to  be  informed  who  were  the  persons  of  reputation  that 
kept  the  tally  , 'it  the  destruction  of  the  tea?  Let  him  stand  forth 
himself  and  meet  thom,  and  ho  will  soon  know  whether  he  or  they 
will  be  support-d  by  thj  public  sense.  If  he  would  bo  told  what  they 
and  their  honest  fellow  citizens  got  by  publicly  conducting  Captain 
Lockijer  through  the  crowd  :  I  answer,  all  that  was  expected  ;  all  that 
was  intended,  by  one  of  the  above  mentioned  publications,  wa.s,  that 
this  servant  of  the  Ministry,  and  of  tlie  East  India  Company,  should 
have  ocular  demonstration  of  our  detestation  of  Parliamentary  taxes, 
and  bear  the  unwelcome  tale  to  his  employers.  He  cannot,  surely,  be 
so  weak  as  to  believe  that  he  was  carried  through  the  greatest  crowd 
that  ever  was  collected  in  this  city,  merely  to  procure  the  compliment 
of  the  hat,  or  a  smile  or  nod  of  approbation  of  a  private  ship  Cap- 
tain; who,  though  respectfully  treated  among  us,  was  indebted  for 
liis  good  treatment  to  the  humanity  of  our  citizens,  and  their  regard  to 
due  order  and  decorum.  How,  then,  can  it  bo  supposed  that  any  were 
mortifyingly  disgusted  at  his  not  pulling  oft' his  hat,  or  that  the  huzzas 
of  all  the  people  were  intended  to  insult  him  ?  But  what  principles 
other  than  such  as  would  induce  a  man  to  put  the  moat  public  con. 
tempt  on  the  character  of  our  great  deliverer  from  slavery  and  arbi- 
trary  power,  could  induce  any  one  to  call  a  regular  and  orderly, 
though  striking  exhibition  of  our  detestation  of  unconstitutional  im- 
positions, an  outrai^e  ?  Surely,  in  this  fellow's  view  the  revolution 
itself  was  an  unparalleled  outrage  ;  an  outrage,  however,  productive 
of  the  fullest  security  to  our  civil  and  religious  liberties,  and  the  esta. 
hlishment  of  tlio  illustrious  House  ok  Hanover  on  the  British  throne  ! 
Did  any  nuin  in  his  senses  ever  doubt  whether  that  happy  revolution 
was  brought  about  by  all  the  people  of  Britain,  because  every  subject, 
to  a  man,  did  not  actually  enlist  under  the  banners  of  the  glorious 
and  imniort  il  King  Willium  III.  ?  How  marvellously  does  this  hero 
in  politics  discover  his  talents,  wlien  he  attempts  to  be  witty  about  the 
ship  Nancy's  disaster,  and  the  supposed  blunder  of  the  narr;itor,  in  dis. 
tinguishing  between  C^.ipt-iin  Chambers's  tea  and  the  cargo  of  his  ship  ? 
The  mention  of  that  disaster,  the  truth  of  wliich  has  been  proved  by 
the  Captain's  protest  liefore  a  notary,  was  evidently  the  eft'ect  of  the 
narrator's  intention  to  give  a  strict  and  circumstantial  account  of  tlie 
events  relating  to  the  tea  ship,  which  had  been  so  long  tiie  object  of 
general  expect  ition  ;  and  our  writer  must  be  truly  a  novice  in  trade, 
who  knows  not  how  to  distinguish  between  tlio  cargo  of  a  ship  and 
tlie  Captain's  j>rivate  adventure. 

Hut,  Mr.  liiBington,  lot  me  assist  you  to  answer  the  last  question  of 
this  donglity  hero  of  a  Jacobite,  and  to  end  the  mutter  with  him,  by 
giving  him  the  following  evidence,  that  all  the  i>clls  in  tlic  City  rang 
at  tlio  departure  of  tlio  t:!a  slii|).  Rudulphns  liitzema,  Esq.,  will  in. 
form  him  that  the  bell  of  the  Lutheran  Church  rang  on  the  occasion; 
the  same  thing  he  may  learn  concerning  the  bell  of  Trinity  Church 
from  Messrs.  Anthony    Griffiths  and   Thomas    Tucker;   that  of  St. 


In  the  year  1754,  Mr.  Dinwiddie  came  to  a  resolution 
of  raising  men  and  building  forts  to  the  westward,  in  order 
to  repel  the  invasions  of  the  French.  He  had  fixed  u]>on 
the  forks  of  Monongahela  as  a  proper  situation  for  one  of 
these  forts,  supposing  it  to  be  on  his  Majesty's  lands,  and 
issued  a  proclamation,  expressing  his  purpose  of  erecting  a 
fort  at  that  place,  and  inviting  the  people  to  enlist  in  his 
Majesty's  service  against  the  French ;  and  as  an  encourage- 
ment, promising  that  the  quantity  of  two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land  should  be  laid  out  and  divided  amongst  the 
adventurers,  when  the  service  should  be  at  an  end  ;  one 
hundred  thousand  acres  of  which  to  be  laid  out  adjoining  ■ 
the  fort,  and  the  other  one  hundred  thousand  acres  on  the 
Ohio. 

Upon  the  appearance  of  this  proclamation  Mr.  Hamilton 
wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  the  13th  March,  1754, 
reminding  him  of  his  former  intimation  respecting  these 
lands,  and  enclosing  an  abstract  of  the  Proprietaries'  in- 
structions, and  also  requesting  from  him  such  an  acknow- 
ledgment as  the  Proprietaries  expected ;  to  which  Mr. 
Dinwiddie,  in  his  letter  of  the  21st  March,  1754,  answers: 

George's  Chapel  sounded  in  the  hearing  of  Messrs.  Isaac  Sears  and 
Hercules  Mulligan;  the  ringing  of  the  bells  of  the  tliree  Reformed 
Protestant  Dutch  Churches  can  be  proved  by  Mr.  Garret  Rapalje ; 
that  of  the  French  Church  by  Mr.  Frederick  Basset;  the  bell  of  the 
English  Presbyterian  Church  was  rung  by  Mr.  Brown,  their  sexton ; 
and  that  of  the  German  Calvinist  Church  by  their  proper  sexton.  So 
that,  if  the  universality  of  the  expression  all  the  bells,  can  be  justified, 
though  those  of  the  City  Hall  and  the  College  could  not  join  in  the 
enlivening  concert,  the  narrator  has  spoke  the  truth,  and  his  imperti- 
nent adversary  has  insinuated  an  egregious  falsehood.  He  is  now 
called  upon  to  point  out  which  of  the  churches  was  broke  open  on 
the  occasion,  and  by  whom,  and  what  good  men  hope  they  will  be 
prosecuted  according  to  law  ?  Let  him  learn  that  the  respectable  pub- 
lie  is  not  to  be  laughed,  jeered,  or  frightened  out  of  their  liberties,  by  - 
a  Jaoobitish,  ministerial  tool,  whose  most  exalted  and  tremendous 
character  is  that  of  sworn  foe  to  coblers  and  tailors ;  whose  heart 
aspires  at  the  glorious  satisfaction  of  seeing  us  stripped  of  our  cloaths, 
and  stalking  in  sullen  melancholy  barefooted,  or  in  rags.  But,  how- 
ever  despicably  he  may  think  of  those  classes  in  community,  let  him 
recollect  with  Pope,  that 

*'  Honour  and  sliame  from  no  condition  rise ; 

**  Act  well  your  l>art ;  there  all  the  honour  lie*. 

"  Fortune  in  men  has  some  sniatl  diff 'rence  made ; 

•'  One  flaunts  in  raffs ;  one  flutters  in  brocade } 

'*  The  cobler  aproipd,  and  the  pai-son  ffown'd; 

'•  The  friar  hooded,  and  the  monarch  crowu'd. 

*'  What  difft-r  more  fyoii  crj')  the  crown  or  cowl  ? 

**  I'll  tell  you,  friend !  a  wise  man  and  a  fool. 

**•  You'll  tiiid,  if  once  the  monarch  acts  the  monk ; 

**  Or,  cohler-like,  the  Doctor  will  get  flrunk  ; 

**■  Worth  makes  the  man,  and  want  of  it  the  fellow  ; 

"  The  rest  is  all  but  leather  or  prunella." 

But  to  be  serious ;  there  was  no  alternative  left  between  the  do. 
struction  of  the  tea  at  Boston  and  New  York,  and  a  submission  to  the 
odious  duty.  Had  the  tea  been  landed  without  opposition,  the  duty 
must  have  been  paid,  or  the  commodity  would  have  been  seized  ;  and 
when  individuals  foolishly  or  rashly,  and  against  the  most  certain 
intelligence,  will  risk  their  property  in  the  cause  of  despotism,  or  for 
the  sake  of  sordid  and  flagitious  profit,  no  good  member  of  society 
will  hesitate  to  pronounce,  that  private  interest  fails  a  just  sacrifice 
to  public  utility.  Thus  much  to  you,  Mr.  Printer.  A  word  or  two  to 
the  public. 

My  friends  and  follow  countrymen,  be  excited  by  a  frequent  review 
of  the  above  narrative,  to  a  steady  pursuit  of  that  liberty,  your  high 
relish  for  which  you  have  in  so  many  luminous  instances  displayed ! 
Continually  provoke  each  other  to  fresh  proofs  of  your  unalterable 
love  for  the  public  weal.  Let  neither  the  imperious  designs  of  an 
arbitrary  Ministry,  or  the  insidious  machinations  of  your  pretended 
friends,  awe  or  cajole  you  out  of  your  birthright.  It  is  a  sacred  deposit 
bestowed  by  the  great  Parent  of  the  universe  on  our  ancestors, 
entrusted  by  their  venerable  hands  to  our  care,  to  be  preserved  and 
transmitted  by  us  to  posterity  pure  and  uncontaminated.  Strain 
every  nerve  with  an  honest  and  spirited  zeal  in  the  common  cause. 
Demonstrate  to  our  dear  fello\^  countrymen  in  the  neighbouring  Colo, 
nies  that  we  have  put  our  hand  to  the  plough,  and  that  far  from  look- 
ing  back,  we  will  co-operate  with  thom  in  tearing  out  every  plant  of 
slavery  by  the  roots.  Show  them  by  your  every  act,  tiiat  you  feel 
the  solemn  obligations  into  which  you  have,  with  them,  cheerfully 
engaged.  Convince  them  by  a  thousand  proofs,  if  possible,  that  you 
will  never  cease,  till,  with  them,  you  are  in  full  possession  of  civil 
liberty,  or  with  them  are  buried  in  one  common  grave.  Beware,  in  par- 
ticular, of  those  among  you  who  are  well  known  to  excite  sedition,  or 
countenance  a  suppression  of  the  laudable  spirit  of  liberty  alternately  ; 
and  as  it  suits  their  private  purposes  :  who  are  never  to  be  depended 
on  eitlier  by  Administration  or  tlie  people  ;  who  ever  wear  two  faces; 
one  to  recommend  tlicm  to  ministerial  favour,  another  to  beguile  the 
sons  of  liberty  into  bondage  ;  who  liavo  long  practised  the  art  of  ex. 
citing  and  assuaging  tumults,  to  distinguish  themselves  as  leaders  of 
the  people  in  the  nyes  of  Government,  that  they  may  he  courted  by  ti 
sordid  Minister  into  offices  and  honours.  To  whom  the  cause  of  the 
people  is  no  longer  their  cause  than  while  some  private  ends  are  to  be 
answered,  unconnected  with,  and  often  opposed  to  the  good  of  the 
people.  I  need  not  mention  their  names— their  persons  and  their 
threadbare  system  of  politics  are  well  known  to  you.  But  for  the 
happiness  of  the  country,  the  chain  of  their  influence  is  broke. 
Oppose  it  with  all  your  might ;  their  interest  is  declining;  let  it  never 
rise  again  till  they  have  given  you  the  fullest  proots  ot  a  permanent 
attaclimont  to  this  countrys  weal.  Persist,  and  if  they  do  not  alter 
their  measures,  incapable  as  they  now  must  appear  to  lead  this  t.olony, 
they  must  lose  all  credit  with  Government,  and  the  swelling  tide  of 
public  virtue  will  speedily  whelm  thom  into  everlasting  oblmon. 


Brutus. 


Fourth  Series. 


17 


259 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


260 


"  Your  private  letter  of  the  13tli  cunent,  I  have  duly 
"  received,  and  am  much  misled  by  our  Surveyors  if  the 
"  forks  of  Monongahela  be  within  the  limits  of  your  Pro- 
"  |)rietaries  grant.  I  have  for  some  time  wrote  home  to 
"  have  llie  line  run,  to  have  the  boundaries  properly 
"  known,  that  I  may  be  able  to  appoint  Magistrates  on  the 
"  Ohio,  (if  in  tliis  Government)  to  keep  the  traders  and 
''  others  in  good  order,  and  I  presume  soon  there  will  be 
"  Commissioners  appointed  for  lliat  service.  In  the  mean 
"  time,  that  no  hindrance  may  bo  given  to  our  intended 
"  expedition,  it  is  highly  reasonable,  if  these  lands  are  in 
"  your  Proprietor's  grant,  that  the  settlers  should  pay  the 
"  quit  rent  to  Mr.  Penn,  and  not  to  his  Majesty  ;  and, 
''  tiierefore,  as  much  as  lies  in  my  power,  I  agree  thereto, 
"  after  the  time  granted  by  my  proclamation,  to  be  clear  of 
'■'  quit  rent,  ceases." 

From  this  correspondence  between  the  Governors  of 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  it  appears  beyond  a  doubt, 
that  the  terms  upon  which  forts  were  built,  and  settlements 
made  in  that  country,  by  the  Government  of  Virginia, 
were  well  understood,  and  the  rights  of  Pennsylvania 
carefully  guarded  ;  and  these  transactions  entirely  exclude 
the  idea  of  that  kind  of  settlement,  or  acquiescence  and 
agreement  of  which  Lord  Camden  speaks,  and  which 
are  the  only  princi))les  in  his  opinion  from  which  your 
Lordship  can  draw  any  conclusions  in  favour  of  the  right 
of  Virginia. 

From  this  view  of  the  matter  I  flatter  myself  your 
Lordship  will  readily  perceive  that  the  principles  of  Lord 
Camden's  opinion  do  not  at  all  apply  to  the  present  case. 
As  to  the  opinion  of  our  Assemblies,  on  which  you  seem 
also  to  rely,  the  case  is  shortly  as  follows  :  When  Gover- 
nor Dinwiddie  resolved  to  erect  forts  on  the  waters  of  the 
Ohio,  and  to  carry  an  expedition  against  the  French,  who 
had  fortified  themselves  in  several  parts  of  the  country 
to  the  westward,  he  applied  to  Governor  Hamilton  to  pro- 
cure him  the  assistance  of  this  Province.  Unfortunately 
at  this  time  there  w^as  no  very  good  understanding  between 
the  Government  and  the  Assembly,  and  when  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton laid  Mr.  Dimviddie's  requisition  before  them  they 
declined  complying  whh  it,  and  urged  for  reasons,  that,  by 
the  Royal  orders  to  the  several  Governors,  they  were  not 
to  act  as  principals  out  of  tiieir  own  Governments.  That 
they  (the  Assembly)  would  not  presume  to  determine 
upon  the  limits  of  the  Province  ;  and  that  by  the  papers 
and  evidences  sent  downi  to  them,  and  referred  to  by  the 
Governor,  the  limits  of  the  Province  had  not  been  clearly 
ascertained  to  their  satisfaction. 

It  is  to  be  observed,  that  at  this  time  there  had  been  no 
real  mensurations  from  Delatvare  to  the  westward,  except 
the  temporary  line  between  this  Province  and  Maryland, 
which  extends  only  one  hundred  and  forty-four  miles  from 
Delaware.  From  this  line,  and  from  sundry  informations 
of  Indian  traders,  founded  on  computed  distances,  and 
mountainous  and  crooked  roads,  Mr.  Hamilton  concluded 
tiiat  the  French  forts  were  considerably  within  this  Pro- 
vince, and  it  hath  since  appeared  with  certainty  that  the 
fact  was  so,  though  the  Assembly  were  not  satisfied  with 
those  proofs.  And  it  appears,  by  a  report  of  a  Committee 
of  Assembly,  appointed  to  examine  those  evidences,  that 
they  laid  no  great  stress  upon  the  opinions  of  traders 
founded  on  computed  distances. 

Upon  the  whole  I  cannot  find  that  the  Assembly  ever 
made  any  thing  like  formal  declarations  "  that  Pittsburg 
was  not  within  this  Government,"  but  that  they  rather 
declined  making  any  determination  upon  the  extent  of  tlie 
Province.  But  if  their  declarations  had  been  ever  so 
formal  or  positive,  I  cannot  conceive  how  any  proceedings 
of  theirs  could  affect  the  state  of  the  Province,  controul 
the  jurisdiction,  or  prejudice  the  rights  of  the  proprietors. 

Your  Lordship  is  pleased  to  say :  "  With  respect  to  the 
"  rigiit  of  this  Colony  to  that  country,  the  transactions  of 
"  the  late  war  sufficiently  show  what  was  ever  the  sense  of 
"  the  Government  of  Virginia  with  regard  to  it."  I  do 
not  know  to  what  particular  transactions  you  allude,  nor 
can  I  apprehend  upon  what  [)rincii)le  the  sense  of  the 
Government  of  Virginia  can  prejudice  the  right  of  Penn- 
sylvania, especially  when  the  Governor  of  this  Province 
was  so  far  from  concurring  in  any  such  sense,  that  he  took 
the  most  effectual  measures  to  guard  against  any  conclu- 
sions which  might  be  drawn  from  it ;  and  I  may  say,  with 


the  strictest  truth,  that  the  Government  of  Virginia,  with 
great  justice,  concurred  in  this  precaution. 

Upon  the  whole,  then,  my  Lord,  I  hope  the  papers  I 
heretofore  had  the  honour  of  sending  you,  when  properly 
attended  to,  w'ill  satisfy  you  that  Pittsburg  is  at  least  pro- 
bably within  tiie  charter  limits  of  this  Province  ;  and  1 
flatter  myself  tliat  what  I  have  now  urged  will  be  sufticient 
to  convince  you  tliat  nothing  can  be  inferred  from  the 
transactions  of  the  late  war,  the  con'espondence  between 
the  Governors  of  the  two  Provinces,  the  proceedinns  of  our 
Assembly,  or  the  principles  of  Lord  Camden's  opinion,  to 
contract  the  extent  of  our  charter  bounds,  or  establish  the 
right  of  Virginia  to  any  part  of  this  Province.  I  there- 
fore still  ho])e  that  your  Lordship  will,  u))on  a  review  of 
the  subject,  be  induced  to  defer  attempting  to  extend  the 
jurisdiction  of  Virginia  within  the  bounds  of  this  Province, 
and  thereby  avoid  the  occasions  of  disturbances  and  dissen- 
tions  amongst  his  Majesty's  subjects,  which  will  probably 
ensue  from  such  a  step,  however  prudent  and  cautious  the 
Magistrates  on  each  side  may  be  inclined  to  be,  and  tlie 
rather,  as  a  petition  for  a  conuuissioh  to  am  out  and  mark 
the  boundaries  between  us  is  now  depending  before  his 
Majesty.  And  to  prevent  the  setting  up  claims,  and 
making  conclusions  of  right  by  the  Government  of  Vir- 
ginia, from  the  circumstances  of  settlement  on  the  one 
side,  and  non-claim  on  the  other,  I  must  take  this  opportu- 
nity of  notifying  to  your  Lordship  tliat  the  Proprietaries 
of  Pennsylvania  do  claim,  by  their  said  petition,  as  part  of 
their  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  all  the  lands  lying  west  of 
a  south  line,  to  be  drawn  from  Dixon  and  Mason's  line,  as 
it  is  connnonly  called,  at  the  westernmost  part  of  the  Pro- 
vuice  of  Maryland  to  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth  degree 
of  north  latitude,  to  die  extent  of  five  degrees  of  longitude 
from  the  river  Dclaivare ;  and  1  must  request  your  Lord- 
ship will  neither  grant  lands,  nor  exercise  the  Government 
of  Virginia  withm  those  limits,  till  his  Majesty's  pleasure 
be  known. 

I  am  truly  concerned  that  you  should  think  the  conmiit- 
ment  of  Mr.  Conolly  so  great  an  insult  on  the  authoritv  of 
the  Government  of  Virginia,  as  nothing  less  than  Mr.  St. 
Clair's  dismission  from  his  offices  can  repair.  The  lands 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pittsburg  were  surveyed  for  the 
Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  early  in  the  year  1769,  and 
a  very  rapid  settlement  under  this  Government  soon  took 
place,  and  Magistrates  were  appointed  by  this  Government 
to  act  there  in  the  beginning  of  1771 ,  who  have  ever  since 
administered  justice  without  any  interposition  of  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Virginia  till  the  present  affair.  It  therefore 
could  not  fail  of  being  boUi  surprising  and  alarming  that 
Mr.  Conolly  should  appear  to  act  on  that  stage  under  a 
commission  from  Virginia,  before  any  intimation  of  claim 
or  right  was  ever  notified  to  this  Govermnent.  The  adver- 
tisement of  Mr.  Conolly  had  a  strong  tendency  to  raise 
disturbances,  and  occasion  a  breach  of  the  public  peace,  in 
a  part  of  the  country  where  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsyl- 
vania hath  been  exercised  without  objection,  and  therefore 
Mr.  St.  Clair  thought  himself  bound,  as  a  good  Magis- 
trate, to  take  a  legal  notice  of  Mr.  Conolly. 

Mr.  iSt.  Clair  is  a  gentleman  who  for  a  long  time  had 
the  honour  of  serving  his  Majesty  in  the  regulars  with 
reputation,  and  in  every  station  of  life  has  preserved  the 
character  of  a  very  honest  worthy  man  ;  and  though  per- 
haps I  should  not,  without  first  expostulating  with  you  on 
the  subject,  have  directed  him  to  take  that  step,  yet  you 
must  excuse  my  not  complying  with  your  Lordship's  requi- 
sition of  stripping  him,  on  this  occasion,  of  his  offices  and 
livelihood,  which  you  will  allow  me  to  think  not  only 
unreasonable,  but  somewhat  dictatorial. 

I  should  be  extremely  concerned  that  any  misunder- 
standing should  take  |)lace  between  this  Government  and 
that  of  Virginia.  1  shall  carefully  avoid  every  occasion 
of  it,  and  shall  always  be  ready  to  join  you  in  the  proper 
measures  to  prevent  so  disagreeable  an  incident,  yet  I 
cannot  prevail  on  myself  to  accede  in  the  manner  you 
require,  to  a  claim  which  I  esteem,  and  which  I  think  must 
a})pear  to  every  body  else  to  be  altogether  groundless. 
I  am  your  Lordship's  obedient  humble  servant, 

John  Pf.nn. 
To  the  Right  Honorable  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Governor  and 

Commander-in-chief  of  his  Majesty's  Province  of  Vir~ 

ginia,  IVilliamsbarg. 


261 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


262 


I 


Memorandum,  11th  April,  1774. 

A  few  days  ac;o  the  Governor  received  the  following 
Letter  from  Jonathan  Tnimhull,  Esquire,  Governor  of 
Connecticut,  viz  : 

Lebanon,  24th  Murch,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  received  your  letter  of  the  24th  February  last. 
It  is  with  pleasure  I  ohserve,  "  that  you  will  do  every 
"  thing  in  your  power  to  avoid  contentions  and  disorders 
"  among  his  Majesty's  subjects."  A  great  number  of 
people  possessed  of,  and  settled  on,  a  part  of  the  lands  of 
the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  at  or  near  a  place  called 
fVyoming,  lying  west  of  the  river  Dclaivare,  within  the 
boundaries  and  descriptions  of  our  Royal  charter,  made 
their  application  to  our  Assembly  for  protection  and 
government.  In  consequence  thereof  the  town  of  West- 
moreland was  made,  constituted  and  annexed  to  our 
county  of  Litchjicld,  thereby  forbearing  the  exercise  of 
our  jurisdiction  over  a  great  number  of  others  who  have 
more  recently  entered  under  grants  from  the  Proprietaries 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  claim  other  parts  of  tiie  lands  belong- 
ing to  Connecticut.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  your 
j)ower  and  influence  may  prevent  the  attempts  of  others  to 
settle  under  your  claim,  and  the  disagreeable  consequences 
which  may  follow  the  want  on  your  part  of  a  similar  for- 
bearance towards  the  people  of  Westmoreland,  until  a 
legal  and  constitutional  decision  of  the  point  in  question 
may  be  obtained,  which  both  you  and  Mr.  Wilmot,  soli- 
citor of  the  Proprietaries,  have  acquainted  us  they  will 
never  dechne. 

It  is  the  duty  of  our  Governor  and  Company,  in  faith- 
fulness to  the  trust  reposed  in  them,  to  assert  and  support 
the  rights  of  this  Government  and  its  inhabitants.  They 
do  not  look  upon  themselves  chargeable  with  any  fault  for 
their  exercise  of  jurisdiction  over  the  people  who  inhabit 
land  they  have  good  reason  to  think  themselves  entitled  to 
l)y  legal  purchase  from  the  Aboriginal  true  proprietors 
thereof,  and  hold  the  primaiy  possession  of  under  the  right 
of  pre-emption,  for  the  benefit,  and  within  the  limits  of  this 
Colony. 

I  am  to  acquaint  you  that  several  gentlemen  from  hence, 
by  virtue  of  an  Act  of  our  Assembly,  are  employed  and 
instructed  to  ascertain  the  latitudes  of  certain  places  at  and 
beyond  Delaware  river.  They  design  to  set  out  the 
ISth  of  next  month  for  that  purpose. 

I  am,  sir,  with  truth  and  regard,  your  obedient  humble 
servant,  Jonathan  Trumbull. 

Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire. 

The  said  Letter  being  taken  into  consideration,  the 
Governor,  with  tlie  advice  of  the  Council,  wrote  a  letter 
in  answer  thereto,  in  the  words  following,  viz  : 

Philadelphia,  11th  April,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  your  letter  of  24th  March  last  by  the  post. 
My  sentiments  of  exercising  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Govern- 
ment, in  every  part  thereof,  and  the  impropriety  of  extend- 
ing your  jurisdiction  within  our  bounds,  before  you  have 
laid  your  claim  before  his  Majesty,  are  so  plainly  expressed 
in  the  several  letters  I  have  wrote  you,  and  in  those  which 
passed  between  your  Commissioners  and  me,  that  they 
need  not  be  repeated :  and  I  cannot  but  think  it  strange 
that  you  should  persist  in  attempting  to  support  a  possession 
gained  from  the  people  of  this  Province  in  a  course  of 
absolute  hostility,  before  your  Government  had  any  claim 
to  lands  within  the  bounds  of  this  Province.  It  appears 
to  me  that  your  taking  the  latitudes  at  or  beyond  Dela- 
ware, within  the  bounds  of  this  Province,  is  prema- 
ture, and  that  no  act  of  your  Assembly  can  authorize 
such  a  proceeding.  I  therefore  cannot  concur  in  that  step, 
jjut,  on  the  contrary,  must  protest  againt  it,  and  desire  it 
may  not  be  done,  lest  it  should  produce  effects  which  may 
be  injurious  to  the  public  peace. 

I  am,  with  due  regard,  your  most  obedient  and  humble 
servant,  John  Pf.nn. 

To  the  Honorable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Escjuire,  Governor 

and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut, 

Lebanon. 


At  a  Council    held  at    Philadelphia,  on   Wednesday, 
April,  1774 : 

Present,  The  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governor, 


Richard  Peters,  James  Tilghman,  Andrew  Allen,  Edtcard 
Shippen,  Jun.,  Esquires. 

The  Governor  laid  before  the  Board  a  Letter  which  he 
received  this  morning  by  George  Wilson,  Esq.,  express, 
from  William  Crawford,  Esq.,  President  of  the  Court  of 
Westmoreland  county,  with  several  papers  enclosed,  rela- 
tive to  the  disturbances  created,  and  still  continued,  by  the 
people  of  Virginia  within  that  county,  which  were  sever- 
ally read,  and  are  as  follows,  viz  : 

Westmoreland  County,  April  8th,  1774. 

Sir:  As  some  very  extraordinary  occurrences  have 
lately  happened  in  this  county,  it  is  necessary  to  write  an 
account  of  them  to  you.  That  which  I  now  give  is  at  the 
request,  and  with  the  approbation  of  all  the  Magistrates 
that  are  at  present  attending  the  court.  A  few  weeks  ago 
Mr.  Conolly  went  to  Staunton,  and  was  sworn  as  a  Justice 
of  the  Peace  for  Augusta  county,  in  which  it  is  pretended 
that  the  country  about  Pittsburg  is  included.  He  had 
before  this  brought  from  Williamsburg  commissions  of  the 
peace  for  several  gentlemen  in  this  part  of  the  Province, 
but  none  of  them,  I  believe,  have  been  accepted  of.  A 
number  of  new  militia  officers  have  been  lately  appointed 
by  Lord  Dunmorc.  Several  musters  of  the  militia  have 
been  held,  and  much  confusion  has  been  occasioned  by 
them.  I  am  informed  that  the  militia  is  composed  of  men 
without  character  and  without  fortune,  and  who  would  be 
equally  averse  to  the  regular  administration  of  justice  under 
the  Colony  of  Virginia,  as  they  are  to  that  under  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania.  The  disturbances  which  they 
have  produced  at  Pittsburg  have  been  particularly  alarm- 
ing to  the  inhabitants.  Mr.  Conolly  is  constantly  sur- 
rounded with  a  body  of  armed  men.  He  boasts  of  the 
countenance  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  forcibly 
obstructs  the  execution  of  legal  process,  whether  from  the 
Court  or  from  single  Magistrates.  A  Deputy  Sheriff  has 
come  from  Augusta  county,  and  I  am  told  has  wTits  in  his 
hands  against  Captain  St.  Clair  and  the  Sheriff  for  the 
arrest  and  confinement  of  Mr.  Conolly.  The  Sheriff  was 
last  week  arrested  at  Pittsburg  for  serving  a  writ  on  one  of 
the  inhabitants  there,  but  was,  after  some  time,  discharged. 
On  Monday  last  one  of  Coiwliy's  people  grossly  insulted 
Mr.  Mackay,  and  was  confined  by  him  in  order  to  be  sent 
to  jail.  The  rest  of  the  party  hearing  it  immediately 
came  to  Mr.  Mackay's  house  and  proceeded  to  the  most 
violent  outrages.  Mrs.  Mackay  was  wounded  in  the  arm 
with  a  cutlass  ;  the  Magistrates,  and  those  who  came  to 
their  assistance,  were  treated  with  much  abuse,  and  the 
prisoner  was  rescued. 

Some  days  before  the  meeting  of  the  court,  a  report 
was  spread  that  the  militia  officers,  at  the  head  of  their 
several  companies,  would  come  to  Mr.  Hanna's,  use  the 
Court  ill,  and  interrupt  the  administration  of  justice.  On 
Wednesday,  while  the  court  was  adjourned,  they  came  to 
the  court  house  and  paraded  before  it.  Centinels  were 
placed  at  the  door,  and  Mr.  Conolly  went  into  the  house. 
One  of  the  Magistrates  was  hindered  by  the  militia  from 
going  into  it  till  permission  was  first  obtained  from  their 
commander.  Mr.  Conolly  sent  a  message  to  the  Magis- 
trates informing  them  that  he  wanted  to  communicate 
something  to  them,  and  would  wait  on  them  for  that  pur- 
pose. They  received  him  in  a  private  room.  He  read 
to  them  the  enclosed  paper,  together  with  a  copy  of  a 
letter  to  you,  which  Lord  Dunmore  had  transmitted  to 
him,  enclosed  in  a  letter  to  himself,  which  was  written  in 
the  same  angry  and  undignified  style.  The  Magistrates 
gave  the  enclosed  answer  to  what  he  read,  and  be  soon 
afterwards  departed  with  his  men.  Their  number  was 
about  one  hundred  and  eighty  or  two  hundred.  On  their 
return  to  Pittsburg  some  of  them  seized  Mr.  Elliott,  of 
the  Bullock  Penn,  and  threatened  to  put  him  in  the  stocks 
for  something  which  they  deemed  an  affront  offered  to 
their  conmiander.  Since  their  return,  a  certain  Edward- 
Thompson,  and  a  young  man  who  keeps  store  for  Mr. 
Spear,  have  been  arrested  by  them  ;  and  Mr.  Conolly, 
wlio  in  person  seized  the  young  man,  would  not  allow  him 
time  even  to  lock  up  the  store.  In  other  parts  of  the 
country,  particularly  those  adjoining  the  river  Mononga- 
hcla,  the  Magistrates  have  been  frequently  insulted  in  the 
most  indecent  and  violent  manner,  and  are  apprehensive 
that  unless  they  are  speedily  and  vigorou.'sly  supported  by 


263 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  m4. 


264 


Government,  it  will  become  both  fruitless  and  dangerous 
for  them  to  proceed  in  the  execution  of  their  oQices.  Tliey 
))resnme  not  to  point  out  tiie  measures  proper  for  settling 
the  present  disturbances,  but  beg  leave  to  recommend  the 
fixing  a  temporary  line,  with  the  utmost  expedition,  as  one 
step  which  in  all  probability  will  contribute  very  much 
towards  producing  that  eft'ect. 

For  further  particulars  concerning  the  situation  of  tliis 
county,  I  refer  you  to  Colonel  Wilson,  who  is  kind  enough 
to  goon  tlie  present  occasion  to  Philadelphia. 
I  am,  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

W.  Crawfokd. 
To  the  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire. 


Here  follows  Doctor  Connlly's  Address  to  the  Magistrates 
of  Westmoreland  County,  referred  to  in  the  foregoing 
letter. 

Gentlemen : 

I  am  come  here  to  be  occasion  of  no  disturbances,  but 
to  prevent  them.  As  I  am  countenanced  by  Government, 
whatever  you  may  say  or  conceive,  some  of  the  Justices 
of  this  Bench  are  tlie  cause  of  this  ajjpearance,  and 
not  me.  I  have  done  tliis  to  prevent  myself  from  being 
illegally  taken  to  Philadelphia.  My  orders  from  the 
Government  of  Virginia  not  being  explicit,  but  claiming 
the  country  about  Pittsburg,  I  have  raised  the  militia  to 
support  the  civil  authority  of  that  Colony,  vested  in  me. 
I  am  come  here  to  free  myself  of  a  promise  made  to  Cap- 
tain Proctor,  but  have  not  conceived  myself  amenable  to 
this  Court  by  any  authority  from  Pennsylvania,  upon  which 
account  I  cannot  apprehend  that  you  have  any  right  to 
remain  here  as  Justices  of  the  Peace,  constituting  a  court 
under  that  Province;  but  in  order  to  prevent  confusion,  I 
agree  that  you  may  continue  to  act  in  that  capacity  in  all 
such  matters  as  may  be  submitted  to  your  determination  by 
the  acquiescence  of  the  people,  until  I  may  have  instruc- 
tions to  the  contrary  from  Virginia,  or  until  his  Majesty's 
pleasure  shall  be  further  known  on  this  subject. 

J.    CONOLLY. 

The  Answer  of  the  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland  County 
to  the  foregoing  Address  of  Doctor  Conolly,  viz  : 
The  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  and  officers  of  the  county 
of  Westmoreland,  rests  on  the  legislative  authority  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  confirmed  by  his  Majesty  in 
Council.  Tiiat  jurisdiction  has  been  regularly  exercised, 
and  the  Court  and  officers  will  continue  to  exercise  it  in  the 
same  regular  manner.  It  is  far  from  their  intentions  to 
occasion  or  foment  disturbances,  and  they  apprehend  that 
no  such  intentions  can  with  propriety  be  inferred  from  any 
part  of  their  conduct;  on  the  contrary,  they  wish,  and  will 
do  all  in  their  power  to  preserve  the  public  tranquillity.  In 
order  to  contribute  to  this  very  salutary  purpose,  they  give 
information  that  every  step  will  be  taken  on  the  part  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania  to  accommodate  any  difl'erences 
that  have  arisen  between  it  and  the  Colony  of  Virginia, 
by  fixing  a  temporary  line  betwixt  them. 

The  Deposition  of  Henry  Read,  relative  to  the   distur- 
bances made  in  Westmoreland  County  by  the  Virgin- 
ians, viz  : 
Westmoreland  County,  ss : 

The  deposition  of  Henry  Read,  of  Pittsburg,  yeoman, 
(he  being  of  full  age,)  taken  before  us,  two  of  his  Majesty's 
Justices  of  tlie  Peace  for  the  county  aforesaid,  on  his 
solenm  oatli  of  the  Evangelist  of  Almighty  God,  is  as  fol- 
lows, viz  :  That  on  tiiis  day,  about  eleven  o'clock.  Doctor 
John  Conolly,  at  tlie  head  of  a  number  of  armed  men  on 
horseback,  came  into  Pittsburg  and  alighted  near  the 
houses  of  Jolm  Ormshy  and  Joseph  Spear,  Esquire, 
when  said  John  Conolly  came  into  Mr.  Spear's  house, 
and  soon  after  went  out  again  ;  that  tiiis  deponent,  William 
Amberson,  and  some  others,  were  tying  up  Mr.  Spear's 
skins  at  his  door ;  that  Conolly  tiien  ordered  one  Reily  to 
lay  hold  of  that  fellow,  pointing  to  said  Amberson,  who 
is  at  Mr.  Spear's,  and  acts  for  him  as  storekeeper  and 
clerk  ;  that  Rtily  laid  hold  of  Amberson  by  the  arm ; 
that  Amberson  then  requested  he  might  have  liberty  to 


lock  up  the  store,  and  was  endeavouring  to  go  towards  the 
store  door,  wlien  3Ir.  Conolly  ca.me  up  and  seized  Amberson 
by  the  breast,  and  said,  let  the  skins  and  store  go  to  the 
devil,  if  your  master  was  here  I  would  serve  him  in  the 
same  manner;  that  tiien  Conolly,  with  several  armed  men, 
took  said  Amberson  down  to  the  Fort ;  that  after  some 
time  this  deponent  saw  said  Amberson  and  Edward 
Thompson  brought  up  from  the  Fort  to  the  town,  and 
guarded  by  a  number  of  armed  men  ;  that  after  tliey  had 
drank  some  toddy  at  ]\Ir.  Ormsby's  porcii,  they  took 
Amberson  and  Thompson  to  William  Christy's  house,  and 
placed  several  armed  men  at  the  door ;  that  in  this  state 
this  deponent  left  them,  and  came  off  express  to  give  infor- 
mation to  Mr.  Spear  at  Westmoreland  court ;  that  tiiere 
Avas  in  Mr.  Spear's  house,  a  large  quantity  of  goods  and 
skins.     And  further  this  deponent  saith  not. 

Henrv  Read. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  this  7th  day  of  April,  1774. 

W.  Crawford, 
Van  Swearingen. 

The  Board  taking  the  above  Letters  and  papers  into  con- 
sideration, thought  it  advisable  for  the  Governor  to  defer 
writing  an  answer  thereto,  or  taking  any  steps  in  conse- 
quence of  the  intelligence  they  contain,  till  the  return  of 
the  express  from  Williamsburg,  who  was  lately  despatched 
by  this  Government  to  tlie  Earl  of  Dunmore,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  above  mentioned  disturbances. 


At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Thursday,  21»< 
April,  1774  : 

Present,  the  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governor, 
Richard  Peters,  Andrew  Allen,  James,  Tilghman,  Edward 
Shippen,  Jun.,  Esquires. 

The  express  sent  to  WiUiamsburg  being  returned  with- 
out any  answer  from  the  Government  of  Virginia,  the 
Governor  recommended  to  the  Board  the  consideration  of 
the  subject  relative  to  the  disturbances  and  violences  com- 
mitted by  the  people  of  that  Colony  within  the  county  of 
Westmoreland,  and  laid  before  them  three  letters  he 
received  two  days  ago  by  express  from  y^neas  Mackay, 
Devereux  Sviith,  and  Andrew  McFarlane,  Esquires, 
Magistrates  of  that  county,  each  dated  the  9th  of  April 
instant,  which  were  severally  read,  and  Messrs.  Mackay 
and  Smith's  letters  follow  in  these  words,  viz : 

Pittsburg,  9th  April,  1774 
Sir  :  I  have  just  time  to  inform  your  Honor  that  the 
Justices,  Devereux  Smith,  Andreiv  McFarlane,  and 
myself,  returned  from  court  late  last  night  to  this  place ; 
and  that  we  were  all  three  taken  prisoners  at  half  an  hour 
past  nine  o'clock  tiiis  morning  by  order  of  Doctor  Conolly; 
and  because  we  refused  giving  bail  we  are  ordered  to  be 
sent  off  this  afternoon  to  Staunton,  in  Virginia,  where  I 
suppose  we  will  spend  the  most  of  this  summer,  which 
gives  me  no  manner  of  concern  so  fur  as  it  affects  my  own 
person,  although  I  cannot  but  feel  for,  and  lament  the  dis- 
tressing situation  of  my  wife  and  ciiildren,  left  here  exposed 
to  the  insults  and  tyranny  of  a  lawless  mob,  whose  aim  is 
to  subvert  government  and  good  order,  and  enrich  tiiem- 
selves  with  the  spoils  of  their  neighbours. 

I  am,  with  due  respect,  sir,  your  most  humble  and  most 
obedient  servant,  .^neas  Mackay. 

Pittsburg,  April  9th,  1774. 

Sir:  When  Justices  Mackay,  McFarlane,  and  I, 
returned  from  attending  the  court  last  evening,  we  were 
informed  that  Doctor  Conolly  was  determined  to  issue 
King's  warrants  for  us,  which  were  served  on  the  above 
mentioned  gentlemen  and  myself  diis  day  by  Mr.  Conolly' s 
Sheriff.  The  crime  which  we  are  charged  with  is  for  the 
answer  we  gave  Doctor  Conolly  in  writing  by  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Court  of  Westmoreland,  a  copy  of  which  was 
enclosed  to  your  Honor  per  favour  of  Colonel  Wilson. 
Mr.  Conolly  offered  to  enlarge  us  on  condition  of  giving 
bail  to  take  our  trial  at  Staunton  court  in  Virginia,  wliicli 
the  other  gentlemen  and  1  refused,  so  that  we  go  to  jail 
this  day,  where  we  intend  to  remain  till  your  Honor's 
pleasure  is  known,  which  we  make  no  doubt  will  be  in  a 


265 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


266 


short  time.  It  is  true,  our  going  away  from  our  families 
and  business  at  this  time,  will  be  attended  with  very  great 
inconveniences,  but  we  are  willing  to  suffer  that,  and  a 
great  deal  more,  rather  than  bring  a  disgrace  on  the  com- 
mission which  we  bear  under  your  Honor. 

I  am,  witii  great  respect,  your  Honor's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 

Devereux  Smith. 


same  tenor  with  the 


Mr.  McFtirlane's  Letter  is  of  the 
foregoing  one  from  Mr.  Smith. 

The  Board  taking  into  consideration  the  said  letters,  as 
will  as  tlie  letters  and  papers  laid  before  them  at  their  last 
meeting,  are  of  opinion,  that  the  most  advisable  step  to  be 
taken  on  this  occasion  by  the  Government  will  be  to 
appoint  Commissioners  to  go  as  soon  as  possible  to  Wil- 
liamsburg, in  order  to  re])resent  to  the  Government  of 
Virginia  the  ill  consequences  which  may  happen  to  the 
persons  and  properties  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  if  an 
immediate  stop  be  not  put  to  the  disorders  and  violent 
proceedings  which  have  been  begun  and  are  now  carrying 
on  under  the  authority  of  the  Government,  within  the 
western  lands  of  diis  Province  ;  and  also  to  confer  with  the 
said  Government  on  the  most  proper  measures  for  establish- 
ing peace  and  good  order  among  his  Majesty's  subjects  of 
both  Governments;  and  for  that  purpose  to  endeavour  to 
agree  upon  a  temporary  line  of  jurisdiction ;  and  further, 
to  request  the  said  Government  will,  without  loss  of  time, 
join  with  the  Proprietaries  of  this  Province  in  an  application 
to  the  Crown  to  appoint  Commissioners  for  running  and 
ascertaining  the  true  boundary  lines  between  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia. 

The  Board  were  likewise  of  opinion  that  a  letter  should 
be  wrote  to  the  three  Magistrates  who  have  been  put 
under  an  arrest  by  Mr.  Conolly,  thanking  them  for  their 
spirited  behaviour,  and  acquainting  them  that  proper  care 
shall  be  taken  to  supply  them  at  the  expense  of  this 
Government,  with  all  necessaries  which  may  render  their 
situation  as  comfortable  and  easy  as  possible  until  their 
discharge  can  be  obtained;  and  also  that  a  letter  of 
instructions  be  sent  to  the  other  Magistrates  of  Westmore- 
land respecting  their  future  conduct. 


At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Friday,  22d 
Aj>ril,   1774: 

Present,  the  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governor, 
Richard  Peters,  Andrew  Allen,  James  Tilghman,  Edward 
Hhippen,  Jun.,  Esquires. 

A  member  of  Council  laid  before  the  Board  draughts 
of  two  letters  proposed  to  be  sent  to  the  Magistrates  of 
Westmoreland  county,  which  were  read,  and  after  a  (ev/ 
alterations  made  to  them,  were  ordered  to  be  fairly  trans- 
cribed, and  despatched  to  morrow  by  the  express,  who 
came  from  that  county. 

The  letters  follow  in  these  words,  viz  : 

Philadelphia,  April  22,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  I  received  your  several  letters  informimr 
me  of  your  arrest  and  confinements  on  warrants  issued  by 
Doctor  Conolly,  and  cannot  but  greatly  approve  your 
spirit  and  the  attachment  you  have  shown  to  the  interest 
of  this  Province.  But  as  the  confinement  of  your  persons 
at  so  great  a  distance  from  your  homes  must  be  very 
injurious  to  your  private  concerns,  if  you  can  procure  your 
enlargement,  by  finding  bail,  I  shall  by  no  means  dis- 
approve such  a  step.  I  shall  with  all  possible  expedition, 
send  Commissioners  to  my  Lord  Dunmore,  to  apiily  for 
your  discharge  ;  and  as  Colonel  Wilson  is  so  oblio-inir  as  to 
offer  to  call  at  Staunton,  in  his  way  home,  I  have  instructed 
him  to  procure  for  you  any  security  or  credit  you  may 
stand  in  need  of,  and  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
free  you  from  your  disagreeable  situation,  or  to  make  it  as 
comfortable  as  may  be. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  servant, 

John  Penn. 

To  jUneas  Maclcay,  Devereux  Smith,  and  Andrew 
McFarlane,  Esquires,  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  County 
of  Westmoreland. 


Gentlemen ; 

afl^iirs   in 


The 


Philadelphia,  April  22,  1774. 


present  alarming  situation  of  our 
yyestmoreland  county,  occasioned  by  the  very 
unaccountable  conduct  of  the  Government  oi  Virginia, 
requires  the  utmost  attention  of  this  Government,  and 
dierefore  I  mtend,  with  all  possible  expedition,  to  send 
Commissioners  to  expostulate  with  my  Lord  Dunmore 
upon  the  behaviour  of  those  he  has  thought  proper  to 
nivest  with  such  power  as  hath  greatly  disturbed  the  peace 
oi  that  county.  As  the  Government  of  Virginia  hath  the 
power  of  raising  a  militia,  and  there  is  not  any  such  in  this 
Province,  it  will  be  in  vain  to  contend  with  them  in  the 
way  of  force ;  the  Magistrates  therefore,  at  the  same  time 
that  they  continue  with  steadiness  to  exercise  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Pennsylvania  with  respect  to  the  distribution  of 
justice  and  punishment  of  vice,  must  be  cautious  of  enter- 
ing into  any  such  contests  with  the  officers  of  my  Lord 
Dunmore  as  may  tend  to  widen  the  present  unhappy 
breach;  and  therefore  as  things  are  at  present  circum- 
stanced I  would  not  advise  the  magistracy  of  Westmore- 
land county  to  proceed  by  way  of  criminal  prosecution 
against  them  for  exercising  the  Government  of  Virginia. 
flatter  myself  that  our  Commissioners  to  Virginia  will 
succeed  according  to  our  expectations,  and  that  our  affairs 
to  the  westward  will  soon  be  put  upon  a  peaceable  and 
quiet  footing.       I  am  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  ser- 

"^""^    „^„.  John  Penn. 

lo   Wilham    Craioford,  Esq.,  and  his  Associates, 
Westmoreland  County. 


CORRESPONDENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL. 


I 


of 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  JOSEPH  SHIPPEN. 

Ligonier,  January  15,  1774. 

Sir  :  Tliis  will  be  delivered  by  Mr.  Hanna,  one  of  tlie 
trustees  for  Westmoreland  county.     To  some  management 
of  his  I  believe,  the  opposition  to  fixing  the  county  town  at 
Pittsburg  is  chiefly  owing — it  is  his  interest   it   should 
continue  where  the  law  has  fixed  the  courts,  pro  tempore; 
he  lives  there ;  used  to  keep  public  house  there ;  and  has 
now,  on  that  expectation,  rented  his  house  at  an  extrava- 
gant price.     Erwen,  another  trustee,  adjoins,  and  is  also 
public  house  keeper.     A  third  trustee  lives  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, which  always  make  a  majority  for  continuing 
the  courts  at  the  present  place.     A  passage  in  the  law  for 
erecting  the  county  is,  that  the  courts  shall  be  held  in  the 
foregoing  place  (the  house  of  Robert  Hanna)  till  a  court 
house  and  jail  are  built;  this  puts  it  in  their  power  to 
continue  them  as  long  as  they  please — for  a  little  manage- 
ment might  prevent  a  court  house  and  jail  being  built  this 
twenty  years.     This   is  explanation  of  a  petition  to  the 
House,  which  was  sent  down  lately — it  was  begun  and 
ended  on  the  Friday  of  the  court  week.     An  unexpected 
opportunity  to  Philadelphia  offered  that  day,  by  reason  of 
which  it  is  to  the  House  only,  and  signed  but  by  a  few 
people,  but  the  few  that  have  signed  it  are  the  principal 
people  ;  and  who  acted  more  from  their  feelings  for  multi- 
tudes, who  they  saw  suffering  than  from  their  own  incon- 
venience.    A  like  petition  to  the  Governor  will  soon  be 
forwarded,  which  will  be  countenanced,  by,  I  am  certain, 
five-sixths  of  the  whole  people. 

Mr.  Hoofnagle  I  hope  will  be  almost  home  before  you 
receive  this.  I  beg  you  will  excuse  inaccuracies  as  I  wrote 
in  the  greatest  hurry — Mr.  Hanna  holding  his  horse 
whilst  I  write.     I  will  see  you  early  in  the  spring. 

And  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  and  most  obedient 
servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

Joseph  Shippen,  Jun.,  Esq. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  February  2,  1774. 

I  am  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  20th  January, 
which  reached  me  the  28th,  and  am  happy  to  find  the 
method  pursued  at  Pittsburg,  on  the  25th,  did  not  very 
materially  differ  from  that  you  had  been  pleased  to  direct. 


267 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  n74. 


268 


Doctor  Conolhj  was  arrested  previous  to  the  meeting, 
bv  mv  orders,  on  his  avowing  liimself  the  author  of  the 
advertisement  requiring  tlie  people  to  meet  as  a  militia, 
and  connuitted  on  refusing  to  find  sureties  for  his  good 
beiiaviour  till  next  court. 

I  was  in  hopes  the  sending  him  out  of  the  way  would  have 
put  an  end  to  it  altogether ;  but  I  was  mistaken.  About 
eighty  persons  in  arms  assembled  themselves,  chiefly  from 
Rlr.  Croghan's  neighbourhood,  and  the  country  west  of 
and  below  the  Moiwiigahcla,  and  after  parading  through 
the  town  and  making  a  kind  of  feu  tie  joy,  proceeded  to 
the  Fort  where  a  cask  of  rum  was  produced  on.tiie  parade, 
and  the  head  knocked  out.  This  was  a  very  effectual 
way  of  recruiting. 

As  a  scene  of  drunkenness  and  confusion  was  likely  to 
ensue,  I  got  the  Magistrates  (who  attended  in  consequence 
of  tlie  letters  I  had  sent  them)  together,  and  read  the 
enclosed  paper,  which  we  had  concocted  tliat  morning,  and 
at  the  conclusion,  when  they  were  required  to  disperse, 
they  replied  they  had  been  invited  there,  but  came  with 
peaceable  intentions,  and  would  go  home  again  without 
molesting  any  one ;  on  which  we  left  them  ;  however, 
towards  night,  their  peaceable  disposition  forsook  them, 
ajid  I  should  probably  have  felt  their  resentment  had  I  not 
got  intimation  of  their  design.  I  thought  it  most  prudent 
to  keep  out  of  their  v.'ay. 

1  have  no  doubt  but  the  Magistrates  will  do  their  duty 
with  spirit,  and  1  shall  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to 
make  them  acquainted  with  the  support  your  Honor  is 
determined  to  afford  them.  In  some  parts  of  the  country 
they  will  have  a  difficult  task,  and  I  am  really  af&aid  this 
affair  will  be  productive  of  a  great  deal  of  confusion.  1 
shall  not  fail  to  give  them  the  necessary  cautions  with 
regard  to  the  Riot  Act,  and  I  think  I  can  judge  pretty 
nearly  how  far  it  may  be  safely  extended. 

Mr.  ConoUy  has  most  certainly  a  commission  from 
Lord  Dunmore,  expressly  for  Pittsburg  and  its  dependen- 
cies, and  his  subalterns  are  John  Stephenson,  a  brother  of 
Mr.  Crawford,  our  senior  magistrate,  WiUiam  Harrison,  a 
son-in-law  of  his,  and  Dorsey  Penticost,  who  was  lately 
in  the  commission  of  the  peace  here.  Mr.  Penticost  has, 
I  hear,  been  down  to  Mr.  ConoUy  since  his  confinement, 
and  taken  the  necessary  oaths  to  qualify  him  for  his  military 
office,  and  is  to  assemble  the  people  at  Red  Stone  and  take 
possession  of  Fort  Burd.  I  have  wrote  to  the  Justices  in 
that  part  of  the  country  to  watch  his  motions.  Mr.  McKee 
is  said  to  be  appointed  a  Justice  by  Lord  Dunmore,  but  I 
would  fain  hope  without  his  consent ;  at  any  rate  he 
beiiaved  very  well  on  the  late  occasion,  and  as  he  was 
doubted,  I  made  a  point  of  having  him  there  under  pre- 
tence of  his  being  Indian  Agent,  but  in  fact,  if  he  was  a 
friend  or  abettor  of  ConoUy's  measures. 

It  is,  sir,  extremely  grateful  to  me  that  my  conduct  in 
any  part  meets  with  your  approbation  ;  but  should  I  forget 
to  be  attentive  to  any  thing  that  may  disturb  the  happiness 
of  your  Government,  or  from  which  you  may  receive  a 
personal  injury,  I  should  be  guilty  of  the  grossest  breach  of 
duty,  as  well  as  the  blackest  ingratitude,  neither  of  vi'hich 
1  trust  will  ever  be  the  case. 

1  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 
The  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esq. 


Papar  enclosed   in   Arthur    St.    Clair's  Letter   to  tlie   Governor,  of 
February  2,  1774. 

As  friends  and  fellow  countrymen,  which  we  ought  all 
to  consider  each  other,  from  whatever  difierent  quarters  of 
the  globe  we  have  met  here,  suffer  that  we  make  you 
acquainted  with  some  things  of  which  you  ought  not  to  be 
ignorant. 

We  do  not  blame  you  for  having  an  affection  for  the 
laws  of  the  countries  and  provinces  in  wiiich  30U  have 
been  bom ;  'tis  a  natural,  "tis  a  praiseworthy  affection  !  And 
it  requires  a  length  of  time  and  diligent  application  to 
discover  and  give  the  deserved  preference  to  different 
systems  of  laws  and  forms  of  Government,  for  which  but 
few  have  either  leisure  or  opportunity. 

We  do  not  tell  you  tiie  plan  of  Pennsylvania  is  a 
jierfect  one.     Such  no  human  institution  is  or  ever  was  ; 


but  the  rapid  progress  Pennsylvania  has  made,  the  num- 
bers of  people  tiiat  flock  to  it  from  every  part  of  the 
world,  and  particularly  the  much  greater  value  of  landed 
property  than  in  the  adjoining  parts  of  the  neighbouring 
countries,  evince  that  it  is  no  very  defective  one ;  evince 
that  its  laws  are  mild  and  salutary,  and  that  property  and 
liberty,  civil  and  religious,  is  well  secured,  and  that  it  has 
some  advantages  over  its  neighbours. 

We  doubt  not  but  you  will  readily  acknowledge  these 
matters;  but  you  will  reply,  it  is  nothing  to  us;  the  soil 
we  live  on  being  no  part  of  Pennsylvania  ;  we  can  have 
no  jjart  of  the  advantages  or  di-^advantages  arising  from  its 
constitution. 

We  well  know  much  pains  have  been  taken  to  persuade 
many  of  you  to  a  belief  of  this,  and  likewise  that  the 
Proprietaries  have  industriously  delayed  to  settle  their  boun- 
dary.    There  is  not  the  least  foundation  for  either. 

The  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  claimed  the  country 
about  Pittsburg,  and  the  settlers  quietly  acquiesced  in  that 
claim ;  and  as  soon  as  doubts  began  to  arise  about  it  they 
took  effectual  pains  to  satisfy  themselves  whether  or  not 
they  were  right  in  that  claim,  and  actually  found  the  coun- 
try a  considerable  distance  west  of  that  place  within  their 
Province :  And  so  far  are  they  from  delaying  tlie  running 
their  boundaiy  line,  we  have  the  best  authority  for  saying 
that  a  petition  has  been  a  considerable  time  before  his 
Majesty  for  that  very  purpose.  You  must  be  sensible  it 
would  be  to  little  purpose  to  run  it  without  the  concurrence 
of  the  Crown ;  certainly  it  would  never  be  conclusive. 

The  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania  has  been  regularly 
extended  to  Pittsburg,  and  exercised  there  for  a  number 
of  years,  as  the  records  of  Cumberland,  Bedford,  and 
Westmoreland  counties  testify ;  and  you  yourselves  have 
acknowledged  it,  by  applying  for  your  lands  in  that 
Province.  Whether  that  extension  has  been  legally  made 
or  not,  can  be  determined  by  the  Crown  alone  ;  but  must 
be  submitted  to  till  it  is  determined.  And  it  must  be 
evident  to  you  that  Lord  Dunmore,  as  Govemor  of  Vir- 
ginia, can  have  no  more  right  to  determine  this  matter  then 
one  of  us,  for  this  plain  reason :  the  charters  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia  both  flowed  originally  from  the  Crown  ; 
on  that  footing  they  are  perfectly  independent  of  each 
other  ;  but  they  are  both  parties  in  this  dispute,  and  conse- 
quently neither  can  be  judge. 

We  would  fondly  hope  no  person  in  this  country  would 
wish  to  be  from  under  the  protection  of  law.  A  state  of 
anarchy  and  confusion,  and  total  subversion  of  property 
must  inevitably  ensue.  We  cannot  help  thinking  contend- 
ing jurisdictions  in  one  and  the  same  country  must  produce 
similar  effects,  and  every  attempt  to  introduce  modes  or 
regulations  not  warranted  by  the  laws  or  constitution  of 
Pennsylvania  will  also  do  so  in  a  certain  degree. 

Any  grievances  the  inhabitants  of  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try suffer  there  is  no  doubt  the  Legislature  want  only  to  be 
informed  of  to  redress.  Should  it  be  imagined  the  pro- 
tection of  a  military  force  is  necessary,  the  votes  and 
proceedings  of  the  last  winter  session  of  Assambly  will 
shew  that,  probably,  it  was  owing  to  the  representations  of 
the  Indian  Agent,  that  an  Indian  war  would  certainly 
follow,  establishing  a  military  force  at  Pittsburg,  that  such 
protection  was  not  then  granted,  and  time  seems  to  have 
shewn  he  was  not  in  the  wrong. 

If  that  effect  would  have  supervened  at  a  time  when 
his  Majesty's  troops  were  just  withdrawn,  when  die  coun- 
try was  naked,  defenceless,  and  alarmed,  and  when  the 
Indians  were  accustomed  to  the  idea  of  trooiis  in  their 
neighbourhood,  much  more  is  it  to  be  doubted  the  estab- 
lishing a  militia,  which  is  a  military  force,  will  ])ro(luce 
that  effect  now  when  they  have  been  so  long  disused  to  it. 

As  his  Majesty's  Justices  and  Protectors  of  the  public 
peace  of  Pennsylvania,  it  is  our  duty  to  tell  you  your 
meeting  is  an  uidawful  one,  and  that  it  tends  to  disquiet 
die  minds  of  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects.  We  do  in  his 
Majesty's  name  require  you  to  disperse,  and  retire  your- 
selves peaceably  to  your  respective  habitations. 
Present  when  this  was  read. 

Alexaner  McKee,      jEneas  Mackav, 
William  Louhry,         Van  Swearinoen, 
James  Pollock,  William  Bracken, 

James  Cavet,  Arthur  St.  Clair. 


269 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


270 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  JOSEPH  SHIPPEN,  JUN. 

Ligonier,  February  25,  1774. 

Dear  Sir:  The  disturbances  that  liave  begun  in  this 
country  seem  still  to  be  increasing,  and,  unless  some  effect- 
ual method  is  soon  fallen  ujjon  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  will 
soon  come  to  a  formidable  head.  What  that  method 
should  be  it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  possibly  the  running  a 
temporary  line  might  quiet  the  people  a  little,  though  I 
doubt  very  much  if  even  that  would  not  now  be  opposed. 

As  much  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  near  the 
line  have  removed  from  Virginia,  they  are  inexpressibly 
fond  of  any  thing  that  comes  from  that  quarter,  and  their 
minds  are  never  suffered  to  be  at  rest.  Mr.  Croghari's 
emissaries  (and  it  is  astonishing  bow  many  he  has  either 
duped  or  seduced  to  embrace  his  measures)  are  continual- 
ly irritating  them  against  Pennsi/Ivania,  and  assuring  them 
they  are  not  within  its  limits  ;  so  that  unless  Lord  Diinmore 
does  formally  recede  from  what  he  has  undertaken  in  this 
country,  it  will  be  next  to  impossible  to  exercise  the  civil 
authority.  From  the  very  beginning  I  foretold  a  second 
Carolina  affair  was  intended,  I  am  now  convinced  of  it. 

I  have  letters  from  all  the  Magistrates  in  that  part  of 
the  country,  complaining  of  the  difficulties  they  are  ex- 
posed to,  and  the  open  and  avowed  determination  of  the 
people  not  to  submit  to  their  jurisdictions.  However,  they 
are  all  still  as  yet,  and  I  will  do  what  in  my  power  lies  to 
continue  them  so;  as  one  step  towards  it,  and  to  convince 
the  others  that  we  in  some  measure  are  in  earnest,  I  in- 
tend immediately  removing  my  office  to  Pittsburg,  adjoin- 
ing, there  to  live  the  moment  I  can  get  my  farm  off  my 
hands  here. 

I  enclose  you  a  letter  from  Mr.  Spear,  which  I  received 
by  the  bearer.  I  shall  immediately  write  to  Mr.  Swearin- 
gen  to  commit,  %yithout  ceremony,  any  person  who  shall 
attempt  to  oppose  or  molest  him  in  the  execution  of  his 
office.  Excuse  the  haste  I  am  almost  always  obliged  to 
write  to  you  in  ;  opportunities  offer  unexpectedly,  and  the 
people  waiting. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


Enclosed  in  Arthur  St.  Clair's    I^etter  to  Joseph  Shippen,  Jun.,    of 
February  25,  1774. 

Pittsburg,  February  23,  1774. 

Dear  Sir:  I  am  just  now  informed  that  the  Virginians 
up  the  Monongahela  have  had  two  or  three  musters  late- 
ly ;  one  at  Red  Stone  Old  Fort,  and  one  yesterday  at  Paul 
Froman's,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Monongahela ;  and  I 
am  also  told  they  had  a  meeting  at  Mr.  Penticost's  own 
house,  in  consequence  of  which  Mr.  Penticost  wrote  to 
Mr.  Swearingen  to  act  no  longer  there  as  a  Pemisyhania 
Magistrate  at  his  peril.  I  therefore  think  it  would  be 
athisable  to  endeavor  to  have  a  stop  put  to  those  proceed- 
ings, if  possible,  as  it  creates  the  greatest  disturbance,  and 
very  much  retards  the  execution  of  our  civil  process. 

I  am,  in  haste,  dear  sir,  your  humble  servant, 

Joseph  Spear. 

P.  S.  Tliis  news  has  just  come  to  hand,  otherwise  I 
would  have  wrote  you  more  full.  Dr.  ConoUij  is  just  now 
going  over  the  run  to  Red  Stone,  I  know  not  what  for. 


«neas  mackay  to  governor  penn. 

Pittsburg,  April  4,  1774. 

Sir:  Since  the  return  of  the  celebrated  Dr.  Corw/Iy 
from  Virginia  last  to  this  place,  which  he  did  on  the  28th 
March,  our  village  is  become  the  scene  of  anarchy  and 
confusion.  The  Doctor  was  taken  into  the  Sheriff's  cus- 
tody here  the  24th  day  of  last  January,  in  consequence  of 
his  extraordinary  advertisement.  He  was  but  a  (ew  days 
in  jail  before  he  found  means  to  prevail  with  the  Sheriff, 
and  obtained  his  leave  to  visit  his  a.ssociates  at  this  place, 
where  he  staid  a  few  days,  and  then,  instead  of  returning 
to  jail,  according  to  his  promise  to  the  Sheriff,  he  went  up 
to  Red  Stone  settlement,  where,  widi  the  assistance  of  his 
friends  in  that  quarter,  he  assembled  about  twenty  armed 
men,  who  guarded  him  from  there  to  or  near  the  frontiers 
of  Virginia. 


On  the  30th  of  March  a  party  from  Chaster  settlement 
joined  the  Doctor  at  this  place.  On  hearing  of  that 
circunistance  Sheriff  Proctor,  and  the  Justices  Smith, 
McFarlane,  and  myself  repaired  to  the  Fort  in  order  to 
discover  the  Doctor's  intentions,  and  if  we  found  them 
any  wise  tumultuously  disjiosed,  to  read  them  the  Riot  Act. 
There  we  found  about  twenty  odd  men,  some  with  and 
some  without  arms,  and  the  Doctor  before  them  with  two 
letters  in  his  hands,  both  of  which  he  said  he  had  just  re- 
ceived from  Lord  Daimore,  with  orders  to  make  them 
(the  mihtia)  acquainted  with  the  contents,  and  this  he  im- 
mediately did  by  reading  the  papers  to  them.  In  the  first 
of  these  letters  bis  Lordship  greatly  applauded  the  Doctor's 
conduct,  when  taken  by  the  Sheriff,  for  not  giving  bail, 
and  commanded  him  to  persevere  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  plan  he  begun  upon,  maintaining  the  possession  of 
Fort  Pitt  and  its  dependencies,  and  to  put  the  militia  and 
other  Virginia  laws  in  force,  concluding  with  a  promise  of 
being  powerfully  supported  by  his  Lordship. 

The  other  letter  the  Doctor  declared  to  be  a  duplicate 
of  his  Lordship's  answer  to  Governor  Penn's  letter,  relat- 
ing to  the  militia  muster,  when  first  set  on  foot  in  this  place 
last  January.  Just  as  the  Doctor  had  done  reading  these 
instruments,  he  turned  on  his  heel,  and  gave  us  to  under- 
stand he  would  be  glad  to  speak  to  us  in  a  bar  room  just  at 
band,  when  he  said  that  although  he,  in  obedience  to  Lord 
Dunmore's  positive  orders,  had  assembled  these  men,  in 
order  to  hear  the  aforesaid  letters  read,  he  had  no  inten- 
tion to  take  any  step  contrary  to  the  established  rules  of 
law  at  this  place,  until  after  the  court,  which  would  set  in 
a  few  days,  when  he  said  he  was  determined  to  deliver 
himself  up,  and  abide  by  the  judgment  of  the  same,  and 
requested  of  us  to  observe  the  like  pacific  measures  in  the 
mean  time.  We  told  the  Doctor  we  are  averse  to  violent 
proceedings,  unless  forced  to  it  in  our  own  defence,  but  ex- 
])ected  he,  the  Doctor,  did  not  mean  we  should  desist  from 
exercising  the  duty  of  our  station,  as  conservators  of  the 
peace,  till  that  time.     To  this  he  replied,  he  did  not.    . 

Next  morning,  the  31st  of  March,  the  Sheriff  served  a 
writ  on  JVilliam  Christy,  a  militia  Lieutenant,  on  notice  of 
which  the  Doctor  had  the  Sheriff  taken  by  a  King's  war- 
rant, and  was  actually  in  custody  for  some  little  time ;  and 
ever  since  that  time  there  are  parties  of  armed  men  in  con- 
stant pursuit  of  our  Deputy  Sheriff  and  Constables,  by 
which  means  it  is  impossible  for  us  to  do  any  business. 

The  Doctor  is  now  in  actual  possession  of  the  Fort, 
with  a  body  guard  of  militia  about  him,  invested,  as  we 
are  told,  with  both  civil  and  military  power  to  put  the 
Virginia  law  in  force  in  these  parts  ;  and  a  considerable 
niunber  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  back  parts  of  this 
county  are  ready  to  join  him  on  any  emergency.  Every 
artifice  are  used  to  seduce  the  people ;  some  by  being  pro- 
moted to  civil  or  military  employments,  and  others  with 
the  promises  of  grants  of  lands  on  easy  terms :  and  the 
giddy  headed  mob  are  so  infatuated  as  to  suffer  themselves 
to  be  carried  away  by  these  insinuating  delusions ;  for  in- 
stance of  which,  the  two  Constables  appointed  to  serve  as 
such  in  this  township,  (one  of  whom,  Philip  Reily  by 
name,  was  sworn  in  at  last  January  court,)  both  deserted 
us  and  joined  the  Doctor's  party.  It  is  most  certain  the 
Doctor  is  determined  to  carry  his  point,  or  lose  his  life  in 
the  attempt ;  and  it  is  equally  certain  he  has  all  the  en- 
couragement and  promises  of  support  from  Virginia  that 
he  can  wish  for,  so  that  unless  an  effectual  remedy  be 
speedily  applied  we  know  not  what  may  be  the  conse- 
quence, for  matters  are  carried  to  a  very  dangerous  length 
already,  and  are  likely  to  become  more  so  every  day. 

We  are  told  the  Colonel  of  militia  of  Augusta  county 
is  under  orders  to  be  in  readiness  to  march  to  this  place  on 
the  shortest  notice.  Lord  Dunmorc  has  actually  enclosed 
twelve  commissions  to  the  Doctor  to  fill  up  for  mihtia  offi- 
cers at  his  own  discretion. 

We  will  have  another  general  muster  at  this  place  some 
time  this  month,  and  we  are  well  assured  a  strong  body  of 
the  militia  will  appear  with  arms  at  the  court,  with  an 
intention  no  doubt,  to  rescue  Conolly,  and  perhaps  will 
attempt  something  else. 

The  Indians  are  greatly  alarmed  at  seeing  parties  of 
armed  men  patroling  tlirough  our  streets  daily,  not  knowing 
but   there    is   hostility  intended   against  them,  and  their 


27 1 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MARCH  AND  APRIL,  1774. 


272 


country.      I    remain,  sir,  your    most    humble   and    most 
obedient  servant,  jiEneas  Mackay. 


GEORGE  CKOGHAN  TO  DAVID  SAMPLE. 

April  4tli,  1774. 
Sir:  I  have  been  long  convinced  that  Fort  Pitt  and 
its  dependencies  was  without  tiic  limits  of  Pen)isi/lva7iia, 
and  no  less  convinced  that  the  laws  of  that  Province  could 
have  no  force  or  power  beyond  its  limits,  yet  as  I  have 
always  considered  any  law  better  than  no  law,  1  have 
countenanced  the  law  of  that  Province  hitherto,  by  plead- 
ing to  some'  actions  brought  against  me,  and  being  bail  to 
others,  though  at  the  same  time  I  have  always  denied  the 
jurisdiction  by  not  paying  any  taxes,  as  in  tiiat  case  my 
liberty  and  property  was  in  as  much  danger  as  all  the  rest 
of  my  fellow  subjects  in  tlie  Colonies  have  thought  theirs, 
by  submitting  to  a  tax  laid  on  them  by  the  British  Par- 
liament, and  which  they  have  always  withstood.  Now,  sir, 
as  the  Colony  of  Virginia  has  this  winter  extended  the 
laws  of  that  Government  to  this  part  of  the  country,  by 
raising  the  militia  and  appointing  civil  officers,  I  shall  no 
longer  countenance  the  laws  of  your  Province  by  pleading 
to  any  actions  brought  against  me,  unless  brought  by  the 
Colony  of  Virginia;  for  it  must  be  granted,  that  if  any 
Colony  has  a  right  to  extend  their  laws  to  this  country, 
Virginia  nmst,  till  his  Majesty's  pleasure  be  known  therein. 
Since  this  change  has  happened,  two  actions  have  been 
brought  against  me  from  your  court,  one  at  the  suit  of 
Michardnnd  William  Butler,  the  other  at  the  suit  oi  Joseph 
Spear.  As  you  are  my  attorney,  I  desire,  when  those 
actions  are  called  in  court,  that  you  wont  appear  to  them, 
and  I  request  that  you  will  inform  the  Court  you  have  my 
directions  so  to  act,  and  inform  them  of  my  reasons,  which 
I  should  wish  them  to  know,  though  I  have  many  others  ; 
but  as  your  court  can  have  nothing  to  do  in  adjusting  the  pre- 
sent disputes  1  will  not  trouble  you  with  any  thing  farther  on 
this  head.         And  am,  sir,  your  most  bumble  servant, 

George  Croghan. 
To  David  Sample,  Esq. 


THOMAS    SMITH    TO   JOSEPH    SHIPPEN. 

Westmoreland  County,  April  7,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  present  transactions  at  this  place  are  so  very 
extraordinary  that  I  am  persuaded  you  will  be  very  much 
surprised  at  the  relationof  them,  if  any  thing  that  is  absurd 
and  unwarrantable  which  originates  from  Lord  Dunmorc 
can  surprise  you.  I  think  I  am  warranted  in  this  obser- 
vation by  his  Lordship's  letter  to  his  Honor,  a  duplicate  of 
which,  together  with  a  letter  at  the  same  time  to  Conolhj, 
we  have  had  just  read  to  us. 

After  Conolly  was  committed  to  jail  in  the  manner  you 
have  been  informed,  the  Sheriff  let  him  at  large  on  his 
word  of  honour  to  return  at  the  court.  He  did  return, 
indeed,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  might  have  been  expected 
from  bis  preceding  conduct.  We  heard,  when  we  came 
up  to  this  court,  that  he  was  mustering  a  large  party  in 
order  to  prevent  the  court  from  sitting.  We  thought  that 
there  could  not  be  any  foundation  for  such  a  report,  but  at 
the  same  time  we  thought  it  prudent  to  order  the  Sheriff 
to  raise  as  many  men  as  he  could  collect,  to  prevent  us 
from  being  insulted  by  a  lawless  set  of  men  acting  under 
the  colour  of  authority.  The  time  was  so  short  that  few 
were  collected  on  our  side,  and  those  few  were  ill  armed, 
.so  that  we  found  ourselves  in  a  very  disagreeable  situation 
when  we  received  certain  intelligence  that  Conolly  was 
coming  down  with  two  hundred  armed  men.  Wh(?n  we 
found  they  were  at  hand  the  Magistrates  thought  it  prudent 
to  adjourn  the  court,  as  if  was  near  the  time.  They  soon 
after  came  down  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
or  one  hundred  and  eighty,  with  colours  flying,  and  their 
roj><fl}Hs,  &.C.,  had  their  swords  drawn.  The  first  thin" 
that  they  did  was  to  place  centinels  at  the  court  house 
door,  and  then  Conollij  sent  a  message  that  he  would  wait 
on  the  Magistrates  and  communicate  the  reasons  of  his 
appearance.  The  Bench  and  Bar  were  then  assembled  in 
I\Ir.  Manna's  house,  where  we  sent  him  word  we  would 
hear  him.  He  and  Fcnticost  soon  came  down,  and  he 
read  the  paper  which  will  be  sent  down  to  his  Honor  the 


Governor  with  the  bearer  of  this,  and  then  he  read  a  dupli- 
cate of  Lord  Dunmorc  to  our  Governor,  together  with  the 
letter  mentioned  before. 

The  Court  told  him  they  would  soon  return  an  answer  to 
what  he  had  said.  (They  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  do 
it  without  consulting  together  and  taking  the  opinion  of 
the  Bar.)  We  soon  agreed  on  the  terms  of  the  answer, 
and  the  gentleman  who  had  the  principal  hand  in  forming 
it,  has  done  it  in  such  a  manner  as  I  am  persuaded  will 
procure  him  the  thanks  of  the  Government.  It  contains 
firmness  and  moderation,  and,  as  far  as  I  am  capable  of 
judging,  it  was  not  possible  to  form  one  more  free  from 
exceptions  in  our  present  situation.  One  in  any  other 
form  might  have  been  the  occasion  of  altercations,  which 
might  have  produced  undue  concessions,  or  been  attended 
with  the  most  flual  consequences ;  for  I  have  reason  to 
believe  that  the  greatest  part  of  them  were  wishmg  for 
some  colourable  reason  to  quarrel.  The  Bench  purposed 
to  deliver  the  answer  in  tlie  court  house.  However,  in 
that  particular  they  counted  without  their  host,  for  they 
were  refused  admittance,  and  Conolly  waited  for  them  at 
the  court  house  door,  where  Mr.  Wilson,  at  the  request  of 
the  Court,  delivered  it,  and  after  exchanging  copies  they 
departed  more  peaceably  than  might  have  been  expected. 
However,  the  consequences  of  such  proceedings  are  too 
apparent  to  need  be  enumerated  ;  the  administration  of 
justice  must  be  entirely  at  a  stand,  and,  indeed,  I  cannot 
help  thinking  that  this  mob  has  collected  for  that  purpose, 
as  I  am  well  assured  that  amongst  all  those  who  assembled 
there  was  not  one  single  man  of  any  property ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  greatest  part  of  them  were  such  as  are 
obliged  to  hide  themselves  from  their  creditors,  or  such  as 
are  under  the  necessity  of  taking  shelter  in  this  part  of 
the  country  to  escape  the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes. 
It  seems  Lord  Dunmorc  gave  Conolly  blank  connnissions, 
trusting  to  his  own  pnulence  to  fill  them  up,  by  inserting 
the  names  of  proper  persons.  Conolly,  in  order  to  be 
consistent  with  himself,  bestowed  one  of  these  commissions 
on  one  Teagardcn,  an  old  fellow,  who  has  several  times 
been  committed  for  felony.  I  don't,  indeed,  know  that  he 
lias  been  convicted,  because  he  has  always  broken  the  jail. 
Once  I  think  he  was  committed  to  Lancaster  jail  and 
escaped.  His  character  is  so  well  known,  that  those  who 
are  the  strongest  advocates  for  the  present  disturbances  are 
ashamed  of  his  being  appointed  one  of  their  Captains. 

The  people  in  this  part  of  the  country  who  would  wish 
to  enjoy  the  benefits  of  society,  and  would  submit  to  any 
form  of  government,  are  in  the  most  disagreeable  situation 
that  can  be  imagined  ;  their  property,  their  liberty,  and 
their  lives,  are  at  the  mercy  of  a  lawless  desperate  banditti ! 
In  such  a  situation  they  look  for,  and  have  the  utmost  rea- 
son to  expect,  the  protection  of  that  Government  under 
which  they  have  settled.  What  is  the  most  proper  method 
to  be  taken  it  would  be  presumption  in  me- to  suggest. 
There  are  but  two  ways  :  the  one  to  agree  on  a  temporary 
line  of  jurisdiction  until  the  matter  can  be  finally  settled  ; 
the  other,  to  establish  a  sufficient  garrison  at  Fort  Pitt  to 
withstand  the  rabble  who  act  under  Lord  Dunmore's  com- 
mission. It  would  have  been  a  happy  thing  for  this  part 
of  the  country,  if  this  last  measure  had  met  with  success 
when  it  was  first  recommended  to  the  Legislature ;  and, 
indeed,  sensible  people  in  this  part  of  the  country,  who 
are  well  affected  to  tliis  Government,  cannot  help  drawing 
conclusions  from  the  opposition  which  that  measure  met 
with,  wliich  I  am  persuaded  could  never  be  the  motives  of 
those  who  may  have  made  the  opposition  to  it. 

The  conduct  of  Lord  Dunmorc  is  really  the  most  extraor- 
dinary, in  the  light  in  which  the  people  of  this  part  of  the 
country  are  obliged  to  view  and  feel  it,  that  can  be  imagined. 
To  establish  the  jurisdiction  of  a  different  Province  over 
the  people  wlio  have  purchased,  and  settled,  and  lived  for 
a  considerable  space  of  time,  peaceably  under  tliis  ; — to 
establish  this  jurisdiction  by  a  military  force,  is  such  an 
absurd  measure,  that  1  believe  it  will  be  difficult  to  suppose 
any  man  in  his  senses  would  have  ado{)ted  it. 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  this  incoherent  scrawl,  when  I 
inform  you  that  it  is  wrote  in  a  small  room  amidst  the 
clamour  and  confusion  of  a  number  of  people.  If  you 
think  the  contents  of  it  are  of  consequence  enough  to  be 
communicated  to  his  Honor  the  Governor,  1  will  request 


273 


VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY,  MAY,  1774. 


274 


you  to  do  it ;  if  not,  you  will  please  to  excuse  this  imper- 
tinence, of,    sir,  your  obliged  and  most  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Smith. 
Joseph  Shijppen,  Esquire. 


REPRESENTATION  OF  THE  COMMISSIONERS  AND  ASSESSORS. 

To  the  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esijuire,  Governor  and 
Ck)mmander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 

May  it  PLEASE  your  Honor  :  The  Board  of  Com- 
missioners and  Assessors  for  the  county  of  Westmoreland , 
at  this  critical  junction,  humbly  beg  leave  to  represent  to 
your  Honor  the  disagreeable  situation  they  are  now  in,  by 
reason  of  the  present  disturbances  in  this  county.  The 
Board  beg  leave  to  inform  your  Honor,  that  they  have  duly 
and  regularly  laid  the  assessments  of  the  county,  according 
to  the  laws  of  this  Province  ;  they  have  also  issued  the 
proper  duplicates  to  the  different  Collectors  by  them  ap- 
pointed to  collect  the  same  ;  but  the  people  residing  in  the 
back  parts  of  the  county,  or  the  greater  part  of  them, 
absolutely  refuse  to  pay  their  taxes,  or  to  serve  the  county 
in  the  office  of  Collector.  On  which  account  the  Board 
has  been  under  the  necessity  to  be  at  a  great  expense  by 
reason  of  their  frequent  meetings,  which  consequently 
must  come  off  the  public,  and  are  unable  without  further 
assistance  to  execute  their  duty. 

They  therefore  pray  your  Honor's  advice  and  assistance 

in  this  matter,  and  for  further  particulars,  refer  your  Honor 

lo  George  Wilson,  Esquire,  who  was  an  eye  witness  to  the 

disturbance  of  the  Court,  by  the  meeting  of  a  number  of 

armed  men  ;  and  the  Board  begs  leave  to  assure  your 

Honor  that  every  step  shall  be  taken  in   their  power  for 

tiie  benefit  and  advantage  of  the  Province. 

By  order  of  the  Court, 

Joseph  Beeler,  ?  /-, 

,  o  V  Commissioners. 

James  Smith,       5 

Wo«tmoreUnd,  April  8,  1774. 


VIRGINIA    ASSEMBLY. 

The  Speech  of  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honorable 
John  Earl  of  Dunmore,  his  Majesty's  Lieutenant  and 
Governor  General  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of 
Virginia,  and  Vice  Adviiral  of  the  same,  to  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  convened  at  the  Capitol,  on  Thursday, 
the  bth  of  May,  1774. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Council,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gentle- 
men of  the  House  of  Burgesses: 

Having  had  nothing  in  particular  charge  from  his  Ma- 
jesty to  offer  to  your  consideration,  1  have  consulted  only 
your  own  ease  in  the  time  of  assembling  you  for  the  neces- 
sary business  of  the  Colony,  in  which  1  recommend  to  you 
to  proceed  with  that  despatch  which  the  public  conve- 
nience requires. 

Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of    Bur- 
gesses : 
I  have  not,  at  this  time,  any  thing  to  require  of  you ; 

but  I  hope  that  your  resolutions,  on  the  various  matters 

which  shall  be  the  subject  of  your  deliberation,  may  be 

influenced  by  prudence  and  moderation. 

Gentlemen  of  the  Council,  Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gen- 
tlemen of  the  House  of  Burgesses  : 

My  ardent  desire  faithfully  to  promote  the  service  of 
his  Majesty,  who  ever  evinces  the  good  of  his  people  to 
be  the  first  object  of  his  thoughts,  will  make  me  heartily 
concur  with  you  in  all  measures,  and  assent  to  all  such 
laws  as  shall  be  for  the  welfare  and  true  interest  of  this 
country. 


I 


THOMAS    smith    TO    JOSEPH    SHIPPEN,    JUN. 

Bedford,  April  13,  1774. 
Sir  :  If  you  have  received  my  letter,  which  I  did  myself 
tlie  favour  to  write  by  Colonel  Wilson,  you  will  not  be 
surprised  to  be  informed  of  the  continuation  of  the  outrages 
committed  by  the  Virginians.  They  have  now  arrested 
tliree  of  the  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland  county,  who  are 
now  on  their  way  to  Augusta  jail,  exposed  to  the  insults 
of  the  rabble  who  are  sent  as  their  guard.  The  crime 
alleged  against  them  is,  I  am  informed,  the  answer  which 
tlie  Court  gave  to  Conolly's  modest  address  and  proposals. 
1  hope,  for  the  honor  of  this  Province,  that  it  will  not  set 
calmly  looking  on  and  see  its  Magistrates,  as  its  Magis- 
trates, taken  by  a  set  of  lawless  men,  when  they  were 
within  its  known  limits,  and  hurried  away  like  criminals  to 
the  jail  of  another  Province,  there  to  be  confined  contrary 
to  all  law  and  justice,  to  satisfy  the  whim  and  caprice  of  a 
man  who  seems  either  to  have  totally  divested  himself  of 
any  regard  of  natural  justice,  (I  was  going  to  say  to  the  law 
of  nations,  if  I  might  be  allowed  the  expression,)  or  else  be 
made  the  tool  of  a  set  of  desperate  men,  who  have  more 
cunning  than  himself; — for  I  have  many  reasons  to  think 
that  this  scheme  was  hatched  at  Fort  Pitt.  The  reasons 
that  could  induce  any  man  of  conmion  sense  to  take  such 
a  step  I  am  at  a  loss  to  guess. 

The  bearer  of  this  was  sent  down  to  go  to  Philadelphia 
with  the  account  of  these  proceedings.  I  thought  it  my 
duty  to  enable  him  to  pursue  his  journey,  by  accommoda- 
ting him  w  ilh  money  ;  he  has  acted  some  time  as  Under 
Sheriff,  and  if  the  High  Sheriff  had  conducted  himself  in 
the  same  spirited,  unsuspected  manner,  that  this  man  has 
done,  I  am  persuaded  that  these  disturbances  might  have 
been  prevented.  But  he,  in  the  first  place,  had  so  little 
regard  to  his  duty,  that  he  let  Conolly  at  liberty  on  his 
promise  to  return  at  the  court,  and  when  he  was  ordered 
to  raise  the  posse,  his  conduct  was  a  little  mysterious,  and 
be  was  extremely  backward  and  remiss.  The  bearer  can 
give  you  further  information  in  this  particular. 
I  am  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Smith. 
Fourth  Se&ies.  18 


To  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honorable  John  Earl  of 
Dunmore,  his  Majesty's  Lieutenant  and  Governor 
General  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia, 
and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  : 

The  humble  Address  of  the  Council. 

My  Lord  :  We  his  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal 
subjects,  the  Council  of  Virginia,  now  met  in  General 
Assembly,  beg  leave  to  return  your  Excellency  our  most 
cordial  dianks  for  your  Speech  at  the  opening  of  this 
session ;  and  to  acknowledge  that  your  Lordship,  as  well 
upon  this  as  every  other  occasion,  since  the  commence- 
ment of  your  administration,  hath  consulted  the  ease  and 
convenience  of  the  people  committed  to  your  care. 

To  promote  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  and  to  advance 
the  interest  of  our  country,  ever  have  been  the  first  objects 
of  our  wishes.  Actuated  by  these  motives,  we  will  concur 
with  the  House  of  Burgesses  in  framing  such  laws  as  shall 
be  for  the  welfare  and  true  interest  of  this  Colony ;  and 
with  that  despatch  the  importance  of  the  subjects  will 
admit  of. 

Permit  us  to  take  this  opportunity  of  congratulating 
your  Excellency  on  the  safe  arrival  of  the  Countess  of 
Dunmore,  and  your  family  in  this  country  ;  an  event,  which 
while  it  adds  greatly  to  your  Lordship's  domestic  felicity, 
gives  us  a  pleasing  earnest  of  your  intention  of  continuing 
among  us. 

To  which  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  return  the 
following  Answer : 

Gentlemen  of  the  Council  :  The  faithful  and  unit- 
ed assistance  which  I  have  constantly  received  of  you, 
fully  convinces  me  of  your  zeal  for  his  Majesty's  service,  as 
well  as  of  your  firm  regard  to  the  interests  of  your  coun- 
try; and  makes  this  fresh  declaration  of  both  extremely 
grateful  to  me,  as  it  must  be  likewise  to  your  Sovereign 
and  country. 

I  thank  you  very  heartily  for  your  kind  congratulation 
upon  the  arrival  of  my  family,  the  happiness  of  which  will 
increase  to  me  as  it  proves  more  agreeable  to  you,  from 
whom  I  have  received  every  mark  of  regard  and  at- 
tention. 


To  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honorable  John  Earl  of 
Dunmore,  his  Majesty's   Lieutenant   and    Governor 


276 


VIRGINIA  ASSEMBLY,  MAY,  1774. 


276 


General  of  the.   Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia, 
and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  : 

The  Humhle  Address  of  the  Hodse  of  Burgesses. 

My  Lord  :  We  his  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal 
subjects  the  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  now  met  in  General 
Assembly,  beg  leave  to  return  your  Excellency  our  un- 
feigned thanks  for  your  kind  Speech  at  the  opening  of  tiiis 
session. 

Sensible  as  we  are  of  the  importance  of  that  variety  of  bu- 
siness wiiich  will  probably  come  before  us,  we  shall  esteem 
it  our  bounden  duty  to  proceed  in  the  discussion  of  it  with 
coolness,  deliberation,  and  as  much  despatch  as  circum- 
stances will  admit ;  and  we  flatter  ourselves  that  every 
resolution,  we  may  find  it  expedient  to  adopt,  will  be 
marked  with  that  prudence  and  moderation  which  you  are 
pleased  to  recommend. 

The  fatherly  attention  of  our  most  gracious  Sovereign  to 
the  happiness  of  his  subjects,  in  making  the  good  of  his  peo- 
ple the  fii-st  object  of  his  thoughts,  cannot  but  impress  our 
minds  with  the  liveliest  sense  of  duly  and  gratitude  ;  and 
it  is  with  great  satisfaction  that  we  receive  from  your  Ex- 
cellency those  earnest  assurances,  tliat  you  will  heartUy 
concur  with  us  in  all  measures,  and  assent  to  all  such 
laws  as  shall  be  for  tlie  welfare  and  true  interest  of  this 
country. 

It  will  ever,  my  Lord,  afford  us  much  pleasure  to  ob- 
serve an  increase  of  your  domestic  felicity  :  we  therefore, 
with  the  greatest  cordiality,  embrace  this  first  opportunity 
to  congratulate  your  Excellency  on  the  happy  arrival  of 
the  Right  Honorable  the  Countess  of  Dunmore,  your 
Lordship's  amiable  and  most  respectable  lady,  with  so 
many  promising  branches  of  your  noble  family,  an  event 
which  we  consider  as  having  brought  with  it  the  surest 
pledges  of  our  mutual  happiness. 

To   which   his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  return  the 
following  Answer: 
Gentlemen  of  the  House  or  Burgesses  : 

The  terms  of  duty  and  gratitude  in  which  your  loyal 
Address  is  conceived  afford  me  the  highest  satisfaction,  and 
must  ensure  his  Majesty's  most  favourable  countenance 
and  protection  to  this  faithful  Colony.  I  shall  ever  retain 
a  cordial  remembrance  of  the  parts  you  take  in  my  do- 
mestic happiness,  and  of  your  obliging  manner  of  ex- 
{iressing  it  on  the  occasion  of  the  arrival  of  my  family, 
which  event  I  shall  be  much  pleased  to  find  considered  as 
a  pledge  of  my  regard  and  attachment  to  this  Colony. 


[May  12,  1774.  By  an  express,  just  arrived  from  Fin- 
castle  county,  we  are  informed  that  very  lately  three  or 
four  skirmishes  happened  bptween  the  white  people  and 
the  Shawanese  Indians.  We  cannot  affirm  what  occasion- 
ed the  dispute,  but  are  told  one  white  man  had  taken 
some  small  matter  from  the  Indians,  which  irritated  them 
to  arms ;  but  were  soon  repelled  by  the  other  party,  who 
killed  eleven  of  them,  seven  of  which  they  scalped. — 
Another  of  the  Indians  was  terribly  wounded  in  the  groin, 
and  it  was  imagined,  when  this  express  came  away,  that  he 
could  not  possibly  recover.] 


On  the  13th  of  May,  his  Excellency  the  Governor  or- 
dered the  following  Petition,  with  several  Papers  relative 
to  the  imprisonment  of  Mr.  John  Conolly,  by  the  Officers 
of  Pennsylvania,  while  he  was  acting  as  a  Magistrate 
under  the  authority  of  this  Government,  to  be  laid  before 
the  House  of  Burgesses. 

To  his  Evcellcncy  John  Earl  of  Dunmore,  his  Majesty's 
Lieutenant  and  Governor  General  of  the  Colony  and 
Dominion  of  Virginia,  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same, 
and  the  Honorable  the  Council  and  House  or  Buh- 


The  Petition  of  the  Inhabitants  settled  on  the  Waters  of 
the  Ohio  showeth: 

That  the  major  part  of  your  Petitioners  have  formerly 
lived  in  his  Majesty's  Colony  of  Virginia,  and  preferring 
the  mild,  easy,  and  equitable  Government  thereof,  to  the 


expensive  administration  of  justice  in  Pennsylvania,  which, 
being  a  limited  and  Proprietary  Government,  hath  extended 
an  unlimited,  and  (as  we  think)  illegal  jurisdiction  over 
his  Majesty's  subjects,  settled  many  miles  west  of  their 
bounds,  which  is  op])ressive  to  the  poor,  and  burthensome 
to  all,  particularly  in  trying  titles  to  land,  and  in  recovery 
of  small  debts,  wherein  their  officers'  fees  are  so  dispropor- 
tioned  that  they  seem  rather  calculated  for  enriching  indi- 
viduals than  the  public  good ;  tiieir  practising  attornies 
being  left  at  liberty  to  exact  such  fees  as  they  may  choose, 
in  all  land  trials,  and  will  not  plead  against  their  jurisdic- 
tion, however  far  west  it  may  be  extended.  Officers  of 
Government  being  generally  at  the  disposal  of  the  Proprie- 
taries' Governor,  who  will  neither  appoint  nor  continue  any 
but  those  who  adhere  strictly  to  their  master's  interest, 
however  contrary  to  the  good  of  the  settlers,  his  Majesty's 
subjects ;  add  to  this,  a  heavy  Provincial  tax,  which  they 
likewise  exact,  a  great  part  thereof  being  swallowed  up  by 
the  officers  who  lay  and  collect  the  same,  to  the  great 
grievance  of  the  subject. 

From  the  aforesaid  several  grievances,  and  the  farther 
ill  provided  defence  of  the  country  in  cases  of  emergency, 
we  humbly  conceive  our  lives  and  properties  in  imminent 
danger,  from  our  contiguity  to  the  faithless  and  barbarous 
natives,  whose  treaties,  alliance,  and  sincerity,  are  never  to 
be  relied  on,  as  well  as  a  hearty  conviction  tiiat  the  present 
Government  is  usurped. 

We  humbly  entreat  your  Lordship  and  Council,  and  the 
Honorable  House  of  Burgesses,  to  make  such  provision 
for  us,  in  our  present  distressed  situation,  as  to  you  shall 
seem  meet;  and  your  Petitioners,  as  in  duty  bound,  will 
ever  pray,  &;c.  Signed  by  587  Inhabitants. 

Upon  which  the  House  addressed  his  Excellency  as 
follows : 

Mr  Lord  :  We  his  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal 
subjects,  the  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  now  sitting  in  Gen- 
»eral  Assembly,  beg  leave  to  return  your  Excellency  our 
sincere  thanks  for  the  written  message,  and  the  several 
papers  therein  referred  to,  which  you  were  pleased  to  lay 
before  us. 

It  is  our  most  earnest  wish  and  desire  to  cultivate  and 
improve  that  good  understanding  and  friendship  which  hath 
hitherto  subsisted  between  our  sister  Colony  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Virginia,  and  therefore  we  cannot  sufficiently 
lament  that  any  unhappy  incident  should  have  interposed 
which  may  tend  to  destroy  this  pleasing  harmony,  and 
create  any  dissention  between  us.  But,  my  Lord,  how- 
ever strongly  we  may  be  impressed  by  these  sentiments,  we 
shall,  on  all  occasions,  think  it  our  indispensable  duty  to 
support  the  just  rights  of  our  inhabitants,  and  protect  them 
from  oppression,  in  whatever  quarter  it  may  arise. 

The  imprisoning  officers,  acting  under  the  authority  of 
Government  in  either  country,  upon  a  dispute  about  a 
boundary,  which  appears  to  us  never  to  have  been  esta- 
blished with  any  degree  of  accuracy,  we  cannot  but  consi- 
der as  a  wide  departure  and  deviation  from  that  plain  and 
simple  plan  of  accommodation  which  has  been  observed 
in  former  contests  of  this  nature,  and  should  have  suggest- 
ed a  more  conciliatory  conduct  on  this  occasion ;  much 
more  should  we  have  expected  that  it  would  have  pre- 
vented that  sanguinary  measure  of  subjecting  men  to  death, 
which,  with  concern,  we  observe  halh  been  so  precipitately 
and  incautiously  adopted. 

For  the  present,  we  take  the  liberty  of  recommending 
to  your  Excellency  to  endeavour  to  have  an  equitable 
temporary  line  fixed  between  this  Colony  and  Pennsylva- 
nia, until  his  Majesty  shall  be  pleased  to  direct  the  pro- 
per and  true  boundary  to  be  established. 

It  gives  us  pain,  my  Lord,  to  find  that  the  Indians  have 
made  fresh  encroachments  and  disturbances  on  our  fron- 
tiers. We  have  only  tp  request  that  your  Excellency 
will  be  pleased  to  exert  those  powers  with  which  you  are 
fully  invested,  by  the  acts  of  Assembly,  for  making  provi- 
sion against  invasions  and  insurrections;  which,  we  doubt 
not,  will  be  found  sufficient  to  repel  the  hostile  and  perfi- 
dious attempts  of  those  savage  and  barbarous  enemies,* 

*0f  all  the  Nortliprn  Colonics,  Pennxyhania  has  ever  been  the  most 
vigilant  to  discover  and  active  to  avail  herself  of  every  commercial 
advantage.  Maryland  too,  of  late,  lias  oxhibit'.'d,  some  symptoms  of 
attention  to  her  true  interests.     Aware  of  the  profits  accruing  from 


277 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,   MAY,  1774. 


278 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Saturday,  1th  of 
May,  1774  : 

Present,  the  Honorable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governor, 
Benjamin  Chew,  James  Tllghnan,  Andrew  Allen,  Esqrs. 

Mr.  Tilghman,  and  Mr.  Andrew  Allen  having  agreed, 
at  the  particular  request  of  the  Governor,  to  undertake  a 
journey  to  WilUamsbwg,  as  Conimissionei-s  from  this  Go- 
vernment, to  treat  with  the  Governor  of  Virginia  on  the 
subject  of  the  disturbances  in  Westmoreland  county,  occa- 
sioned by  his  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  his  Government 
within  the  western  limits  of  this  Province,  and  to  negotiate 
such  other  matters  with  him  as  were  agreed  upon  in  Coun- 
cil the  21st  of  last  month,  one  of  the  members  laid  before 
the  Board  a  draught  of  a  commission,  and  a  letter  of  in- 
structions, to  the  above  named  gentlemen  ;  and  also  a  letter 
to  be  sent  with  them  to  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  which  being 
severally  considered,  were  fairly  transcribed  and  signed  by 
die  Governor,  and  follow  in  these  words,  viz : 

the  Indian  nnd  frontier  trade,  in  her  last  Assembly  she  has  taken  into 
consideration  the  state  of  her  public  roads,  and  levied  several  thou- 
sand pounds  to  render  more  tolerable,  the  capital  pass  over  the  ^We- 
ghaiiy  only.  Virginia,  regardless  of  emoluments  of  this  kind,  still 
continues  in  a  profound  lethargy  ;  and  while  the  transmontane  Terri. 
lories  of  Penn  and  Baltimore,  during  the  space  of  several  years  past, 
have,  notwithstanding  the  senseless  prohibiting  proclamation,  been 
rapidly  peopled,  those  of  this  Colony  remain  in  a  manner  unseated, 
except  a  small  spot  bordering  on  Pennsylvania,  seized  on  by  needy  or 
foreign  adventurers.  To  apply  a  remedy  to  this  evil,  it  was  destined 
to  the  good  sense  and  activity  of  Lord  Dunmore,  Not  contented  with 
the  reports  of  partial  or  uncertain  fame,  disregarding  his  own  ease, 
and  the  difficulties  of  a  tedious  journey  through  almost  impassible 
and  uninhabited  mountains,  his  Lordship  penetrated  to  the  seat  of  our 
grievances,  and  on  the  spot  rendered  himself  an  eye  and  car  witness, 
of  the  indispensable  necessity  of  granting  the  back  lands ;  aud,  by 
doing  this,  not  only  to  deal  justice  to  his  own  people,  but  with  the 
same  blow,  to  give  a  check  to  the  aspiring  and  encroaching  spirit  of 
the  princely  Proprietor,  who  has  been  boldly  venturing  to  extend  his 
writs  and  precepts  a  hundred  miles  beyond  his  true  limits,  far  into  the 
Government  of  Virginia.  To  this  end,  his  Lordship's  leading  step 
was  ap])ointing  a  militia  officer  to  preside  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  magis. 
trates  to  transact  the  business  incident  to  their  office  in  that  quarter  of 
Augusta.  By  this  judicious  measure,  our  countrymen  there  might 
expect  to  be  relieved  from  the  intolerable  inconvenience  of  being 
dragged  before  the  tribunal  of  PenTi.  These  were  their  hopes.  How 
vain !  for,  behold  the  issue  :  These  officers,  the  Captain  commandant, 
and  the  Justices,  were  threatened  with  the  horrours  of  a  jail,  if  they 
but  ventured  to  act  in  virtue  of  their  commissions.  This,  however, 
did  not  deter  the  spirited  Captain  Conolly  from  doing  his  duty.  Not- 
withstanding these,  I  will  not  call  thenj  impotent  throats,  he  ordered 
and  appointed  a  muster;  but  an  unlucky  circumstance  rendered  the 
Captain  incapable  of  giving  attendance,  for  the  day  before  he  was  to 
have  mot  his  officers  and  men,  the  haughty  Pennsyhanians  realized 
their  threats,  and  conducted  him  to  prison. 

To  the  guardians,  therefore,  of  our  rights  and  liberties,  I  venture 
to  drop  these  few  loose  hints,  and  shall  detain  neither  you  nor  the 
public  longer  than  just  to  close  with  this  query:  "Whether  the  es- 
"tablishing  our  Courts  of  Justice  upon  a  certain  footing,  adjusting 
**  the  boundaries  of  our  Colony  and  counties,  and  in  consequence  de- 
"termining  what  lands  may  or  may  not,  with  propriety  and  safety, 
"  be  located  and  surveyed  by  the  late  military  grantees,  are  not  ob- 
**ject8  of  that  importance  as  to  demand  the  immediate  consideration 
'•of  the  Legislature;  or  if  deferred  until  the  summer,  whether  that 
"short  delay  must  not  prove  the  sure  fruitful  source  of  litigation, 
"  confusion,  and  dispute."  A  Virginian. 

W1L1.1A.M8BURG,  March  3,  1774. 

Extract  of  a  Letter  received  at  Williamsburg,  dated  Pittsburg, 
March  26,  1774.  "  You  may  depend  that  no  disturbances  have  hap- 
pined  with  t'le  Indians  on  the  Ohio  this  winter,  and  that  more  is  to  be 
dnadf'd  from  the  animosities  subsisting  between  the  settlers  from  Penn. 
sylvmiin  and  Virginia  tlian  those  barbarians.  Governour  Penn  h;»3 
sunt  up  a  Proclam.ition,  strictly  enjoining  all  Magistrates  and  Sheriffs 
to  seizv)  upon  any  twcdve  men  that  shall  be  found  together,  for  the 
s))ace  of  an  iiour,  after  being  told  to  dis])erse.  Doctor  Conotly  is  re- 
lieved from  his  confinement,  and  has  lately  been  qualified  in  Augusta 
Court  as  a  Magistrate.  He  is  daily  expected  to  roturn,  and  will  not 
let  any  insult  pass  that  may  be  offered  to  the  authority  reposed  in  him 
by  Lord  Dunmore." 

To  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honorable  John  Earl  of  Dunmore,   &c., 

&-C.,  Sec. 

My  Lord  :  Though  I  know  it  is  an  estabhshed  maxim  with  your 
Lordship  that,  as  you  are  ever  open  to  personal  access,  to  take  but  littlo 
notice  of  addresses  connnunicated  to  you  througli  tiie  channr-l  of  a 
coimnon  newspaper,  yet  I  dare  hope,  tliat  should  some  chance  direct 
your  Lordship's  eye  to  this  letter,  it  will  engage  your  closest  attention. 
I  do  not  me:in  to  spread  abroad  causeless  apprehensions,  or  aggrcvato 
reports  that  have  been  already  disseminated  through  the  country  ;  but  it 
is  my  intention  to  give  you  informations  founded  on  undoubted  veracity, 
nnd  then  leave  it  to  your  I/ordsliip's  wisdom  to  determine  what  is  most 
expedient  to  be  done.  Doubt  it  not  then  my  Lord,  when  I  assure  you, 
from  testimony  scarcely  to  bo  invalidated,  that  the  situation  of  the 
fi-ontier  countiis  of  this  Colony  is  of  the  most  alarming  nature  ;  a 
situation  so  truly  critical,  as  to  require  the  instant  assistance  of  both 
tlio  Executive  and  Legislative  powers. 

Our  treacherous  and  clandestine  foes,  the  Indians,  have  ever  greedily 
acobracvd  ail  opportunities  of  inauifcsting  theii  inimical  affections  to. 


John  Penn,  Esq.,  one  of  the  Proprietaries  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  Pennsylvania,  and  Counties  of  New  Castle,  Kent, 
and  Sussex,  on  Delaware, 

To  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,  Esquires, 
two  of  the  Council  of  the  said  Province  and  Counties, 
Greeting : 

Whereas  his  Majesty  King  Charles  the  Second,  by 
his  letters  patent,  bearing  date  the  fourth  day  of  March, 
Anno  Domini  1681,  did,  for  the  considerations  therein  men- 
tioned, give  and  grant  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  by  the 
bounds  and  limits  therein  particularly  set  forth  and  describ- 
ed, to  William  Penn,  Esquire,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  forever, 
constituting  him  and  them  Proprietary  and  Proprietaries 
thereof,  with  divers  powers,  franchises  and  jurisdictions, 
for  the  better  government  thereof,  as  by  the  said  letters  patent 
may  at  large  appear:  And  whereas  the  western  lines  and 
bounds  of  the  said  Province,  specified  in  the  said  letters 
patent,  having  never  yet  been  regularly  and  precisely  run, 
marked  out  or  ascertained,  divers  differences  and  disputes 
have  of  late  arisen  between  the  Right  Honorable  the  Earl  of 

wards  us ;  but  some  recent  transactions  of  theirs,  with  which  (if  report 
speaks  the  language  of  truth)  your  Lordship  has  boon  already  made 
acquainted,  leaves  us  no  room  to  doubt  that  the  storm  which  has  been  so 
long  gathering,  will,  ere  long,  break  forth  in  all  its  fury.  And  should 
this  ill-fated  event  take  place  while  the  inhabitants  on  the  confines  of 
the  Colony  remain  in  their  present  undisciplined,  distressed  situation,  it 
will  not  be  easy  to  give  your  Lordship  an  adequate  idea  of  the  horrid 
consequences  that  must  ensue.  The  indiscriminate  massacre  of  men, 
women  and  children,  the  depopulation  of  an  infant  Colony,  whose 
fertility  has  alroady  been  sufficient  to  induce  us  to  foster  the  most 
sanguine  anticipations  of  its  future  value,  the  forcing  from  their  peace- 
ful habitations  those  adventurous  people  whom  it  ought  ever  to  be  the 
first  object  of  Government  to  support ;  these,  my  Lord,  with  an  infinite 
series  of  other  melancholy  circumstances,  must  be  the  certain  concomi- 
tants of  an  Indian  war,  should  we  tamely  suffer  those  savages  to  be 
the  first  invaders.  It  is  neither  by  the  suggestions  of  a  blood-thirsty  nor 
an  avaricious  disposition  that  I  am  instigated  to  dictate  thus  freely  to 
your  Lordship  on  this  subject,  but  by  the.  forebodings  of  a  sympathetic 
apprehension  of  the  impending  destruction  which  awaits  my  country- 
men in  the  frontier  counties.  Their  emergency  loudly  calls  for  the 
relief  of  the  Supreme  Magistrate,  and  that,  my  Lord,  must  apologize  for 
the  freedom  which  an  obscure  individual  has  assumed  with  your  Lord- 
ship, should  you  suppose  any  apology  on  that  score  necessary.  Ten 
thousand  incidents  conspire  to  render  a  war  at  this  time  necessary, 
nay,  inevitable ;  and  the  innocent  lives  of  niunbers  might  be  saved  by 
the  timely  proclamation  of  it.  The  very  smiles  of  those  faithless 
tribes  ought  to  be  considered  as  the  harbingers  of  perfidy  ;  but  when 
they  dare  openly  to  annoy  us  with  acts  of  hostility,  surely  a  more 
solid  resentment  is  due.  Should  an  instance  of  any  hostile  act  of 
theirs  be  demanded,  I  need  only  mention  the  unhappy  murder  of  young 
Russell,  committed  not  long  ago,  and,  as  has  since  been  ascertained, 
was  perpetrated  by  a  Cherokee  Chief.  Numberless  other  examples,  of 
hostilities  equally  atrocious,  might  be  adduced,  were  it  not  hoped  that 
this  of  itself  is  sufficient.  Whether  it  would  be  prudent  to  wait  for  a 
second  stroke  let  the  provident  determine.  The  spring,  it  seems,  is 
the  stated  period  for  an  invasion ;  and,  in  all  probability,  the  attack  will 
bo  earlier  on  the  more  remote  inhabitants.  The  month  of  May  is  the 
time  appointed  for  the  convention  of  the  Assembly ;  so  that  it  is  more 
than  probable  to  suppose  those  barbarians  will  be  scattering  havoc  and 
desolation  around,  while  our  House  of  Burgesses  are  spending  much 
time  in  debating  in  what  manner  to  prohibit  such  outrages.  By  con. 
vening  them  a  month  or  two  sooner,  what  mischiefs  might  not  be  pre- 
vented ?  You  have  it  now  in  your  power,  my  Lord,  to  render  the  name 
of  Dunmore  as  memorable  in  Virginia  as  that  of  Marlborough  is  in 
Great  Britain.     Do  not  let  slip  the  golden  opportunity. 

Williamsburg,  March  24,  1774.  Virginius. 

The  subscribers,  patentees  of  land,  at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  hereby 
inform  the  public,  that  they  intend  to  lay  out  a  Town  there  in  the  most 
convenient  place.  The  lots  to  be  eighty  feet  front,  and  two  hundred 
and  forty  deep.  The  number  of  lots  that  shall  be  laid  off  at  first,  will 
depend  on  the  number  of  applications.  The  purchase  money  of  each 
lot  to  be  four  Spanish  dollars,  and  one  dollar  per  annum  quit  rent,  for 
ever.  The  purchasers  to  build  within  the  space  of  two  years  from  the 
first  day  of  December  next,  on  each  lot,  a  log  house,  not  less  than 
sixteen  feet  square,  with  a  stone  or  brick  chimney  ;  and,  as  in  that 
country,  it  will  be  necessary  the  first  settlers  should  build  compactly, 
the  improvements  must  naturally  join  each  other,.  It  is  further  pro- 
posed, for  the  convenience  of  the  settlers,  that  an  out  lot,  of  ten  acres,- 
contigious  to  the  town,  shall  bo  laid  off  for  such  as  desire  the  same,; 
at  an  easy  rent,  on  a  long  lease. 

Attendance  will  be  given  by  the  patentees  at  Pittsburg,  till  the 
middle  of  June,  at  which  time  one  of  them  will  set  off  to  execute  thO; 
plan.  The  advantageous  situation  of  that  place,  formed  by  nature  as 
a  temporary  magazine,  or  repository,  to  receive  the  produce  of  the  very 
extensive  and  fertile  country  on  the  Ohio  and  its  branches,  as  well  as 
the  necessary  merchandise  suitable  for  the  inhabitants  that  shall  emi- 
grate  into  that  country,  (as  boats  of  fifty  tons  may  bo  navigated  from 
New  Orleans  up  to  the  town,)  is  sufficient  to  recommend  it  ;  but  when 
it  is  considered  bow  liberal,  nay,  profuse,  nature  has  been  to  it  other- 
wise, iu  stocking  it  so  abundantly,  that  the  slightest  industry  may  sup- 
ply the  most  numerous  family  with  the  greatest  plenty  and  amazing 
variety  of  fish,  fowl,  and  flesh  ;  tlie  fertility  of  the  soil,  and  facility  of 
ctdtivation,  that  fit  it  for  producing  commodities  of  great  value  with 
little  labour  ;  tlie  wholesomeness  of  the  waters,  and  serenity  of  the  air, 
which  render  it  healthy ;  and  when  property  may  be  so  easily  acquired, 
wo  may  with  certainty  affum  that  it  will  in  a  short  time  be  equalled 
by  few  inland  places  on  tho  American  contiuent. 

John  CAMrBELL. 

WuxiAMSBUSG,  April  7,  1774.  John  Conollt. 


3t9 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MAY,  1774. 


280 


Dunmore,  Governor  and  Commander-in-chief,  fee,  of  his 
Majesty's  Colony  or  Dominion  of  Virginia,  and  the  Honor- 
able the  Proprietaries  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 
their  respective  grantees,  tenants,  and  officers,  respecting 
the  western  bounds  and  limits  of  the  said  Province,  and 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  said  Colony  or  Dominion  and  Pro- 
vince, which  have  been  productive  of  great  troubles  and 
disquiets  to  the  settlers  and  inhabitants  there,  and  endanger 
the  King's  peace  and  the  public  tranquillity  :  To  the  end, 
tlierefore,  that  the  evils  which  have  already  arisen,  and 
which  are  likely  to  arise  in  the  premises,  may  be  remedied 
and  prevented,  I  have  nominated  and  appointed,  and  do 
by  these  presents  nominate  and  appoint  you,  the  said  James 
Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,  Esquires,  to  be  Commis- 
sioners on  the  part  of  the  Proprietaries  of  this  Province, 
to  confer  and  treat  with  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honora- 
ble the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  of  and  concerning  the  premises, 
and  to  agree  upon  such  measures  as  you  shall  judge  most 
expedient  for  settling  and  composing  the  said  differences, 
troubles  and  disquiets,  either  by  a  temiwrary  line  or  boun- 
dary of  jurisdiction,  or  otherwise,  as  may  best  answer  the 
good  purposes  of  preserving  his  Majesty's  peace,  and  quiet- 
ing the  minds  of  the  inhabitants  on  or  near  the  borders  of 
the  two  Colonies  or  Provinces,  until  the  final  settlement  of 
the  said  boundaries  shall  be  effected,  hereby  ratifying  and 
confirming  whatever  you  shall  do  in  the  premises. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  set  my  hand,  and  caused 
the  great  seal  of  the  said  Province  to  be  hereunto  affixed  at 
Philadelphia,  the  seventh  day  of  May,  1774. 

John  Penn. 


Instructions  to  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Esquires,  Commissioners  appointed  to  treat  and  agree 
with  the  Right  Honorable  John  Earl  of  Dunmore, 
Governor  of  Virginia,  concerning  the  settlement  of  the 
Western  hounds  and  limits  of  the  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  preserving  the  public  peace  and  tranquil- 
lity on  the  Borders,  till  a  final  settlement  of  the  said 
lines. 

1st.  You  are  to  proceed,  without  loss  of  time,  to  Wil- 
liamsburg, the  place  of  his  Lordship's  residence  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  enter  upon  the  execution  of  your  commission  as 
soon  as  possible  after  your  arrival.  Should  his  Lordship 
be  from  home,  and  not  gone  to  too  great  a  distance,  you 
will  wait  his  return,  or  send  an  express,  (as  you  judge  most 
proper,)  to  acquaint  him  with  your  being  sent  from  this 
Government  to  treat  with  him  on  public  business,  and  re- 
quest his  return. 

2d.  Your  first  point  should  be  to  prevail  with  him  to  join 
with  the  Proprietaries  of  this  Province  in  a  Petition  to  his 
Majesty  in  Council,  to  appoint  Commissioners  to  run  and 
mark  out  the  boundary  or  division  line — such  as  his  Majesty 
shall  please  to  order  and  direct,  between  this  Province  and 
Virginia  ;  the  expense  of  which  to  be  equally  borne  by 
the  two  Colonies. 

3d.  Wiiether  his  Lordship  should  accede  to  the  above 
proposal  or  not,  you  should  urge  every  argument  in  your 
power  to  induce  him  to  agree  to  the  settling  a  temporary 
line  of  jurisdiction  between  the  two  Colonies,  till  the  said 
boundary  line  shall  be  settled,  or  his  Majesty's  orders  and 
directions  can  be  obtained  respecting  the  same. 

4th.  Should  bis  Lordship  come  into  the  last  mentioned 
measure,  you  will  no  doubt  endeavour  to  fix  the  temporary 
line  of  jurisdiction  as  favourably  as  possible  for  this  Pro- 
vince, and  as  near  to  the  Charter  bounds  as  you  can  ;  and 
in  order  thereto  you  will  refer  yourselves  to  the  map  or 
plan  heretofore  transmitted  by  me  to  him,  which  shows  to 
demonstration  that  Fort  Pitt  is  near  six  miles  to  the  east- 
ward of  our  five  degrees  of  longitude.  At  any  rate,  how- 
ever, you  are  not  to  accede  to  any  proposed  temporary  line 
which  shall  give  jurisdiction  to  Virginia  over  any  lands 
lying  to  the  eastward  of  the  river  Monongahela. 

5th.  Whatever  may  be  the  temporary  line  agreed  on, 
you  should  take  care  to  insert  a  clause  in  the  articles  to  be 
drawn  up,  containing  a  saving  of  the  rights  on  both  sides, 
to  the  lands  up  to  the  true  lines  or  boundaries  where  they 
shall  be  finally  settled. 

6th.  If  the  business  is  not  carried  on  by  the  interchange 
of  letters,  or  written  proposals  between  you,  you  should 
take  private  notes,  or  minutes,  by  way  of  diary,  of  every 
tiling  material  that  passes,  not  only  to  enable  you  to  make 


an  exact  report  of  the  whole  transaction,  but  to  found  affi- 
davits on  to  be  sent  to  England,  if  necessary.  As  great 
reliance  is  had  on  your  knowledge  and  abilities,  any  further 
instructions  are  unnecessary.  John  Penn. 

I'hiladclphia,  Ttli  May,  1774. 


Here  follows  the  Governor's  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Dun- 
more, Governor  of  Virginia,  viz  : 

Philadelphia,  7th  May,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  By  accounts  received  from  the  westward, 
since  my  last  letter  to  your  Lordsliip,  I  find  that  the  disor- 
ders in  that  quarter  are  greatly  increased  by  your  Lordship's 
extending  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia  to  Pittsburg,  and 
the  country  thereabouts ;  and  that  Dr.  Coriolty's  proceed- 
ings have  been  such  as  are  very  alarming,  and  have  a  ten- 
dency to  put  the  whole  country  beyond  the  Alleghany 
mountains  into  a  state  of  confusion.  The  consideration  of 
these  unhappy  cirrumstanccs  have  induced  me  to  send  two 
gentlemen  of  my  Council,  Mr.  Tilghman  and  Mr.  Allen, 
to  wait  on  your  Lordship,  in  order  to  confer  with  you  on 
this  important  subject,  and,  if  possible,  to  conclude  with 
you  upon  such  measures  as  may  restore  and  establish  the 
public  tranquillity  until  the  lines  and  boundaries  of  this 
Province  can  be  finally  settled  by  his  Majesty's  authority  ; 
for  which  good  purpose  1  flatter  myself  your  Lordship  will 
not  hesitate  to  join  with  us  in  representing  to  his  Majesty 
the  necessity  of  such  a  settlement.  In  tJie  mean  time,  I 
am  in  hopes  such  temporary  expedients  may  be  fallen  upon 
as  may  put  an  end  to  the  present  disturbances,  secure  the 
public  peace,  and  quiet  the  minds  of  tiie  people  concerned 
in  the  unhappy  differences  which  at  present  subsist  between 
the  Governments  of  Virginia  and  this  Province. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  your  Lordship's  most  obedient 
humble  servant,  John  Penn. 

To  the  Right  Honorable  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Governor 

and  Commander-in-chief  of  his  Majesty's  Provinces  of 

Virginia,  Williamsburg. 


Memorandum,  tst  June,  1774, 

The  Reverend  Dr.  Peters  having,  at  the  instance  of  tlio 
Governor,  wrote  a  letter  to  Henry  Wilmot,  Esquire,  the 
same  was  ordered  to  be  entered  on  the  Minutes  of  Council, 
and  follows  in  these  words,  viz  : 

Philadelphia,  18tli  May,  1774. 

Sir:  I  am  desired  by  the  Governor  to  give  you  an  ac- 
count of  what  1  know  with  respect  to  an  Indian  deed,  under 
which  some  private  people,  calling  themselves  the  Susque- 
hanna Company,  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut, 
claim  all  the  lands  in  Pennsylvania  between  the  forty-first 
and  forty-second  degrees  of  latitude.  This,  then,  follows 
will  give  a  true  notion  of  the  whole  transaction,  as  far  as 
my  remembrance  will  enable  me  to  recollect  the  matter. 

In  the  year  1741,  the  proprietor,  Thomas  Penn,  went 
from  here  for  England,  and  from  that  time  to  this  I  have 
been  well  acquainted  with  all  sorts  of  Indian  negotiations, 
and  have  had  a  great  share  in  the  management  of  them, 
cither  as  Proprietary  Secretary,  or  as  member  of  (Council, 
or  as  Provincial  Secretary ,  so  tJiat  1  can  speak  from  the  best 
grounds  of  every  matter  relating  to  Indians  hr  above  thirty 
years ;  and  I  can  witli  truth  declare,  tbat  before  the  year 
17.53, 1  never,  that  I  can  remember,  heard  of  any  claim  set 
up  by  the  Government,  or  any  of  tiie  inhabitants  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut,  to  any  lands  within  this  Province. 
In  the  year  1753,  I  received  information  of  a  claim  set  up 
by  some  Connecticut  people  to  a  degree  of  longitude  within 
this  Province  in  virtue  of  the  Connecticut  Charter,  and  that 
there  was  a  party  gone  into  the  Indian  country  to  make  a 
purchase  of  lands  between  Susquehanna  and  Delaware,  to 
begin  at  or  near  Wyomink.  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  several 
others,  were  alarmed  at  this  wicked  attempt,  and  Conrad 
Wciser,  the  Indian  Interpreter,  was  ordered  to  give  the 
Six  Nation  Indians  an  account  of  tiiis  intelligence,  and  to 
put  them  upon  their  gtiard.  Colonel  Johnson,  the  Indian 
Agent  for  his  Majesty  in  the  Ncio  York  Government,  was 
likewise  made  acquainted  witii  this  new  project,  and  desired 
likewise  to  apprise  the  Indians  of  it.  The  intelligence 
was  likewise  conmiunicated  to  the  Governor  and  Deputy 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  who  both  disavowed  the  thing, 
and  declared  that  the  Government  had  no  concern  in  it ; 


281 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MAY,  1774. 


282 


and  the  letters  which  passed  between  Mr.  Hamilton  and 
the  Government  of  Connecticut,  were  put  into  the  Council 
books,  and  a  copy  of  tiiose  minutes  of  Council  are  exem- 
plified under  the  great  seal  and  sent  to  you. 

The  year  following,  namely,  in  the  year  1754,  there  was 
a  Congress,  by  order  of  the  Crown,  at  Albany,  between 
the  whole  body  of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  King's  Agent, 
together  with  the  Governments  of  all  the  Northern  Colonies. 
Four  Commissioners  were  sent  on  the  part  o{  Fennsylvania ; 
Mr.  Jo/m  Penn  and  myself  on  the  part  of  the  Governor, 
and  Mr.  Isaac  Norris  and  Mr.  Benjamin  Franklin  on  the 
part  of  the  Assembly,  were  the  four  Commissioners  for  this 
Province  at  that  Congress.  This  being  deemed  a  proper 
time  to  get  a  purchase  fiom  the  Indians  of  more'  land,  and 
which  was  become  absolutely  necessary  by  the  numbers  of 
people  that  had  come  into  the  Province,  and  could  not  be 
kept  within  the  bounds  of  the  purchased  lands,  Mr.  John 
Penn  and  myself  were  instructed  and  empowered  to  make 
as  extensive  a  purchase  as  the  Indians  could  be  prevailed 
on  to  make  ;  and  belts  were  sent  to  the  Onondago  Council 
by  the  Governor,  to  signify  to  them  his  desire  to  make 
another  purchase  of  them  when  they  should  be  altogether 
at  this  public  treaty  at  Albany.  Accordingly,  as  both  sides 
were  beforehand  prepared  for  a  new  Indian  purchase,  the 
matter  was  gone  upon,  and  a  large  extent  of  country,  even 
as  far  as  the  western  boundary  of  tiie  Province,  was  treated 
for,  and  agreed  to  in  open  Council,  and  a  deed  executed 
hy  t\\e  Indians ;  and  likewise  another  deed  was  executed 
by  them,  confirming  to  the  Proprietaries  a  former  deed, 
wherein  the  Indians  bound  themselves  not  to  sell  to  any 
persons  whatever  any  of  the  lands  comprised  within  the 
bounds  of  his  Majesty's  Charter  to  the  Proprietaries. 

The  Connecticut  attempt  was  likewise  made  known  by 
tlie  Indians  to  us  ;  and  they,  in  tlieir  speeches,  declared 
tlieir  absolute  refusal  to  make  any  grant  to  them  of  any 
lands  they  were  soliciting  for  ;  and,  indeed,  in  their  public 
treaty,  they  over  and  over  declared  that  they  would  sell 
none  of  the  Wyomink  country,  either  to  them  or  to  us,  it 
being  what  they  had  reserved  for  their  own  use,  and  for  tha 
reception  of  such  other  Indians  as  would  want  to  come  and 
reside  amongst  them.  These,  and  further  particulars,  are 
to  be  seen  in  the  exemplified  copy  of  the  report  of  that 
treaty  made  by  Mr.  John  Penn  and  myself  to  Governor 
Hamilton,  as  the  same  is  entered  in  the  minutes  of  the 
Council. 

This  will  serve  to  show,  that  at  that  time  there  was  no 
Indian  deed  made  to  the  people  of  Connecticut  by  the 
Onondago  Council,  and  that  if  any  deed  is  set  up  it  must 
have  been  obtained  in  a  clandestine  manner  from  private 
Indians.  Indeed,  it  was  there  currently  reported  that  one 
Lydens,  of  the  city  of  Albany,  had  undertaken  this  mat- 
ter for  the  Connecticut  people,  and  as  he  lived  (and  I  think 
kept  a  public  house)  at  Albany,  he  made  it  his  business 
to  get  the  Indians,  as  they  came  to  trade  there,  into  his 
house,  and  by  liquor,  or  private  bribes,  by  two's  or  three's, 
as  he  could  find  opportunity  to  prevail  with  them,  to  exe- 
cute a  deed,  which  was  lodged  with  him  for  this  infamous 
purpose.  1  have  further  to  observe,  that  the  persons  to 
whom  this  pretended  Indian  deed  was  made  were  private 
people,  and  acting  in  direct  opposition  to  their  own  laws, 
and  in  open  violation  of  the  right,  if  any,  of  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut  to  those  lands.  The  Indians  themselves,  in 
public  treaties,  made  mention  that  these  very  lands  were 
formerly  given  by  them  to  Colonel  Hungan,  by  deeds  re- 
gidarly  and  duly  executed,  but  in  trust  for  them,  as  they 
said  ;  and  that  Colonel  Hungan  sold  those  lands  to  the  late 
proprietor,  Mr.  Penn,  who,  notwithstanding  this  purchase 
from  Colonel  Hungan,  did  not  hesitate  to  buy  them  over 
again  of  the  Indians,  and  to  give  them  the  full  considera- 
tion for  them.  Let  it  further  be  observed,  that  in  the  gen- 
eral treaty  held  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  Sir  William  Johnson, 
his  Majesty's  Indian  Agent  with  all  tiie  Six  Nation  Indians, 
in  1768,  for  the  King's  purchase  of  lands  from  them,  and 
to  settle  a  general  boundary  between  the  Indians  and  the 
King's  subjects,  at  which  the  Governor  of  Jersey,  and  the 
Commissioners  from  the  other  Provinces,  and  from  Penn- 
sylvania in  particular,  were  present  and  assisting,  the  In- 
dians executed  a  deed  to  the  Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania 
for  all  the  lands  within  the  bounds  of  this  Province,  so  far 
es  tliey  had  then  settled  the  general  boundary  with  his 
Majesty.  Tliat  this  purchase  contains  all,  or  most  of  the 
lands  claimed  by   Connecticut,  and  that  tlie  consideration 


money,  together  with  the  expenses  attending  that  treaty, 
amounted  to  the  sum  of  eight  thousand  pounds,  or  some 
sum  near  that ;  and  in  that  very  treaty,  this  attempt  of  the 
Connecticut  people  was  solemnly  mentioned,  and  as  so- 
lenmly  condemned  by  all  the  Indians. 

As  this  great  treaty  is  deservedly  esteemed  the  basis  and 
foundation  of  all  matters  relating  to  lands  between  the 
Indian  nations  and  his  Majesty,  it  was  transmitted  by  Sir 
William  Jolmson  to  the  King's  Ministers,  and  lies  among 
the  public  papers  in  the  Privy  Council,  and  may  be  con- 
sulted for  the  truth  of  what  is  here  set  down  by  the  Pro- 
prietaries' solicitors  at  any  future  time. 

As  it  is  supposed  that  the  Susquehanna  Company  have 
assigned  over  their  right  under  this  deed  to  the  Government 
of  Connecticut,  I  have  been  thus  particular ;  and  this  detail 
of  the  circumstances  that  attended  the  obtainment  of  the 
Indian  deed,  may  be  kept  among  the  Proprietary  papers, 
together  with  the  exemplified  minutes  of  Council  that 
have  been  sent  to  you,  and  may  be  made  use  of,  in  order 
to  furnish  ample  proofs  for  the  invalidating  of  this  pretended 
Indian  deed,  if  it  should  ever  be  set  up  by  the  Connecticut 
Government.       I  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

Richard  Peters. 
To  Henry  Wilmot,  Esquire,  Bloomsbury  Square,  London. 


CORRESPONDENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL. 


ARTHUR    ST.   CLAIR  TO  BENJAMIN  CHEW. 

Carlisle,  April  28,  1774. 

Sir  :  In  conversation  with  Colonel  Wilson  the  other 
day,  he  mentioned  a  transaction  in  Virginia,  which  if  it  be 
as  he  represents  it,  will  throw  some  light  upon  what  has 
been  the  "  sense  of  that  Colony,  with  regard  to  the 
country  about  Fort  Pitt."  Colonel  Stephens,  it  seems,  in 
the  year  1764,  when  that  fortress  was  besieged  by  the 
Indians,  sent  a  detachment  of  the  militia  to  escort  some 
provisions  for  the  relief  of  the  besieged  ;  for  this  he  was 
complained  of  to  the  Assembly,  and  censured  for  sending 
the  militia  out  of  the  Government. 

I  have  heard,  sir,  that  you  are  to  go  to  Williamsburg, 
and  imagined  in  that  case,  this  hint  would  not  be  disa- 
greeable. I  wish  you  a  pleasant  journey,  and  am,  sir, 
your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Claik. 
The  Honorable  Benjamin  Chew,  Esquire. 


a;NEAS    MACKAY    TO    GOVERNOR    PENN. 

Staunton,  May  5,  1774. 

May  it  please  yodr  Honor:  I  have  taken  the  liberty 
of  acquainting  your  Honor  with  the  proceedings  of  Doctor 
Conolly,  in  regard  to  the  Justices  Smith,  McFarlane,  and 
myself,  the  9th  of  April  last,  when  we  were  torn  from  our 
families  and  business  by  Conolly,  and  his  militia,  and  sent 
prisoners  to  this  Colony,  where,  when  we  travelled  together 
one  day's  journey,  Messrs.  Smith  and  McFarlane  accom- 
panied the  Sheriff  to  this  place,  and  I  found  means  to 
procure  leave  to  go  to  Williamsburg,  in  order  to  lay 
Conolly  and  his  militia's  conduct  before  my  Lord  Hun- 
more,  in  as  true  and  clear  a  light  as  we  had  experienced 
from  their  tyranny  and  oppression. 

After  six  days  riding,  I  arrived  at  Williamsburg,  where 
my  Lord  heard  my  story  to  an  end,  and  then  told  ine  that 
Conolly  was  authorized  by  him,  as  Governor  of  Virginia, 
to  prosecute  the  claim  of  that  Colony  to  Pittsburg  and  its 
dependencies,  and  as  to  taking  of  prisoners,  he,  Conolly, 
only  imitated  the  Pennsylvania  officers,  in  respect  to 
Conolly's  imprisonment  by  them. 

After  his  Lordship  and  I  spoke  our  minds  very  free  to 
each  other,  relating  to  Conolly's  claims  and  lines,  he  dis- 
missed me  at  that  time,  desiring  1  would  call  upon  him  the 
next  day,  which  I  did,  but  all  the  satisfaction  1  could  ob- 
tain, after  waiting  at  Williamsburg  three  days,  was  a  letter 
to  the  Sheriff  of  this  county,  toNvhose  custody  we  were 
committed,  a  copy  of  which,  together  with  one  of  the  pro- 
clamations sent  to  Conolly,  by  express  from  this  place 
yesterday,  I  take  the  liberty  of  enclosing  with  this  for  your 
Honor's  perusal. 

In  consequence  of  the  above  letter,  we  are  to  set  off 
from  this  place  inunediately,  but  how  to  act  after  our  re- 


288 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MAY,  1774. 


281 


turn,  is  a  mattar  we  are  at  this  time  unable  to  determine, 
for  \vc  are  certain  Conolly  will  with  his  militia  force,  oppose 
us  in  every  step  we  may  attempt,  in  the  execution  of  our 
office.  We  would,  therefore,  be  glad  to  know  your  Honor's 
sentiments  on  that  subject  as  soon  as  possible.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  remain  with  perfect  respect,  your  Honor's 
most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

iEwEAS  Mackay. 


Enclosed  in  tlie  Letter  of  JEiieat  Mackay  to  Governour  Pejin,  of  5tli 
May,  1774. 

Williamsburg,  April  26,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  send  you  a  packet,  containing  a  Proclamation  of 
which  you  have  herewith  one  enclosed,  which  by  tlie  ad- 
vice of  his  Majesty's  Council,  I  have  issued  for  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  people  in  the  district  of  your  country,  wherein 
is  included  Pittsburg,  which  I  beg  you  will  forward  by 
express  to  Mr.  Conolly. 

With  respect  to  Mr.  Mackay,  and  the  other  two  gentle- 
men committed  to  your  custody  by  Mr.  Conolly,  I  desire 
they  may  be  permitted  to  return  to  their  homes  and  occu- 
pations ;  I  will  become  answerable  for  their  appearance,  in 
case  it  may  be  required,  and  bear  you  harmless  therein. 

1  am,  sir,  your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

DuNMORE. 

Daniel  Smith,  Esquire. 


Eiiolosad  in  the  Letter  of  JSneas  Mackay  to  Governour  Penn,  of  5th 
May,  1774. 

L.ORD    DUNMORE's      PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  I  have  reason  to  apprehend  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  Pennsylvania,  in  prosecution  of  tiieir  claim  to 
Pittsburg  and  its  dependencies,  will  endeavour  to  obstruct 
his  Majesty's  Government  thereof,  under  my  administra- 
tion, by  illegal  and  unwarrantable  commitments  of  the 
officers  I  have  appointed  for  that  purpose,  and  that  that 
settlement  is  in  danger  of  annoyance  from  the  Indians  also  ; 
and  it  being  necessary  to  support  the  dignity  of  his  Majesty's 
Government,  and  protect  his  subjects  in  the  quiet  and 
peaceable  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  I  have  therefore, 
thought  proper,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  his 
Majesty's  Council,  by  this  Proclamation  in  his  Majesty's 
naine,  to  order  and  require  the  officers  of  the  militia  in  that 
district,  to  embody  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  repel  any 
insult  whatever;  and  all  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects  within 
tliis  Colony,  are  hereby  strictly  required  to  be  aiding  and 
assisting  therein,  as  they  shall  answer  the  contrary,  at  their 
peril.  And  I  do  further  enjoin  and  require  the  several 
inhabitants  of  the  territory  aforesaid,  to  pay  his  Majesty's 
quit  rents,  and  all  public  dues,  to  such  officers  as  are,  or 
shall  be  appointed  to  collect  the  same,  within  this  Dominion, 
until  bis  Majesty's  pleasure  therein  shall  be  known. 

Given  under  my  hand,  and  the  seal  of  the  Colony,  at 
Jfilliamsburg,  this  25th  day  of  April,  1774,  in  the  four- 
teenth year  of  his  Majesty's  reign.  Dunmore 
God  save  the  King. 


Extract  of  a  Journal  of  the  United  Brethren'n  Miision  on  Muskingum, 
from  Februanj  iil  to  May  20,  1774. 

April  30.  Youngman  and  Schabosch  returned  from 
Pittsburg,  who  brought  information  that  the  Government 
was  changed  there,  and  the  place  now  belonged  to  Virginia. 
That  they  were  afraid  of  the  Shawanese,  and  it  was  sup- 
posed they  would  fall  upon  the  white  people  below  the 
Ohio,  and  opposite  them,  but  the  message  from  Sir  tVil- 
liam  Johnson  is  come  to  all  the  other  Nations,  warning 
them  not  to  join  the  Shawanese. 

May  6.  Several  Indians  from  Mochwesung  came  to 
visit  us,  and  we  received  the  account  that  one  Shawanese 
Chief  on  the  Ohio,  was  killed  by  the  white  people,  and 
another  wounded.  It  seems  an  Indian  war  will  break  out. 
We  hear  the  Virginians  on  the  Ohio,  threaten  to  fall 
upon  the  Shawanese  setdements,  and  to  destroy  their 
towns. 

May  8.  In  the  evening  arrived  an  express  from  Geke- 
lemuckcpuck,  with  the  disagreeable  news  that  the  white 
people  on  die  Ohio  had  killed  nine  Mingoes,  and  wound- 
ed two ;  the  messenger  arrived,  making  a  terrible  noise  as 
it  is  usual  in  war  time.  He  had  also  a  message  from  the 
Shawanese,  which  the  Chief  of  Gekelemvck  sent  to  us  to 


take  notice  of  "  that  their  grandfather,  the  Delaware 
"  Nation,  should  not  be  concerned,  but  be  easy  and  quiet ; 
"  let  the  traders  traffic  among  them,  and  not  hurt  tiiem.  or 
"  any  otiier  white  people  in  that  quarter  ;  that  the  women 
"  should  continue  to  plant  until  they  could  further  see 
"  what  would  happen."  This  seems  to  signify  a.s  if  they 
intended  to  keep  the  road  to  Pittsburg  clear,  and  not  hurt 
the  Pennsylvanians,  but  only  to  contend  with  the  Vir- 
ginians. 

May  9.  In  die  evening,  arrived  Mr.  Anderson  and 
another  white  man,  in  company  with  the  Indian  Chief 
White  Eyes,  who  came  from  Pittsburg,  and  went  towards 
the  Shawanese ;  little  wanted,  or  these  messengers  would 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Mingoes,  who  had  fled 
from  the  other  side  of  the  Ohio,  and  kept  by  the  road 
leading  to  Gtkelemuckepuck.  But  some  of  our  Indians 
going  from  here  to  Kaskaskum,  warned  them,  so  that  they 
turned  oft'  the  common  road,  and  arrived  here  safely. 
They  are  sent  to  make  anotlier  trial  to  persuade  the  Shawa- 
nese to  peace,  and  to  desist  from  all  ho."'tilities.  So  as  we 
now  hear  it  is  but  a  gang  of  white  people  on  Ohio,  wiio 
committed  the  murders  of  the  Indians.  And  die  people 
of  Pittsburg  do  not  believe  that  they  were  acting  by  order 
of  the  Governor  of  Virginia.  They  have  also  killed  some 
traders,  because  they  carry  merchandise  and  annnunition 
to  the  Indians.  We  also  heard  that  many  people  about 
Pittsburg,  and  below,  on  Ohio,  have  fled  to  the  seule- 
ments. 

May  15.  In  the  morning  arrived  a  messenger,  inviting 
some  of  our  Indian  brethren  to  a  Council  at  Gckele- 
mnckepuck ;  at  the  return  of  one  of  them,  we  heard  that 
the  Shawanese  and  Mingoes  had  left  Gekelemuckepuck, 
very  angry,  and  threaten  to  kill  all  white  people  they 
shall  meet  with.  These  Mingoes,  about  twenty  in  num- 
ber, were  present  at  the  aforesaid  massacre  at  Ohio,  stirring 
up  the  Shaivanese,  who  have  not  suffered  much  ;  but  the 
Delatcares  will  do  their  utmost  to  hinder  them.  Tlie 
Indians  at  Gekelemuckepuck  have  taken  all  the  white 
people  there  within  their  protection,  and  keep  a  watch  in 
the  night  that  they  may  not  be  surprised. 

May  18.  Another  of  our  Indians  retuined  from  the 
Council,  who  brought  an  imperfect  account,  but  some 
hopes  that  all  would  turn  out  well.  The  Chief  has  spoke 
to  the  Shaivanese,  who  have  heard  him,  and  promised  to 
give  their  answer  this  day. 

May  19.  A  messenger  arrived  from  Mr.  Croghan,  at 
Pittsburg,  to  the  Delawares,  Mingoes,  and  Shawanese, 
advising  them  to  be  quiet,  not  to  think  of  war,  and  not 
hurt  the  traders ;  that  the  people  of  Pittsbiirs;  did  their 
utmost  to  apprehend  the  white  people  that  have  committed 
the  murder,  and  that  they  had  taken  one  of  them. 

May  20.  The  rest  of  our /n(/jans  returned,  and  brought 
the  agreeable  news  that  the  Shawanese  had  accepted  of 
the  proposals  made  to  them,  so  that  we  hope  peace  will  be 
re-established,  and  that  they  will  not  hurt  the  traders 
among  them,  but  rather  assist  them,  that  they  may  return 
to  their  friends.  There  were  about  fifty  Delaivares  and 
Monsys  in  their  first  day's  journey  from  Gekelcmuckejnuk 
arriving  to  Mochivesung,  where  mostly  Monsys  live ;  they 
see  them  dance  the  war  dance,  and,  they  said,  how  they 
heard  war  was  declared,  for  some  of  the  Mingoes  had 
passed  by,  having  a  white  scalp.  Three  of  our  brethren 
who  were  of  the  Monsy  Nation,  told  them  to  leave  off,  and 
keep  to  the  resolves  of  their  own  Nation,  and  of  the  Dda- 
wares. 

Extract  of  the  Missionary's  I.etter,  dated,  May  21,  1774. 

This  moment  we  are  informed  that  another  compa- 
ny of  traders,  from  the  lower  Shawanese  Country,  ha\e 
arrived  at  G ekelemuckepuck,  whom  we  expect  to  receive 
here  this  night,  and  from  hence  they  will  proceed  to 
join  the  others. 


[Extract  of  a  Letter  from  David  Zkisburoer,  Missionary  at  Sciioic. 
BRi'NN,  dated  24th  May,  1774.] 

In  my  last  I  informed  you  of  the  critical  situation  in 
which  we  find  ourselves  here.  We  then  were  in  hopes 
that  the  dark  cloud  would  pass  over  soon,  and  peace  be 
re-established,  as  the  Shawanese  in  the  Council  at  Woake- 
tameka,  had  given  seemingly  a  pretty  favourable  answer. 
But  it  appears  now  that  they  were  only  afraid  of  the 


285 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MAY,  1774. 


286 


Delaware  paity  in  die  Council,  for  we  heard  since  that  a 
party  of  twenty  warriors  were  gone  to  make  an  incursion 
wliere  the  Mingoes  have  been  killed.  The  Chief  Netaw- 
ativees  broui,dit  this  account  himself  mournfully  to  Gnaden- 
hutttn,  desiring  some  messengers  might  be  sent  after  one 
Killbuck,  who  was  on  the  road  to  Pittsburg,  with  the 
traders.  We  sent  directly  two  men  with  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Aiulerso7i,  that  they  may  know  of  it  at  I'ittsburg.  The 
messengers  returned  last  night  after  having  delivered  their 
message.  The  Delawurts  suppose  that  the  S/iawanese 
w  ill  soon  move  far  off.  I  think  our  greatest  danger  would 
be  if  the  white  people  would  make  an  incursion  into  the 
Indians'  land  ;  and  ii'  they  should  strike  the  Delawares,  the 
war  would  be  general,  and  we  then  could  not  continue  here ; 
but  we  uill  keep  unto  the  Lord  a  solemn  feast  of  thanks- 
giving if  he  rules  things  so  that  we  can  stay  here,  for  our 
flight  would  be  subject  to  many  dilliculties ;  and  where 
should  such  a  number  of  people  find  a  twelve  months' 
subsistence,  if  they  must  forsake  all  that  they  have 
planted,  for  we  are  more  than  two  hundred  souls  in  this 
place  only,  besides  the  congregation  at  Gnadenhutten,  and 
to  move  into  the  settlements  of  the  white  people  with  our 
Indians,  I  cannot  find  advisable ;  we  know  how  it  was 
in  the  last  war. 

In  a  Letter  dated  27th  May. 

Froth  and  his  family  having  been  hindered  from  setting  off 
from  here  till  this  day,  I  will  mention  what  we  heard  since 
my  last.  It  is  but  too  true  that  two  parties  of  Shawanese 
are  gone  against  the  settlements ;  we  also  heard  that  some 
with  no  good  intent  would  visit  us,  and  other  terrifying  re- 
ports of  that  sort.  But  last  night  a  stranger,  a  sensible  In- 
dian, told  us  that  it  is  only  the  Shawanese  at  Woaketameka, 
who  want  war,  and  are  so  mad  because  some  of  their 
people  have  been  killed ;  these  only  have  sent  out  the 
parties.  The  lower  Shawanese  were  peaceable  yet,  and 
would  have  no  war ;  and  when  the  Mingoes  came  thither 
to  kill  the  traders  there,  the  Shawanese  took  them  into  their 
protection,  and  told  the  Mingoes  "  if  they  would  war 
"  against  the  white  people,  they  would  not  hinder  them, 
"  but  they  should  not  kill  such  people  in  their  town  who 
"  could  not  defend  themselves ;  they  would  take  them  into 
"  their  bosom  and  not  suffer  that  any  harm  should  be  done 
"  unto  them."  I  believe  this  to  be  a  true  account  that  the 
Shawanese  are  far  from  unanimous  for  war,  and  I  am  yet 
in  hopes  things  will  be  settled  again. 

The  Cosh,  alias  John  Bull,  writes,  dated  24th  May 
last:  "  About  three  weeks  ago  John  Jungman  and  myself 
were  at  Fort  Fitt.  On  the  way  thither  we  heard  that  tliree 
Cherokee  Indians  going  down  the  river  had  killed  one 
trader  and  wounded  another,  and  plundered  the  canoe  :  the 
traders  had  imprudently  shewn  their  silver  things  they  had 
for  trading.  In  the  Fort  we  heard  that  the  Mingoes  had 
stolen  that  niglit  fifteen  horses,  and  that  they  were  all  gone 
off  from  below  Logtown.  The  white  people  began  to 
be  much  afraid  of  an  Indian  war.  We  hastened  to  get 
home  again,  and  after  our  return  received  the  news  that  a 
company  of  Virginians,  under  one  Cresap,  enticed  some 
of  the  Mingoes,  living  at  the  mouth  of  Yellow  Creek,  to 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  gave  them  rum  to  make 
them  drunk,  and  then  they  killed  five ;  two  others  crossing 
the  river  to  look  after  their  friends  were  shot  down  as  soon 
as  they  came  ashore.  Five  more  were  going  over  the 
river  whom  they  also  waylaid,  but  the  Indians  perceiving 
them,  turned  their  canoe  to  make  their  escape,  but  being 
immediately  fired  at,  two  were  killed  and  two  wounded. 
The  day  following  they  killed  one  Shawanese  and  one 
Delaware  Indian,  in  a  canoe  down  the  river  with  two  tra- 
ders. The  same  party  killed  John  Gibson's  wife,  a  Shatv- 
ancse  woman  ;  they  further  pursued  a  canoe,  killed  a  Shatv- 
anese  Chief,  and  wounded  another  man.  Tliey  said  they 
would  kill  and  })1  under  all  that  were  going  up  and  down 
the  river.  But  they  soon  fled  and  left  the  poor  settlers  as 
victims  to  the  Indians ;  many  are  flod  and  left  all  their 
effects  behind.  The  Mingoes  took  their  way  up  Yellow 
Creek,  and  stmck  our  road  just  were  it  turns  off  from  ihe 
road  to  Gekelemuckepuck,  where  they  hunted  for  ten 
days  to  catch  some  traders,  but  as  the  Delawares  had 
found  them  out,  they  stopped  the  traders  from  going  that 
road.  The  Mingoes  having  sent  word  to  the  Shawanese 
they  fetched  them  to  their  town  IVoakatameka,  where  they 
had  a  Council  of  War. 


"  We  are  in  great  distress  and  dont  know  what  to  do ;  our 
Indians  keep  watch  about  us  every  night,  and  will  not  let 
us  go  out  of  town,  even  not  into  our  corn  fields.  If  there 
should  be  more  bad  news,  we  will  be  forced  to  move  from 
here,  for  we  are  in  danger  from  both  sides.  I  heard  from 
some,  tl:at  if  the  white  brethren  should  be  forced  to  leave 
them,  the  greatest  part  would  return  to  the  Susquehanna. 
But  if  only  the  Delawares  continue  in  their  peaceful  mind 
it  may  go  better  than  we  now  think.  At  the  Council  at 
Woakatameka,  were  several  Headmen  of  the  Delawares 
present,  who  live  at  Schonbrunn  and  Gnadenhutten,  being 
particularly  sent  for  by  Netawatenees  for  to  assist  them  in 
the  good  work  of  preserving  peace.  The  Chief  address- 
ed the  Shawanese  and  Mingoes  present  in  a  fatherly  man- 
ner, shewing  unto  them  the  blessing  of  peace  and  folly  of 
war;  and  pressed  it  very  much  upon  their  reason,  what 
misery  they  would  bring  upon  themselves  and  others  by 
their  madness,  and  told  them  positively  that  they  had  not 
to  expect  any  help  or  assistance  from  the  Delawares,  and 
enjoined  them  very  earnestly  not  to  stop  the  road  to  Fhit- 
adelphia,  but  to  let  it  be  free  and  open.  The  Shawanese 
gave  him  in  answer,  they  did  believe  his  words  to  be 
good,  and  they  would  take  notice  of  them,  and  desired 
him  to  give  also  a  fatherly  admonition  to  their  wives  to 
plant  com  for  them  ;  which  he  did,  but  they  seemed  more 
inclined  to  move  off  than  to  plant." 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOR    PENN. 

Ligonier,  Miiy  29,  1774. 

I  doubt  not  before  this  time  you  have  expected  some 
account  from  nie  of  the  situation  of  this  country,  but  as  I 
could  not  write  with  certainty  respecting  the  intentions  of 
the  Indians  I  choose  to  defer  it. 

In  my  last  to  Mr.  Shippen  I  think  I  mentioned  that  Mr. 
Croghan  had  sent  a  Delaware  Chief  (White  Eyes)  with 
two  of  our  traders  with  a  message  to  the  Shawanese ;  their 
return  had  been  impatiently  expected.  Tired  at  last  with 
the  suspense,  I  determined  to  go  to  Fort  Fitt  whatever  might 
be  the  consequence,  and  am  just  returned  from  thence.  I 
was  lucky  enough  to  arrive  there  the  day  they  came  in, 
and  though  their  accounts  are  alarming  enough,  yet  I  can- 
not think  they  are  equal  to  the  panic  that  has  seized  the 
country. 

The  Shawanese  message  is  insolent  enough ;  and  we 
have  a  certain  account  that  twenty  of  their  warriors  are 
gone  out,  but  we  have  still  reason  to  think  they  do  not 
mean  mischief  to  the  people  here,  as  they  lay  all  to  the 
charge  of  the  Big  Knife,  as  they  call  the  VirginiaTis. 
The  substance  of  their  speech  is,  that  they  think  what  Mr. 
Croghan  and  Mr.  McKee  says  to  them  is  lies  ;  that  they 
know  the  path  is  open  from  Fhiladelphia,  and  that  they 
will  keep  it  so  if  they  please ;  but  that  the  Big  Knife  has 
struck  them,  and  when  they  have  satisfaction  they  will 
speak  to  him,  but  not  before  ;  that  now  they  have  no  King, 
and  are  all  upon  their  feet,  with  other  threatening  expres- 
sions in  their  way.  There  were  several  Chiefs  of  the 
Delawares,  and  the  Deputy  of  the  Six  Nations,  (Goyasu- 
tha)  with  eight  others  of  the  Seneca  tribe,  at  Fittsburg, 
by  Mr.  Croghan' s  advice.  They  were  called  together  and  I 
made  a  short  speech  to  them  ;  they  received  it  with  plea- 
sure, and  in  return  gave  the  strongest  assurances  that  they 
wished  for  nothing  more  than  to  continue  in  peace  with 
this  Province,  and  to  become  as  one  people.  I  think  there 
can  be  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Delawares ;  they 
have  given  substantial  proofs  of  it  in  the  care  they  have 
taken  of  the  traders  that  were  to  have  gone  to  the  Shaw- 
anese ;  and  if  the  Six  Nations  are  in  the  same  disposition, 
the  war  will  be  of  httle  consequence,  but  I  fear  it  is  to  be 
doubted  whether  Goyasutha  knows  the  sense  of  the  league 
or  not. 

One  of  the  traders  who  went  with  Wliite  Eyes  was 
detained  at  Newcomers  Town ;  they  it  seems  thought  it 
imprudent  that  more  than  one  should  go  very  soon  after 
the  others  left  it.  They  were  met  by  a  Shawanese  man  who 
fired  at  Duncan,  within  a  very  small  distance,  but  fortun- 
ately missed  him.  White  Eyes  immediately  called  to  him 
to  make  back  to  the  town,  and  he  himself  got  betwixt  the 
Indian  and  him,  and  came  up  with  him  where  he  had 
stopped  to  load  his  gun,  and  disarmed  him  ;  they  both  got 
safely  back  to  the  town,  and  were  immediately  shut  up 


287 


COUiNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  MAY,  1774. 


288 


in  a  strong  house,  and  a  guard  kept  on  them  day  and  night 
to  preserve  them  from  any  attempt  tliat  might  be  made  by 
the  Shawnncse  or  Mingoes  (a  small  parly  of  these  last  live 
near  the  Skawanese,  and  are  in  a  manner  incorjwrated  with 
them)  and  this  was  continued  till  H'hite  Eijes  went  down 
to  the  iShauianese  town  and  returned,  during  all  which  time 
they  were  furnished  with  provisions  and  every  thing  that 
could  he  procured  for  them  in  the  most  liberal  manner.  This 
1  think  must  be  an  unequivocal  mark  of  their  disposition. 

The  mischief  done  by  Cresap  and  Gieathouse  had 
been  much  exaggerated  when  1  wrote  to  Mr.  Shippen,  but 
tlie  number  of  Indians  killed  is  exactly  as  1  informed 
Mr.  Allen,  viz:  thirteen.  Cresap  has  lately  been  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Pittsburg,  with  intention  it  appeared  to 
pursue  the  blow  he  had  before  struck,  but  Mr.  Conolly 
sent  a  message  to  him  forbidding  him  to  attempt  any  thing 
against  the  Indians ;  this  he  has  taken  in  high  dudgeon, 
and  declares  publicly  that  what  he  did  before  was  by 
Mr.  Conolly  s  orders ;  so  that  it  is  to  be  hoped  some  of  the 
devilish  schemes  that  have  been  carrying  on  here  will 
come  to  light.  I  ventured  to  say  that  an  Indian  war  was 
part  of  the  Virginia  plan  ;  I  am  satisfied  it  must  at  least 
be  part  of  Mr.  ConoUy's  plan,  for  he  has  already  incurred 
such  an  expense  by  repairing  the  fort  and  calling  out  the 
militia,  that  I  think  it  is  impossible  that  Colony  will  ever 
discharge  it  uidess  disturbances  be  raised  that  may  give  his 
manoeuvres  the  appearance  of  nec-;ssity. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  the  distressed  situa- 
tion of  this  country  :  one  day  the  spirits  of  the  people  are 
raised  a  little,  and  some  prospect  of  their  being  able  to 
remain  on  their  farms ;  the  next  a  story  worse  than  any 
they  have  heard  before,  and  a  thousand  times  worse  than 
tlie  truth,  sinks  them  in  despair;  and  those  ahoni  Pittsburg 
are  still  in  a  more  pitiable  state,  being  harrassed  and  o[)press- 
ed  by  the  militia,  who  lay  their  hands  on  every  thing  they 
want  without  asking  questions,  and  kill  cattle  at  their  plea- 
sure ;  they  indeed  appraise  them,  when  the  owner  happens 
to  know  of  it,  and  give  him  a  bill  on  Lord  Dunmore, 
which  is  downright  mockery. 

From  what  I  saw  it  was  evident  to  me  that  the  country 
must  very  soon  be  totally  evacuated  unless  something  was 
done  to  afford  the  inhabitants  the  appearance  at  least  of 
protection.  I  therefore  consulted  with  some  of  the  inha- 
bitants at  Pittsburg,  and  Mr.  Mackay,  Mr.  Smith,  Colonel 
Croghan,  Mr.  Butler  and  myself  entered  into  an  associa- 
tion to  raise  victuals,  and  pay  a  ranging  company  of  one 
hundred  men  for  one  month,  to  which  a  number  of  the  in- 
habitants, as  I  came  down,  readily  acceded,  and  I  think  in 
a  few  days  we  will  have  it  completed.  We  flattered  our- 
selves indeed  that  your  Honor  if  you  approve  the  measure, 
would  take  such  measures  witli  the  House  as  would  release 
us  from  the  expense ;  but  as  you  may  probably  want  a 
formal  requisition  to  lay  before  the  House,  I  have  acquaint- 
ed you  with  it  in  another  letter.  One  thing  further  I  had 
in  view :  the  inhabitants  of  Pittsburg  propose  stocka- 
ding the  town  ;  when  that  is  done  should  your  negotiation 
with  Lord  Dunmore  miscarry,  throwing  a  few  men  into 
that  place  would  recover  the  country  the  Virginians  have 
asurped. 

I  beg  pardon  for  so  long  a  letter,  and  yet  I  beheve  I 
should  have  given  you  more  but  tiiat  1  am  detaining  Mr. 
Montgomery,  who  charges  himself  with  forwarding  this  to 
your  Honor.  I  have  only  to  request  that  you  will  please 
to  give  us  your  directions  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 
The  Hon.  John  Penn,  Esq.,  Governor  of  Penn'a. 

P.  S.  An  affair  that  has  given  me  mi'jh  trouble  and  vex- 
ation had  like  to  have  escaped  my  memory,  the  murder  of 
a  Delaware  Indian,  Joseph  Wipey,  about  eighteen  miles 
from  this  place.  It  is  the  most  astonishing  thing  in  the 
world  the  disposition  of  the  common  people  of  this  coun- 
try ;  actuated  by  the  most  savage  cruelty,  they  wantonly 
perpetrate  crimes  that  are  a  disgrace  to  humanity,  and  seem 
at  the  same  time  to  be  under  a  kind  of  religious  enthusiasm, 
whilst  they  want  the  daring  spirit  that  usually  inspires.  Two 
of  the  persons  concerned  in  this  murder  are  John  Hinkson 
and  James  Cooper.  1  had  got  information  of  their  design 
some  time  before  they  executed  it,  and  had  wrote  to  Hink- 
ton,  whom  I  knew  to  be  a  leader  amongst  them,  to  dissuade 


them  and  threatened  them  with  the  weight  of  the  law  i( 
they  persisted ;  but  so  far  from  preventing  them,  it  only 
produced  the  enclosed  letter.  The  body  was  discovered 
hid  in  a  small  run  of  water,  and  covered  with  stones.  I 
immediately  sent  for  the  Coroner,  but  before  he  had  got  a 
jury  together  the  body  was  removed,  so  that  no  inquest 
could  be  taken.  I  have  issued  warrants  on  suspicion,  but 
they  are  so  much  on  their  guard  I  doubt  they  cannot  l)e 
executed.  Your  Honor  will  please  to  consider  whether  it 
may  be  proper  to  proclaim  them  ;  it  is  most  unlucky  at  this 
time.  The  letter  may  perliaps  be  made  use  of  as  evidence. 
Mr.  McKee  had  not  time  to  transcribe  the  speeches 
of  the  Indians,  but  in  a  few  days  1  shall  probably  receive 
them,  and  will  forward  them  by  the  first  opportunity. 
Nobody  offered  the  arrest  they  have  threatened  me  so 
much  with. 


A  Speech  of  the  Shawanese,  directed  to  Alexander 
McKee,  Es(/.,  George  Croghan,  Esrj.,  and  the  Com- 
mandant at  Pittsburg,  Captain  John  Conolly. 
Brothers  :  We  are  sorry  to  see  so  much  ill  doing  be- 
tween you  and  us.  First  you  killed  our  brother  Othaw- 
akeesquo  (or  Ben,)  next  our  elder  brothers  the  Mingoes ; 
then  the  Delaioares.  All  which  mischiefs,  so  close  to 
each  other,  aggravated  our  people  very  much ;  yet  we  all 
determined  to  be  quiet  till  we  knew  what  you  meant ;  our 
people  were  all  getting  ready  to  go  to  their  hunting  as 
usual,  but  these  troubles  have  stopped  them.  The  traders 
that  were  amongst  us  were  very  much  endangered  by  such 
doings  from  the  persons  injured,  but  as  we  are  convinced 
of  their  innocence,  we  are  determined  to  protect  them, 
and  sent  them  safe  to  their  relations  and  other  friends, 
and  it  will,  we  hope,  be  looked  upon  as  a  proof  of  our 
good  intentions. 

I,  the  Cornstalk,  do  send  my  brother  to  be  along  with 
the  traders  in  case  any  of  the  parties  injured  should  be  in 
their  way,  and  in  revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  friends,  fall 
on  them  ;  therefore,  we  request  that  you  will  present  our 
good  intentions  to  the  Governors  of  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania, and  request  that  a  stop  may  be  put  to  such 
doings  for  the  future.  We  hkewise  request  that  the  Com- 
mandant, Captain  Conolly,  of  Pittsburg,  will  do  his  en- 
deavour to  stop  such  foolish  people  from  the  like  doings 
for  the  future.  And  I  have  with  great  trouble  and 
pains  prevailed  on  the  foolish  people  amongst  us  to  sit 
still  and  do  no  harm  till  we  see  whether  it  is  tlie  intention 
of  the  white  people  in  general  to  fall  on  us,  and  shall  still 
continue  so  to  do  in  hopes  that  matters  may  be  settled. 
I  did  intend  to  go  myself,  not  to  talk,  but  to  carry  home 
the  traders,  but  in  my  stead  I  send  my  brother,  and  expect 
that  Mr.  McKee,  Mr.  Croghan,  and  Mr.  Conolly,  and 
each  other  of  our  brothers  will  shew  him  the  same  regard 
that  they  would  me,  as  in  seeing  him  they  see  me  all  the 
same  as  if  personally  present.  This  is  all  that  I  have  to 
say  now  to  you. 

N.  B.  what  concerned  the  traders  I  have  said  to  them- 
selves, as  the  wampum  we  have  given  them  will  testify. 


A  short  Speech  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Delawares  and  a 
few  of  the  Six  Nations,  by  Mr.  St.  Claib,  at  Pitts- 
burg, May  1774. 

Brothers  of  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares  :  Tlie 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania  has  heard  your  good  speeches, 
and  I  am  come  from  him  to  thank  you  for  the  care  you 
have  taken  of  our  traders,  and  the  pains  you  have  been 
at  to  preserve  the  general  peace.  Your  brothers  of  Penn- 
sylvania are  detennind  to  maintain  the  friendship  sub- 
sisting betwixt  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares  and  them 
entire,  but  as  they  are  alarmed  at  the  threatenings  of 
the  Sha^vanese,  we  recommend  it  to  you  to  prevent  your 
people  from  hunting  on  our  side  of  the  river  for  some  time, 
as  our  people  will  not  be  able  to  distinguish  betwixt  them 
and  those  who  may  be  enemies. 

We  wish  and  will  endeavour  to  keep  the  path  open  to 
our  brothers,  and  will  on  our  parts  keep  bright  that  chain 
of  friendship  which  has  been  so  long  held  fast  by  their 
and  our  forefathers.  Ab.  St.  Claib. 


289 


CORRESPONDENCE,  MAY,  1774. 


290 


GENERAL    HALDIMAND    TO    THE    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

New- York,  May  15,  1774. 

Tlie  accounts  received  before  the  arrival  of  the  packet, 
as  late  as  tlie  14lh  of  April,  liad  made  known  the  plan  of 
operation  intended  to  brinj;  Boston  to  a  sense  of  order  and 
decency,  so  that  on  the  arrival  of  Lieutenant  General  Gage, 
the  inhabitants  of  that  place  will  not  be  at  a  loss  what  they 
are  to  expect  if  they  will  prove  refractory.  It  is  the 
opinion  of  many  people  here,  that  they  will  acknowledge 
tlieir  fault,  pay  for  it,  and  endeavour  to  reinstate  themselves 
into  his  Majesty's  favour  by  a  proper  submission.*     . 

I  wish  it  may  be  the  case,  as  there  is  no  knowing  how 
far  the  factious  spirit  of  a  few  leading  men  may  carry  an 
ijiconsiderate  multitude,  who  have  imbibed  the  most 
romantic  notions  of  independence  and  liberty ;  and  there 
will  not  fail  to  be  such  papers  propagated  amongst  them,  in 
order  to  spirit  them  up.  The  Act  of  Parliament  relative 
to  the  port  of  Boston  is  already  reprinted  here,  with  such 
representations,  as  may  possibly  answer  that  end.  I  take 
the  liberty  to  enclose  to  your  Lordship  one  of  those  papers 
handed  about  this  town  gratis. 


attracts  of  private  Letters  from  London,  dated  April  7 
and  8,  to  persons  in  New-York  and  Philadelphia. 

[  Printed  on  the  back  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  distributed  in  New. 
York,  oa  the  14tli  May,  1774.t] 

AjJril  7.  With  the  most  anxious  and  deep  concern,  I 
sit  down  to  give  you  some  account  of  the  bitter  things  that 
are  meditated  against  America,  and  through  her,  against 
England  herself,  and  that  Constitution,  by  which  it  has 

"A  British  American,  who  is  a  lover  of  peace,  as  well  as  hater  of 
overy  species  of  tyranny,  whetlier  monarchical  or  parliamentary,  propos:'B 
to  the  considsration  of  the  public  of  Boston,  whether  it  would  not  be 
tlieir  wisust  course  in  tiie  present  critical  situation  of  affairs,  to  raise 
JMMKDIATKLY,  by  subscription,  a  sum  equal  to  the  estimated  value  of  the 
DROWNED  TEAS,  and  deposite  it  in  some  public  office,  ready  to  be  tendered 
to  his  Excellency  General  Oaire,  immediately  on  his  first  requisition 
for  restitution  of  the  India  Company's  loss,  with  a  solemn  declaration 
(conceived  in  respectful  and  conciliating  terms,)  that  tliey  make  the 
reimbursement  with  real  i)loasura,  as  they  thereby  have  at  once  an  op. 
.  portunity  of  testifying  their  readiness  to  repair  every  private  lose  that 
individuals  may  sustain,  in  the  present  unhappy  struggle  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  just  rights— of  manifijsting  the  cheerfulness  with 
which  they  would  lo  id  thems?lves  with  any  burden  for  tlie  public 
good,  whilst  left  to  the  exercise  of  the  constitutional  power  of  disposing 
of  their  own  property  for  that  purjtose;  and  showing  their  promptness 
to  act  in  consonance  with  the  sentiments  of  the  British  Parliament  in 
every  thing  they  can,  without  sacrificing  their  liberties.  Such  a  pro- 
cedure will  contain  ample  declaration  of  their  steady  continuance  in 
their  patriotic  s^utiments  ;  and,  at  tlie  simo  time,  would  so  entirely 
conform  to  the  requisitions  in  the  Act  of  Parliament  that  now  threat- 
ens their  destruction,  as  could  not  fail  to  j>lace  them  at  once  in  the 
light  of  constitutionally  dutiful  subjects  to  the  Crown,  as  well  as 
zealous  defenders  of  the  liberty  of  the  subject. 

Tlie  Querist  ])resumes,  that  by  adopting  some  such  mode  of  manage. 
ment  as  this,  "  good  may  be  brought  out  of  evil;"  and  that  hasty  act 
of  violence  which  moderate  men  now  look  on  with  high  disapproba- 
tion, be  thereby  rendered  a  circumstance  honourable  to  the  Bostoniana 
in  particular,  and  advantageous  vo  the  Colonies  in  general,  who  doubt- 
less would  cheerfully  bear  their  proportion  in  the  sum  to  be  raised. 

It  certainly  wo)ild  be  the  maddest  of  all  possible  Quixotisms  to  think 
of  making  an  hosftile  opposition  to  such  a  naval  and  military  force  as  it 
is  certain  is  coming  out  with  General  Gage,  and  therefore  some  plan 
of  constitutional  policy  that  will  afford  means  of  evading  the  heavy 
thnaten'Hl  crils,  bIkiiiIiI  b.;  fallen  upon. 
N'ew.Yoek,  May  16,  1774. 

tA  report  having  been  circulated,  that  a  printed  paper,  published  as 
extracts  of  letters  from  London,  dated  there  the  7th  and  8th  of  April, 
hurt,  which  were  printed  on  the  back  of  a  copy  of  the  late  Act  of  the 
Ktigliih  Parliament,  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  distributed 
about  town  on  Saturday  last.  May  14th,  were  spurious,  and  that  the 
intellig-ncB  was  not  written  from  England,  but  fabricated  here.  As  I 
am  able  to  prove  tin  siid  report  to  be  entirely  false,  I  leave  every  one 
to  judge  whether  it  coincs  from  the  friends  or  the  enemies  of  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies.  The  letters,  wlioae 
contents  are  [irint'.d  on  the  back  of  the  Act  aforesaid,  were  rcc»ivcdon 
Thursday,  the  12th  instant,  by  the  Samson,  Cajitain  Cuupar,  the 
latest  ship  arrived  here  from  London.  They  were  by  one  of  the  writers 
counnitted  to  the  particular  ciro  of  the  gentleman  who  delivered  them 
here,  who  is  now  in  town,  and  can  prove  both  the  receipt  of  tliem  in 
liondon,  and  the  delivery  hire.  Due  of  the  letters  which  contains  the 
nio.st  circumstantial  account  of  the  facts,  is  left  iu  the  hands  of  the 
printer  of  the  New-Xork  .Journal,  who  can  botli  vouch  for  the  truth  of 
the  copies,  and  produce  the  original  of  the  principal  letter ;  the  other 
two  letters,  which  were  also  seen  by  him  and  several  other  persons  in 
town,  are  now  gone  to  Philadeljihia,  by  a  gentleman  of  that  place, 
who  was  here  when  Captain  Conpar  arrived.  These  lettiirs  (one  of 
which  was  from  a  military  officer  of  eminence,  both  on  account  of  his 
rank  and  literary  abilities)  soon  after  their  arrival,  were  road  to  several 
gentlemen  in  town,  who  thought  their  contents  so  important,  that  they 
Bolicitcd  for  the  copies,  and  were  at  the  expense  of  making  them 
public.  ■  New-Youk,  May  17,  1774. 

Fourth  Series. 


long  been  distinguished  among  the  nations,  as  a  land  of 
freedom  and  happiness,  and  an  asylum  against  tyranny  and 
oppression.  A  distinction,  alas!  that  now  subsists  no  more! 
And  must  be  for  ever  lost — unless  kind  Providence  should 
interpose,  to  save  us  from  that  slavery  and  darkness, 
which  has  well  nigh  overspread  the  face  of  the  whole  earth. 

America,  the  last  resort  of  retiring  freedom,  is  now  to 
be  invaded,  and  the  fugitive  driven  from  her  peaceful  re- 
cesses there,  that  so  she  may  find  no  resting  place  on  this 
side  heaven. 

A  plan  of  despotism  and  arbitrary  power  has  incessantly 
been  pursued  during  the  present  reign  ;  through  all  the 
ministerial  changes  and  manoeuvres,  that  has  still  been  the 
grand  object  in  view  ;  and  may  explain  all  those  intricate 
movements  of  Government,  which  otherwise  appear  quite 
mysterious,  and  unaccountable,  especially  with  regard  to 
the  Colonies;  it  may  account  for  that  obstinate  perseverance 
in  measures  palpably  inconsistent  with  every  principle  of 
the  English  Constitution,  of  justice,  and  of  common  sense ; 
which  have  been  attended  with  almost  infinite  expense, 
trouble,  and  difficulty,  both  to  the  Colonies  and  Great 
Britain  itself;  when  at  the  same  time,  a  plain,  easy,  and 
certain  way  to  peace,  harmony,  and  prosperity,  lies  so  open 
before  us,  that  none  can  mistake  it,  and  yet  offers  itself  in 
vain.  An  absolute,  arbitrary  Government,  has  infinite 
charms  for  a  multitude  of  haughty  luxurious  parasites  and 
flatterers,  that  ever  surround  a  throne,  and  hope  to  share 
with  it  in  tyrannizing  over  the  people,  and  rioting  on  their 
spoils.  No  wonder  that  such  as  these  should  prevail  on 
a  young  Monarch  to  be  pleased  with,  to  countenance,  and 
adopt  their  plan.  Unlimited  power  is  generally  a  most 
desirable  object,  especially  to  youth  and  inexperience  ;  and 
few  are  distrustful  of  themselves,  or  imagine  that  it  would 
be  unsafe  in  their  hands. 

In  England,  almost  every  obstruction  to  the  execution  of 
this  plan  is  removed  ;  places  of  high  trust  and  importance 
are  bestowed  upon  those  who  will  act  in  subserviency  to 
the  views  of  the  Court ;  those  who  might  impede  those 
views,  are  divested  of  power,  and  disabled  from  any  effec- 
tual opposition.  Experience  has  shown  that  the  pensions 
and  places,  in  the  gift  of  the  Crown,  have  as  great  an 
influence,  on  the  nobility,  whose  estates  might  set  them 
above  dependence,  as  upon  common  men,  for  luxury  is 
boundless,  and  can  render  the  possessor  of  the  greatest 
estate  as  needy  as  a  beggar,  and  as  vulnerable  to  the  in- 
fluence of  a  bribe.  As  for  the  Commons,- those  natural 
guardians  of  the  liberties  and  properties  of  the  people, 
though  there  are  many  worthy  men  among  them,  who 
do  their  utmost  to  stem  the  torrent  of  corruption,  and 
preserve  their  country  ;  yet,  their  number  is  too  small  to 
answer  the  end  ;  the  eloquence  of  Cicero,  the  most  con- 
sumate  knowledge  of  the  interests  of  their  country,  and 
zeal  for  its  service,  the  greatest  abilities  and  integrity,  are 
all  rendered  entirely  useless,  by  a  corrupt  majority  of  minis- 
terial tools,  who  vote  just  as  they  are  directed  ;  this  House, 
therefore,  which  used  to  be  the  bulwaik  of  the  people's 
security,  serves  now  only  to  give  the  form  or  appearance 
of  legality  to  acts  of  real  tyranny  and  oppression,  by  which 
they  are  deprived  of  their  liberty  and  property.  A  great 
majority  of  the  House  are  returned  by  little  venal  boroughs, 
bribed  by  the  nation's  own  money,  to  elect  such  men  as 
the  Ministry  choose,  and  afterwards  command  to  vote  as 
they  please.  A  friend  well  acquamted  with  the  internal 
state  of  Great  Britain,  assures  me,  "  that  many  boroughs 
"  in  the  Kingdom  have  scarce  ten  persons  qualified  to  vote 
"  for  a  Representative  in  Parliament,  and  that  all  who  are 
"  qualified,  are  under  the  influence  of  some  nobleman,  or 
"  squire,  who,  if  he  has  no  person  of  his  own  family  to  put 
"  in,  transfers  the  election,  or  rather  nomination,  to  such  ad- 
"  venturers  as  choose  to  purchase  a  seat,  as  a  means  of 
"  climbing  the  hill  of  preferment.  In  some  places,  there  is 
"  not  even  the  shadow  of  an  election,  or  town  meeting. 
•■'  The  Sovereign,  Bailiff,  or  rather  Returning  Officer,  with 
"  two  or  three  Burgesses,  go  privately  to  the  Session  House, 
"  and  in  a  moment  name  such  a  one,  as  duly  elected,  without 
•'  the  appearance  of  a  candidate." 

What  a  farce  are  such  transactions,  when  the  liberties  of 
the  people  are  thus  played  away  at  a  game,  wherein  a  cor- 
rupt Government,  and  an  ambitious,  covetous  landlord,  are 
the  only  gainers !  All  things  being  thus  ripe  in  England, 
for  the  open  introduction  of  arbitrary  power,  nothing  seems 

19 


294 


CORRESPONDENCE,  MAY,  1774. 


292 


to  have  prevented  it,  but  tlie  stmggles  of  the  A7nericam  to 
preserve  their  liberties.  Tliese  struggles  have  been  doubly 
mortifying  to  the  Ministry,  as  they  have  thereby,  been  not 
only  prevented  from  levying  a  revenue  upon  America,  but 
from  executing  their  scheme  in  its  full  extent  upon  Eng- 
land. And  unless  that  scheme  be  very  soon  executed, 
it  is  in  danger  of  being  blown  up  entirely  ;  for  mattei-s  have 
risen  to  such  a  crisis,  the  uneasiness  and  distress  of  the 
nation  are  become  so  general,  tliat  some  violent  commo- 
tion seems  inevitable,  and  near  at  hand  ;  and  if  a  revolution 
should  happen,  and  fail  to  establish  despotism  in  England, 
it  would  probably  be  fatal  to  those  who  have  attempted  to 
introduce  it.  Tiie  most  strenuous  efforts,  therefore,  will 
now  be  made,  both  by  force  and  fraud,  to  reduce  the 
Americans  to  a  conformity  with  the  measures  of  tlie  Mi- 
nistry, who  arc  enraged  and  distracted  at  the  obstructions 
they  meet  with  from  that  quarter. 

I  therefore  earnestly  warn  you  to  firmness  and  vigilance  ; 
every  art  will  be  used,  both  to  intimidate,  and  to  deceive 
you  ;  may  God  direct  you  to  be  wise  and  faithful  to  your- 
selves, and  to  your  country,  and  crown  your  endeavours 
with  success.  You  have  every  thing  at  stake  tliat  can  be 
dear  to  reasonable  creatures  ;  your  freedom,  your  property, 
your  posterity,  your  honour.  The  very  Ministry  who  are 
striving  to  enslave  you,  in  spite  of  themselves,  both  honour 
and  fear  you  ;  but  if  they  succeed  against  you,  will  despise 
and  spurn  you. 

About  a  fortnight  ago,  an  Act  of  Parliament  of  a  most 
extraordinary  kind,  to  shut  up  the  port  of  Boston,  was 
passed  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner,  being  smuggled 
through  the  House  in  seventeen  days  only,  from  its  intro- 
duction. The  evidence  before  the  Privy  Council  was  sup- 
pressed ;  the  agents  refused  a  hearing  at  the  bar ;  and  no 
member  for  Boston  or  America  in  either  House.  Nor  had 
the  merchants  and  manufacturers  in  England,  who  will  bo 
deeply  eflected  by  the  execution  of  this  Act,  any  proper 
notice  of  it,  or  opportunity  to  remonstrate  against  it. 
Indeed,  it  is  openly  said,  that  many  thousand  pounds  were 
issued  from  the  Treasury,  to  obtain  a  majority  in  the  House, 
and  hurry  it  through,  before  there  should  be  time  for  oppo- 
sition :  so  that,  when  a  body  of  merchants,  trading  to 
Boston  and  America,  waited  on  Lord  North,  with  a 
request  that  a  petition  might  be  heard  against  the  Bill, 
before  it  passed  into  a  law,  diey  had  the  mortification  to 
find  they  were  too  late,  and  that  the  Bill  had  already 
])assed.  As  his  Majesty  has,  by  the  Act,  a  conditional 
power  to  suspend  its  operation,  in  case  the  tea  destroyed 
at  Boston  should  be  paid  for,  the  merchants  offered  Lord 
North  £19,000  or  a  security  to  the  India  Company 
to  pay  for  the  tea,  if  that  suspension  of  the  Act  might 
be  procured  from  his  Majesty.  But  these  offers  were 
refused,  and  the  merchants  went  away  much  dissatis- 
fied— as  thinking  people  are  in  general,  against  the 
proceedings  of  the  Ministry,  especially  in  respect  to  this 
law,  and  die  manner  of  getting  it  passed,  which  was  with 
as  much  privacy  and  haste  as  possible,  so  that  it  is  hardly 
yet  known  in  the  manufacturing  towns,  which  will  be  hurt 
by  it.  It  is  expected  to  raise  gi-eat  clamour  and  uneasiness 
as  soon  as  it  comes  to  be  generally  known,  and  felt,  by  the 
labouring  people,  and  the  trade,  the  stoppage  of  which,  it 
is  imagined,  in  a  few  months  will  convince  the  Ministry 
they  have  acted  wrong. 

Another  new  Bill,  as  extraordinary  as  the  Boston  Bill, 
only  more  general  in  its  operation,  is  in  agitation  in  the 
Privy  Council ;  and  like  the  Boston  Bill,  it  is  intended  to 
be  smuggled  through  the  House.  God  gnmt  it  may  be 
stopped  in  its  progress,  or  defeated  of  its  design.  It  is  ex- 
pected here,  that  America  will  be  surjwisod  or  frightened 
into  a  compliance  with  it,  by  the  intended  alarming  clauses 
in  it,  and  the  spirited  manner  of  enforcing  it. 

God  give  you  vigilance,  fortitude,  and  wisdom  to  avoid 
the  snares  laid  for  you,  and  enable  you  to  escape  them. 

General  Gage  is  appointed  Governour  and  Commander- 
hi-chief  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  with  very  extensive 
powers.  Under  him  are  to  be  a  set  of  officei-s,  approved 
by  the  Ministry,  to  be  made  Counsellors,  and  enforce  the 
Parliamentary  laws,  with  the  (apparent)  consent  of  the 
people.  In  short,  every  art  will  be  used  to  deceive  you, 
and  either  cheat,  or  frighten  you  out  of  your  freedom  and 
property ;  however,  I  can  assure  you,  the  Commanders 
have  private  orders  not  to  fight,  uiiless  tliey  can  provoke 


you  to  appear  the  aggressors — nay,  they  have  orders  iK)t 
to  commence  hostilities,  without  further  orders.  But  how 
soon  that  restriction  may  be  taken  off,  God  only  knows ;  nor 
do  I  think  that  it  was  from  any  regard  to  justice,  or  tender- 
ness to  you,  that  such  a  restraint  was  laid  ;  but  jjurely  from 
fear  of  the  consequences  of  sanguinary  orders ;  therefore,  I 
think,  if  you  are  firm  and  prudent,  you  have  no  occasion  at 
this  time,  to  fear  any  tragical  consequences  from  a  refusal 
to  be  taxed  by  die  British  Pariiament,  who  have  really 
no  right  at  all  to  tax  you  ;  not,  that  I  would  persuade  you 
to  this  refusal  merely  upon  a  supposition  that  the  Ministry 
will  not  proceed  to  hostile  and  sanguinary  measures — for 
my  opinion  is,  that  there  is  nothing  too  absurd  or  wicked 
for  them  to  do  ;  but  that  if  they  should  proceed  to  such 
measures  it  will  be  better  for  you  to  die  than  submit  to 
them ;  however,  as  your  cause  is  just,  and  all  the  world 
must  see  that  you  are  injured  and  oppressed,  your  opjires- 
sors  will  be  condemned  by  all  the  world,  both  at  home  and 
abroad ;  and  if  you  are  but  firm  and  prudent  in  your  opfKi- 
sition,  fear  not  but  Providence  will  interpose  in  your  behalf, 
and  raise  you  up  friends  to  support  and  assist  you. 

Some  of  the  greatest  and  wisest,  as  well  as  the  best  men 
in  England,  are  already  on  your  side,  and  will  stand  by 
you  ;  your  enemies  have  nothing  but  mere  power,  unjustly 
obtained  and  applied,  to  support  their  cause  ;  reason  and 
justice  are  altogether  against  them ;  they  therefore  stand 
on  slippery  ground,  and  totter  in  their  stations.  Lord 
Camden  exerted  himself  nobly  In  the  House  of  Lords  in 
your  favour — he  told  them  the  Boston  Bill  would  be  pro- 
ductive of  a  train  of  evils,  and  they  certainly  would  have 
cause  to  repent  it.  Great  care  is  taken  to  prevent  copies 
of  his  speech  from  getting  to  America,  as  well  as  to  deceive 
you  by  false  intelligence.  Every  tool  of  power  in  America 
\vill  be  called  upon,  and  furnished  with  means  to  mislead 
you,  by  a  misrepresentation  of  facts,  and  giving  a  false  turn 
and  colouring  to  every  thing  tiiat  it  concerns  you  to  know. 
Six  hundred  pounds  per  annum,  are  paid  to  writers  of 
false  intelligence,  and  letters,  as  well  as  newspapers,  that 
might  give  you  such  intelligence  as  the  Ministry  desire  to 
conceal  from  you,  are  all  stopped 

It  is  given  out  that  severe  measures  are  only  intended 
against  Boston,  to  punish  their  refractory  conduct ;  but 
depend  upon  it,  if  they  succeed  against  Boston,  the  like 
measures  will  be  extended  to  every  Colony  in  America ; 
they  only  begin  with  Boston,  hoping  the  other  Colonies 
will  not  interpose.  But  you  are  all  to  be  visited  in  turn, 
and  devoured  one  after  another.  You  may  depend  upon 
my  intelligence — my  oflice  gives  me  access  to  the  princi- 
pals concerned  in  the  measures,  and  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
warn  the  innocent  against  the  wicked  devices  that  I  know 
to  be  meditated  against  them.  It  behoves  the  Colonies  to 
be  united,  in  their  intelligence,  councils,  and  measures ;  it 
is  a  matter  of  the  last  importance  to  them,  to  stand  by,  and 
support  one  another  ;  the  most  favoured  can  only  expect 
to  be  last  devoured.  The  Ministry  are  determined  to  trv 
your  metal  to  the  utmost.  Mansfield  and  Bute  are  sup- 
posed to  be  the  prime  directors,  and  to  influence  the  Royal 
ear  as  they  please.  The  fipo'ils  of  England  me  insufficient 
to  support  the  luxury  of  the  minions  of  power;  they  have 
fixed  their  voracious  appetites  upon  the  possessions  of  the 
Americans,  and  intend  to  make  a  prey  of  them,  in  defiance 
of  reason  and  justice  :  of  the  Charters  of  Kings,  and  the 
divine  laws  of  nature.  Depend  upon  it,  every  Colony  is  to 
be  subdued  into  a  slavish  obedience  to  the  tyrannical  im- 
positions of  Great  Britain ;  nothing  less  will  suffice, 
nothing  less  is  intended.  After  the  subjection  of  Boston, 
and  perhaps  all  the  Nexc  England  Governments,  New- 
Jersetj  and  New-  York  are  to  be  the  next  in  course  ;  and 
they  talk  of  taking  away  Benn's  Charter.  Look  to  your- 
selves ;  exert  all  your  faculties  to  the  utmost ;  your  virtues 
will  be  put  to  a  severe  trial,  and  if  they  are  not  genuine 
and  well  founded,  they  will  not  stand  the  test. 

Alas !  how  is  my  soul  shocked  at  the  present  situation 
of  England,  my  native  country — a  groat,  a  generous,  and 
late  a  happy  people — but  now,  how  changed,  how  fallen  ! 
The  men  who  are  really  wise  and  good,  deprived  of  oppor- 
tunities of  acting ;  the  poor  and  middling  people,  ruined 
and  oppressed  ;  the  rich,  lost  in  luxury  and  dissipation  ;  a 
set  of  weak  and  wicked  men,  misguiding  the  reins  of  Go- 
vernment ;  the  people  taxed  to  death,  without  mercy ; 
placemen  and  pensioners,  without  number,  Sic. 


298 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


294 


Many  of  the  officers  on  tlie  intended  expedition  against 
Boston  and  America  liave  nobly  thrown  up  their  commis- 
sions, and  refused  to  fight  against  their  brethren  in  the 
Colonies,  without  a  just  cause ;  and  it  is  expected  the 
soldiers  will  desert  in  multitudes,  from  a  mere  sense  of 
honour  and  justice. 

April  8.  News  is  just  now  arrived,  by  a  private  hand, 
that  the  discontent  of  the  people,  has  so  far  prevailed,  that 
orders  are  sent  to  unman  the  fleet,  or  at  least,  that  it  should 
not  sail  till  further  orders.    I  hope  the  news  will  prove  true. 

The  Scots  in  the  House  of  Commons,  have  been  your 
great  enemies.  I  think  it  would  be  but  just  in  the  Bos- 
tonians  to  withold  every  farthing  due  to  them  in  that  town, 
which  I  am  told,  is  very  considerable,  especially  to  the 
city  of  Glasgow.  Indeed,  I  think,  as  the  ))ort  is  shut  up, 
the  whole  debt  due  from  them  to  Great  Britain  should  be 
stopped,  and  reprisals  be  made  by  every  means  in  your 
power.  The  preservation  of  England  itself,  and  her  ex- 
cellent Constitution,  require  it  of  you. 

May  God  direct  and  prosper  your  counsels. 


NEW.YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 

New. York,  Monday,  May  16,  1774.» 
The  Merchants  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  New- 
York,  assembled  at  tlie  Exchange,  in  the  said  city,  and 
nominated  the  following  gentlemen  to  form  a  Committee 
to  correspond  w'ith  our  sister  Colonies  upon  all  matters  of 
moment,  and  that  fifteen  be  a  Board,  all  being  duly  sum- 
moned. 

John  Alsop,  Tliomas  Pearsall, 

William  Bayard,  Elias  Desbrosses, 

Tlieopliilact  Bacho,       William  Walton, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston,  Richard  Yates, 
Philip  Livingston,  John  Do  Lmcey, 


Isaac  Sears, 
David  Johnston, 
(Charles  McEvers, 
Charles  Nicholl, 


Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Thurmau, 
John  Broome, 
John  Jjy, 


Alexander  McDougall,  Benjamin  Booth, 
Capt.  Thomas  Randall,  Joseph  Hallott, 


John  Moore, 
Isaac  Low, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 
James  Duane, 
Edward  Laight, 

On  Tuesday  the  following  Notice  was  published  in  hand- 
bills :— 


Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
James  Jauncey, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Nichol  IS  Hoffman, 
Abraham  Walton, 


Gerardns  Duyckinck, 
Peter  Van  Schaack, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
George  Bowne, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goelet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
David  Van  Home, 
(ierard  VV.  Beekman. 
Abraham  Duryee, 
Joseph  Bull, 
William  McAdam, 
Ricliard  Sharpe, 
Thomas  Marston. 


•At  a  very  general  meeting  of  tlie  inhabitants  of  this  city,  on  Monday 
last,  May  16,  a  body  of  fifty  respectable  gentlemen  were  appointed  by 
the  public  voice,  to  be  a  Standing  Committee  for  the  important  and 
salutary  purposes  of  keeping  up  a  correspondence  with  our  sister  Colo- 
nies, and  in  conjunction  with  them  pursuing  in  the  present  important 
crisis  such  judicious  and  constitutional  measures  as  should  appear  to 
Ije  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  our  just  rights  ;  the  maintenance 
of  the  public  peace ;  and  the  support  of  that  general  union,  which  at 
this  time  in  particular,  is  so  absolutely  requisite  to  be  preserved 
throughout  the  Continent. 

At  a  time  like  this,  when  the  public  good  is  concerned,  the  public 
good  alone  should  be  the  object  of  every  individual.  Tis  therefore 
anxiously  hoped,  that  at  the  general  meeting  to  be  assembled  this  day, 
to  declare  the  universal  assent  to  the  choice  of  tile  body  who  made  the 
nomination,  all  partial  attachments  and  private  animosities  will  be 
laid  aside,  and  the  choice  be  confirmed  without  any  sinister  opposition 
from  narrow  and  ungenerous  sentiments.  As  the  gentlemen  appointed 
are  of  the  body  of  the  merchants ;  men  of  property,  probity,  and  un- 
derstanding, wliose  zeal  for  the  public  good  caimot  bo  doubted ;  their 
own  several  ])rivate  interests  being  so  intimately  connected  with 
thatof  the  whole  community ;  and  whose  situations,  connections,  and 
opportunities  of  an  universal  knowledge  of  public  circumstances,  point 
them  out  as  the  proper  porsons  to  hold  so  important  a  trust. 

On  Tuesday  evening,  May  17,  an  express  arrived  in  town  from 
Boston,  with  an  account  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  had  received 
on  the  10th  instant,  by  Captain  Jfinkins,  the  Act  of  Parliament  for 
shutting  u])  their  port.  On  Wednesday,  the  Committees  of  Correspon- 
dence ^rom  eight  of  the  adjacent  towns,  were  summoned ;  and  on 
Thursday  thoy  met  at  Fanueil  Hall,  and  wrote  circular  letters  to  the 
several  Committees  of  Correspondence  in  the  other  Colonies.  On 
Friday  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  town  of  Boston  met,  and  agreed  to  send 
letters  to  every  town  in  the  Massachusetts  Government,  and  to  every 
Colony  on  the  C'ontinent,  acquainting  tlism  tliat  they  were  determined 
to  stop  all  exports  and  imports  to  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies. 
They  chose  other  committees  to  confer  witli  tlie  inhabitants  of  Salem, 
Marhlehead,  &c. ;  to  collect  subscriptions  for  the  employment  of  the 
artificers,  &.c. ;  and  for  effectually  securing  the  peace  of  the  city.  In 
short,  tlie  inhabitants  who  had  asseml)led  in  prodigious  numbers,  were 
all  united  in  a  firm  resolution,  not  to  comiily  with  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  purport  of  their  letter  to  the  Committees  of  Correspondence 
at  this  city,  and  in  Philadelphia,  is  to  acquaint  them  with  their  resolu- 
tions, and  to  desire  that  they  may  bo  sujiported  by  their  hearty  concur- 
rence in  the  measures  which  have  hitherto  been  concerted  by  them. 

Nkw.Yoik,  May  19,  1774. 


"  To  the  Public :  An  Advertisement  having  appeared 
"  at  the  Coffee  House,  in  consequence  of  the  late  extraor- 
"  dinary  and  very  alarming  advices  received  from  England, 
"  inviting  the  Merchants  to  meet  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
"  Samuel  Francis,  on  Monday  evening,  May  16,  in  order 
"  to  consult  on  measures  proper  to  be  pursued  on  the 
"  present  critical  and  important  occasion  : 

"  A  very  respectable  and  large  number  of  the  Merchants 
"  and  other  inhabitants  did  accordingly  appear  at  the  time 
"  and  place  appointed,  and  then  and  there  nominated  for  the 
"  approbation  of  the  public,  a  Committee  of  fifty  persons, 
"  of  which  fifteen  to  be  a  sufficient  number  to  do  business. 

"  That  therefore,  no  formality  may  be  wanting  to  con- 
"  stitute  a  Committee,  duly  chosen,  the  inhabitants  of 
"  this  city  and  county,  are  requested  to  attend  at  the  Coffee 
"  House,  on  Thursday  the  19th  instant,  at  1  o'clock,  to 
"  approve  of  the  Committee  nominated  as  aforesaid,  or  to 
"  appoint  such  other  persons,  as  in  their  discretion  and 
"  wisdom  may  seem  meet." 

New-York,  Tuesday,  May  17,  1774. 

In  consequence  of  the  foregoing  Advertisement,  a  great 
concourse  of  the  inhabitants  met  at  the  Coffee  House,  on 
Thursday,  May  19,  to  confirm  or  alter  the  nomination  of  a 
Committee  to  correspond  with  our  sister  Colonies,  when 
Mr.  Isaac  Low  addressed  his  fellow-citizens  in  the  follow- 
ing words :  * 

"Gentlemen:  You  have  been  duly  apprised,  both  by 
handbills  and  advertisements  in  this  day's  papers,  of  the 
intention  of  your  present  meeting. 

"1  hope,  gentlemen,  you  will  manifest  by  your  conduct 
that  you  are  actuated  by  the  dictates  of  calm  reason  only, 
in  the  choice  of  the  Committee  I  am  to  propose  for  your 
approbation. 

"  It  is  but  charitable  to  suppose  we  all  mean  the  same 
thing,  and  that  the  only  difference  amongst  us  is,  or  at  least 
ought  to  be,  the  mode  of  effecting  it,  1  mean  the  preser- 
vation of  our  just  rights  and  liberties. 

"  Let  us,  then,  call  down  wisdom  to  our  aid,  and  endea- 
vour to  walk  in  her  hallowed  paths. 

"  Zeal  in  a  good  cause  is  most  laudable,  but  when  it 
transports  beyond  the  bounds  of  reason  it  often  leaves 
room  for  bitter  reflection. 

"  We  ought,  therefore,  gentlemen,  to  banish  from  our 
hearts  all  little  party  distinctions,  feuds  and  animosities, 
for  to  our  unanimity  and  virtue  we  must  at  last  recur  for 

•  In  addition  to  this  Address  of  Mr.  Low,  the  following  appeals  to 
the  people  of  New-York  were  published  at  this  time : — 

The  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston, 
is  so  far  from  discouraging  the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  that  they 
never  were  in  higher  spirits  than  at  the  present  hour.  Confiding  in 
the  other  Colonies,  that  they  will  unite  in  suspending  their  exports  and 
imports,  to  and  from  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  they  have 
cheerfully  resolved  to  expend  their  fortunes  and  lives  in  the  cause. 
Several  among  them,  willing  to  part  with  all  they  possess  for  the  pub. 
lie  good,  have  subscribed  largely  for  the  support  of  the  poor.  They 
study  to  preserve  good  order,  and  to  find  employment  for  those  who 
will  be  wholly  turned  out  of  business. 

The  liberty  and  welfare  of  America  is  suspended  on  the  issue  of  the 
present  struggle.  If  it  be  successful,  our  enemies  will  behold  America 
tending  to  greatness  in  spite  of  all  their  devilish  machinations.  They 
will  see  her  in  full  possession  of  that  freedom  which  they  look  upon 
with  envy,  and  which  they  long  to  destroy.  But,  if  unsuccessful, 
wretched  will  be  our  condition.  The  sufferings  of  Ireland  will  be 
desirable  compared  with  ours.  We  shall  be  at  the  mercy  of  revenge, 
made  terrible  by  power,  and  inexorable  by  disappointment.  Thoso 
very  men  who  are  now  embarassed  and  distracted  by  the  opposition 
they  met  with,  will  then  insult  and  oppress  us  with  all  the  wantonness 
of  security.  They  who  now  dread  our  firmness  will  then  despise  our 
irresolution.  Tliey  will  spurn  us  for  doing  what  they  now  say  is 
rebellion  not  to  do.  AVe  shall  be  in  the  hands  of  men  who  are  aban- 
doned to  every  abominable  excess  of  wickedness ;  who  are  of  that 
worst  of  characters,  "  alieni  appeiens,fui  profusus ;"  men  of  unbounded 
avarice,  and  of  unbounded  intemperance  ;  "  men  of  blood,"  "  who  hate 
not  covetousness,"  "  whose  God  is  their  belly,"  greedy  as  the  grave, 
and  sanguinary  as  fiends.  . 

Can  there  be  any,  then,  so  lost  to  feeling,  so  lost  to  reflection,  to  all 
disinterestedness,  and  all  foresight,  as  not  to  be  deeply  engaged  in 
opposing  and  frustrating  measures  big  with  the  fates  ot  America  and 
freedom,  of  En<rland  and  posterity  ?  Let  us,  with  the  braw>  Romans, 
consider  our  ancestors  and  our  offspring.  Let  us  follow  the  example 
of  tlie  former,  and  set  an  example  to  the  latter.  Let  us  not  be  ike 
that  sluggish  people,  who,  through  a  love  of  ease,  "bowed  themselves 
and  became  servants  to  tribute,"  and  whom  the  inspired  prophet,  their 
father,  justly  compared  to  "  asses!"  Had  I  a  voice  which  could  be 
heard  from  Canada  to  Florida,  I  would  address  the  Ainericans  in  the 
language  of  the  Roman  patriot :  "  If  you  have  a  mind  to  keep  thoso 
"  things,  be  they  what  they  will,  you  are  so  fond  of,"  (whether  your 
moneyT  your  freedom,  civU  and  religious,  or  whether  your  very  super- 


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NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


296 


safety ;  and  that  man  will  approve  himself  the  best  friend 
to  his  coimtry  whose  hi^iiest  emulation  is  to  inculcate  those 
principles  both  by  precept  and  oxam])le." 

Tlio  nomination  of  the  fifty  gentlemen  made  at  the 
Exchange,  on  the  16th  instant,  was  then  submitted  by  Mr. 
Ltow,  and  confirmed  by  the  meeting,  and  Mr.  Francis 
Lewis  was  added  to  the  number  by  unanimous  consent. 


Now- York,  Monday,  May  23,  1774. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  correspond  with  our  sister 

Colonies  upon  all  matters  of  moment,  met  at  the  Coffee 

House,  pursuant  to  notice  for  that  purpose  given  :  Present, 

Is&ac  Low,  Chairman,  Nicholiis  HofTinan, 

Tlisophilact  Biche,  Philip  Livingston, 

Alexander  McUoiigall,  William  Bayird, 

Leonard  Lispenard,  Alexander  Wallace, 

J&mcB  Jauncey,  Peter  Van  Scliaack, 

Isaac  Sears,  Bjnjimin  Booth, 

Joeaph  Bull,  Henry  Renisen, 

John  Do  L^ncpy,  Peter  T.  Curtonius, 

Abraham  Duryee,  Abraham  Walton, 

John  Broome,  Jolin  Moore, 

Thomas  Marston,  David  Johnston, 

Charhs  Nicholl,  Richard  Yates, 

James  Duane,  John  Alsop, 

Richard  Sharpo,  Abraliam  P.  Lott, 
Peter  Goelet, 


Edward  Laight, 
William  McAdam, 
tJabric!  H    Ludlow, 
('harlos  Shaw, 
William  Walton, 
Thomas  Randall, 
Gsriirdus  Duyckinck, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Charles  McKvcrs, 
John  Jay, 
Miles  Slierbrook, 
Hamilton  Young. 


Schanclc,  be  a  Committee  to  draw  up  a  set  of  Rules  for  the 
regulation  of  the  Committee,  and  present  the  same  to  the 
next  meeting. 

Ordered,  That  the  first  five  members  on  the  list,  who 
shall  be  in  town  be  a  Committee  to  open  all  letters  directed 
to  the  Committee,  in  the  absence  of  the  Chairman  and 
Deputy  Chairman. 

Letters  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  Bos- 
ton, with  the  Vote  of  the  town  of  Botson,  of  the  1.3th 
instant,  and  a  TiCtter  from  theComiiiittee  of  Philadelphia, 
were  read. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  McDmn>-all,  Mr.  Low,  Mr.  Duane, 
and  Mr.  Jay,  be  a  Committee  to  prepare  and  report  a 
draft  of  an  Answer  to  the  Boston  Committee,  at  eight 
o'clock,  P.  M.;  to  which  hour  the  Grand  Committee  were 
then  adjourned. 


The  Committee  proceeded  to  choose  Mr.  Isaac  Loiv, 
to  be  their  Chairman,  and  Mr.  John  Alsop,  their  Deputy 
Chairman. 

The  Committee  received  a  Letter  from  the  body  of 
Mechanics,  signed  by  Jonathan  Blake,  their  Chairman, 
informing  them  of  their  concurrence  with  the  other  inhabi- 
tants of  this  city,  in  their  nomination. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Duane,  Mr.  Jay,  and  Mr.   Van 

iluities,)  "  rouse  at  length,  and  stand  <ip  for  the  liberties  of  your 
"  country." 

What  is  it  but  for  the  rich  to  part  with  gratifications  which  nature 
never  called  for,  and  for  the  poor  to  be  at  worst  but  temporary  sufferers 
for  tlie  general  good?  What  but  for  some  to  be  temperate,  and  all  to 
bo  diligent?  We  have  already  seen,  in  one  of  the  greatest  towns  in 
America,  all  ranks  consenting  thus  to  deny  themselves  for  their 
country.  Be,  then,  unanimous,  and  you  shall  be  successful ;  be  united 
and  be  free ;  be  virtuous  and  bo  happy. 

But  lot  the  Bostoniam  pay  for  the  tea ;  it  is  but  about  eight  thousand 
pounds  sterling  !  As  if  our  enemies  were  after  nothing  mora  than  this 
small  sum,  doubtless  greater  than  that  cargo  of  seven  year  old  tea  was 
worth,  which  could  not  bo  got  off  in  England,  and,  like  unsavoury 
salt,  was  fit  only  to  be  trampled  under  foot,  or  thrown  overboard ;  as 
if,  in  order  to  got  this  sum,  they  would  lay  out,  none  can  tell  how 
many  times  as  much  more,  in  fitting  out  a  fleet,  and  bribing  men, 
who  could  not,  without  reluctance,  concur  in  their  measures.  Happy 
land !  where  the  most  deeply  concerted  stratagems  of  crafty  tyrants 
are  at  once  seen  through  by  every  one  !  May  she  never  be  guilty  of 
forfeiting  her  liberty  I  Great  would  the  crime  be,  since  she  must  do  it 
knowingly. 

Tlio  Englinh  newspapers  are  stuffed  with  nonsensical  declamations 
on  the  right  of  Parliim^nl  to  have  every  farthing  in  America  at  their 
command,  and  with  virulent  invectives  against  the  Boslonians.  These 
writers  are  beneath  contempt.  They  could  not  think  as  they  do  were 
they  not  hired.  It  is  not  ignorance  in  their  heads,  but,  to  use  a  strong 
scriptural  phrase,  "  ignorance  in  their  hearts,"  which  makes  them 
talk  in  this  manner.  Common  sense  refutes  them  all  by  this  short 
question :  How  comes  another  by  a  right  to  take  away  my  money 
without  my  consent  ?  But,  for  our  encouragement,  let  us  remember, 
that  some  of  the  greatest  and  best  men  in  England  wish  us  success ; 
the  merchants  and  manufacturers  at  home  are  greatly  and  generally  dis- 
satisfied already,  and  will  soon  feel  the  cause  of  American  liberty  to  be 
their  own.  In  a  word,  let  all  our  merchants  unite  as  one  man ;  let  them 
strive  against  division  in  this  crisis  of  jeopardy ;  let  them  show  them- 
selves worthy  of  that  divine  appellation,  "  the  fathers  of  their  coufi- 
try."  And  let  not  the  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  neglect  their  duty  ;  let 
them  remember  the  example  of  the  Apostles,  who  embraced  every 
opportunity  of  testifying  their  zoal  for  tlie  civil  and  religious  liberties 
of  mankind ;  and  wliile  they  teach  men  to  consider  their  oppressors  as 
"  the  rod  of  God's  anger,  and  the  staff  of  his  indignation,"  let  them 
not  fail  to  excite  and  encourage  them  to  a  hope  of  his  interposition  in 
their  behalf,  while  they  humble  themselves  by  fasting  and  prayer,  and 
are  in  use  of  all  proper  means  for  deliverance. 

The  following  Dialooue  being  conceived,  in  some  measure,  calcu- 
lated to  advance  the  cause  of  Freedom,  in  the  present  critical  situation 
of  affairs,  is  for  that  purpose  presented  to  the  public : — 

Questiun.  What  think  you  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting 
up  the  port  of  Boston  ? 

Answer.  It  appears  to  me  an  unconstitutional  and  tyrannical  Act, 
and  that  a  submission  to  it  will  greatly  endanger  the  liberties  of  Ame. 
rica. 

Question.  But  would  not  the  Bostonians,  making  payment  to  the 
East  India  Company  for  the  destruction  of  their  tea,  reduce  every 
thing  to  its  former  situation  ? 

Answer.  I  think  not.  The  Act  does  not  enable  the  King  to  appoint 
certain  wharfs,  quays,  &c.,  for  the  lading  and  unlading  of  goods,  until 
peace  and  obedience  to  the  laws  are  restored  in  the  town  of  Boston ; 
the  East  India  Company  paid  for  the  tea ;  and  until  the  officers  of 
his  Majesty's  revenue,  and  others,  shall  receive  satisfaction  for  what 


New- York,  May  23,  1774. 
The  Committee  met  at  the  Coffee  House,  at  8  o'clock, 
in  the  evening,  pursuant  to  adjournment :    Present, 


Isaac  Low,   Chairman, 
Philip  Livingston, 
•  Charl:-s  McEvers, 
Nicliolas  Hoffman, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Abraham  Walton, 
James  Duane, 
John  Broome, 
Abraham  Duryee, 
Thomas  Marston, 


Richard  Sharpo, 
Jacol)US  Van  Zandt, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Abraham  Brasln^r, 
Peter  Van  Schaack, 
James  Jauncey, 
John  Jay, 
David  Johnston, 
William  Walton, 
Edward  Laight, 
Miles  Shcrbrook, 
William  Bayard, 
Hamilton  Young, 


Gerardus  Dnvckinck, 
Cliarles  Nicholl, 
Thcophilact  Bache, 
(Jabriel  l\.  Ludlow, 
John  Moore, 
Peter  Goelet, 
L  >onard  Lispenard, 
Alexander  McDougall, 
Gerard  W.  Bookman, 
Charles  Shaw, 
John  De  Lancey, 
Thomas  Randall. 


The  Committee  appointed,  this  morning  to  prepare  a 
draft  of  a  Letter  in  answer  to  those  received  from  Boston, 

they  have  suffered.  So  that,  however  reasonable  it  may  appear  that 
the  Company  sliould  be  paid  for  their  loss,  yet  the  remaining  terms  are 
too  humiliating  and  oppressive  to  be  yielded  to  by  men  who  have  a 
sense  of  the  blessings  of  freedom,  and  who  possess  tlic  means  of  seen, 
ring  them.  When  can  the  Govemour  of  Boston  venture  to  give  a  cer- 
tificate that  the  officers  of  his  Majesty's  revenue,  and  others,  have 
received  full  satisfaction  ?  Where  will  the  demands  of  these  officers 
stop?  And  how  many  crouching  submissions  and  offers  of  obedienca 
to  Parliamentary  authority,  will  be  expected  by  his  Majesty  before  he 
will  declare  in  Privy  Council,  that  the  Bostonians  have  manifested  a 
spirit  of  peace  and  obedience  to  the  laws  ?  But  I  will  suppose  (not 
grant)  that  the  Governor  may  have  it  in  his  power  soon  to  discover 
all  the  persons  who  have  been  injured  by  the  conduct  of  the  Bostoni- 
ans ;  tliat  the  demands  of  the  suft'erers  will  bo  moderate ;  no  advantage 
taken  of  this  golden  opportunity  to  swell  their  damages ;  and  that  his 
Majesty  will  bo  satisfied  with  general  piof^ssioiis  of  a  peaceable  and 
obedient  spirit.  Can  you,  however,  believe  tiiat  the  Govemour  will  give 
such  certificate,  or  his  Majesty  declare  his  acquiescence,  till  the  uncon. 
stitutional  duties  have  been  paid  ?  The  words  of  the  Act  will  warrant 
the  demand  of  them,  and  I  believe  so  good  an  opportunity  of  obtaining 
the  grand  desideratum  will  not  be  overlooked  and  neglected.  The  words 
of  the  Act  are,  "  Provided,  also,  that  notliing  herein  contained  shall 
"  enable  his  Majesty  to  appouil  such  port,  wharf,  &c.,  until  it  shall  be 
"  certified  that  reasonable  satisfaction  hath  been  made  to  the  officers  of 
"  his  Majesty's  revenue,  and  others,  who  suffered  by  the  riots  and 
"  insurrections,"  &c.  May  it  not  be  said,  that  tlie  officers  of  his  Majesty's 
revenue  have  suffered  the  loss  of  the  duties  by  means  of  the  riots,  (as 
they  are  called,)  and  will  it  not  with  propriety  be  declared,  that  his 
Majesty  is  one  of  those  "  others"  mentioned  in  the  Act,  who  have  suf. 
fered  by  the  means  aforesaid  ?  since,  had  the  tea  not  been  destroyed, 
he  would  have  been  entitled  to  the  duty,  and,  if  not  paid,  might  have 
seized  the  tea  to  secure  it.  To  me  it  apj)ears  in  a  high  degree  proba- 
ble, that  the  duty  which  we  have  so  nobly  and  universally  testified 
against  as  unconstitutional,  will  be  dcmtmded  ;  and  that  the  want  of 
an  explicit  declaration  in  the  Act  to  that  purpose,  is  to  be  attributed  to 
ministerial  art  and  contrivance  to  lead  us  on  gradually  in  the  business 
of  humiliation  till  we  cannot  consistently  recede. 

I  will,  however,  suppose,  that  neither  the  Govemour  nor  his  Majesty 
will  make  any  demand  of  the  duty ;  but,  upon  the  above  mentioned 
concessions,  will  proceed  to  execute  tlie  powers  vested  in  him  by  the 
Act.  In  what  condition  will  the  Bostonians  then  bo  ?  Will  they, 
after  all  this  distressing  sui>mission,  be  reinstated  in  their  forme.r  privi- 
leges? By  no  means.  A  great  part  of  their  property  will  be  ravished 
from  them,  or  rendered  altogether  useless.  By  the  Act  of  Parliament 
the  King  may,  after  all  propsr  concessions  made,  appoint  the  bounds 
and  limits  of  the  port  or  harbour  of  Boston,  and  assign  so  many 
wharfs  and  quays  for  lading  and  unlading  of  goods,  as  his  Majesty 
shall  think  expedient,  and  it  shall  not  be  lawful  to  land  or  put  off  from 
any  others.  Here  you  see  the  property  of  all  wharfs  and  water  lots 
not  licensed  by  his  ALijesty,  is  wrested  from  the  haiuls  of  their  propri- 
etors, and  without  their  consent,  in  the  most  arbitrary  manner,  rendered 
useless.  By  this  Act,  the  merchant  who  had  laid  down  at  night  in  the 
possession  of  well  earned  affluence,  rises  in  tlic  morning  despoiled  of 
his  property,  and  will  in  vain  look  for  redr'ss  from  any  other  source 
than  the  spirit  of  freedom,  and  the  union  of  his  follow  Americana.  If 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  are  allowed  to  bring  their  laws  upon 
your  firms  and  your  soil  ;  to  regulato  your  internal  policy,  and  snatch 
from  the  honest  proprietor  his  peaceable  and  well  earned  po-jsessions, 
adieu  to  liberty  and  all  the  train  of  blessings  that  attend  her  !  Why 
did  you  oppose  the  Stamp  .\ct  ?  Upon  wliat  principles  make  opposition 
to  tlie  Revenue  Law  ?  And  wherefore  is  the  virtuous  straggle  yet  kept 
alive  against  the  tyranny  of  the  British  Parliament  ?     For  no  other 


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NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


298 


presented  a  draft  to  the  Committee,  which  was  unanimously- 
approved  of,  and  ordered  to  be  signed  by  the  Chair- 
man, and  transmitted  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
at  Boston;  in  the  words  following: 

New-York,  May  23, 1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  alarming  measures  of  tlie  British 
Parliament  relative  to  your  ancient  and  respectable  town, 
which  has  so  long  been  the  seat  of  freedom,  fill  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  city  with  inexpressible  concern.  As  a  sister 
Colony,  suffering  in  defence  of  the  rights  of  America,  we 
consider  your  injuries  as  a  common  cause,  to  the  redress  of 
wliich  it  is  equally  our  duty,  and  our  interest  to  contribute. 
But  wjiat  ought  to  be  done  in  a  situation  so  truly  critical, 
while  it  employs  the  anxious  thoughts  of  every  generous 
mind,  is  very  hard  to  be  determined. 

Our  citizens  have  thought  it  necessary  to  appoint  a  large 
Committee,  consisting  of  fifty-one  persons  to  correspond 
with  our  sister  Colonies  on  this  and  every  other  matter  of 
public  moment,  and  at  ten  o'clock  this  forenoon,  we  were 
first  assembled.  Your  letter,  enclosing  the  'vote  of  the 
town  of  Boston,  and  the  letter  of  your  Committee  of 
Correspondence,  were  immediately  taken  into  consider- 
ation. 

While  we  think  you  justly  entitled  to  the  thanks  of 
your  sister  Colonies  for  asking  their  advice  on  a  case  of 
such  extensive  consequences,  we  lament  our  inability  to 
relieve  your  anxiety  by  a  decisive  opinion.  The  cause  is 
general,  and  concerns  a  v/hole  Continent,  who  are  equally 
interested  with  you  and  us ;  and  we  foresee  that  no  remedy 
can  be  of  avail  unless  it  proceeds  from  the  joint  act  and 
approbation  of  all;  from  a  virtuous  and  spirited  union  which 
may  be  expected  while  the  feeble  efforts  of  a  few  will  only 

ends  sur.?Iy  t!ian  to  retiin  our  freedom  and  transmit  it  unimpaired  to 
posterity ;  and  the  same  noble  considerations  ought  to  impel  us  more 
strongly  in  the  present  case  to  use  every  lawful  means  to  procure  a 
repeal  of  this  detestable  Act.  Should  the  other  Coloui.'S  continue 
inactive  spectators  of  tiie  struggles  of  the  Bostonians,  when  she  is 
sacrificed  to  ministerial  vengeance,  then  will  a  similar  Act  be  forced 
upon  us.  and  so  in  succession  throughout  the  Colonies  ;  the  teas  have 
been  destroyed  not  at  Boston  alone,  some  of  them  have  been  thrown 
overboard  at  New-York,  and  the  whole  sent  back  from  Philadelphia. 
The  cries  of  humiliation  will  be  too  pleasant  to  ministerial  ears  to  suf- 
fer them  to  forego  a  sacrifice  so  agreeable  to  them,  especially  when  the 
good  end  of  providing  for  their  friends  and  dependants,  and  promoting 
in  future  their  inimical  designs,  will  be,  in  some  measure,  the  conse- 
quence of  appointing  particular  landing  places  at  most  of  the  sea  port 
towns  on  the  Continent.  Let  us,  therefore,  give  our  countrymen,  the 
Bostonians,  every  possible  and  lawful  assistance,  and  encourage  them 
in  a  justifiable  defence  of  their  rights,  by  the  earliest  intimation  of  our 
readiness  to  unite  with  them  ;  and  if  a  non-importation  and  non-ox- 
portation  scheme  be  the  best  and  most  likely  method  to  effect  redress, 
(as  I  believe  it  is,)  we  should  signify  that  sentiment  to  all  our  sister 
Coloni3s,  and  desire  their  judgment  upon  the  occasion.  This  non. 
importation  agreement  should  be  preceded  by  a  declaration,  that  as  the 
East  India  Company  have  suffered  from  our  exertions  in  support  of 
the  causo  of  freedom,  they,  in  justice,  should  be  repaid  the  value  of 
til  jir  tea,  and  that  the  Colonies  in  general  would  contribute  to  that 
payment ;  not  because  it  was  the  requisition  of  the  Act,  but  as  a  dic- 
tate of  justice,  at  the  very  time  when  a  resolution  was  made  not  to 
import  till  that  Act  was  repealed.  Such  a  generous  resolution,  replete 
at  once  with  a  sense  of  regard  to  the  rights  of  the  injured,  and  with  a 
spirit  of  firmness  to  maintain  our  own  freedom  and  inheritance,  would 
conciliate  us  the  aftection  of  thousands  on  the  other  side  of  the  water, 
and  make  the  enemies  of  a  people  so  spirited  and  just,  fearful  in  the 
execution  of  their  iniquitous  designs. 

Question.  But  is  not  the  present  situation  of  the  Bostonians  similar 
to  that  of  a  man  attacked  by  a  highwayman,  who  puts  a  pistol  to  his 
breast  and  demands  his  money  ?  Can  any  concessions  made  by  them 
bo  drawn  into  precedent,  when  such  a  violent  act  of  force  compels 
them  to  the  measure  ? 

Answer.  I  think  the  cases  by  no  means  similar.  From  the  present 
distress  of  the  people  of  Boston,  they  may  bo  relieved  by  a  virtuous 
union  and  agreement  of  their  fellow  Americans  not  to  import  from  the 
mother  coimtry  till  the  Boston  Act  is  repealed.  This  is  like  an  oppor- 
tunity of  striking  the  pistol  from  the  hands  of  the  robber,  and  reducing 
him  to  the  terms  of  reason  and  justice.  In  the  cause  of  freedom,  in 
the  defence  of  our  liberties,  every  struggle  and  effort  for  victory  and 
relief  should  be  made  ;  and  poor,  indeed,  must  be  the  spirit  of  that 
man,  who,  whilst  an  arm  can  even  feebly  be  raised  for  its  support, 
would  extend  himself  under  the  tyrannical  stride  of  his  oppressors, 
and  cry  out  submission  to  his  force.  No,  my  friend  !  whilst  a  single 
effort  can  bo  made,  and  more  es]>ecially  when  we  have  so  noble  and 
eff.;ctu:il  a  one,  let  us  never  resign  the  only  sweetener  of  all  our  enjoy- 
ments, but  put  forth  every  power  to  maintain  and  defend  it.  There 
are  men  who  think  it  laudable,  and  their  duty,  to  die  in  defence  of  their 
liberties ;  and  shall  wo  be  afraid  of  losing  a  little  property,  when  by 
that  means  we  in  all  probability  secure  in  perpetuity  the  enjoyment  of 
the  remainder  ?  The  robber  may  take  your  property  when  opposition 
would  endanger  your  person ;  but  what  competition  can  the  loss  of 
such  trash  be  put  in,  with  the  wreck  of  all  that  is  dear  and  valuable 
in  life.  No  highwayman,  or  set  of  highwaymen  upon  eurth,  should 
bo  allowed  to  spoil  us  of  our  freedom,  of  our  liberties,  whilst  a  nerve 
of  opposition  can  be  strvmg  against  them. 

New-York,  20th  May,  1774. 


be   attended  with  mischief  and  disappointment  to  them- 
selves and  triumph  to  the  adversaries  of  our  liberty. 

Upon  these  reasons  we  conclude  that  a  Congress  of 
Deputies  from  the  Colonies  in  general  is  of  the  utmost  mo- 
ment ;  that  it  ought  to  be  assembled  without  delay,  and  some 
unanimous  resolution  formed  in  this  fatal  emergency,  not 
only  respecting  your  deplorable  circumstances,  but  for  the 
security  of  our  common  rights.  Such  being  our  sentiments, 
it  must  be  premature  to  pronounce  any  judgment  on  the 
expedient  wliich  you  have  suggested.  We  beg,  however, 
that  you  will  do  us  the  justice  to  believe  that  we  shall 
continue  to  act  with  a  firm  and  becoming  regard  to  Ame- 
rican freedom,  and  to  co-operate  with  our  sister  Colonies 
in  every  measure  which  shall  be  thought  salutary  and  con- 
ducive to  the  public  good. 

We  have  nothing  to  add,  but  that  we  sincerely  condole 
with  you,  in  your  unexampled  distress,  and  to  request 
your  speedy  opinion  of  the  proposed  Congress,  that  if  it 
should  meet  with  your  approbation,  we  may  exert  our 
utmost  endeavours,  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

We  are,  &c. 

Ordered,  That  the  Chairman  send  a  copy  of  this  Letter 
to  the  Committee  at  Boston,  and  to  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  at  Philadelphia,  acknowledging  the  re- 
ceipt of  a  copy  of  their  Letter  to  Boston,  and  approving 
the  sentiments  contained  in  it. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  the  Exchange,  to  meet  on 
the  30th  of  May,  iust.,  at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening. 

Mr.  Low,  according  to  order,  transmitted  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  in  Philadelphia,  a  copy  of  the 
Letter  from  the  Committee  in  New-York  to  the  Committee 
at  Boston ;  with  a  Letter,  in  the  words,  following : 

New- York,  May  24, 1774. 

Gentlemen  :  A  copy  of  your  letter  in  answer  to  those 
received  by  express,  from  Boston,  having  been  communi- 
cated to  the  Committee  of  fifty-one  persons,  lately  ap- 
pointed by  our  citizens  to  correspond  with  the  other  Colo- 
nies on  all  matters  of  moment,  I  am  desired  by  the  Com- 
mittee to  transmit  you,  the  enclosed  copy  of  their  letter  to 
the  Committee  of  CoiTespondence  at  Boston. 

I  am  also  directed  to  inform  you  that  the  sentiments 
contained  in  your  letter,  to  the  Committee  of  Boston,  are 
much  approved  by  our  Committee,  who  will  be  happy  in 
a  free  and  mutual  communication  of  sentiment  on  all 
occasions  on  matters  so  important  and  interesting  to  the 
American  Colonies. 

I  have  the  honour  to  subscribe  myself,  with  much  respect 
and  regard,  by  order  of  the  Committee, 

L  Low,  Chairman. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  Philadelphia. 


New- York,  May  30,  1774. 

The  Committee  met  at  the  Exchange,  at  6  o'clock,  in 

the  evening,  pursuant  to  adjournment :  Present, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Edward  Laight, 
John  Alsop,  William  Walton, 

William  Bayard,  Richard  Yates, 

Tiieophilact  Bache,        John  Ue  Lancey, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston,  John  Thurinan, 
Philip  Livingston,  Thomas  Marston, 

Isaac  Sears,  John  Broome, 

Charles  McEvers,  Benjamin  Booth, 

Charles  Nicholl,  Charles  Shaw, 


Peter  Van  Schaack, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goelet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lett, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Abraham  Duryee, 


Alex.  McDougall,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  Joseph  Bull, 

John  Moore,  Nicholas  Hoffman,  William  McAdam, 

Leonard  Lispenard,  Abraham  Walton,  Richard  .Sharpe, 

Jacobus  Van  Zandt,  Gerardus  Duyckinck,  Francis  Lewis. 
James  Duane, 

Agreeable  to  a  Resolution  of  the  last  meeting,  the 
following  Regulations  for  the  government  of  this  Com- 
mitteee  in  their  debates  and  proceedings,  were  reported, 
agreed  to,  and  ordered  to  be  entered  upon  their  minutes, 
to  wit : 

\.  That  tire  Chairman,  and  in  his  absence,  the  Deputy 
Chairman,  and  in  the  absence  of  both,  a  Chairman  to  be 
appointed  fro  tempore,  shall  preside  at  every  meeting,  and 
keep  order  and  decorum,  and  that  it  shall  be  his  duty  to 
sign  all  letters  from  the  Board. 

2.  That  a  Secretary  shall  be  appointed,  who  is  not  a 
member  of  the  Board. 


299 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


800 


3.  Tliat  all  motions  and  addresses  shall  be  made  to  the 
Chair,  and  standing. 

4.  That  if  more  than  one  shall  rise  to  speak  at  the 
same  time,  tlie  Chairman  shall  determine  who  shall  first 
be  heard. 

5.  Tiiat  the  substance  of  every  motion  which  is  second- 
ed, shall  be  entered  on  the  minutes. 

6.  Tiiat  no  interruption  shall  be  suffered  while  a  mem- 
ber is  delivering  his  senthnents. 

7.  That  every  question  sliall  be  determined  by  a  majo- 
rity of  voices ;  and,  after  a  determination,  the  same  ques- 
tion shall  not  be  resumed,  but  with  the  consent  of  the 
majority  at  a  subsequent  meeting. 

8.  That  when  a  question  shall  be  determined  upon  a 
division,  the  names  of  the  membei-s  shall  be  entered  as 
they  shall  vote  on  each  side ;  and  the  dissentients,  or  any 
of  them,  shall  be  at  liberty  to  enter  their  protest. 

9.  That  the  Committee  shall  meet  upon  their  adjourn- 
ments. But  upon  application  of  any  five  members,  the 
Chairman,  or  in  his  absence,  the  Deputy  Chairman,  in  the 
absence  of  both,  the  Secretary,  shall  call  a  special  meet- 
ing ;  printed  notice  whereof  shall  be  left  at  the  residence 
of  each  member. 

10.  That  none  but  members  shall  be  permitted  to  take 
copies  of  the  Committees'  letters  or  proceedings  without 
leave  of  the  Board.  That  for  the  despatch  of  business, 
and  to  prevent  interruptions,  the  doors  at  our  meetings 
shall  be  shut ;  but  that  any  citizen  shall  have  free  access 
to  our  proceedings,  iu  the  presence  of  a  member. 

11.  That  when  both  the  Chairman  and  Deputy  Chair- 
man shall  be  out  of  town,  the  five  first  members  named  on 
the  list  of  the  body  who  may  be  in  town,  shall  be  at  liberty 
to  open  letters  directed  to  the  Committee. 

12.  That  every  member  who  shall  be  absent  at  any 
meeting,  or  shall  appear  fifteen  minutes  after  the  appointed 
hour,  (to  be  determined  by  the  Chairman)  shall  forfeit  a 
fine  of  two  shilhngs ;  and  if  any  member,  after  appearing, 
shall  leave  the  meeting,  without  obtaining  the  consent  of 
the  Chairman,  he  shall  forfeit  eight  shillings. 

13.  That  at  every  meeting  these  Rules  shall  be  pub- 
licly read,  previous  to  the  proceeding  upon  business. 

Ordered,  That  Joseph  AUicoclic  be  appointed  Secre- 
tary, and  Thomas  Peitit  Messsenger  of  the  Board. 

Ordered,  That  Messrs.  Peter  Van  Schaack,  Francis 
Lewis,  John  Jay,  Alexander  McDougaU,  and  Theophilact 
Bache,  be  a  Committee  to  write  a  Circular  Letter  to  the 
Supervisors  in  the  different  counties,  acquainting  them  of 
the  appointment  of  this  Committee,  and  submitting  to  the 
consideration  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  counties  whether  it 
could  not  be  expedient  for  them,  to  appoint  persons  to 
correspond  with  this  Committee,  upon  matters  relative  to 
the  purposes  for  which  they  are  appointed. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  meet  at  the  Exchange,  on 
Monday  next,  the  6th  June,  1774,  at  6  o'clock,  in  the 
evening.* 

•Among  the  Letters  written  at  this  time  by  persons  in  Neui-York  to 
their  Correspondents  in  Great  Britain,  were  tlie  following  : 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  LONDON. 

Notwithstanding  the  boasteil  resolutions  of  many  of  tlie  principal 
people  of  this  Colony  to  stand  forth  in  dofjncj  of  their  rights  and  liberties, 
we  are  well  assured  that  most  of  them  are  sorry  for  embarking  in  the 
cause  so  f<ir,  and  that  they  only  want  an  opportunity  to  throw  off  the 
mask,  to  join  with  the  friends  of  Govtrnment.  If  the  Minister  was 
wicked  enough  to  load  us  with  the  heaviest  imposition,  I  doubt  not  but 
he  would  bo  able  to  carry  his  designs  into  execution,  by  moans  of  a 
few  men-of-war  ;  for  the  spirit  of  the  inhabitants  here  died  away  as 
soon  as  it  wab  known  that  (Jc'ural  Gage,  with  a  fleet  of  ships,  arrived 
at  Boston,  to  shut  up  the  ports  and  remove  the  courts  of  judicature.  I 
heartily  wish  that  an  end  were  put  to  all  disputes  between  us  and  o\ir 
mother  country,  that  trade  and  commerce  miglit  flourish  again,  for 
whilst  these  contentions  last,  the  merchants  of  your  city  must  feci  tlie 
eifccts  of  it  as  well  as  us.  The  Spaniards  alone  have  had  the  advan- 
tage, and  thoy  are  ready  to  receive  us  under  their  protection  ;  but  I  hope 
the  peopl'-  are  more  loyal  than  to  accept  of  their  olfers. 

New-Yobk,  il%  30,  1774. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  OKNTLKMAN  L\  LONDON. 

I  have  the  pleasuri  to  inform  you  thit  General  Gage  arrived  safs, 
and  in  good  health,  at  Boston,  in  twenty-five  days  from  Portsmouth.  Ho 
landed  at  the  Castle,  and  immediately  sent  for  the  Council,  where  ho 
made  a  speech  to  them  which  was  spirited,  but  at  the  same  time  tem- 
pered with  very  sound  and  wholesome  advice.  In  tv.'o  or  three  days  ho 
made  his  entry  into  Boston,  and  had  his  cojinnission  read ;  upon  which 
the  Bostonians  tell  us,  in  their  newspaper,  that  they  showed  him  evTy 
demonstation  of  their  attention ;  that  they  made  him  a  grand  entertain- 
ment at  Faneuil  Ilall,  but  evan  could  not  help  affronting  him  at  that 
grand  Bosionian  feast,  by  hissing  him,  because  he  gave  Govoruour  Hut. 


Now- York,  May  31,  1774. 
At  a  special  meeting,  held  this  evening,  at  6  o'clock,  at 
the  Exchange :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
P.  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvers, 
('harlos  Nioholl, 
Alex.  McDougall, 
Leonard  Lispuuard, 
James  Duanc, 
Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
John  Mooro, 
John  De  Lancey, 


Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Thurman, 
William  Bayard, 
John  Broome, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
.Toscph  Hallett, 
t'harlcs  .Sliaw, 
(Gabriel  II.  Ludlow, 
Nicholas  Ilolfman, 
Abraham  VV'alton, 
Gerard  Uuyckinck, 
Peter  Van  ISchaack, 


Henry  Romsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtoniug, 
Peter  Goolct, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Abraham  Uuryoo, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Francis  I^ewis, 
Theophilact  Bicho. 


The  Committee  a))pointed  to  write  Circular  Letters  to 
the  Supervisors  in  this  different  towns  in  the  Province, 
produced  a  draft  of  a  Letter  for  that  purpose,  wiiich  was 
approved  of. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Francis  Lewis  procure  three 
hundred  printed  copies  thereof,  to  be  transmitted  with  all 
convenient  speed,  enclosed  to  the  Treasurer  of  each  county, 
with  a  line  signed  by  the  Chairman,  requesting  their  care 
in  forwarding  them,  and  that  intimation  be  given  in  the 
newspapers  that  such  Circular  Letters  have  been  sent. 

A  Letter  from  Mr.  Charles  Thomson  of  Philadelphia, 
signed  by  order  of,  and  in  behalf  of  Deputies  convened 
from  the  different  congregations  in  Philadelphia,  dated 
May  29th,  1774.  The  Committee  concei\'ing  that  the 
subject  of  this  Letter  not  being  in  their  province  : 

Ordered,  That  copies  thereof  be  made  out  well,  and 
sent  to  the  Clergy  of  the  different  denominations  in  this 
city,  and  that  a  Letter  be  written  by  the  Chairman,  in- 
forming Mr.  Thomson  thereof. 

Which  was  accordingly  done ;  a  copy  of  which  is  as 
follows : 

New.York,  June  1,  1774. 

Sib  :  Your  favour  of  the  29th  ultimo,  by  express,  was 
laid  before  our  Committee  of  Correspondence  last  evening. 

I  am  directed  to  acquaint  you,  that,  conceiving  the  sub- 
ject of  it  to  be  out  of  their  province,  they  could  only  order 
copies  to  be  delivered  to  the  Clergymen  of  the  different 
congregations  in  this  city,  that  they  may  conduct  them- 
selves therein,  as  to  them  shall  seem  fit.  By  order  of  the 
Committee.      Sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

Isaac  Low,   Chairman. 
Mr.    Charles  Thomson. 

Pursuant  to  a  Resolve  of  the  last  meeting,  the  following 
is  a  copy  of  a  Letter  transmitted  to  the  respective  Treasu- 
rers of  each  county  in  this  Province,  enclosing  Circular 
Letters  to  be  by  them  forwarded  to  the  Supervisors  in 
their  respective  Districts. 

Now- York,  June  3,  1774. 

Sir  :  It  having  been  thought  expedient  by  the  Comfnit- 
tee  of  Correspondence  in  this  city  to  send  circular  letters  to 
the  Supervisors  of  the  several  counties  in  this  Province, 
I  am  directed  to  enclose  a  sufficient  number  of  them  to 

chinson  as  a  toast.  You  nor  your  friends  must  not  imagine  thvra  w.ts 
any  honesty  in  those  marks  of  joy  these  Bostonians  shewed  the  (reneral 
on  this  occasion; — no  sir,  it  was  hypocrisy  all ;  for  at  the  samo  time 
they  weri  sending  cxprei-s  after  express  to  the  i^outliern  Colonies, 
assuring  them  tli.it  at  several  loyal  town  meetings,  as  tlicy  cull  them, 
they  had  conn  to  the  rt  solution  of  shutting  up  their  port ;  that  they 
would  fast  and  pray,  and  stand  firm  to  the  cause  of  American  liberty, 
raving  out  invocations  to  their  dear  sisters  to  join  them  in  this  firm 
work.  But  allowing  the  hiyul  town  of  Boston  all  the  merit  they 
assume  to  themselves,  for  the  verj'  curious  and  remurkahle  and  no  less 
sensible  resolution  of  siiutting  up  their  port,  after  they  and  all  llie  other 
Colonies  know  very  well  that  I'arliaiii'mt  had  first  done  that  business 
for  tliem,  yet  it  won't  all  do.  It  is  true  the  Presbyterian  junto,  or 
self-constituted  Committee  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty  for  the  city  of  Nexc- 
York,  (as  th-y  style  themselves)  which  had  stood  ever  since  the  time  of 
the  Stamp  AcX,  had  taken  upon  them  to  write  letters  to  Bosinn  to  their 
brethren  there,  assuring  tliem,  "that  the  city  of  New-York  would 
"  heartily  join  them  against  the  cruel  and  arbitrary  proceeduigs  of  the 
**  British  Parliament,"  &.c.,  which  as  soon  as  the  geiitlemen  of  property 
in  this  city  knew,  they  were  very  justly  alarmed,  and  a  meeting  of  the 
inhabitants  was  d.  sired  at  the  Coffee  House,  when,  in  spite  of  all  that 
could  bo  done  by  the  old  Committee,  which  consisted  of  eight  or  ten 
flaming  patriots  without  prop..'rty,  or  any  thing  else  but  im)mdence,  a 
new  Committee  was  chosen,  consisting  of  fifty  membirs,  most  of  them 
men  of  sense,  coolness,  and  property  ;  and  I  understand  that  nearly  the 
same  thing  was  done  at  Philadelphia.  Now,  sir,  these  two  new  stll- 
authorized  Committees  have  wrote  to  the  Bostonians,  "that  they  arc  of 
"  opinion  that  they  certainly  ought  to  pay  for  the  tea  they  had  destroyed, 
"  because  it  would  be  no  more  than  justice  so  to  do ;  that  to  be  sure  the 
"  British  Parliament  had  behaved  very  cruelly  to  them  iu  making  such 
"  an  Act,  and  they  heartily  condole  with  them  on  account  of  the 
"  dreadful  hard  circumstances  they  were  thereby  roducod  to.  but  as  to 


301 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


302 


you,  requesting  the  favour  of  you  to  direct  and  forward 
tliem  to  your  Supervisors  in  their  several  districts. 

By  order  of  tlie  Committee,     Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 

Directed  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Albany,  with 
forty  copies ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Tryon, 
with  tliirty  ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Charlotte, 
with  twelve ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Cumber- 
land, with  twelve;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  West- 
chester, with  thirty  ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of 
Gloucester,  with  twelve ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county 
of  Ulster,  with  twenty  ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of 
Orange,  with  twenty ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  tiie  county  of 
Dutchess,  witii  forty  ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of 
Richmond,  with  six ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of 
Kings,  with  six  ;  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Qiieens, 
with  thirty  ;  and  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  county  of  Suffolk, 
thirty. — Total  two  hundred  and  eighty-eight. 


New-York,  June  6,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  the  Exchange, 
at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening  :  Present, 

"  shutting  up  tlie  two  ports  of  New-York  and  Philadelphia,  they  could 
"  by  no  means  think  of  such  a  nieusuro,  bocans^j  it  did  not  soem  to  be  at 
"  all  the  general  opinion  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  cities  to  do  so ; 
"  that  they  of  themselves  were  but  a  small  number  when  compared  to 
"  the  inhabitants  of  these  cities,  and  these  few  could  not  pretend  to  dic- 
"  tata  to  them,  much  less  to  tlio  wholo  Province,  which  must  be  n  ducjd 
"  to  distress  and  desperation  by  sccli  a  measure."  This,  I  am  told,  was 
tlij  purport  of  their  letter,  for  1  was  not  present,  because  I  never  have 
clioscn  to  countenance  s  :lf-:ippointed  meetings  of  this  sort,  which 
appears  to  me  contra  ry  to  law,  and  flying  in  the  f  ice  of  Goveiiunent. 
I  would  have  sent  you  all  the  papers  printed  on  the  occasion  of  those 
meetings,  together  with  the  impudent  and  inflammatory  pieces  published 
ou  account  of  the  Boston  Fort  Bill,  but  as  those  latter  pieces  are  in 
general  copied  or  inserted  in  the  newspapers  which,  I  fancy,  you  will 
sje  at  the  coff",;o  houses,  it  is  needless ;  and  were  I  to  s:^nd  i!he  former, 
it  would  not  be  worth  the  heavy  charge  of  postage.  Upon  the  whole 
I  think  there  is  little  doubt  but  that  all  will  be  prjtty  quiet  in  all  the 
Colonies  in  a  short  time  ;  the  most  bitter  pill  will  be  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  right  of  taxation  in  the  Parliament.  There  is  a  talk  of 
desiring  the  different  Govcrnours  to  call  their  wise  Assemblies  to  settle 
this  matter,  and  that  it  would  be  proper  to  have  a  Congress  of  the  most 
sensible  men  amongst  all  the  Colonies  to  meet  somowiiere  to  try  to  ward 
off"  the  blow  aimed  at  that  great  goddess  of  the  Dutch  East  India 
t.'ompiiny  in  America,  called  American  Liberty.  You  will  have  dis- 
covered tliat  I  am  no  friend  to  Presbyterians,  and  that  I  fix  all  the 
blame  of  those  extraordinary  American  proceedings  upon  them.  You 
would  perhaps,  think  it  projier  to  ask,  whether  no  Church  of  England 
people  wore  among  them  ?  Yes,  there  were,  to  their  eternal  shame  be  it 
spoken  I  but  in  general  they  were  interested  in  the  motion,  either  as 
smugglers  of  tea,  or  as  b.-ing  over!)urdened  with  dry  goods  they  know 
not  how  to  pay  for,  and  would  therefore  have  been  glad  to  have  a  non-im- 
portation agreement,  or  a  resolution  to  pay  no  debts  to  England.  But, 
Sir,  these  are  few  in  uumb;ir.  Believe  mo  the  Presbyterians  have  been 
the  chi:f  and  principal  instruments  in  all  these  flaming  measurus,  and 
they  always  do  and  ever  will  act  against  Government,  from  that  restless 
and  turbulent  anti-monarchical  spirit  whicli  has  always  distinguished 
them  every  whore,  whenever  they  had,  or  by  any  moans  could  assume 
power,  however  illegally.  In  short,  I  am  myself  well  convinced,  that 
Government  at  home,  if  they  meuu  to  look  for  genuine  loyalty,  and 
<;ordial  affection  to  the  State,  will  no  where  find  it  except  in  the  hearts 
of  the  professors  of  the  Church  of  England  :  And  I  am  as  well  con- 
vinced, that  if  Government  would  wish  to  preserve  and  encourao-e 
loyalty  in  the  Colonies,  they  must  countenance  the  Church  of  England 
much  more  than  they  have  done  hitherto.  It  is  an  indubitable  fact  that 
previous  to  and  during  all  these  acts  of  violence  committed  in  the 
Colonies,  cepeci:illy  to  the  eastward,  the  Presbyterian  pulpits  groaned 
with  the  most  wicked,  malicious  and  infliimnatory  harangues,  pro. 
nouuced  by  the  favourite  orators  amongst  that  sect,  spiriting  tlicir 
godly  hearers  to  the  most  violent  opposition  to  Government ;  persuading 
them  that  the  intention  of  Government  was  to  rule  theni  with  a  rod  of 
iron,  and  to  make  them  all  slaves  ;  and  assuring  thun  that  if  they 
would  rise  as  one  man  to  oppose  those  arbitrai-y  schemes,  God  would 
assist  them  to  sweep  away  every  ministerial  tool,  (the  amiable  name 
these  wretches  are  i)loased  to  bestow  on  the  professors  of  the  Church) 
from  the  f  ice  of  the  earth  ;  that  now  was  the  time  to  strike,  whilst 
(Jovernment  at  home  was  afraid  of  them  ;  togetlier  with  a  long  string 
of  such  seditious  stuff,  well  calculated  to  impose  on  the  poor  devils 
their  hearers,  and  make  them  rim  into  every  degree  of  extravagance 
and  folly,  which  if  I  foresee  aright,  they  will  liave  leisure  enough  to 
be  sorry  for  :  But  in  general,  the  Church  of  England  people  during  all 
this  time,  without  any  public  oratory  to  spur  them,  did,  from  principle, 
from  their  own  truly  loyal  principles,  in  which  care  is  taken  to  educate 
them,  eveiy  thing  tliey  could  by  writing  and  argument,  and  their 
influence,  to  stop  the  rapid  progress  of  sedition,  which  would  have  gone 
much  firther  lengths  if  it  had  not  been  for  them. 

I  am  not  a  little  amr;zed  at  reading  over  the  speeches  in  the  House 
in  the  debates  on  the  Boston  Bill,  to  find  those  gentlemen  saying  such 
mighty  pretty  things  of  tile  Americans  in  general,  and  of  Boston  in 
pirticular  ;  if  those  things  have  not  been  sai(l  merely  out  of  opposition 
to  the  Ministry,  believe  me,  those  gentlemen  in  the  House  are  cgre- 
giously  ignorant  of  the  state  of  the  Colonies,  and  have  an  opinion  of 
them,  they  arc  far  from  meriting  ;  however,  I  hope  every  thing  will 
noon  be  settled,  and  that  the  Americans  will  be  taught  to  pursue  their 
true  interest,  viz  :  tlie  im]>rovement  of  their  commerce,  and  the  culti- 
vation of  their  lands  ;  if  they  attend  to  those  particulars,  I  fancy  they 
will  find  it  full  as  much  to  their  advantage  as  the  regulation  of  the 
State.    In  short,  Administration  at  homo  has  really  nothing  further  to 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
William  Bayard, 
Thophilact  Bache, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvors, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Alexander  McDougall, 
Thomas  Umdall, 
John  Moore, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
James  Duane, 


Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
llichard  Yates, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Tluinnan, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Joseph  Hallett, 
C'harles  Shaw, 
Al  'xander  Wallace, 
Abraham  Walton, 
Gerardus  Uuyckinck, 


Henry  Rcmsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  (Joelet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
John  Broome, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Richard  Sharp?, 
Thomas  Marston. 


Ordered,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  write  a 
Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  in  Boston, 
acquainting  them  that  we  adhere  to  tlie  measure  of  a 
Congress,  and  that  we  shall  be  ready  to  meet  them  at  any 
time  and  place  tiiey  shall  think  fit  to  appoint,  eitlier  Depu- 
ties from  the  General  Assembly,  or  such  other  Deputies 
as  shall  be  properly  chosen  and  authorized  to  speak  the 
sentiments  of  their  different  Colonies. 

That  the  Committee  at  Boton  give  a  sufficient  time  for 
the  Deputies  of  the  Colonies  to  the  southward,  as  far  as 
Carolina,  to  assemble,  and  acquaint  them  with  the  measure 
of  Congress.  Those  letters  to  the  southward  of  us,  we 
shall  with  pleasure  fcrward. 

do  but  to  be  determined,  and  steady,  to  put  an  entire  stop  to  smuggling, 
and  to  make  an  example  of  some  few  of  the  ringleaders  of  the  faction, 
in  every  princip;il  city  on  the  Continent,  and  if  this  is  done,  1  fancy 
America  will  afterwards  give  very  little  trouble. 
New-York,  May  31,  1774. 

EXTRACT    OF    A    LETTER    TO   A    GENTLEMAN    IN    SCOTLAND. 

Sir  :  I  seldom  trouble  you  with  politics,  but  at  this  time  you  may 
like  iMjrhaps  to  know  what  reception  tlie  Bostoii  Port  Bill  has  met 
with.  To  give  you  any  tolerable  idea  of  our  present  system  of  [Kjlitics 
in  America  in  generjl,  would  exceed  the  bounds  of  a  letter.  I  shall 
only  tell  you  that  the  power  which  it  was  found  necessary  to  throw 
into  the  hands  of  the  mob,  during  the  general  opjjosition  to  the  .Stamp 
Act,  was  not  extinguished  with  the  re])eal  of  that  Act.  The  attempt 
of  the  India  Company  to  import  their  tea  was  no  sooner  in  agitation, 
than  the  leaders  of  the  mob,  supported  by  the  Dutch  tea  smugglers, 
made  their  appear.ince ;  and  finding  the  men  of  property  careless  of 
shewing  themselves,  they  took  upon  them  to  act  for  the  whole  com. 
munity.  It  was  the  same  body  who  formed  the  association  for  oppos- 
ing the  landing  of  the  tea,  and  for  returning  it,  which  they  afterwards 
deliberately  effected.  When  the  account  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill 
reached  us,  the  same  body  assumed  the  lead,  and  were  hurrying  them- 
selves into  the  most  violent  measures.  The  injn  of  property,  however, 
finding  affairs  began  to  wear  too  alarming  an  appearance  for  them  to 
stand  any  longer  neuter,  determined  to  attempt  wresting  the  power  onco 
more  out  of  tlicir  hands.  A  committee  of  fifty  of  the  marc;intile  body 
was  accordingly  opposed  to  these  leaders,  and  the  election  was  carried 
in  their  favours,  tliough  with  some  difficulty.  In  this  state  has  iVcw- 
York  been  since  the  Stamp  Act,  and  that  of  Philadelphia,  Charles, 
ton,  and  Boston,  has  been  pretty  much  the  same.  As  the  manage, 
ment,  however,  has  now  fallen  into  the  hands  of  men  averse  to  precipi- 
tate measures,  I  think  the  interdict  of  the  Parliament  to  Boston,  and 
the  new  moddliug  of  this  Governmoiit  will  meet  with  no  opposition. 
But  what  alarms  us  is  their  suspicion  of  the  third  bill,  which  we  have 
heard  is  before  the  House.  Should  the  import  of  this  bill  prove  to  be 
what  is  surmised  of  it,  viz  :  the  sending  home  those  suspected  or 
charged  with  any  act  against  Government,  to  stand  trial  in  Westmin- 
ster Hall,  you  must  not  be  surprised  to  find  all  America  in  flames. 
The  friends  of  Government  and  the  advocates  for  the  proper  subordi- 
nation of  America  to  England,  have  a  hard  struggle  to  keep  things  in 
the  situation  they  are  now  in ;  but  should  a  bill  have  passed  to  this 
effect,  we  shall  no  longer  find  argument,  or,  what  is  more,  dare  to  offer 
them  though  we  should. 

New-York,  June,  1774. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  ENGLAND. 

You'll  see  by  the  papers  I  sent  you  by  Captains  Lawrence  and 
Miller,  that  we  have  published  the  intelligence  we  received  from  all  our 
friends  in  England,  by  Captain  Coupar,  and  the  last  vessels.  They 
have  had  as  great  an  eflect  as  could  be  wished ;  and  from  one  end  to 
the  other  of  the  British  Colonies  we  shall  see  but  one  sentiment,  that 
is,  to  view  the  treatment  and  pretensions  of  Great  Britain  with  the 
highest  resentment  and  disdain.  We  shall  all  bo  united,  and  act  as 
one  man ;  and  if  you  should  see  any  friends  to  America,  pray  tell 
them  to  be  in  no  pain  for  us ;  we  shall  act  as  we  ought,  and,  to  a  man, 
not  hesitate  to  die,  rather  than  submit  to  be  the  slaves  Briton  would 
make  us.  We  fear  not  to  tell  the  highest  of  them  that  wo  are  as  free 
as  they  are,  and  so  will  live  and  die.  If  their  force  should  plunder  us 
of  our  rights  and  property,  we  will  tell  them  with  our  latest  breath, 
that  they  are  tyrants  and  robbers,  and  we  shall  leave  them  a  land  as 
desolate  as  our  forefathers  found  it.  We  shall  leave  the  stings  of  their 
own  guilty  consciences  to  avenge  our  wrongs,  and  present  them  with  a 
lively  view  of  the  horrours  they  have  caused.  AVe  are  at  the  same  timo 
assured.  Great  Britain  will  not  long  survive  the  destruction  of  her  Colo- 
nies. Alas  !  that  a  few  traitors  should  occasion  such  complicated  and 
extensive  calamity  !  Vi'c  are  well  assured  it  is  but  a  few,  comparatively, 
a  contemptible  f3W,  that  are  the  authors  of  all  this  mischief,  and  that 
the  whole  body  of  the  nation,  as  well  in  England  and  Ireland,  as  hero, 
havo  the  same  sentiments  that  we  have,  and  like  us  are  injured  and 
oppressed.  We  love  the  nation,  its  Constitution,  and  constitutional 
Government,  and  have  ever  been  ready  to  risk  our  lives  in  their  defence. 
We  lament  their  fall  as  well  as  our  own,  in  which  we  see  it  involved, 
unless  Providence  interpose.  Perhaps  lie  may  turn  all  the  mischief 
upon  the  heads  of  the  contrivers  of  it ;  perhaps,  by  the  united  exer- 
tions of  all  the  Colonies,  which  there  is  no  doubt  of,  we  may  bo 
delivered  and  England  preserved,  though  its  strength  seems  now  only 
applied  to  crush  us,  the  best  friends  it  had  in  tlio  world.  The  boat 
waits,  adieu.  NEW-YoBiC,  June  2,  1774. 


SOS 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


304 


Sub-committee  for  writing  the  IjCtter  are  Peter  V.  B. 
lAvingston,  John  Moore,  John  Broome,  John  Thurman, 
Isaac  Low. 

Ordered,  That  tlie  Committee  of  Boston  be  requested 
to  give  this  Committee  tiie  names  of  tlie  persons  who  con- 
stitute the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston  ;  that 
they  have  made  a  mistake  in  answering  tiiis  Committee's 
Inciter,  which  mentioned  not  a  word  of  a  suspension  of 
trade,  wliich  they  say  we  liave  so  wisely  defined,  as  we 
leave  that  measure  entirely  to  the  Congress,  and  we  shall 
readily  agree  to  any  measure  they  shall  ado|)t — to  request 
that  their  letters  for  the  future  be  sealed  and  directed  to 
the  Chairman. 

The  Committee  adjourned,  to  meet  at  the  Exchange,  on 
Monday,  the  -iOth  of  this  instant,  June,  at  6  o'clock,  in  the 
evening. 


Copy  of  the  Letter  sent  to  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence in  Boston: 

Ne«--York,  Juno  7,  1774.* 

Gentlemen  :  We  have  received  your  favour  of  the  30th 
May,  and  you  may  rest  assured,  we  shall  eagerly  embrace 
all  proper  opportunities  of  contributing  our  mite  towards 
bringing  to  a  favourable  issue  the  unhappy  disputes  which 
at  present  subsist  between  the  parent  State  and  her  Colo- 
nies. 

You  say,  that  "  a  speedy,  united,  and  vigorous  effort  is 
"  certainly  all  that  can  be  depended  upon,  to  yield  us  any 
"  effectual  relief,  and  that  this  effort  is  on  all  liands  ac- 
"  knowledged  to  be  the  suspension  of  trade,  so  wisely 
"  defined  by  you."  To  the  first,  we  entirely  concur  with 
you  in  sentiments  ;  but  in  the  last,  we  apprehend  you  have 
made  a  mistake — for  on  revising  our  letter  to  you,  so  far 
from  finding  a  word  mentioned  of  a  "  suspension  of  trade," 
the  idea  is  not  even  conceived.  That,  and  every  other 
resolution,  we  have  thought  it  most  prudent  to  leave  for 
the  discussion  of  the  proposed  general  Congress. 

Adhering  tlierefore  to  that  measure,  as  most  conducive 
to  promote  the  grand  system  of  politics  we  all  have  in 
view,  we  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you,  that  we  shall 
be  ready  on  our  part,  to  meet  at  any  time  and  place  that 
you  shall  think  fit  to  appoint ;  either  of  Deputies  from  tlie 
General  Assemblies,  or  such  other  Deputies  as  shall  be 
chosen,  not  only  to  speak  the  sentiments,  but  also  to 
pledge  themselves  for  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  the 
respective  Colonies  they  represent. 

We  can  undertake  to  assure  you,  in  behalf  of  the  people 
in  this  Colony,  that  they  will  readily  agree  to  any  measure 
that  shall  be  adopted  by  the  general  Congress.  It  will  be 
necessary  that  you  give  a  sufficient  time  for  the  Deputies 
of  the  Colonics,  as  far  southward  as  the  Carolinas,  to 
assemble,  and  acquaint  them  as  soon  as  possible  with  the 
proposed  measure  of  a  Congress.  Your  letters  to  the 
southward  of  us  we  will  forward  with  great  pleasure. 

You  may  have  seen  all  the  names  of  our  Committee  in 
the  public  prints ;  and  as  we  never  heard  the  names  of  those 
which  constitute  your  Committee,  we  request  the  favour 
of  you  to  give  us  that  satisfaction  in  your  next.     We  beg 

"Saturday  last,  the  4tli  instant,  being  the  anniversary  of  his  Mrijesty's 
birth  day,  wlien  ho  entered  the  thirty-soventh  year  of  his  ago,  at  12  o'clocli 
his  Excellency  General  Haldiinand,  attended  by  a  nuni)};r  of  gentle- 
men, walked  to  the  Corninons,  where  they  were  received  by  a  Royal 
salute  from  the  train  of  artillery,  and  the  Royal  Wehh  Fnsileers  then 
under  arms,  after  which  his  JExccHcney  returned  to  his  residence, 
whore  his  Majesty's  and  other  loV'il  h;?altha  were  dr.mk,  iiniler  tlio 
disciiarge  of  a  royal  salute  from  For/  George,  his  Majesty's  ship  jSuvi/i, 
Jamim  Ayscottgh,  Esquire,  commander,  and  sundry  other  vessels  in  the 
harbour. 

In  the  evening  some  very  curious  fire-works  were  exliibitnd,  and  a 
small  number  of  houses  were  illuminat'^d ;  but  th ;  generality  of  the 
inliabitants  (though  perfectly  well  affoctcd  to  his  M  ijcsty's  porson  and 
family,  and  preferring  the  English  t'onstitution  to  every  other  form  of 
(Vovemmont)  were  too  deaply  impress  d  with  t!ie  melancholy  situation 
of  all  the  British  Colonies,  to  assume  the  least  upp-jarance  of  public 
rejoicing,  while  it  remains  in  suspense,  whether  we  shall  remain  free, 
men  by  maintaining  our  rights,  or  submit  to  be  slaves. 

Every  town  in  every  Colony  of  America  from  which  we  have  yet 
heard,  consider  the  case  of  Boston  astlieir  own,  and  agree  in  sentiment, 
to  imite  their  strength,  and  cxort  every  faculty  in  the  most  determined 
persevering  endeavours  to  preserve  their  rights  and  liberties  against  the 
tyrannical  eucroaclmients  of  Greni  Britain.  To  this  end  a  Congress 
is  soon  expected,  and  a  total  suspension  of  all  commercial  intercourse 
between  the  Colonies  and  Great  Britain,  and  Ireland,  at  least,  it  is 
£oQorally  bolieved  will  very  goon  take  place. 


that  your  letters  for  the  future  may  be  sealed  and  directed 
to  our  Chairman. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  and  most  humble  ser- 
vants, by  order  of  tlie  Committee, 

I.  Low,  Chairman. 


Now.York,  June  lOth,  1771. 
At  a  special  meeting  held  at  the  Exchange,  at  7  o'clock, 
this  evening :    Present, 


Isaac  liOw,  Chairman, 
Jolin  Alsop, 
Theophilact  Bacho, 
P.  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvcrs, 
Charles  NichoU, 
Alex.  McDougall, 
Thomas  Randall, 
John  Moore, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 


Richard  Yates, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Broome, 
Jolm  Jay, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Jo.s.ph  Hallett, 
Charles  Sliaw, 
James  Jatincey, 
Nicholas  Hoffman, 
Abraham  Walton, 
Cerardus  Duyckinck, 
P*  tr,r  Van  Schaack, 
Henry  Remsen, 


Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goelet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
G.  W.  Beekraan, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Richard  iSharpe, 
Thomas  Marston, 
Francis  Lewis, 
John  De  Lancey, 
John  Thuruiau. 


A  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 
Connecticut  was  received  and  read,  and  is  as  follows : 

Hartford,  June  4,  1774. 

Gentlemen:  Mr.  Revere,  on  his  return,  acquainted  us 
w-ith  the  purport  of  yours  by  him,  to  the  Committee  at 
i?o»^on,  which  being  agreeable  to  our  sentiments,  and  simi- 
lar to  what  we  had  previously  wrote  them  on  the  subject, 
we  take  the  liberty  to  enclose  you  a  copy  of  ours  to  them  of 
this  date,  and  ask  your  consideration  of  the  proposal,  and 
your  sentiments  of  the  measure,  as  soon  as  conveniently 
they  may  be  had.  We  have  wrote  to  the  same  purport 
to  the  Committees  of  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island  and 
New-Hampshire.  And  are,  with  great  truth  and  esteem, 
gendemen,  yours,  &.c. 

By  order  and  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence for  Conneclicnt,  Silas  Deane. 
To  the  Committeee  of  Correspondence  for  New-  York. 

P.  S.  The  Resolves  of  our  lower  House  of  Assembly 
are  enclosed ;  in  addition  to  w  liich  they  gave  us  in  com- 
mand to  recommend  a  Congress,  and  to  join  therein. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence for  Connecticut  to  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence at  Boston,  enclosed  in  the  preceding  Letter  to  the 
New-York  Committee: 

Hartford,  June  3,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  lower  House  of  Assembly,  at  their 
session  at  this  place,  which  closes  this  day,  came  into  sun- 
dry resolutions  relative  to  their  rights  and  privileges,  a 
copy  of  which  you  have  enclosed  ;  and  on  the  impor- 
tant subject  take  liberty  to  add,  as  our  opinion,  that  a 
Congress  is  absolutely  necessary  previous  to  almost  every 
other  measure,  since,  as  the  injury  is  general,  the  mode 
taken  for  redress  ought  to  be  commensurate,  which  is  not 
probable  to  be  obtained  short  of  a  general  conference  and 
union.  The  resolves  of  merchants  of  any  individual  town 
or  Province,  however  generously  designed,  must  be  partial 
when  considered  in  respect  to  the  whole  Colonies  in  one 
general  view  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  every  measure 
recommended,  every  resolve  come  into  by  the  whole  united 
Colonies,  must  carry  weight  and  influence  with  it  on  the 
mind  of  the  people,  and  tend  effectually  to  silence  those 
base  insinuations  which  our  enemies  are  ever  ready  to 
throw  out,  of  interested  motives,  sinister  views,  unfair  jirac- 
tices,and  the  like,  for  the  vile  purposes  of  sowing  the  seeds 
of  jealousy  between  tlie  Colonies,  to  divide  and  render 
abortive  all  our  designs  in  favour  of  the  liberties  of  Ame- 
rica. We  conceive  little  or  notliing  need  be  added  on  the 
subject,  tlie  propriety  and  utility  of  which  .seems  to  be 
universally  acknowledged.  The  time  and  place  must  be 
fixed.  For  the  first,  the  earlier,  consistent  with  having 
tlie  principal  Provinces  notified  and  present,  the  better ; 
say  the  last  week  of  July,  or  first  in  August,  by  whicti 
time  all,  as  far  as  Virginia,  may  be  informed  of,  and 
invited  to  attend  it ;  for  the  place.  New-  York,  is  near  the 
centre,  but  the  season  of  the  year  make  us  prefer  some 


305 


NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


806 


agreeable  country  town  to  a  city,  in  which  there  will  neces- 
sarily be  more  avocations,  besides  its  being  disagreeable  in 
these  months.  Norwalk  or  Fairfield  are  towns  in  which 
gentlemen  may  be  well  accommodated  in  this  Colony. 
But  we  submit  this,  as  well  as  the  thne,  to  the  opinion  of 
the  other  Colonies,  to  whom  we  shall  write,  and  expect 
their  answer  will  be  in  season.  We  conceive,  as  Commit- 
tees of  Correspondence  and  Inquiry  are  appointed  in  every 
considerable  Colony  by  their  Assemblies,  they  are  the  pro- 
per persons  to  attend,  or  to  appoint  others  for  that  business. 
But  of  this  you  are  to  judge.  And  we  hint  it,  as  the 
Assemblies  of  some  of  the  Colonies  will  probably  not 
have  an  opportunity  of  meeting  again  till  next  winter,  and 
consequently  will  not  be  able  to  appoint  in  any  season. 
We  have  only  to  add,  that  we  are  sensibly  affected  with 
your  distressed  situation. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient 
servants.  By  order,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  for  Connecticut, 

Silas  Deane. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Boston. 

P.  S.  Yours  of  the  31st  ult.,  in  answer  to  ours  of  the 
26tli,  is  before  us.  The  situation  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
particularly  of  the  poor,  and  such  as  must  now  be  deprived 
of  employ,  and  reduced  to  straits,  was  considered  by  both 
Houses  of  Assembly,  and  a  resolution  come  into  to  contri- 
bute to  their  relief,  which  passed  both  Houses.  But  the 
time  and  mode  of  carrying  it  into  execution  is  deferred 
until  they  hear  more  directly  from  you,  which  doubtless 
they  will  before  their  next  meeting. 

Ordered,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  answer  the 
Letter  received  from  the  Committee  at  Hartford,  and 
enclose  them  a  copy  of  a  Letter  wrote  the  23d  ultimo,  by 
this  Committee,  to  Boston ;  and  also  to  answer  a  Letter 
received  from  Mr.  Bernard  Lentot,  of  Branford,  and  that 
they  write  a  letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  South  Carolina,  enclosing  a  copy  of  this  Committee's 
first  letter  to  Boston,  and  to  acquaint  them  that  this  Com- 
mittee have,  in  a  subsequent  letter  to  the  Committee  at 
Boston,  desired  them  to  appoint  a  time  and  place  for  a 
Congress,  an  answer  to  which  they  expect  daily. 

The  Committee  for  that  purpose  were  Peter  Van 
Schaack,  Henry  Remsen,  Alexander  McDougall,  John 
De  Lancet/,  Isaac  Low. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  to  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence of  Connecticut : 

New. York,  June  11,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Your  agreeable  favour  of  the  4th  inst., 
covering  a  copy  of  yours  of  the  3d  to  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  for  the  town  of  Boston,  and  the  resolu- 
tions of  your  lower  House  of  Assembly  on  the  second 
Thursday  of  May,  came  duly  to  hand,  which  were  last 
night  laid  before  us.  We  are  greatly  obliged  to  you  for 
your  communications  on  the  interesting  concern  of  our 
country.  The  sentiments  contained  in  the  former  of  the 
necessity  of  a  Congress,  are  supported  with  such  reasons 
as  must  command  the  assent  of  every  well-wisher  to  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  America,  and  we  are  happy  to  find 
that  this  measure  is  so  generally  adopted,  and  so  much 
desired  by  all  the  Colonies  who  have  given  their  opinion 
on  the  present  alarming  crisis.  Our  sense  and  approbation 
of  the  utility  of  such  a  Convention,  is  fully  expressed  in 
a  letter  of  the  23d  ultimo,  to  the  Committee  of  Boston,  a 
copy  of  which  is  enclosed.  We  have  wrote  them  on  the 
7th  inst.,  to  appoint  the  time  and  place  for  holding  the 
Confress,  where  we  shall  be  ready  to  meet  either  Deputies 
of  the  General  Assemblies,  or  such  other  Deputies  as  shall  be 
chosen,  not  only  to  speak  the  sentiments,  but  also  to  pledge 
themselves  for  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  the  respective 
Colonies  they  represent.  The  substance  of  this  will  be 
communicated  to  the  Committee  of  Charlestown,  South 
Carolina,  by  a  vessel  that  sails  to-morrow.  We  are, 
gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  very  humble  servants. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
for  the  city  of  Netv-  York. 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 
To   Silas  Deane,  Esq.,  and  others,  of  the  Committee  of 

Correspondence  for  Connecticut. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Bernard  Lentot,  of  Branford. 

New.  York,  June  11th,  1774. 

Sir  :  Your  favour  of  the  29th  of  last  month  has  been 
laid  before  our  Committee  of  Correspondence.  I  am 
directed  to  acquaint  you  that  they  esteem  themselves 
obliged  by  the  communication  of  your  sentiments  at  this 
very  important  and  critical  conjuncture.  The  hints  you 
furnish  may  be  very  proper  for  the  consideration  and  dis- 
cussion of  a  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  different 
Colonies,  a  measure  that  seems  on  all  hands  agreed  will 
be  most  likely  to  produce  the  desired  effect ;  but  what  can 
or  will  be  done  must  be  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  their 
united  councils.  We  can  only  join  you  in  our  ardent 
wishes  that  they  may  prevail  in  their  endeavours  to  re-es- 
tablish that  peace  and  harmony  on  which  so  essentially 
depend  the  prosperity  and  happiness  of  both  countries. 

We  remain,  with  much  respect,  sir,  your  friends  and 
most  humble  servants.     By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence, appointed  by  the  Assembly  of  New- York,*  to  the 
Committtee  of  Correspondence  for  Connecticut: 

New.York,  June  24,  1774. 
Gentlemen:  We  have  your  letter  of  the  4th  before  us, 
enclosing  the  resolves  of  your  Assembly,  and  a  letter  to 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston ;  and  we 
agree  with  you,  that  at  this  alarming  juncture,  a  general 
Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  would  be 
a  very  expedient  and  salutary  measure  ;  such  a  Congress, 
consisting  of  men  of  coolness,  prudence,  and  understanding, 
would,  we  conceive,  be  the  best  means  under  Providence, 
of  restoring  that  peace  and  harmony  between  Great  Britan 
and  her  Colonies,  which  is  the  surest  foundation  of  happi- 
ness to  both,  and  which  every  good  man,  every  well  wisher 
to  his  country,  ought  to  labour  strenuously  to  establish. 
We  are  sorry  therefore,  that  we  are  not  sufficiently  em- 
powered to  take  any  steps  in  relation  to  so  salutary  a 
measure  ;  for  we  are  a  Committee  of  Correspondence 
only,  and  cannot  consistently  with  good  order  and  propriety 
interfere  in  a  matter  of  such  importance,  without  the 
appointment  and  concurrence  of  our  whole  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. After  what  has  been  said,  it  would  be  need- 
less to  mention  any  thing  about  the  places  of  meeting, 
only  this,  that  if  the  other  Colonies,  who  may  have  authority 
for  so  doing,  should  meet  in  Congress,  in,  or  near  this  city, 
we  shall  most  gladly  and  willingly  assist  with  our  advice, 
&,c.,  if  necessary,  which,  circumstanced  as  we  are  at 
present,  is  all  we  are  enabled  to  do. 

We  should  be  glad  however  to  know  before  we  come  to 
any  final  determination  on  this  matter,  what  steps  will  be 
taken  by  the  other  Colonies,  who  are  in  the  same  situation 
with  us,  by  not  having  an  opportunity  of  knowing  the 
sentiments  of  their  Houses  of  Representatives  ;  when  the 
measures  proposed  to  be  adopted  by  them,  shall  be  com- 
municated to  us,  Ave  shall  be  better  able  to  judge  what 
plan  will  be  most  likely  to  procure  a  redress  of  our  present 
grievances,  and  promote  the  union  and  prosperity  of  the 
mother  country  and  the  Colonies ;  and  we  expect  daily  to 
receive  accounts  of  these  matters,  of  which  we  shall  send 
you  the  most  early  intelligence.  We  are  with  great  res- 
pect, gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  servants, 
John  Cruger,  S.  Boerum, 

Frederick  Phillips,    Daniel  Kissam, 
Benjamin  Seaman,         Zeb.  Williams,  late  > 
James  Jauncey,  Zeb.  Seaman,  5 

James  De  Lancey,        John  Rapalje. 
Jacob  Walton, 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut. 

*Remhed,  nem.  con.,  That  a  Standing  Committee  of  Correspondence 
and  Inquiry  he  appointed,  to  consist  of  the  following  persons,  to  wit : 
John  Cruger,  Esq.,  .Speaker,  James  De  Lancey,  James  Jauncey,  Jacob 
Walton,  Benjamin  Seaman,  Isaac  Wilkins,  Frederick  Phillips,  Daniel 
Kissam,  Zelmlon  Seaman,  John  Rapalje,  Simon  Boerum,  John  De 
Noyelles,  and  Gemge  Clinton,  Esqnirjs,  or  any  seven  of  theni,  whose 
business  it  shiiU  be  to  obtain  the  most  early  and  autlicntic  intelligence 
of  all  such  acts  and  resolutions  of  the  British  Parliament,  or  proceed- 
ings of  administration,  as  do  or  may  relate  to  or  aff'ct  tlio  liberties  and 
privileges  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  British  Colonies  in  America, 
and  to  keep  up  and  maintain  a  correspondencs  and  communication  witli 
our  sister  Colonics  respecting  these  important  considerations,  and  the 
result  of  their  proceedings  to  lay  before  the  House.— Januory  20,  1774. 


Fourth  Series. 


90 


307 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


308 


New-York,  June  20,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjoumment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening,  at  tlie  Exchange  :  Present, 


Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Gerardufi  Duyckinck, 
Henry  Reinsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goclct, 
Abraliiiin  Brasher, 
Joseph  Bull, 
William  McAdam, 
Francis  Lewis. 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Edward  Laight, 
John  Alsop,  William  Walton, 

William  Bayard,  Richard  Yates, 

Thoophilact  Bache,  John  0e  Lancey, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston,  Miles  .Slicrbvook, 
Isaac  Sears,  John  Thurman, 

Charles  McEvers,  Benjamin  Booth, 

Charles  Nicholl,  Joseph  Ilallclt, 

Alexander  McDougiU,  Charles  Shaw, 
Thomas  Randall,  Alozandor  Wallace, 

John  Moore, 

Mr.  AUicocke  requested  for  particular  reasons  to  resign 
as  Secretary  to  this  Committee.  John  Blagge  was  unani- 
mously appointed  in   his    stead. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  until  Monday,  the 
27th  June,  instant,  then  to  meet  at  the  Exchange,  at 
6  o'clock,  in  the  evening. 


New.York,  June  27,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening,  at  the  Exchange  :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
AVilliain  Bayard, 
Theophilact  B.iche, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvors, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Alexander  McDougall, 
Thomas  Randall, 
John  Moore, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 


Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
Richard  Yates, 
John  Do  Lancey, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Thurman, 
John  Broome, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Joseph  Hallett, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 


Nicholas  Hoffman, 
Gerirdus  Duyckinck, 
Henry  Rerasen, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goolet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Thomas  Marston, 
John  Alsop. 


A  Letter  from  Easthampton,  of  17th  June,  1774,  with 
Resolves,  received  and  read  ;  a  Letter  from  Fhiladelphia, 
of  21st  June,  1774,  with  Resolves,  received  and  read  ; 
a  Letter  from  Boston,  of  16th  June,  1774,  received  and 
read. 

On  motion  of  Mr.  McDougall,  it  was  debated,  which 
was  the  most  eligible  mode  of  appointing  Deputies  to 
attend  the  ensuing  general  Congress :  when  it  was  agreed 
to  postpone  the  determination  of  the  matter,  until  Wednes- 
day evening,  at  6  o'clock,  to  which  time  the  Committee 
adjourned. 


New-York,  June  29,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening,  at  the  Exchange  :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
John  Alsop, 
Tlieophilact  Bache, 
Peter V.  B.Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvers, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Alexander  McDougall, 
Thomas  Randall, 
John  Moore, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacoboa  Van  Zandt, 


Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
Richard  Yates, 
John  De  Lancey, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Thurman, 
John  Broome, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Josjph  Hallett, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 


Gerardus  Duyckinck, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goelct, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
William  McAdam, 
Richard  Sharpe, 
William  Bayard, 
Nicholas  Hoffman. 


A  Letter  from  Tryon  county,  dated  the  22d  June,  1774, 
was  received  and  read  ;  a  Letter  from  Southampton,  dated 
the  22d  June,  1774,  was  received  and  read,  together  with 
Resolves. 

Mr.  McDougall  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  John 
Broome,  in  the  following  motion,  viz  : 

''  That  this  Committee  proceed  immediately  to  nominate 
five  Deputies  for  the  city  and  county  of  New-  York,  to 
represent  them  in  a  Convention  of  this  Colony,  or  in  the 
general  Congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  first 
of  September  next,  if  the  other  counties  of  this  Colony 
approve  of  them  as  Deputies  for  the  Colony ;  and  that 
their  names  be  sent  to  tlie  Committee  of  Mechanics  for 
their  concurrence  ;  to  be  proposed  on  Tuesday  next  to  the 
freeholders  and  freemen  of  this  city  and  county  for  their 
approbation." 

Debates  arising  on  the  foregoing  motion, 

Ordered,  That  the  same  be  postponed  until  Monday 
evening,  the  4th  of  July  next,  then  to  be  finally  determined. 
To  which  time  the  Committee  adjourned. 


Now-York,  July  4,  1774. 

Tlie  Committee  met,  by  adjoumment,  at  the  Exchange, 
at  6  o'clock,  this  evening :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
John  Alsop, 
William  Bayard, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
(Miarles  McEvers, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Alexander  McDougall, 
Thomas  Randall, 
John  Moore, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 


Edward  Liight, 
William  Walton, 
Richard  Yates, 
Jolm  Do  lancey, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
Jolin  Thunnan, 
John  Broome, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Joseph  Hallett, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Gerardus  Duyckinck, 


Hamilton  Young, 
Henry  Rcmsen, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goolet, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Joseph  Bull, 
William  McAdam, 
Richard  Sharpe, 
Thomas  Marston, 
Francis  Lewis. 


A  Letter,  dated  Annapolis,  26th  June,  1774,  with 
printed  Resolves,  was  received  and  read  ;  a  Letter  from 
Shelter  Island,  dated  June  7th,  1774,  with  Resolves,  was 
received  and  read  ;  one  from  County  Hall,  in  Suffolk 
county,  dated  2.5th  June,  1774  ;  and  one  from  the  Com- 
mittee of  Mechanics,  dated  New-  York,  4th  July ;  also 
one  from  Dutchess  county,  dated  June  29th,  1774,  was 
received  and  read. 

Mr.  Booth  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  De 
Lancey,  that  the  previous  question  be  put.  Whether  this 
Committee  shall  determine  upon  Mr.  McDougall's  motion, 
referring  the  nomination  of  Delegates  to  the  Committee  of 
Mechanics  for  their  concurrence,  or  whether  it  should  be 
referred  only  to  the  town  at  large. 

Affirmatives. 
William  Bayard,  Gerardus  Duyckinck, 


John  Alsop, 
Thomas  Marston, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Richard  .Sharpe, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Peter  Goelet, 


Edward  L:iiglit 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Williim  Walton, 
William  McAdam, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
John  Da  Lancey, 
Richard  Yates, 
Ciiarles  Nicholl, 
Henry  Remsen, 
John  Thurman, 
Charles  McEvers. 


and    was 


Dissentienis, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Francis  Lewis, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
John  !\Ioore, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Thomas  Randall, 
Joseph  Hallett, 
John  Broome, 
Alexander  McDougall. 

seconded  by   Mr.  De 


Mr.  Bache  moved 

Lancey : 

"  That  this  Committee  proceed  to  nominate  five  persons 
to  meet  in  a  general  Congress,  at  the  time  and  place  which 
shall  be  agreed  on  by  the  other  Colonies,  and  that  the 
freeholders  and  freemen  of  the  city  and  county  of  New- 
York  be  summoned  to  appear  at  a  convenient  place  to 
approve  or  disapprove  of  such  persons  for  this  salutary 
purpose ;  also,  that  this  Committee  write  Circular  Letters 
to  the  Supervisors  of  the  several  counties,  informing  them 
wiiat  we  have  done,  and  to  request  of  them  to  send  such 
Delegates  as  they  may  choose  to  represent  them  in  Con- 
gress." 

Captain  Sears  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  P.  V. 
B.  Livingston : 

"  That  Messrs.  Isaac  Low,  James  Duane,  Philip  Liv- 
ingston, John  Morin  Scott,  and  Alexander  McDougall, 
be  nominated  agreeable  to  the  question  now  carried." 

The  previous  question  being  on  Captain  Sears's  motion, 
it  was  carried  as  follows : 


Affirmatives. 


Gerardus  Duyckinck, 
Edward  Liight, 
William  Walton, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
William  McAdam, 
Charbs  Nicholl, 
Richard  Yat:s, 
John  Thurman, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Frmcis  L"wis, 
Charls  McEvers, 
Peter  Goelct. 


Dissentients. 
Isaac  Sofir-s, 
Petor  T.  Curtenuis, 
Petar  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt, 
Abraham  Brasher, 
Thomas  Randall, 
Richard  Sharpe, 
Jolm  Broome, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Alex  ind."r  McDougall, 
Joseph  Hallett. 


Jolm  Moore, 
William  Bayard, 
Thomas  Marston, 
John  Alsop, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Henry  R-^msen, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
John  De  Lancey, 

Mr.  De  Lancey  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Booth : 

"  That  this  Committee  immediately  proceed  to  nomi- 
nate five  persons  to  be  held  up  to  this  city  and  county  as 
proper  persons  to  serve  them  as  Delegates  in  a  general 
Congress." 

When  the  following  gentlemen  had  the  greatest  number 
of  voices  for  their  nomination,  viz  :  Philip  Livingston, 
John  Alsop,  Isaac  Low,  James  Duane,  and  JoAn  Jay. 


sod 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


310 


Ordered,  That  an  Advertisement,  signed  by  the  Chair- 
man, be  published,  requesting  the  inhabitants  of  this  city 
and  county  to  meet  at  the  City  Hall,  on  Tfiursdai/,  the 
7th  instant,  at  12  o'clock,  to  concur  in  the  nomination  of 
tlie  foregoing  five  persons,  or  to  choose  such  others  in  their 
stead  as  in  their  wisdom  shall  seem  meet.* 

The  Committee  then  adjourned,  until  6  o'clock,  on 
Thursday  evening,  the  7th  instant,  then  to  meet  at  the 
Exchange. 


New. York,  Tth  July,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening,  at  the  Exchange  :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
John  Alsop, 
William  Bajard, 
Thf^ophilact  Bache, 
P.  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Charles  McEvcrs, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Alex.  McDougall, 
Thomas  Randall, 
John  Moore, 


Leonard  Lispenard, 
Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
John  Tliurman, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Joseph  Hallctt, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Francis  Lewis, 


Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Nicholas  Hoifman, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goelet, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Ricliard  Sharpe. 


I 


A  Letter,  dated  Albany,  29th  June,  1774,  from  Jacob 
Lansing,  was  received  and  read. 

Agreeable  to  the  meeting  advertised  to  be  held  at  .the 
City  Hall  this  day,  a  number  of  citizens  attended,  and  it 

*  While  the  question  on  appointing  Delegates  to  the  General  Con. 
gress  was  pending,  the  following  publications  appeared : 

To  the  Lnhabitan'ts  of  the  British  Colonies  in  America.  Never 
did  America  behold  so  alarming  a  time  as  the  present.  The  parent 
State  is  big  with  resentment  against  us  for  our  late  proceedings ;  and 
seems  detrmined,  at  all  events  either  to  make  us  obedient  to  the  laws  of 
the  British  Parliament,  or  to  cast  us  off,  or  let  us  cast  off  ourselves,  and 
leave  us  freely  to  follow  our  own  inventions.  We  seem  as  determined 
as  they  are,  to  abide  by  the  issue  ;  otherwise,  we  should  not  certainly 
encourage  the  people  of  Boston  to  refuse  the  papnent  of  a  just 
demand.  And  yet,  all  are  ready  to  declare,  that  we  cannot  hope  to 
withstand  the  power  of  Britain,  if  once  she  was  to  let  loose  her  mili. 

tnry  indignation  agiinst  us.     God  forbid  that  we  should  ever  feel  it 

the  consequences  might  be  ruinous  to  her;  to  us  they  must  assuredly 
prove  utterly  destructive.  The  British  Legislature  claims  a  right  of 
regulation  which  we  professedly  deny. 

How  shall  the  dispute  between  us  bo  adjusted  ?  How  shall  a  firm 
foundation  be  laid  for  a.  future  permanent  Union  ?  Surely  not  by  op. 
posing  a  military  force,  wliich,  in  the  event,  must  infallibly  over. 
])ower  us ;  and  then  we  shall  have  no  claim  of  right — as  being  a  con. 
quered  country.  Surely  not  by  making  resolves  in  toicn  and  county, 
and  parish  meetings : — for  tliey  can  do  nothing,  if  we  may  judge  by 
exjierienco,  but  inflame  and  irritate.  Surely  not  by  a  General  Con. 
VENTION ;  for  that  is  a  measure  which  never  should  be  adopted,  unless 
we  were  resolved  on  the  last  extremes.  Whatever  may  b3  the  proceed. 
ings  of  such  a  body,  it  is  too  much  to  bo  apprehended  that  thry  will 
have  no  salutary  influence  on  the  British  policy;  because  the  Convcn. 
tion  itself  will  be  deemed  unconstitutional,  and  having  no  existence  in 
law,  it  may  also  be  judged  to  be  illegal.  These,  I  hope,  are  the 
harshest  terms  it  will  be  distinguished  by  ;  but  much  softer  ones,  I  am 
too  clear,  it  will  not  experience. 

But  we  are  aggrieved,  and  must  have  redress.  Redress,  I  am  confi- 
dent, may  be  obtained ;  but,  I  fear,  not  by  any  of  the  moans  that  we 
have  hitherto  fallen  upon.  We  talk  much  of  the  Constitution:  Con. 
stitutionally  then  let  us  act. 

Let  EVERY  CoLONV  instruct  its  Representatives  in  General  Assem- 
bly, to  present  an  humble  address  to  the  KING,  requesting  the  liber- 
ty  of  sending  a  certain  number  of  their  body  to  England  at  a  fixed 
time,  for  the  express  purpose  of  settling  with  the  National  Council,  a 
Constitution  for  America,  which  hitherto  we  have  not  enjoyed,  but  in 
idea  ;    and  let  that  settlement  be  final. 

Tliis  is  a  request  which  a  most  gracious  Sovereign  would  most  gladly 
accede  to;  this  is  a  measure  which  despotism  itself  could  find  no  fault 
with ;  and  in  my  humble  opinion,  it  is  the  only  measure  which  can 
ensure  to  us  our  liberties,  save  the  effusion  of  human  blood,  and  make 
our  children's  children  adore  the  memory,  and  bless  the  wisdom  of 
their  ancestors,  who  not  only  preserved  their  country  from  destruction, 
))ut  procured  for  them  blessings— the  blessings  of  right  ascertained  and 
acknowledged,  with  which  former  ages  were  almost  wholly  unac. 
quaintcd. 

Should  it  be  objected  that  some  of  the  Assemblies  are  dissolved,  and 
not  likely  to  be  culled  again,  so  that  their  constituents  could  not  have 
an  opportunity  of  instructing  their  Representatives ;  the  answer  is 
obvious,  that  when  such  a  disposition  shall  appear  in  the  people,  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  all  the  Gorernours  upon  the  Continent  would 
readily  embrace  the  favourable  season,  and  give  us  all  what  ought  to 
be  our  most  ardent,  and  is  our  most  patriotic  wish  to  obtain. 

New-York,  July  5,  1774. 

To  the  Author  of  a  piece  addressed  to  the  Inhabitants  of  the  British 
Colonies  in  America,  dated  New. York,  July  5,  1774. 

Sir  :  You  Address  as  above,  I  have  read  with  much  attention  ;  and 
liapiiening  to  differ  in  opinion  from  you,  in  matters  of  importance  only 
to  the  public,  I  hope  you'll  indulge  me  with  the  liberty  of  publishing 
my  sentiments. 

I  agree  with  you,  Sir,  that  America  never  did  behold  so  alarming  a 
time  as  tlie  present ;  and  that  the  parent  State  is  big  with  resentment 
against  us  for  our  late  proceedings.  But  who  are  to  blame  for  our 
alarming  situation,  and  for  our  late  proceedings  ?     The  parent  State 


was  unanimously  agreed  that  this  Committee  appoint  a 
Committee  of  their  body  to  attend  with  the  Committee 
from  the  Mechanics,  at  Mr.  Francis's,  at  10  o'clock 
to-morrow  morning,  in  order  to  appoint  two  or  more  per- 
sons in  each  Ward  in  this  city,  to  take  with  them  a  list  of 
the  five  persons  nominated  by  this  Committee,  and  also  a 
list  of  the  five  persons  nominated  by  the  Committee  of 
Mechanics,  as  Delegates  to  the  proposed  Congress ;  and 
exhibit  to  the  freeholders,  freemen,  and  such  of  "the  inhab- 
itants who  pay  taxes,  both  lists,  leaving  it  to  their  election 
to  sign  either ;  for  the  five  names  nominated  by  this  Com- 
mittee, or  for  the  five  nominated  by  the  Committee  of 
Mechanics,  as  they  shall  think  fit. 

Ordered,  That  the  following  persons  be  a  Committee 
to  attend  the  Committee  of  Mechanics  for  the  aforesaid 
purpose:  Joseph  Hallett,  Charles  Shaw,  Isaac  Sears, 
Peter  Goelet,  Francis  Lewis,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Richard 
Sharpe,  Edward  Laight,  Joseph  Bull. 

The  following  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Thurman,  and 
seconded  by  Mr.  McEvers : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  :  An  advertisement  appeared  yesterday 
in  the  following  words,  viz  : 

"  The  enemies  of  the  liberties  o/ America  being  unwea- 
"  ried  in  misrepresenting  the  attachments  of  the  inhabit- 
"  ants  of  this  city  to  the  common  cause  of  this  country  to 
"  the  neighbouring    Colonies,  a  number  of  the   citizens 

or  we  ?     They  for  endeavouring  to  impose  such  laws  upon  us,   or  to 
deprive  us  of  all  our  right  to  our  own  property  ;  or  we,  lor  endeavour, 
ing  to  prevent  the  imposition  ?     Surely  Sir,   the  answer  is  obvious  to 
all  mankind.     The  parent  State  is  to  blame,  and  not  we.     But,  you 
say,  they  seem  determined  to  make  us  obedient  to  the  laws  of  the 
British  Parliament,  or  to  cast  us  off.     What  then.  Sir  ?     Should  the 
only    happy  country  upon  the  face  of   the  earth,  should  the    groat 
asylum  for  the  distressed  of  all  Europe,  give   up  its  right  to  its  own 
property,  because  a  present  Ministry,  and  a  present  House  of  Commons 
seem  d:,termined  that  they  should  ?     1  will  venture  to  affirm.  Sir,  that 
if  you  consider  this  matter  again,  you  will  agree  with  me,  that  they 
ought  not ;  and  as   to  the  casting  us  off,  I  am  told  that  Britain  re. 
ceives  too  much  advantage  from  the  connection,  to  admit  the  idea. 
But  we  seem  as  determined  as   they  to  abide  by  the  issue  ;  otherwise, 
you  say,  wo  should  not  certainly  encourage  the  people  of  Boston  to 
refuse  payment  for  the   tea  lately  destroyed  there.     In  this  I  have  the 
honour  of  agreeing  with  you  again  ;  but  you'll  excuse  my  dissent  when 
you  say.  Sir,  that  we  encourage  Boston  to  refuse  the  payment  of  a.  just 
demand.     How   is  it  possil)le.  Sir,   tliat  the  well  known  honour  and 
honesty  of  the  British  Colonies  could  encourage   a  sister  Colony  to 
refuse  the  payment  of  a.  just  demand.    No,  Sir,  they  do  not ;  you  quite 
mistake  the  encouragement  the  Colonies  give  upon  that  liead  ;  it  is 
only  to  refuse  the  payment  of  an  unjust  dsmand  ;  and  a  demand  too 
that  is  as  unjustly  made.   But  you  implicitly  take  it  for  granted,  that  the 
demand  lajust.     What  then.  Sir,  does  that  prove  it  to  be  so  ?     Or  i»  it 
a  reason  that  the  Colonies  should  do  so  too  ?     I  believe  I  may  venture 
to  inform  you,  that  they  consider  particular  circumstances,  wnich  that 
tea  was  under,  which  I  think  you  would  do  well  to  consider   too, 
before  you  attempt  to  publish  again  upon  the  subject.    And  pray,  Sir, 
in  the  interim  give  free  scope  to  your  thouglits,  and  judge  from  your 
own   reason,  wlicther  that  same  tea  was  not  a  felonious  instrument 
wafled  over  the  Atlantic,  with  the  express  and  malicious  design  of 
murdering  the  rights  and  liberties  of  a  whole  Continent.     The  Colo, 
nies  viewing  the  matter  in  this  ;«»(  point  of  light,  can  no  more  con. 
demn  its  destruction,  than  you  or  I  could  the  destruction  of  a  weapon 
raised  by  the  hand  of  an  assassin  to  deprive  us  of  life,  limb,  or  private 
property.     And  let  me  assure  you  Sir,  that  while  there  is  any  private 
property  lefV  in  the  world,  it  will  ever  be  defended  by  those  who  have 
it ;  though  to  the  damage  of  those  who  would  unjustly  attempt  to  take 
it  away.     But  you  add,  that  the  British  Legislature  claims  a  right  of 
regulation,  which  we  professedly  deny.     True,   Sir,  such  a  right  of 
regulation,  as  would  deprive  us  of  all  right  to  our  oion  properly,  we 
both  professedly  and  sincerely  deny  :  and  I  believe  will  continue  to  do 
so,  till  the  old  principles  of  natural  reason  and  justice  are  no  more. 
But  then  you  ask,  "  how  can  tlie  dispute  be  adjusted  ?"     I'll  tell  you. 
Sir,  when  our  oppressors  are  convinced  that  it  is  more  for  their  interest 
to  treat  ms  justly,  than  otherwise  ;  and  then,  and  not  till  then,  will  a, 
firm  foundation  be  laid  for  a  permanent  Union  ;  and  j  ustico  being  the 
corner  stone,  then  every  subject  of  the  Empire  shall  be  acknowledged 
to  have  an  equal  right  to  his  own  property  ;    and  that  no  power  on 
earth  can  take  tlie  whole  or  any  part  of  it  from  him,  but  by  his  own 
consent,  or  that  of  his  Representatives.     I  grant  with  you.  Sir,  that 
this  foundation  cannot  be  laid  by  opposing  a  military  force  ;  but  should 
it  be  otherwise,  should  we  be  forced  into  a  state  of  tlie  most  absolute 
slavery  ;  I  should  take  the  liberty  of  denying  your  consequence,  that, 
when  conquered,  we  should  have  no  claim  of  right,  as  being  a  con. 
quered  country  ;  for  even  in  that  case  we   should  have  all  the  rights 
you  are  pleased  to  vouchsafe  to  us  no\v,  the  sole  right  of  petitioning. 
You  seem  to  be  very  sure  that  our  gjneral  resolves  can  do  us  no 
service  ;  and  that  a    General  Convention  will  be  ineffectual  ;  for  you 
say,  *'  that  is  a  measure  that  should  never  be  adopted,  unless  we  were 
"  resolved  on  tlie  last  extremes."     'I'rue,  Sir,  no  more  it  ought.     But 
America  is  now  brought  to  the  last  extremity,  to  the  very  brink  of  the 
arbitrary  gulf  opened  wide  to  devour  her.     And  these  being  in  our  ap. 
prehensions  necessarily  tending  to  tlio  last  extremes,  consequently  in 
your  opinion,  a  General  Convention  ought  now  to  be  adopted  to  resolve 
upon  them.     But  you  say  again,  that  Convention  will  be  deemed  un. 
constitutional  ;  I  hope  not  by  you.  Sir,  who  have  been  so  good  as  to 
allow  it  a  right  to  meet  upon  tlie  last  extremity,  to  resolve  upon  the 
last  extremes.     But  having  no  existence  in  law,  you  say  also  it  may 


81  i 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


812 


"  think  it  highly  necessary  to  convene  the  good  people  of 
"  this  metropolis  in  the  Fields  on  Wednesday  next,  which 
"  will  be  the  6th  instant,  at  six  o^clock,  in  the  evening, 
"  where  every  friend  to  the  true  interest  of  this  distressed 
"  country  is  earnestly  requested  to  attend,  when  matters  of 
•'  the  utmost  importance  to  their  reputations  and  security 
"  as  freemen  will  be  communicated.  Tuesday,  5th  July, 
"  1774." 

"  The  above  advertisement  is  conceived  in  such  mystic 
and  ambiguous  terms,  that  no  person  out  of  the  secret 
could  imagine  from  whence  it  could  proceed.  Much  sur- 
prised, therefore,  was  I,  to  learn  that  a  member  of  this 
Committee  acted  as  Chairman  to  the  promoters  of  the  said 
advertisement. 

"  1  conceive,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  no  individual  whatever, 
especially  a  member  of  this  Committee,  had  a  right  to 
call  a  meeting  by  an  anonymous  advertisement,  much  less 
to  exhibit  a  set  of  resolves  calculated  for  particular  pur- 
poses, no  motion  ever  having  been  made  for  resolves  in  this 
Committee,  and  that  no  resolves  whatsoever  should  have 
been  entered  into,  until  when  well  digested  by  this  Com- 
mittee, and  held  up  to  the  public  for  their  consideration. 

"  I  therefore  move  that  this  Committee  disavow  all  such 
proceedings,  evidently  calculated  to  throw  an  odium  on  this 
Committee,  and  to  create  groundless  jealousies  and  suspi- 
cions of  their  conduct,  as  well  as  disunion  among  our  fel- 
low-citizens." 

Mr.  McDougall  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Lis- 
penard,  That  the  previous  question  be  put,  on  Mr.  John 
Thirman's  motion,  disavowing  the  proceedings  in  the  Fields 
on  the  6th  instant. 

Carried  in  the  negative. 

Affirmativet,  Negathet. 

Francis  Lowis,  John  Alsop,  Edward  Lii^ht, 

Peter  V.  B.  Livingston,  Charles  McEvers,  WiUiam  Walton, 

Leonard  Liepenard,        Gerard  W,  Beekman,  Charles  Shaw, 

Isaac  Sears,  Richard  Sharps,  Peter  Goclet, 

Thomas  Randall,  Hamilton  Young,  John  Moore, 

Peter  T.  Curtenius,        Benjamin  Booth,  Nicholas  Hoffman, 

Alexander  McDougall,  Alexander  Wallace,  Miles  Sherhrook, 

Abraham  P.  Lett,  John  Thurman,  William  Bay.ird, 

Joseph  Hallett,  Charles  NichoU,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow. 

Joseph  Bull,  Theophilact  Bache. 

Henry  Remsen, 

Mr.  Thurman' s  motion  being  then  put,  it  was  carried  in 
the  affirmative. 


Affirmativet, 


AViUiara  Walton, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Peter  Goalet, 
John  Moore, 
Nicholas  HofTman, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
William  Bayard, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Joseph  Bull, 
Henry  Remsen. 


Negatives. 
Francis  Lewis, 
Peter  V.  B.  Livingston, 
Leonard  Lispenard, 
Isaac  Sears, 
Thomas  Randall, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Alexandsr  McDougall, 
Abraham  P.  Lott, 
Joseph  Hallett. 


John  Alsop, 
Charles  McEvers, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Richard  Sharpe, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
John  Thurman, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
Edward  Laight, 

Resolved,  therefore,  That  such  proceedings  are  evidently 
calculated  to  throw  an  odium  upon  this  Committee,  and  to 
cause  groundless  jealousies  and  suspicions  of  their  conduct, 
as  well  as  disunion  among  our  fellow-citizens. 

be  judged  to  be  illegal ;  by  no  means.  Sir,  when  you  have  allowed  that 
the  last  extremes  will  make  it  legal.  You  are  confident  that  redress 
may  be  obtained,  but  not  by  any  means  we  have  hitherto  fallen  upon. 
If  the  Congress  or  Convention  which  you  have  permitted  to  meet 
upon  the  last  extremes,  do  fall  upon  means  of  redress,  we  shall  be  quite 
satisfied  ;  though  we  have  hitherto  been  unsuccessful.  As  to  your 
method  of  redress,  which  you  say  is  the  only  one  that  a  most  frraciam 
Sovereign  would  most  gladly  accede  to,  and  which  can  insure  to  us 
our  liberties,  I  do  humbly  afiirm,  that  I  think  it  a  method  so  little 
caleulated  to  inture  to  us  our  liberties,  that,  with  ninety.nine  Ameri. 
cans  out  of  every  hundred,  it  would  bo  thought  a  most  cffoctual  way  to 
destroy  them  ;  unless,  Sir,  you  would  he  pleased  to  give  security  that 
our  Duputi:,s  sent  to  Parliament  sliould  not  be  polluted  by  the  well 
known  fountains  of  corruption,  that  at  present  have  too  much  existence 
there.  In  one  place  you  grant  that  we  have  a  Constitution,  or  why  do 
you  call  upon  us  to  act  constitution:!  lly  ?  And  in  another,  you  are 
pleased  to  inform  us  that  hitherto  we  have  had  no  Constitution,  but  in 
idea.  Pray,  Sir,  be  pleas(«l  to  inform  us  of  your  design  in  these  senti- 
ments ;  lest  we  miglit  bo  led  to  think  you  liad  bjen  guilty  of  a  small 
contradiction.  For  my  own  part,  could  I  bili-ive  that  hithprto  wo 
have  had  no  Constitution,  but  in  idea,  1  sliould  be  led  to  think  that 
our  soveral  Governments  were  ideal  also  ;  that  our  courts  of  justice 
were  ideal,  and  that  the  glorious  Conorkss  itself  will  bo  l)Ut  ideal  ;  if 
so,  surely  it  cannot  be  an  object  worthy  of  your  future  opposition. 
However  tliat  may  be,  we  shall  trust  to  the  wisdom  of  its  m  imbors, 
and  to  tiicir  nncorrupted  patriotis7n  coumiit  our  cause  ;  tlie  cause  of 
Gad ;  the  cause  of  nature  ;  tlio  cause  of  America. 


Mr.  Lewis  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Curtenius : 
"  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  draw  and  report, 
without  delay,  a  set  of  Resolutions  to  be  proposed  to  the 
city,  expressing  their  sense  of  the  Boston  Port  Act,  and 
our  concurrence  with  such  of  the  neighbouring  Colonies  as 
have  declared  what  may  be  pro}>er  to  be  done  for  the  relief 
of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  the  redress  of  America 
grievances." 

Ordered,  unanimously,  Tliatthe  seven  following  persons 
be  a  Commintee  for  tliat  purpose,  viz :  Mr.  Low,  Mr. 
Lewis,  Mr.  Moore,  Captain  Sears,  Mr.  Remsen,  Mr. 
Shaw,  Mr.  McDougall. 

Mr.  McEvers  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  Booth, 

"  That  Mr.  Thurman's  motion  of  this  evening,  with  the 
resolve  thereon,  be  immediately  printed   at  large. 

Which  was  carried  as  follows : 


Affirmatires. 

Negi 

itirfs. 

Mr.  McEvers,      Walton, 

Mr 

.  Curtenius, 

Mr. 

.  Bull, 

Bocknian,     Laight, 

McDougall, 

Lispenard, 

Sherbrook,   Bache, 

Randall, 

P.V.  B.  Livingston, 

Alsop,           Nicholl, 

Lott, 

Captain  Sears. 

Shaw,           Thurman, 

Hallett, 

Goelet,          Booth. 

Moore, 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  until  Wednesday,  the 
13th  of  July,  at  6  o'clock,  in  ilie  evening. 


Proceedings  in  the  Fields,  referred  to  in  Mr.  Thur- 
man's motion  of  this  Evening. 

At  a  numerous  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of 
iVew-  York,  convened  in  the  Fields  by  public  advertisement, 
on  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  July,  1774. 

Mr.  Alexander  McDougall,  Chairman. 

The  business  of  the  meeting  being  fully  explained  by 
the  Chairman,  and  the  dangerous  tendency  of  the  numerous 
and  vile  arts  used  by  the  enemies  of  America,  to  divide 
and  distract  her  councils,  as  well  as  the  misrepresentations  of 
the  virtuous  intentions  of  the  citizens  of  this  metropolis, 
in  this  interesting  and  alarming  state  of  the  liberties  of 
America,  the  following  Resolutions  were  twice  read,  and 
the  question  being  separately  put  on  each  of  them,  they 
were  passed  without  one  dissentient : 

1st.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  the  statute  commonly 
called  the  Boston  Port  Act,  is  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants 
of  that  town,  unconstitutional  in  its  principles,  and  danger- 
ous to  the  liberties  of  British  America  ;  and  that,  tiiere- 
fore,  we  consider  our  brethren  at  Boston  as  now  suffering 
in  the  common  cause  of  these  Colonies. 

2d.  Resolved,  nem.  con.,  That  any  attack  or  attempt  to 
abridge  the  liberties,  or  invade  the  Constitution  of  any  of 
our  sister  Colonies,  is  immediately  an  attack  upon  the  liber- 
ties and  Constitution  of  all  the  British  Colonies. 

3d.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  the  shutting  up  of  any  of 
the  ports  in  America,  with  intent  to  exact  from  Americans 
a  submission  to  Parliamentary  taxation,  or  extort  a  repara- 
tion of  private  injuries,  is  highly  unconstitutional,  and  sub- 
versive of  the  commercial  rights  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
Continent. 

4th.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  if  tlie  principal  Colonies  on  this  Continent 
shall  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  importation 
from,  and  exportation  to  Great  Britain,  till  the  Act  of 
Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston  be 
repealed,  the  same  will  [irove  the  salvation  of  North 
America  and  her  liberties;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  if 
they  continue  their  exports  and  imports,  there  is  great  rea-  . 
son  to  fear  that  fraud,  power,  and  the  most  odious  oppres- 
sion, will  rise  triumphant  over  right,  justice,  social  happi- 
ness, and  freedom :  Therefore, 

5th.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  the  Deputies  who  shall 
represent  this  Colony  in  tlie  Congress  of  American  Depu- 
ties, to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  about  the  first  of  Septem- 
ber next,  are  hereby  instructed,  empowered,  and  directed 
to  enga"e  with  a  majority  of  tlie  principal  Colonies,  to 
auree  for  tliis  city  upon  a  non-imiwrtation  from  Great  Bri- 
tain, of  all  goods,  wares  and  nierchiindises,  until  the  Act 
for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston  be  repealed,  and 
American  grievances  be  redressed ;  and  also  to  agree  to 


818 


NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


814 


all  such  other  measures  as  tiie  Congress  shall  in  their  wisdom 
judge  advancive  of  these  great  objects,  and  a  general  secu- 
rity of  the  rights  and  privilege*  of  America. 

6th.  Resolved,  nem.  con.,  Tliat  this  meeting  will  abide 
by,  obey,  and  observe  all  such  resolutions,  detenninations 
and  measures,  which  the  Congress  aforesaid  shall  come 
into,  and  direct  or  recommend  to  be  done,  for  obtaining 
and  securing  the  important  ends  mentioned  in  the  foregoing 
resolutions.  And  that  an  engagement  to  this  effect  be 
immediately  entered  into  and  sent  to  the  Congress,  to 
evince  to  them  our  readiness  and  determination  to  co-ope- 
rate with  our  sister  Colonies  for  the  relief  of  our  distressed 
brethren  at  Boston,  as  well  as  for  the  security  of  our  com- 
mon rights  and  privileges. 

7th.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
meeting  that  it  would  be  proper  for  every  county  in  the 
Colony,  without  delay,  to  send  two  Deputies,  chosen  by 
the  people,  or  from  the  Committees  chosen  by  them  in 
each  county,  to  hold,  in  conjunction  with  Deputies  for  this 
city  and  county,  a  Convention  for  the  Colony,  (on  a  day 
to  be  appointed,)  in  order  to  elect  a  proper  number  of 
Deputies  to  represent  the  Colony  in  the  general  Congress. 
But  that,  if  the  counties  shall  conceive  this  mode  imprac- 
ticable or  inexpedient,  they  be  requested  to  give  their 
approbation  to  the  Deputies  who  shall  be  chosen  for  this 
city  and  county  to  represent  the  Colony  in  Congress. 

8th.  Resolved,  nem.  con.,  That  a  subscription  should 
immediately  be  set  on  foot  for  the  relief  of  such  poor 
inhabitants  of  Boston  as  are,  or  may  be  deprived  of  the 
means  of  subsistence,  by  the  operation  of  the  Act  of  Par- 
liament for  stopping  up  the  port  of  Boston.  The  money 
which  shall  arise  from  such  subscription  to  be  laid  out  as 
the  city  Committee  of  Correspondence  shall  think  will  best 
answer  the  end  proposed. 

9th.  Resolved,  nem.  con..  That  the  city  Committee  of 
Correspondence  be,  and  they  are  hereby  instructed,  to  use 
their  utmost  endeavours  to  carry  these  resolutions  into 
execution. 

Ordered,  That  these  Resolutions  be  printed  in  the  pub- 
lic newspapers  of  this  city,  and  transmitted  to  the  different 
counties  in  this  Colony,  and  to  the  Committees  of  Corres- 
pondence for  the  neighbouring  Colonies. 


To  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  and  Ct)Mn<yo/"  New- York. 

Gentlemen  :  The  trust  you  were  pleased  to  repose  in 
us,  in  appointing  us  members  of  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, renders  it  necessary  to  inform  you  of  the  above 
proceedings,  as  well  as  to  justify  our  conduct  upon  the 
points  on  which  we  divided.  We  voted  against  Mr. 
Thiirman's  motion,  because  the  people  have  an  undoubted 
right  to  convene  themselves,  and  come  into  whatever 
resolutions  they  shall  think  proper,  if  they  be  not  contrary 
to  law ;  and  although  the  manner  of  calling  them  might  not 
be  deemed  so  regular  as  might  be  wished,  though  practised 
heretofore  in  the  debates  on  the  Stamp  Act,  yet  consider- 
ing that  a  respectable  number  of  our  fellow-citizens  did 
meet,  and  did  no  acts  but  what  were  conformable  to  the 
general  spirit  of  all  the  Colonies  in  this  alarming  state  of  our 
public  affairs,  we  therefore  conceived  that  our  disavowing 
their  conduct  would  naturally  tend  to  hold  up  the  idea  of 
a  division,  if  not  a  disapprobation  ofthe  resolutions ;  and  as 
the  resolutions  do  not  so  much  as  insinuate  that  they  came 
from  the  Committee,  no  charge  could  lie  against  them  for 
any  matter  contained  in  them.  For  these  reasons,  also,  we 
voted  against  Mr.  McEvers's  motion  to  publish  the  pro- 
ceedings, and  because  he  declared,  before  the  question  was 
put,  that  these  proceedings  should  be  published,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  sent  home  by  the  packet.  This  decla- 
ration from  a  member  of  the  Committee,  has,  in  our  opinion, 
such  a  tendency  to  hold  up  a  disunion  amongst  us,  which 
must  impede  the  public  business,  and  retard  a  redress  of 
our  grievances,  especially  as  the  gentlemen  who  voted  for 
his  motion  heard  the  reasons  offered  against  their  being 
published,  that  we  conceive  we  cannot,  with  such  a  majo- 
rity, answer  the  end  of  our  appointment ;  and,  therefore, 
in  justice  to  ourselves,  and  from  a  regard  to  the  public 
interest,  we  desire  that  our  names  may  be  erased  out  of 
the  list  of  the  Committee.    And  we  are  humbly  of  opinion, 


that  the  temper  manifested  by  the  majority  for  publishing 
Mr.  McEvers's  motion,  is  destructive  to,  and  subversive 
of,  the  end  for  which  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
was  appointed.  All  of  which  is,  nevertheless,  humbly 
submitted  to  you. 

Francis  Lewis,  Isaac  Sears, 

Joseph  Hallett,  Thomas  Randall, 

Alexander  McDougall,  Abraham  P.  Lott, 

P.  V.  B.  Livingston,  Leonard  Lispenaru. 

We,  whose  names  are  hereunto  subscribed,  though  not 
present  at  the  debates,  do  likewise  request  our  names  may 
be  struck  out  of  the  list  of  the  Committee. 

John  Broome, 
Abraham  Brasher. 
Jacobus  Van  Zandt. 

N.  B.  It  may  be  proper  to  inform  the  reader,  that 
printing  the  proceedings  of  the  Committee  has  been 
agitated  several  times,  and  judged  inexpedient,  because 
every  citizen,  by  the  rules  of  the  Board,  may  have  access  to 
them  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the  members ;  that  Mr. 
McEvers's  motion  was  made  after  the  Committee  adjourn- 
ed to  Monday  next,  and  some  of  the  members  were  gone, 
and  one  going  down  stairs. 

New.Yoik,  July  8tli,  1774. 


To  the  worthy  Inhabitants  of  the  City  and  County  of 
New- York. 

Fellow-Countrymen  :  Your  Committee  of  fifty-one 
having  laid  before  you  their  proceedings  on  Thursday  even- 
ing, I  should  not  have  troubled  you  at  this  time,  had  not 
eleven  of  the  Committee  made  a  formal  resignation,  and 
published  an  appeal  to  you  in  justification  of  their  conduct. 

You  are  told,  that  "  the  people  have  an  undoubted 
"  right  to  convene  themselves,  and  come  into  whatever 
"  resolutions  they  shall  think  proper,  if  they  be  not  con- 
"  trary  to  law."  This  is  granted  by  every  one  ;  but  you 
would  think  me  a  very  impudent  ftjllow,  and  deserving  of 
the  severest  reprehension,  if  I,  as  a  member  of  that  Commit- 
tee, was  to  call  you  together  this  evening  by  an  anonymous 
advertisement,  and  propose  a  set  of  resolves  to  you  of  the 
last  importance,  whhout  either  giving  you  the  least  previous 
notice  of  their  contents,  or  consulting  your  Committee  upon 
the  occasion.  Would  you  not  be  all  of  opinion  that  I 
deserved  the  highest  censure,  both  from  you  and  the  Com- 
mittee ?  This  was  the  ground  of  your  Committee's  con- 
duct ;  and  their  disapprobation,  as  you  have  seen,  was 
conceived  in  the  mildest  terms  the  nature  of  the  case  could 
admit  of.  And  let  those  who  quitted  the  chamber  in  a 
rage,  ordering  their  names  struck  off,  and  afterwards  bawl- 
ing along  the  streets,  "  the  Committee  is  dissolved — the 
Committee  is  dissolved" — let  them,  I  say,  be  answerable 
for  the  consequences  of  a  division,  if  a  division  must  take 
place.  Your  Committee,  notwithstanding  the.  evident 
designs  of  a  faction  to  dissolve  them,  are  determined  to 
persevere  in  promoting,  to  the  utmost  of  their  ability,  the 
important  ends  of  their  appointment,  so  long  as  you,  their 
constituents,  shall  signify  your  approbation  of  their  conduct. 

The  remainder  of  the  appeal  is  taken  up  with  a  declara- 
tion of  Mr.  McEvers's,  artfully  selected  to  throw  an  obli()ue 
slur  upon  that  gentleman's  character.  You  are  told,  "  that 
"  he  declared,  before  the  question  was  put,  that  these  pro- 
"  ceedings  should  be  published,  in  order  to  be  sent  home 
"  by  the  packet."  But  they  forgot  to  tell  you,  that  Mr. 
McEvers  previously  declared  that  the  resolves  were  printed 
in  Mr.  Holt's  paper  on  purpose  to  be  sent  home  by  the 
packet,  and  that  he  wished  our  proceedings  might  accom- 
pany tliat  paper  wherever  it  went.  This  is  all  that  your 
Committee  had  in  view  in  publishing  their  proceedings. 
They  conceived  that  the  resolves  were  printed  and  held 
up  to  the  worid,  not  only  as  the  act  of  this  Committee, 
but  of  the  city  at  large',  and  that  they  would  evidently 
pass  under  sucii  a  construction,  unless  the  mode  of  obtain- 
ing them  was  publicly  disavowed.  But  you  will  readily 
discover  how  artfully  this  lias  been  rej^resented,  with  a  view 
of  tarnishing  one  of  tlie  most  amiable  characters  among  us  ; 
a  cliaracter^that  is  strongly  marked  in  the  breast  of  every 


315 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


3^6 


good  citizen,  as  exhibiting  not  only  a  true  friend  to  the 
lil>erties  of  this  country,  but  a  friend  to  mankind. 

O.NE  OF  THE  Committee. 

New. York,  July  9th,  1774.* 


New. York,  July  13,  1774. 

The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  six  o'clock,  in 
the  evening. 

[  The  Committee  appointed  on  the  7th  instant,  present- 
ed a  set  of  Resolutions  to  be  proposed  to  the  City.  ] 

Ordered,  Tiiat  the  same  be  forthwith  printed,  and  dis- 
tributed in  iiaiidbills,  for  the  consideration  of  the  public, 
who  are  requested  to  attend  at  the  Coffee  House  on  Tues- 
day next,  at  12  o'clock  in  the  morning,  to  si::nify  their 
.sense  of  the  said  resolves. 

Mr.  Laight  moved,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr.  McEvers : 
"  That  the  five  gentlemen  nominated  by  diis  Committee  as 
Delegates  to  the  general  Congress,  viz  :  Mr.  Diiane,  Mr. 
Philip  Livingston,  Mr.  John  Alsop,  Mr.  Isaac  Loio,  and 
Mr.  John  Jay,  be  proposed  to  the  citizens  for  their  appro- 
bation at  the  same  time  and  place  ;" 

Which  being  unanimously  agreed  to. 

Ordered,  That  printed  Notices  be  immediately  dis- 
pei-sed. 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  Tuesday,  the  19th  of 
July,  instant,  to  meet  at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening. 


New-York,  19th  July,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening:    Present, 

Isaac  IjOW,  Chairman,  Peter  Go"let,  John  Jay, 

John  Alsop,  Charles  McEvers,  Joseph  Bull, 

Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Alexander  Wallace,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 

Henry  Remsen,  diaries  Shaw,  Edward  L  lisrht, 

Jolm  Da  Lancoy,  John  Moore,  Hamiltoii  Young, 

Benjamin  Booth,  Ahriharn  Walton,  G  ravJus  Duyckinck, 

William  Walton,  Willidm  Bayard,  Richard  Yates, 
(ierard  W.  Beekman, 

A  Letter,  dated  Charlcstown,  S.  C,  8th  July,  1774, 
with  Resolves,  was  received  and  read. 

The  Resolves  proposed  by  this  Board  to  the  inhabitants 
of  this  city,  having  been  pubhshed  and  dispereed  through 
the  town  several  days  previous  to  this  meeting,  and  every 
person  thereby  furnished  with  an  opportunity  of  consider- 
ing them  with  due  deliberation,  and  as  only  a  small  pro- 
portion of  the  citizens  attended  the  meeting  at  the  Coffee 
House  to  signify  their  sense  of  same,  and  the  sentiments 
of  the  majority  still  remaining  uncertain : 

Therefore,  to  remove  all  doubts  and  uneasiness  on  that 
head,  it  is  ordered,  that  certain  amendments  be  made  to 
the  said  resolves,  [see  Resolves,  2d,  3d,  and  7th,]  and  that 
two  or  more  persons  be  appointed  in  each  Ward  to  take 
tiie  sense  of  the  freeholders,  freemen,  and  such  others  who 
])ay  taxes,  respecting  the  said  resolutions  so  amended  ;  as 
also  the  Delegates  nominated  by  this  Committee  to  attend 
the  Congress.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  although  the  said 
resolves  cannot  with  certainty  be  said  to  correspond  with 
tlie  sentiments  of  the  major  part  of  the  citizens,  though  in 

•  Several  handbills  on  the  Times  have  been  printed  and  distributed  in 
this  city  since  the  9th  instant,  viz  : 

Mr.  McDougall's  Address  to  the  Freeholders  and  Freemen  of  this 
City  and  County,  upon  the  nomination  of  five  gentlemen  to  represent 
the  Province  in  the  Continental  Congress.  In  this  perrormance,  the 
proposed  method  of  taking  the  sense  of  the  city  upon  the  nomination, 
that  ought  to  be  adopted,  is  censured  as  an  infringement  of  the  liber, 
ties  of  the  electors  ;  for  which  reason,  and  to  end  a  controversy  that 
might  prove  injurious  to  the  common  causb,  this  gentleman  declines  a 
nomination  to  the  Congress. 

A  Moderate  Man's  Address  to  the  free.horn  Citizens  o/ New-York, 
approving  of  the  Resolves,  disapproving  of  the  manner  in  wliich  thoy 
were  obtained,  and  recommending  that  the  eleven  members  be  desired 
to  resume  their  seats  in  the  Committee  Chamber  ;  and  yesterday  was 
published  an  Address  to  the  Inhibitants  of  this  City  and  County,  by 
Agricola.  T)ie  author  of  this  last  exhibition  undertakes  to  justify 
the  mode  in  which  the  Committee  propos-d,  agret^able  to  that  ordained 
for  their  direction  by  the  electors  at  the  City  Hall,  on  the  Gth  instant, 
to  collect  the  sense  of  the  city  and  coimty,  touching  tlie  choice  of 
Deputies  for  the  Congress.  He  makes  very  free,  in  other  resi)ects, 
with  Mr.  McDousaU's  Address,  and  treats  tlie  Moderate  Man  (who 
would  gladly  conciliate  all  differences,  and  wishes  the  eleven  members 
may  resume  their  scats  at  the  Committee  Board,)  with  ineftable  con. 
tempt. 

List  night  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  mft,  and  concluded 
upon  a  set  of  resolves  on  our  present  alarming  satuation,  wliieh  will  be 
this  day  eommuiiieatod  to  the  public  for  their  further  consideration, 
and  on  Tuesday  next  the  inhaliitants  will  he  desired  to  meet  at  the 
Coffee  House  to  signify  their  sense  of  the  said  resolves. 
New-York,  July  14,  1774. 


all  probability  they  do,  yet,  as  they  contain  our  sentiments, 
it  is  furdier  ordered,  that  diey  be  immediately  published 
as  such,  leaving  those  who  may  dissent  from  us  to  declare 
their  opinions  in  such  other  phrases  or  modes  of  expression 
as  they  siiali  diink  ))roper. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  his  most  sacred  Majesty  George 
the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain,  is  our  liege,  lawful, 
and  rightful  Sovereign,  and  that  it  is  our  indispensable 
duty,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  by  all  constitutional 
means,  to  maintain  and  support  his  crown  and  dignity ; 
that  it  is  our  greatest  happiness  and  glory  to  have  been 
born  British  subjects,  and  that  we  wish  nothing  more 
ardently  than  to  live  and  die  as  such  :  that  we  are  one 
people,  connected  by  the  strongest  ties  of  affection,  duty 
and  interest,  and  that  wo  lament  as  the  greatest  misfortune, 
every  occurrence  which  has  the  least  tendency  to  alienate 
or  disturb  that  mutual  harmony  and  confidence,  which,  if 
properly  cultivated,  could  not  fail  of  rendering  the  British 
Empire  the  admiration  and  envy  of  the  world.  That  we, 
therefore,  view  with  inexpressible  concern  and  grief,  some 
late  acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  claiming  rights,  and 
exercising  powers,  which  we  humbly  conceive  are  replete 
with  destruction,  and  may  be  attended  with  the  most  fatal 
conseqtiences  to  the  Colonies  and  their  parent  State. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  all  Acts  of  the  UriCuA  Parliament, 
imposing  taxes  on  the  Colonies,  are  unjust  and  unconstitu- 
tional, and  particularly  that  the  Act  for  blocking  up  the  port 
of  Boston,  is  in  the  highest  degree  arbitrary  in  its  princi- 
ples, oppressive  in  its  operation,  unparalleled  in  its  rigour, 
indelinite  in  its  exactions,  and  subversive  of  every  idea  of 
British  liberty,  and  therefore  justly  to  be  abhorred  and 
detested  by  all  good  men. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  the  destrucdon  of  the  tea  at  Boston 
was  not  die  only  motive  for  bringing  such  unexampled  dis- 
tress on  that  people,  because  the  alternative  of  suffering 
it,  or  paying  for  the  tea,  had  otherwise  been  left  in  their 
option.  But  we  truly  lament  that  the  enforcing  the  right 
of  taxation  over  the  Colonies  seems  to  have  been  the  main 
design  of  the  said  Act  of  Parliament. 

4tli.  Resolved,  That  vengeance  separately  directed  has 
a  more  dangerous  tendency,  and  is  more  destructive  of  the 
liberties  of  America  dian  conjunctively  ;  and  that  dierefore 
it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  all  the  Colonies,  according 
to  their  different  circumstances,  to  afford  every  reasonable 
assistance  to  a  sister  Colony  in  distress,  especially  when 
that  distress  is  evidently  calculated  to  intimidate  others 
from  contributing  what  may  be  in  then:  power  to  procure 
the  desired  relief. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  the  proposed  Congress  of  Dele- 
gates from  the  different  Colonies,  to  consult  on  the  mode 
of  procuring  relief  from  our  difficulties,  is  the  most  pru- 
dent measure  that  could  have  been  devised  at  this  alarming 


crisis. 


6th.  Resolved,  That  as  the  wisdom  of  the  Colonies 
will,  in  all  probability,  be  collected  at  the  proposed  Con- 
gress, it  would  be  premature  in  any  Colony  to  anticipate 
their  conduct  by  resolving  what  ought  to  be  done;  but 
that  it  should  be  left  to  their  joint  councils  to  determine 
on  the  mode  which  shall  appear  most  salutary  and  effec- 
tual to  answer  the  good  purposes  for  which  they  are  con- 
vened. 

7th.  Resolved,  That  nothing  less  than  dire  necessity 
can  justify,  or  ought  to  induce  the  Colonies  to  unite  in  any 
measure  that  might  materially  injure  our  brethren,  the 
manufiicturers,  traders,  and  merchants  in  Great  Britain  ; 
but  that  the  preservation  of  our  inestimable  rights  and 
liberties,  as  enjoyed  and  exercised,  and  handed  down  to 
us  by  our  ancestors,  ought  to  supersede  all  other  consider- 
ations ;  and  that,  therefore,  we  doubt  not  the  cool,  dispas- 
sionate people  of  England,  whose  friendship  on  former 
occasions  we  have  experienced,  will,  on  mature  considera- 
tion, not  only  applaud  our  motives,  but  co-operate  with  us 
in  all  constitutional  measures,  for  carrying  these  our  vir- 
tuous resolutions  into  execution,  in  order  to  obtain  the 
desired  and  just  redress  of  our  grievances. 

8th.  Resolved,  That  if  a  non-importation  agreement 
of  goods  from  Great  Britain  should  be  adopted  by  the 
Congress,  it  ought  to  be  very  general  and  faithfully  adhered 
to ;  and  that  a  non-importation,  partially  observed,  like  the 
last,  would  answer  no  good  purpose,  but,  on  tlie  contrary, 
only  serve  to  expose  all  the  Colonies  to  further  injuries. 


817 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


818 


9th.  Resolved,  therefore.  That  the  Delegates  to  the 
Congress  ought  to  be  so  cliosen  or  instructed,  that  they 
may  "  be  able,  not  only  to  speak  the  sentiments,  but  to 
"  pledge  themselves  for  the  good  conduct  of  the  people  of 
"  the  Colonies  tliey  represent." 

10th.  Resolved,  Tiiat  the  tribute  of  our  most  grateful 
thanks  is  justly  due  to  all  the  friends  of  the  Colonies  in 
Great  Britain  who  are  opposed  to  the  severe  measures 
now  exerting  against  them ;  and  particularly  to  those 
illustrious  patriots  who  so  ably  distinguished  themselves  in 
both  Houses  of  Parliament,  in  opposing  laws,  which,  at 
the  same  time  that  they  subvert  the  liberties  of  America, 
have  a  manifest  tendency  to  injure  those  of  the  mother 
country,  and  may  eventually  entirely  overthrow  their  once 
excellent  Constitution. 

The  following  motion  was  made  by  Mr.  Jay,  and 
seconded  by  Mr.  haight : 

"  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  take  the  distresses 
of  the  poor  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  ways  and  means  for 
their  relief,  into  consideration,  and  make  their  report  with 
all  convenient  speed." 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Also]),  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Curtenius, 
Mr.  Laight,  Mr.  Duyckinck,  and  Mr.  De  Lancey,  be  a 
Committee  for  that  purpose. 

Ordered,  That  the  following  persons  be  a  Committee 
to  prepare  answers  to  the  Letters  which  have  been 
received,  viz :  John  Alsop,  Theophilact  Bache,  Miles 
Sherbrook,  Richard  Yates,  Joseph  Bull,  Peter  Goclet, 
Gerardus  Duyckinck. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Shaw,  Mr.  William  Walton,  Mr. 
Curtenius,  Mr.  Goelet,  Mr.  Remsen,  Mr.  Laight,  and  Mr. 
Bull,  be  a  Committee  to  apply  to  the  Committee  of 
Mechanics,  and  request  them  to  appoint  certain  persons  of 
their  body  to  join  our  nominating  body  to  go  round  the 
Wards  to  take  the  sense  of  the  inhabitants  on  the  matters 
above  mentioned. 

The  Committee  adjourned,  to  Monday,  the  25th  instant, 
at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening,  to  meet  at  the  Exchange. 


New. York,  July  20th,  1774. 
To  the  Respectable  Public. — We  conceive  the  sense 
of  our  fellow-citizens,  relative  to  the  Delegates  to  repre- 
sent them  at  the  proposed  Congress,  (notwithstanding  the 
proceedings  of  yesterday  at  the  Coffee  House,)  remains 
so  uncertain,  that  until  the  sentiments  of  the  town  are 
ascertained  with  great  precision,  we  can  by  no  means  con- 
sider ourselves,  or  any  others,  nominated  as  Delegates, 
duly  chosen  or  authorized,  to  act  in  so  honourable  and 
important  a  station.  John  Alsop, 

Isaac  Low, 
John  Jay. 


New. York,  20th  July,  1774. 

To  the  Respectable  Public. — Certain  Resolves  having 
been  proposed  by  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  to 
a  number  of  citizens  assembled  at  the  Coffee  House  yes- 
terday, and  rejected,*  and  instead  of  desiring  that  amend- 
ments or  additions  might  be  made,  or  a  new  set  drawn  up 
by  the  said  Committee,  more  agreeable  to  their  sentiments, 
they  proceeded  to  nominate  a  new  Committee  for  the 
purpose,  and  appointed  us,  the  subscribers,  on  it ;  and 
being  summoned  this  morning  to  attend  their  meeting, 
thought  it  incumbent  on  us  to  return  the  following  answer  : 

Gentlemen  :  We  have  received  your  notice  to  attend 
the  Committee  appointed  yesterday  to  draw  up  resolves 
for  this  city.  When  we  consider  that  the  appointment  of 
this  Committee  was  proposed  and  carried  without  any  pre- 
vious notice  of  such  design  having  been  given  to  the 
inhabitants,  and  made  no  part  of  the  business  for  which 
they  were  requested  to  assemble,  we  think  our  election 
too  irregular  to  assume  any  authority,  in  consequence  of  it, 
to  draw  resolves  for  the  town ;  especially  as  the  nomina- 
tion of  this  Committee  seems  to  cast  an  invidious  reflec- 

*  By  a  very  lato  letter  we  are  informed  that  the  people  of  New.York 
have  unanimously  voted,  that  the  resolves  proposed  to  them  were  desti- 
tute of  vigour,  sense,  and  integrity  ;  that  tlicy  have  chosen  a  Commit- 
tee of  fifteen  persons  to  draw  up  new  resolves,  and  that  two  unexcep- 
tionable friends  of  liberty  wore  added  to  the  Delegates. 

Boston,  July  25,  1774. 


tion  on  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  manifestly 
tends  to  divide  the  citizens  into  factions  and  parties,  at  a 
time  when  they  should  be  distinguished  by  concord  and 
unanimity.  Besides,  we  conceive  our  attendance  could 
answer  no  purpose,  nor  afford  you  any  assistance.  The 
resolves  read  yesterday,  with  a  few  amendments,  contain 
our  sentiments ;  as  such  they  will  be  published,  and  (some 
seemingly  exceptionable  parts  being  omitted)  offered  to 
the  consideration  of  the  public. 
We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  humble  servants, 
Isaac  Low,  Henry  Remsen, 

John  Moore,  John  Jay. 

To  the  Gentlemen  of  the  Committee  at  Mr.  Doran's. 


New-York,  July  25,  1774. 

The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  the  Exchange, 
at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening :  Present, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Richard  Yates,  Gerardus  Duyckinck, 

John  Alsop,  Jolin  De  Lancey,  Henry  Remsen, 

William  Biiynrd,  Miles  .Sherbrook,  Hamilton  Young, 

Theophilact  Bache,  Jolm  Jay,  Peter  T.  Curtenius, 

Charles  McEvers,  Benjamin  Booth,  Abraham  Duryee, 

Charbs  NichoU,  Charles  Shaw,  Joseph  Bull, 

John  Moore,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  Richard  Sharpe, 

Edward  Liight,  Abraham  Walton,  Alexander  Wallace. 
William  Walton, 

A  Letter  dated  Boston,  July,  1774,  received  and  read. 

Mr.  Remsen,  seconded  by  Mr.  Duryee,  made  the  follow- 
ing motion,  viz : 

"  Mr.  Chairman,  I  move  that  a  poll  be  opened  at  the 
usual  places  of  election  in  each  Ward  in  this  city,  on 
Thursday,  the  28th  instant,  at  9  o'clock,  in  the  morning,  to 
elect  five  Deputies  for  the  city  and  county  of  New-  York, 
to  meet  in  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  the  first  o(  September 
next ;  and  in  order  that  the  same  may  be  conducted  in  the 
most  unexceptionable  manner  : 

"  I  further  move,  that  this  Committee  request  the  Alder- 
men, Conmion  Council,  and  Vestry  in  each  Ward  to  super- 
intend the  same,  and  that  the  Committee  of  Mechanics  be 
also  requested  to  appoint  two  persons  in  each  Ward  to 
attend  with  two  of  this  Committee  for  the  same  purpose ; 
that  not  only  the  freeholders  and  freemen,  but  also  persons 
who  pay  taxes  be  deemed  qualified  to  vote." 

Which  being  unanimously  agreed  to ; 

Ordered,  That  the  same  be  forthwith  earned  into  exe- 
cution, and  public  notice  thereof  be  immediately  given 
by  printed  handbills. 

Ordered  further.  That  the  following  persons  be  a 
Committee :  For  the  East  Ward,  Theophilact  Bache  and 
Charles  McEvers  ;  for  the  South  Ward,  Charles  NichoU 
and  John  DeLancey ;  for  the  Dock  Ward,  Charles  Shaw 
and  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow ;  for  Montgomerie  Ward,  James 
Bull  and  Edward  Laight ;  for  the  North  Ward,  William 
McAdam  and  Miles  Sherbrook;  for  th.e  West  Ward, 
Benjamin  Booth  and  Peter  T.  Curtenius;  for  the  Out 
Ward,  William  Bayard  and  Abraham  Duryee. 

An  Amendment  having  been  made,  by  upwards  of  fifteen 
persons  of  this  Committee,  in  their  third  resolve,  and 
ordered  to  be  printed  in  Mr.  Gaine's  paper  of  this  day,* 
different  from  what  was  inserted  in  Mr.  Rivington's  and 
Holt's  papers  of  Thursday  last,  the  said  Amendment  is 
unanimously  adopted  by  this  Committee,  and  ordered  to 
remain  as  such. 

The  Committee  adjourned,  to  meet  on  Thursday  even- 
ing, the  27th  instant. 

•Whereas  a  set  of  Resolves  were  published  in  Mr.  Gaine's  Gazette  of 
the  25th  instant,  by  some  gentlemen  and  others,  styling  themselves  a 
Committee  of  the  city  of  New-York,  wherein  among  other  things  it 
was  proposed  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  to  send  expresses  to 
the  Supervisors  of  the  different  precincts  or  districts  of  each  county, 
in  order  to  collect  the  sentiments  of  the  people  upon  the  present  alarm- 
ing  and  critical  situation  of  affairs  in  America. 

In  case  such  expresses  arrive,  an  inhabitant  of  this  county  would  bo 
glad  to  have  answers  to  a  few  queries,  which  may  enlighten  the  minds 
of  some,  and  facilitate  the  measure  of  joining  with  their  fellow-subjects 
in  publisliing  a  proper  set  of  resolves. 

First,  Does  the  King  of  Great  Britain's  authority,  or  his  right  of 
dominion  over  the  American  Colonics,  stand  in  any  need  of  being  esta- 
blished by  such  resolves  of  town  and  parish  meetings,  as  appaar  in  the 
newspapers  ? 

Secondly,  Does  our  resolving  that  wo  are  his  Majesty's  true  and 
faithful  liogn  subjects,  make  us  one  jot  tho  more  so  ? 

Thirdly,  Have  or  have  not  tho  Boslonians  for  a  series  of  years  past, 
by  many  of  their  transactions  and  publications,  discovered  an  inclina- 
tion to  subvert  the  Constitution  both  in  Church  and  State  ? 


319 


NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


320 


New. York,  July  27,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by   adjomiiment,  this  evening: 
Present, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  John  Do  Lancey,  Henry  Romson, 

William  Bayard,  Jolin  Jay,  Peter  T.  C^urtoniiu, 

Philip  Livingston,  Bjnjaniin  Booth,  Abraham  J)uryeo, 

Charles  Niclioll,  ClinrL-s  Shaw,  Josepli  Bull, 

Jolin  Moora,  Aloxander  Wallace,  Richard  Sharpe, 

Edward  Laight,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  IVter  Godet, 

William  Walton,  G<!rard  Duyckiiick,  Joseph  llallett. 

Richard  Yates,  Peter  Van  iScliaack, 

A  Note  from  the  Commitlee  at  Mr.  Marriner's,  to  the 
Delegates  nominated  by  this  Committee,  with  their  Answer 
was  read,  and  is  in  the  words  following : 

^ow-York,  July  2G,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  As  you  are  upon  the  nomination  as  Dele- 
gates to  represent  this  city  and  county  of  New-York,  at 
the  proposed  Congress,  in  order  to  avoid  the  inconveniences 
which  may  arise  from  contested  elections,  we  are  re- 
quested as  a  Conmiitlee  from  a  number  of  citizens  to  ask 
you,  whether  on  your  part  you  will  engage  to  use  your 
utmost  endeavoui-s  at  the  proposed  Congress,  that  an 
agreement  not  to  import  goods  from  Great  Britain 
until  the  American  grievances  be  redressed,  be  entered 
into  by  the  Colonies  there  to  be  represented,  if  you 
will  so  engage,  tiie  body  by  whom  we  are  nominated 
will  support  you,  if  not,  that  body  have  a  set  of  candidates 
who  will  comply  with  the  proposed  engagement. 

Presented  by  Messrs.  Abraham  Brasher,  Theophi- 
Lus  Anthonit,  Francis  Van  Dyck,  Jeremiah  Platt, 
Christopher  Duyckinck. 


Answer  to  the  foregoing  Note  : 

New- York,  July  27,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  Should  we  become  your  Delegates,  we 
beg  leave  to  assure  you  tliat  we  will  use  our  utmost  endea- 
vours to  carry  every  measure  into  execution  at  the  pro- 
posed Congress  that  may  then  be  thought  conducive  to 
the  general  interest  of  the  Colonies ;  and,  at  present,  are  of 
opinion  that  a  general  non-importation  agreement,  faith- 
fully observed,  would  prove  the  most  efficacious  means  to 
procure  a  redress  of  our  grievances. 

Permit  us  to  add,  that  we  are  led  to  make  this  decla- 
ration of  our  sentiments,  because  we  think  it  right,  and  not 
as  an  inducement  to  be  favoured  with  your  votes  ;  nor  have 
we  the  least  objection  to  your  electing  any  gentlemen  as 
your  Delegates,  in  whom  you  think  you  can  repose  greater 
confidence,  than  in  your  humble  servants, 

Philip  Livingston,      John  Alsop, 
Isaac  Low,  John  Jay. 

Tlie  following  was  received  in  Answer  to  the  above  : 

New- York,  July  27,  1774. 

At  a  meeting  of  a  number  of  citizens,  convened  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Marriner,  it  was  unanimously  agreed.  That 
they  acquiesce  in  the  nomination  of  the  following  gentle- 
men, as  Delegates  to  represent  the  city  and  county  of  New- 
York,  at  the  ensuing  Congress  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia, 
on  the  first  of  September  next,  viz : 

Mr.  Philip  Livingston,        Mr.  James  Duane, 
John  Alsop,  John  Jay. 

Isaac  Low, 

Presented  by  Messrs.  Abraham  Brasher,  Theophi- 
Lus  Anthony,  Francis  Van  Dyck,  Jeremiah  Platt, 
Christopher  Duyckinck. 

Fourthly,  Was  the  destruction  of  the  tea  at  Boston  the  sole  cause  of 
tlin  gri'^vances  under  which  that  city  now  labours  ? 

Fifthly,  Does  not  our  resolving,  that  the  people  of  Boston  are  suffer, 
ing  in  the  common  cause  of  America,  involve  us  in  an  imputation 
that  we  concur  with  tliom  in  sentiments  and  inclinations  in  sucli 
schemes  as  may  have  created  a  jealousy  in  the  motlier  country,  and 
brought  on  thom  their  present  sufferings  ? 

Sixtiily,  Will  not  a  general  agroenient  of  non-iraportation  from 
England  bring  on  an  entire  non-exportation,  by  justly  causing  our  ports 
to  be  blocked  up  like  that  of  Boston  ;  and  tlien  what  will  become  of  our 
produce,  of  wliich  we  are  like  to  have  such  vast  quantities  ? 

Lastly,  Would  not  a  general  agreement,  (religiously  observed)  not 
to  use  t  !a,  or  any  other  article  unconstitutionally  taxed  ;  together  with 
the  united  repr  sentalion  or  application  of  tlieir  1  igal  Representatives 
in  the  several  Provinces,  to  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  bo  the  most 
likely  and  unexceptionable  means  for  American*  to  havo  their  present 
grievances  r^'^ressed  ? 

Ulster  County,  Nete-York,  July  30,  1774. 


The  Committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Magistrates, 
Common  Council,  and  Vestry,  to  request  their  superin- 
tendence in  each  Ward,  at  tlie  election  for  Delegates,  to 
attend  the  proposed  Congress,  reported,  that  they  had  ac- 
cordingly waited  on  them,  and  received  for  answer,  that 
they  would  comply  with  their  request. 

The  Committee  of  Mechanics  returned  the  names  of 
the  fourteen  persons  they  were  requested  to  appoint  to 
attend  the  said  election. 

A  Letter  from  Charles  Thomson,  dated  Philadelphia, 
25th  July,  1774,  received  and  read,  with  Resolves. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  28th  instant. 


New- York,  July  28,  1774. 
The  Committee  met  this  evening,  at  6  o'clock,  at  the 
Exchange :  Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  John  Mooro, 


John  Alsop, 
William  Bayard, 
Theophilact  Bacho, 
Philip  Livingston, 
C-harles  McEvers, 
Charles  Nicholl, 


Edward  Laight, 
William  Walton, 
John  De  Lancey, 
Miles  Slicrbrook, 
John  Jay, 
Benjamin  Booth, 


Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 
Nicholas  Hoffman, 
GerarduB  Duyckinck, 
Peter  T.  ("urtcnius, 
Peter  Goelst. 


The  Committee  observing  a  mistake  in  the  account 
given  in  Mr.  Holt's  paper,  of  the  opinion  declared  by  the 
Delegates  nominated  to  attend  the  Congress,  relative  to 
the  more  proper  measures  to  be  adopted  by  the  Colonies 
in  the  present  alarming  situation,* 

Ordered,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  Committee 
relative  to  tlie  matter,  be  published  in  the  next  paper. 

The  gentlemen  of  this  Committee  appointed  to  attend 
the  poll  held  in  the  different  Wards  of  the  city,  for  the 
election  of  five  Delegates  to  represent  this  city  and  county, 
at  the  ensuing  Congress,  deHvered  the  poll  lists  taken  at 
the  said  election  in  each  Ward  of  this  city,  subscribed  by 
the  Magistrates  and  others  under  whose  superintendence 
the  same  was  held,  w'hich  said  several  poll  lists  being  read 
and  examined,  it  appears  that  Philip  Livingston,  Isaac 
Loio,  John  Jay,  John  Alsop,  and  James  Duane,  the 
persons  nominated  by  this  Committee,  were  unanimously 
elected  Delegates  for  the  aforesaid  purpose. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  take  the  distresses  of  the 
poor  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  ways  and  means  for  their 
relief  into  consideration,  reported  that  they  have  entered 
on  the  inquiry,  and  will  make  a  full  report  upon  the  matters 
submitted  to  them  at  the  next  meeting  of  tlie  Committee. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
at  Charlestown,  South  Carolina : 

New.York,  July  26,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Your  favour  of  the  8th  instant,  enclosing 
the  resolutions  entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  your 
Colony,  was  delivered  to  us  by  Captain  Hunt ;  and  the 
resolutions  being  read  to  this  Committee,  were  much  ap- 
proved of. 

It  gives  us  the  greatest  pleasure  to  perceive  that  at  tiiis 
time,  when  the  liberties  of  America  are  so  unjustly  invad- 
ed, your  sentiments  so  exactly  correspond  with  oiu'  own, 
as  nothing  but  a  strict  union  among  all  the  Colonies  can 
ever  effect  a  restoration  of  our  just  rights;  it  is  our  sincere 
wish  that  every  Colony  will  exert  themselves  to  the  utmost 
to  preserve  that  union  strict  and  inviolable  ;  for  our  parts, 
you  may  depend  we  will  readily  concur  in  every  constitu- 
tional measure  that  carries  with  it  any  probability  of 
success  in  obtaining  a  redress  of  our  grievances. 

You  will  please  to  observe,  there  lias  been  three  differ- 
ent sets  of  resolves  entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  this 
city  ;  but  that  which  is  signed  by  our  Chairman,  we  have 
adopted.  Thursday  next  is  the  day  appointed  to  choose 
Delegates  to  represent  this  city  and  county  in  the  general 

•  The  following  is  the  publication  referred  to  : — 

"There  seems  to  be  at  present,  a  coilition  of  parties  in  this  city,  with 
respect  to  the  measures  previous  to  a  general  Congress  of  Dologat,  s 
from  the  several  British  Colonies.  Both  pirtics  acqui;sced  in  the 
Delegates  nominated  for  tliis  city  ;  and  those  g!ntlemon  have  daclartHi 
their  present  opinion,  that  a  non-importation  agreement  will  be  nec.s. 
sary,  but  are  left  at  liberty  to  conform  to  the  general  opinion  of  th« 
Delegates  at  the  Congress." 


821 


NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


322 


I 


Congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  the  first  oi  September 
next,  and  we  make  no  doubt  the  other  Colonies  will  soon 
follow  our  example.  When  the  choice  is  made,  we  shall 
acquaint  you  therewith,  as  well  as  with  every  other 
measure  entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province. 
In  the  mean  time,  we  remain,  gentlemen,  your  most 
obedient  servants.     By  order  of  the  Committee. 

P.  S.  The  packets  enclosed  in  yours,  were  carefully 
forwarded,  and  the  proper  direction  put  on  that  for 
Quebec.  This  Committee  think  themselves  highly  obliged 
to  Captain  Hunt  for  his  civility,  in  detaining  his  vessel  for 
your  despatches. 

July  28ih.  This  day  a  poll  was  opened  in  the  different 
Wards  for  choosing  Delegates  to  represent  this  city  and 
county  at  the  Congress,  the  first  of  September  next,  at 
Philadelphia ;  and  the  following  five  gentlemen,  James 
Duane,  Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  John  Jay,  and 
Isaac  I^ow,  were  unanimously  elected  for  that  purpose. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
at  Philadelphia  : 

New. York,  July  28,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  After  various  contests  and  other  interven- 
ing circumstances  to  prevent  our  endeavours  for  terminat- 
ing the  appointment  of  our  Delegates  to  represent  this 
city  and  county  in  the  general  Congress,  we  have  at  length 
the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you,  that  a  mode  has  been  adopted 
which  has  given  universal  satisfaction ;  that  of  opening 
a  regular  poll  in  each  Ward  of  this  city.  In  consequence 
whereof,  the  following  five  gentlemen,  James  Duane, 
Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  John  Jay,  and  Isaac 
Loiv,  were  unanimously  elected. 

Circular  Letters  have  also  been  despatched  to  the  dif- 
ferent counties  in  this  Province,  informing  them  of  what 
we  have  done,  and  requesting  them  each  to  appoint,  with 
ail  possible  speed,  one  or  more  Delegates  to  join  and  go 
with  ours  to  Congress  ;  or  if  they  choose  to  confide  in  our 
Delegates,  to  signify  such  their  determination,  in  the  most 
clear  and  explicit  terms  the  first  opportunity  after  the  sense 
of  the  counties  can  be  known  on  so  interesting  a  subject. 

We  received  your  favour,  enclosing  the  Resolves  and 
Instructions  of  your  Provincial  Committee  to  the  House  of 
Assembly  ;  they  are  approved,  and  do  great  honour  to  the 
authors.      We  are  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants. 

By  order  of  the  Committee. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Matthetv  Tilghman,  Esquire, 
Chairman  for  Maryland  : 

Ncw-York,  July  28,  1774. 

We  have  received  your  favour  of  26th  ultimo,  which 
brought  us  your  Resolutions  for  the  people  of  the  Province 
of  Maryland.  They  were  read,  and  their  firmness  and 
spirit  much  approved. 

You  mention  the  20th  September,  at  Philadelphia,  as 
the  time  and  place  for  the  general  Congress  ;  but  the  Colo- 
ny of  Massachusetts  has  fixed  on  the  1st  of  September,  at 
Philadelphia,  for  that  purpose  ;  and  we  with  the  rest  of 
the  Eastern  Colonies  have  agreed  to  the  same  time  and 
place,  New-Hampshire  excepted,  from  whence  we  have 
not  yet  been  favoured  with  their  sentiments  on  the  present 
situation  of  our  American  affairs,  so  that  we  are  uncertain 
how  they  intend  acting,  but  are  in  hopes  they  will  join  in 
the  general  plan  of  operation. 

This  city  and  county  have  this  day  elected  their  five 
Delegates  to  attend  at  the  ensuing  Congress  :  their  names 
are  Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  Isaac  Low,  James 
Duane,  and  John  Jay  ;  whose  names  will  be  sent  up  to  the 
other  counties  of  this  Province  to  know  if  they  approve  of 
them  to  represent  the  whole  Province,  if  not,  to  add  such 
others  as  tliey  shall  think  proper. 

You  have  herewith  the  Resolves  of  this  Committee, 
which  seem  to  be  principally  adopted  in  this  city  ;  notwith- 
standing, tl'.ere  are  two  other  sets  of  resolves  in  the  public 
newspapers. 

The  delay  that  has  happened  in  fixing  upon  our  Dele- 
gates, lias  prevented  our  answering  your  favour  until  now, 
for  which  we  must  beg  your  excuse,  and  remain,  with 
great  respect,  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  to  the  Committee,  or  Treasurer 
of  the  different  Counties : 

New-York,  July  29,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  We  should  have  answered  your  letter 
sooner,  but  were  induced  to  defer  it  by  the  prospect  we 
had  of  having  all  disputes  relative  to  our  Delegates  (the 
only  matter  of  moment  we  had  to  communicate)  settled 
before  now  ;  but  various  cross-circumstances  have  continu- 
ally intervened  to  prevent  our  endeavours  for  terminating 
so  important  a  controversy. 

At  length,  however,  we  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint 
you,  that  a  mode  has  been  adopted  which  gave  universal 
satisfaction  ;  that  of  opening  a  regular  poll  in  each  Ward  of 
this  city ;  in  consequence  whereof,  the  following  five  gentle- 
men, James  Duane,  Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  Isaac 
Low,  and  John  Jay,  were  unanimously  elected  to  repre- 
sent this  city  in  the  general  Congress,  the  1st  of  September 
next,  at  Philadelphia. 

It  therefore  becomes  necessary  that  the  Delegates  to 
represent  the  other  counties  in  this  Province,  be  speedily 
appointed.  The  counties  will  judge  of  the  propriety  of 
confiding  in  the  same  persons  only  which  we  have  chosen, 
or  to  appoint  such  others  to  go  with  them  to  the  Congress, 
as  they  may  think  fit  to  depute  for  that  purpose.  Permit 
us  to  observe,  that  the  number  of  Delegates  is  imma- 
terial, since  those  of  each  Province,  whether  more  or  less, 
will  conjointly  have  only  one  vote  at  the  Congress. 

In  order,  however,  that  the  representation  of  the  different 
counties  may  be  quite  complete,  it  is  absolutely  necessary 
that  your  county  appoint,  with  all  possible  speed,  one  or 
more  Delegates,  to  join  and  go  with  ours  to  the  Congress, 
or,  if  you  choose  to  repose  your  confidence  in  our  Dele- 
gates, that  you  signify  such  your  determination  in  the  most 
clear  and  explicit  terms,  by  the  first  opportunity  after  the 
sense  of  your  county  can  be  known  on  so  interesting  a 
subject.* 

The  Committee  adjourned,  until  Monday,  August  7th, 
1774. 


New-York,  August  7,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  the  Exchange, 
at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening  :  Present, 
Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Miles  Sherbrook,  Peter  Van  Schaack, 

John  Alsop,  John  Jay,  Henry  Remsen, 

Philip  Livingston,  Benjamin  Booth,  Peter  T.  Curtenius, 

James  Uuane,  Charles  Shaw,  Gerard  W.  Beekman, 

Edward  Laiglit,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,        Abraham  Duryee, 

William  Walton,  Nicholas  HofFman,         Joseph  Bull. 

John  De  Lancey,  Gerardus  Duyckinck, 

A  Letter  from  Elizabethtown,  dated  August  5,  1774, 
was  received  and  read. 

Ordered,  That  John  Jay,  James  Duane,  Philip  Living- 
ston, and  Henry  Remsen,  be  a  Committee  to  answer  a 
Letter  from  Boston ;  and  to  wait  on  the  Chairman  of  the 
Mechanics'  Committee,  to  request  the  favour  of  the 
Boston  Letter  to  them. 

Ordered,  That  the  following  persons  be  a  Committee 
to  procure  proper  persons  to  go  round  in  the  different 
Wards  of  this  city,  with  a  subscription  for  the  relief  of  the 
poor  in  the  town  of  Boston,  and  to  draw  up  the  form  of 
such  subscription,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Peter  Van  Schaack, 
Charles  Shaw,  Edward  Laight,  Nicholas  Hoffman,  Ge- 
rardus Duyckinck,  Joseph  Bull. 

The  above  persons  to  request  the  Committee  of  Me- 
chanics to  appoint  a  Committee  from  their  body,  to  assist 
this  Committee  in  the  above  office.  That  the  moneys 
when  collected,  be  paid  into  the  hands  of  Messrs.  Gerar- 
dus Duyckinck,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  a.nd  G.  W.  Beekman. 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  to-morrow  evening,  at 
8  o'clock. 

•  New-York,  August  25.  On  the  16tli  instant  there  was  a  meeting 
of  the  several  Committees  of  the  County  of  Orange,  when  Henry 
Wisner  and  John  Waring,  Esquires,  were  chosen  Delegates  for  that 
county,  to  meet  at  tlio  Congress  at  Philadelphia  on  or  about  the  first 
day  of  September  next. 

We  hear  from  Albany,  that  on  the  10th  instant  there  was  a  meetmg 
of  the  inhabitants  at  the  Market  Place  in  tliat  city,  on  the  business  of 
appointing  Delegates  for  the  general  Congress.  That  on  the  Uth  they 
had  anotlicr  meeting,  wiien  it  was  resolved  that  Robert  Yates,  feter 
Sylvester,  and  Henry  Van  Schaack,  Esquires,  if  approved  by  the 
majority  of  the  Delegates  from  the  several  Districts,  at  a  general  meet- 
ina  for  the  county,  sliould  be  deputed  for  the  said  county  to  attend  tlie 
Co'ngrcss  at  Philadelphia.  We  hear  several  other  counties  havo 
adopted  the  measure  of  sending,  each  for  itself,  Delegates  to  the 
Congress. 


FouETH  Series. 


21 


828 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


334 


Ncw.York,  August  8,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by   adjournment,   this  evening: 
Present, 


Poter  T.  Curteiihis, 
Abraham  Duryeo, 
Joaepli  Bull, 
William  Walton, 
Peter  Van  Schaack. 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Edward  Laight, 
William  Bayard,  Miles  Sherbrook, 

Philip  Livingston,  Benjamin  Booth, 

Charles  NichoU,  Charles  Shaw, 

John  Moore,  Nicholas  Hoffman, 

James  Duane,  Hamilton  Young, 

Copy  of  a  Letter  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
at  Boston : 

New. York,  August  9,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  It  gives  us  pain  to  be  infomied  that  you 
have  the  least  reason  to  impute  our  silence  to  any  but  the 
true  cause,  viz :  our  having  had  nothing  of  importance  to 
communicate,  even  in  point  of  ceremony,  which  at  such  a 
juncture  might  be  dispensed  with.  We  do  not  think  we 
have  been  deficient.  When  all  depends  on  mutual  confi- 
dence, and  hannony,  much  is  it  to  be  lamented  that  the 
letters  or  whisperings  of  individuals  should  become  the 
foundation  of  jealousy  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
and  our  sincere  desire  of  supporting  the  general  cause. 
We  can  cheerfully  appeal  to  our  acts,  our  letters,  our 
resolves,  and  the  unreserved  and  open  declarations  which 
we  have  frequently  and  publicly  made  of  our  sentiments, 
in  the  present  alarming  state  of  our  Colonies;  and  by 
these  alone  we  ought  to  be  judged.  Permit  us  to  add, 
that  whatever  grounds  you  have  to  question  the  patriotism 
of  the  order  of  Merchants,  which  is  so  strongly  implied  in 
your  letter  to  our  Committee  of  Mechanics,  it  is  a  debt  of 
justice  to  affirm  that  the  spirited  and  disinterested  conduct 
of  the  commercial  part  of  this  city,  ought  to  place  them 
above  the  reach  of  suspicion,  .since  at  all  times,  and  upon 
every  occasion,  they  have  proved  themselves  the  unshaken 
friends  of  constitutional  liberty,  and  have  virtuously  sacri- 
ficed the  advantages  of  their  profession  to  the  public  good. 

To  justify  ourselves  to  you  and  to  the  world,  far  from 
declining,  we  think  it  our  indispensable  duty,  and  therefore 
must  demand,  as  a  right,  that  you  will  candidly  furnish  us 
with  copies  of  the  letters,  and  the  dates  of  the  newspapers, 
in  which  they  were  published,  and  a  detail  of  the  facts 
which  have  given  rise  to  your  uneasiness ;  and  you  may 
be  assured  that  they  shall  become  the  subject  of  serious 
consideration.  In  times  like  these  it  is  highly  necessary 
that  the  foes  to  truth  and  liberty  should  be  known  and 
detected ;  and  if  they  cannot  be  reformed,  at  least  that  a 
period  may  be  put  to  their  power  of  sowing  the  seeds  of 
discord,  one  of  the  most  fatal  evils  which  can  befall  our 
country. 

We  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  we  have  at 
length  chosen  five  Delegates  to  represent  this  city  in  Con- 
gress, viz:  Philip  Livingston,  John  Alsop,  Isaac  Low, 
James  Duane,  and  John  Jay.  They  were  elected  by  the 
people,  without  one  dissenting  voice.  Circular  letters  have 
been  sent  to  the  counties  informing  them  of  it,  and 
requesting  them  either  to  signify  their  acquiescence  in 
our  Delegates,  or  immediately  appoint  others  to  represent 
them.  Enclosed  you  have  a  copy  of  our  Resolves,  which 
have  been  generally  adopted  in  this  metropolis. 

The  distresses  of  the  poor  of  your  town,  and  ways  and 
means  for  their  relief,  have  engaged  the  earnest  attention  of 
our  Committee ;  and  for  this  necessary  and  benevolent 
purpose,  we  have  agreed  that  a  subscription  shall  be  set  on 
foot  throughout  the  Colony,  which  we  do  not  doubt  will 
meet  with  the  wished  for  success.  On  our  parts,  we  beg 
leave  to  assure  you  that  nothing  shall  be  omitted  which 
we  shall  think  conducive  to  your  welfare  and  redress,  or 
which  may  have  a  tendency  to  promote  the  restoration  and 
establishment  of  our  common  rights  and  privileges. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  &c. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  the  several  Counties  of  this  Pro- 
vince : 

New. York,  August  9,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  distresses  of  the  poor  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  now  sinking  under  the  hand  of  power,  and  exposed 
to  all  the  miseries  which  must  attend  so  fatal  a  calamity,  call 
aloud  for  our  tender  and  compassionate  concern.  Every 
motive  of  policy  and  humanity  should  excite  us  to  contri- 
bute with  a  liberal  hand  to  their  immediate  redress.    They 


are  our  countr)'men  and  brethren,  suffering  in  the  common 
cause  of  liberty,  and  their  hard  condition  may  one  day  be 
our  own,  and  we  stand  in  need  of  that  bounty  which  it 
now  becomes  our  duty  cheerfully  to  dispense. 

From  considerations  so  interesting,  this  Committee  of 
Correspondence  have  unanimously  recommended  to  their 
constituents  a  generous  subscription  for  the  support  of  the 
indigent  inhabitants  of  that  oppressed  town,  and  entertain 
no  doubt  but  it  will  meet  with  all  the  success  to  be 
expected  from  a  people  equally  distinguished  for  their 
charity  and  benevolence,  and  their  unshaken  zeal  for  con- 
stitutional liberty.  All  the  collections  are  appointed  to  be 
paid  into  the  hands  of  Messrs.  Gerard  William  Bcekman, 
Gerardus  Duyckinck,  and  Peter  T.  Curteniw,  of  this 
city,  merchants,  and  to  be  expended  under  the  direction 
of  this  Committee,  for  such  necessaries  as  the  condition 
of  the  poor  inhabitants  require. 

After  laying  before  you  this  example,  we  earnestly 
recommend  it  to  the  imitation  of  your  county.  Per- 
haps, in  some  instances,  it  may  be  most  convenient  to  the 
inhabitants  to  contribute  in  wheat  or  flour,  which  will  be 
equally  serviceable.  Permit  us,  gentlemen,  to  submit  this 
salutary  measure  to  your  immediate  patronage.  The 
interest  and  welfare  of  a  whole  Continent  require  that  a 
provision  should  be  made  for  all  who  become  sufferers  in 
our  common  cause,  and  the  immediate  honour  and  reputa- 
tion of  this  Colony  must  animate  us  to  distinguish  ourselves 
on  so  patriotic  and  benevolent  an  occasion. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  obedient  humble  servants. 
By  order,  he. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  Monday  evening,  the  2'2d 
instant,  at  6  o'clock,  in  the  evening. 


New. York,  August  22,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  the  Exchange, 
this  evening  :*     Present, 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman,      James  Duane, 


William  Bayard, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
Philip  Livingston, 
Charles  McEvers, 
John  Moore, 


Edward  Laight, 
Miles  Sherbrook, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 


Nicholas  Hoffman, 
Peter  Van  .Schaack, 
Henry  Remsen, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Goijlet, 
Abraham  Duryee. 


A  Letter,  dated  tSu^oZZ:  County,  11th  August,  1774, 
received  and  read. 


Copy  of  a  Letter  to  William  Floyd,  Esq.,  Suffolk 
County  : 

New. York,  August  23,  1774. 

Sir:  Your  favour  of  the  11th  instant,  acquainting  that 
Colonel  William  Floyd  is  appointed  a  Delegate  to  repre- 
sent your  county  at  the  ensuing  general  Congress  at  Phila- 
delphia, has  been  communicated  to  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  in  this  city. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant. 

Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Zephaniah  Piatt,  Esquire,  Pough- 
kcepsie,  Dutchess  County : 

Sir  :  We  received  your  favour  of  the  20th  instant, 
enclosing  the  Resolves  of  the  inhabitants  of  your  precinct, 
and  acquainting  that  you  confide  in  the  Delegates  chosen 
by  our  citizens  to  represent  them  in  the  general  Congress. 
What  good  can  be  effected  time  must  discover,  but  we  are 

*  On  Monday  evening,  August  22d,  the  Committee  of  Corrcspon. 
denco  met,  according  to  a<ljournmcnt  ;  and  as  this  was  tlic  last  time  of 
their  assembling  before  the  dc])nrture  of  our  Delegates,  the  business  of 
the  ensiling  Congr-Rs  was  discussed  with  a  manly  firmness,  and  a 
becoming  freedom  of  sentiment.  Throe  of  the  Delegates  were  present, 
and  ]iai<l  great  attention  to  the  opinions  of  their  follow.citizens,  de. 
claruig  tlKnislvrs  hapjiy  to  receive  information  on  those  important 
points  that  were  shortly  to  come  before  them  ;  the  whole  scope,  e.xten. 
sion,  and  consequences  of  which,  they  were  unable,  as  yet,  to  compre. 
hend.  The  points  mostly  insisted  upon  in  these  debates,  were,  that  if 
it  was  r;Commended  to  the  Bostunians  to  piy  for  the  tea,  as  an  act  of 
justice,  tlx'ir  port  would  soon  be  opened,  and  then  we  should  stand 
upon  our  former  ground  of  importing  no  goods  lialile  to  a  duty.  That 
notliing  but  "  dire  necessity,"  according  to  our  own  resolves,  should 
induce  us  to  Ijreak  off  our  conneclions  with  tlie  parent  country  ;  and 
that  whenever  we  should  be  reduced  to  tlie  last  sad  alternative  of 
entering  into  a  non-importation  agreement,  it  ought  not  to  be  a  partial 
one,  like  tlie  last,  when  some  men  made  fortunes  by  the  ruin  of  others, 
but  that  it  sliould  include  and  suspend  the  importation  of  every  Euro- 
pean commodity  from  all  parts  of  the  world. 


835 


NEW-YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774, 


836 


confident  our  Delegates,  (and  we  trust  those  from  the  other 
Colonies,)  will  go  with  hearts  most  sincerely  and  zealously 
disposed  to  render  the  measure  productive  of  every  happy 
consequence  that  can  be  reasonably  expected  from  their 
united  councils  on  matters  of  so  truly  important  and  serious 
a  nature.  We  are,  gentlemen,  your  most  humble  servants, 

By  order  of  the  Committee. 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  Monday,  29th  August, 
1774. 


New- York,  Au^ist  99th,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment :     Present, 

Nicholas  Hoffman, 
Peter  Van  Schaack, 
Hamilton  Young, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Abraham  Duryee, 
Joseph  Bull. 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman, 
John  AIsop, 
William  Bayard, 
Theophilact  Bache, 
Charles  Nicholl, 
James  Duane, 
Edward  Laight, 


William  Walton, 
Miles  Slierbrook, 
John  Tliurmau, 
Benjamin  Booth, 
Charles  Shaw, 
Alexander  Wallace, 
Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 


A  Letter  dated  Kingston,  19th  August,  1774,  received 
and  read  ;  a  Letter  dated  Kingston,  19th  Augiist,  1774; 
a  Letter  dated  New  Windsor,  26th  August,  1774 ;  a  Letter 
with  Proceedings  of  Bedford,  dated  August  9th,  1774  ; 
a  Letter  dated  Mamaroneck,  7th  August,  1774 ;  a  Letter 
dated  White  Plains,  27th  August,  1774  ; — received  and 
read,  approving  of  the  Delegates  adopted  for  the  city  and 
county  of  New  York. 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  Monday,*  5th  Septem- 
ber, 1774. 

*  On  Monday  evening,  September  5,  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City 
were  greatly  alarmed  with  the  following  Accounts,  brought  by  express, 
which  had  been  forwarded  with  great  despatch  to  our  Committee  of 
Correspondence  : 

PoMFRET,  Connecticut,  September  3, 1774. 

Captain  Cleveland  :  Mr.  Keyi  this  moment  brought  us  the  news 
that  the  men-of-war  and  troops  began  to  fire  upon  the  people  last  night 
at  sunset  at  Boston,  when  a  post  was  immediately  sent  off  to  inform 
tlie  country.  He  informs,  that  the  artillery  played  all  night ;  that  the 
people  were  universally  rallying  from  Boston  as  far  as  here,  and  desire 
all  the  assistance  possible.  The  first  was  occasioned  by  the  country's 
being  robbed  of  their  powder  from  Boston  as  far  as  Farmingham,  and 
when  found  out,  the  persons  who  went  to  take  them  were  immediately 
fired  upon  ;  six  of  our  number  were  killed  the  first  shot,  and  a  number 
wounded,  and  beg  you  will  rally  all  the  forces  you  can,  and  be  upon 
tlie  march  immediately  for  the  relief  of  Boston,  and  the  people  that 
way.  Israel  Putnam. 

Send  an  express  along  to  Norwich  and  elsewhere. 

Aaron  Cleveland. 

Forwarded  from  Norwich  per  John  Durkee. 

New-London,  September  3. 
Pray  send   forward   an  express  to  Saybrook,  and  elsewhere  on  the 
nea  shore,  and  to  Eitst  Haddam,  immediately.     I  desire  those  towns  to 
forward  expresses  to  their  neighbouring  towns. 

Richard  Law, 
Nathaniel  Shaw, 
Samuel  H.  Parsons. 
To  Messrs.  John  Lay,  Esquire,  and  the  rest  of  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence at  Lyme. 

New-London,  September  3. 
You  will  see.  by  a  Letter  to  your  Committee  of  Correspondenre,  the 
necessity  of  rallying  all  your  forces  immediately.  Pray  let  every  man 
who  values  his  own,  or  his  country's  liberty,  appear  immedintely.  We 
shall  march  before  noon  to-morrow.  I  came  home  to-day ;  shall  set 
out  with  our  forces  on  the  morrow.  Let  your  Captains  call  their  men 
a.s  early  as  possible,  and  make  no  delay  in  joining.  S.  Parsons. 

To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  in  Saybrook,  or  to  the  Select. 

men  in  .Savbrook  : 

It  is  desired  that  this  may  be  forwarded  to  Killingsworth,  to  be  for. 
warded  w>;8tward. 
Ele.  Matther,  John  Lay,  2d,  John  McCurdy,  William  Noyes,  Samuel 

Mtttther,  Jun.,  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

TO  DR.  NATHANIEL  RUGQLES,  AND  SAMUEL  BROWN,  ESQUIRE. 

Gentlemen  :  You  will  doubtless  think  it  prudent,  on  the  receipt  of 
this  intelligence,  to  forward  it  at  least  as  far  as  New-Haven,  where, 
doubtless,  intelligence  will  be  received  by  the  upper  road. 

Aaron  Elliott, 

Benjamin  Gale. 

Guilford,  September  4. 

Forwarded  by  the  subscriber  to  Branford.  Samuel  Brown. 

Branford,  September  4. 
Forwarded  to  John  Whiting,  Esquire,  and  the  rest  of  the  C^ommittee 
of  Correspondence  at  New-Haven,  per  .Samuel  Baker, 

Samuel  Jones. 
New-Haven,  September  4. 
Gentlemen  :  We  have  to  communicate  the  fatal  news  o'  an  attack 
by  the  King's  fleet  and  troops  upon  the  town  of  Boston.  Enclosed 
you  have  the  foundation  and  conveyance  of  the  melancholy  intelli- 
gence. We  thought  it  necessary  and  expedient  to  communicate  by 
express,  expecting  your  speedy  aid  to  forward  the  same  to  the  Congress 
at  Philadelphia.  We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  and  brethren  in  the 
common  cause.     Signed  for  the  Committee  of  Corresi)ondence. 

Timothy  Jones,  Clerk  of  the  said  Committee. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  New-  York. 


New. York,  September  5,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment:     Present, 

Abraham  Duryee,  John  De  Lancey,  Peter  T.  Curtenius, 

Theophilact  Bache,  Alexander  Wallace,  Benjamin  Booth, 

Charles  Nicholl,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  Charles  Shaw, 

Edward  Laight,  Peter  Van  Schaack,  Gerard  W.  Beekman, 

William  Walton,  Hamilton  Young,  Joseph  Bull. 

Mr.  Low,  the  Chairman,  and  Mr.  Alsop,  the  Deputy 
Chairman  of  this  Committee,  being  out  of  town,  they 
proceeded  to  choose  a  Chairman  pro  tempore,  when  Mr. 
Abraham  Duryee  was  unanimously  chosen. 

A  Letter  dated  Albany,  August  27, 1774,  with  Resolves 
and  Proceedings,  received  and  read ;  a  Letter  dated  Pough- 
keepsie,  August  31st,  1774,  received  and  read,  approving 
the  resolves  and  Delegates  for  New-  York. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  Monday,  19th  September. 


New- York,  September  19,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment :     Present, 

A.  Duryee,  Chairman,  Alexander  Wallace,  Edward  Laight, 

William  Walton,  Henry  Remsen,  Joseph  Bull, 

John  Moore,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Charles  Nicholl, 

Peter  Goelet,  Nicholas  Hoffman,  John  De  Lancey, 

Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  Peter  Van  Schaack,  Charles  Shaw. 

A  Letter  from  Mr.  Isaac  Low,  dated  Philadelphia,  17th 
September,  1774,  was  received  and  read. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Van  Schaack,  Mr.  Moore,  and 
Mr.  W.  Walton,  be  a  Cofnmittee  to  prepare  a  draught  of 
a  Letter  to  be  sent  to  the  counties  of  Richmond,  Kings, 
Queens,  and  Tryon,  requesting  them  to  send  Delegates 
from  their  respective  counties  to  represent  them  in  the 
general  Congress  now  sitting  at  Philadelphia,  or  to  signify 
their  acquiescence  in  those  already  assembled  there  for  the 
Province  of  New-York. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  Monday,  3d  October 
next,  1774. 

New. York,  September  30,  1774. 

At  a  special  meeting  of  the  Committee  at  the  Exchange, 

at  9  o'clock,  A.'M. :     Present, 

Henry  Remsen,  Gerardus  Duycklnck,  William  Walton, 

Charles  McEvers,  Peter  Goelet,  William  McAdam, 

Charles  Nicholl,  Gerard  W.  Beekman,  John  Moore, 

Richard  Sharpe,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Theophilact  Bache, 

William  Bayard,  John  Dc  Lancey,  Edward  Laight, 

Charles  Shaw,  Miles  Sherbrook,  Peter  Van  Schaack, 

Hamilton  Young,  Joseph  Bull,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow. 

Mr.  Abraham  Duryee,  the  Chairman  of  this  Committee, 
being  out  of  town,  they  proceeded  to  choose  one  in  his 
stead,  when  Mr.  Henry  Remsen  was  unanimously  chosen. 

The  Chairman  laid  before  the  Committee  a  representa- 
tion of  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  signed  by 
Joseph  Totten,  their  President.  And  the  Committee 
taking  into  their  serious  consideration  the  subject  matter  of 
the  said  Address,  and  being  desirous  on  all  occasions  to 
conform  themselves  to  the  true  sense  of  their  constituents, 
thought  proper  to  publish  a  notification,  immediately  to  be 
dispersed  throughout  the  city  for  convening  the  inhabitants 
at  the  City  Hall  at  one  o'clock  this  day. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  to  this  evening  at  six 
o'clock. 


New- York,  September  30,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  this 
evening :     Present, 

H.  Remsen,  Cham'n.  William  Walton,  Nicholas  Hoffman, 

Theophilact  Bache,  Hamilton  Young,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 

Richard  Sharpe,  Miles  Sherbrook,  John  Moore, 

Nicholas  Hoffman,  John  De  Lancey,  Edward  Laight, 

Peter  Van  Schaack,  Charles  McEvers,  Charles  Shaw, 

Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Charles  Nicholl,  Gerard  W.  Beekman. 
Joseph  Bull, 

It  was  unanimously  Resolved,  That  the  following  Nar- 
rative of  the  proceedings  of  the  Committee  on  this  day  be 
published. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
this  city,  specially  summoned,  the  following  representation, 
being  the  result  of  the  deliberations  of  a  number  of  their 
constituents  assembled  last  night,  was  presented  to  the 
Committee  and  read  : 

"  To  the  respectable  body  of  gentlemen  nominated  by 
the  public  voice  as  a  Committee  for  managing  the  affairs  of 
the  inhabitants  of  this  city  in  the  present  exigency  of  our 
public  concerns. 


327 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


838 


"The  Representation  of  a  number  of  the  Citizens  who 
chose  J  oil  to  act  in  their  belialf  in  all  matters  relating 
to  tlie  public  weal,  respectfully  showelh : 
"That  within  a  few  days  past  a  number  of  persons,  very 
inconsiderable  in  comparison  to  the  number  who  constitute 
the  body  of  the  freeholders  and  freemen  of  this  city,  have 
taken  upon  themselves  to  disturb  the  peace  and  order  of 
the  town,  by  assembling,  without  any  notification  from  you, 
to  whom  the  public  voice  gave  the  care  of  the  community's 
interest  in  all  affairs  of  a  public  nature  ;  and  have  presumed 
to  call  themselves  a  Connnittee  from  the  body  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city,  and  in  that  character  have  arbi- 
trarily censured  and  threatened  several  worthy  and  respec- 
table persons  amongst  our  fellow-citizens. 

"  We,  therefore,  respectfully  desire  you  will  call  a  meet- 
ing of  the  inhabitants  to  assemble  at  the  City  Hall,  at  one 
o'clock,  to-morrow,  and  there  declare  to  them  our  senti- 
ments of  such  proceedings,  and  make  such  public  resolves 
for  the  preservation  of  the  peace,  good  order,  and  general 
weal  of  the  community,  as  the  state  of  affairs  makes 
requisite. 

"  We  are,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect,  and  the  fullest 
confidence  in  your  wisdom  and  integrity,  as  the  guardians 
of  your  fellow-citizens'  true  interest  and  liberties,  your 
sincere  friends. 

"  Signed  by  the  unanimous  desire  of  the  assembly, 

"  Joseph  Totten,  President." 
New. York,  September  29th,  1774. 

Tlie  Committee  taking  into  their  serious  consideration 
the  subject  matter  of  the  said  Address,  and  being  desirous 
of  giving  to  our  fellow-citizens  every  satisfaction  in  our 
power,  in  the  Important  capacity  they  did  us  the  honour  to 
appoint  us  to,  we  give  this  public  notice,  that,  agreeable  to 
their  desire,  we  shall  attend  at  the  City  Hall  at  one  o'clock 
this  day,  and  we  earnestly  request  all  the  inhabitants  of 
this  city  to  meet  us,  and  assist  our  deliberations  with  their 
counsel  and  support. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee, 

Henry  Remsen,  Chairman. 

In  consequence  of  the  above  Notice,  the  Committee,  at 
the  time  appointed,  repaired  in  a  body  to  the  City  Hall, 
when  Mr.  Henry  Remsen,  their  Chairman,  was  proceeding 
to  open  and  explain  the  business  of  the  meeting  to  a  very 
respectable  body  of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  being  inter- 
rupted by  the  noise  and  clamour  of  sundry  persons,  it  was 
agreed  to  adjourn  to  the  Coffee  House  ;  and,  notwithstand- 
ing the  attempts  which  were  then  again  made  use  of  to 
prevent  his  being  heard,  the  Chairman  addressed  himself 
to  the  people  as  follows  : 

"  Gentlemen  :  In  consequence  of  an  application  from 
a  number  of  respectable  citizens,  communicated  by  Mr. 
Joseph  Totten,  their  Chairman,  which  has  been  published 
in  handbills,  it  was  thought  proper  to  summon  a  special 
meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  at  which 
meeting  it  has  been  resolved,  that  the  inhabitants  of  this 
city  should  be  called  together,  and  that  the  following  ques- 
tions should  be  proposed  for  their  consideration  : 

•'  Whether  those  persons  who  style  themselves  a  Com- 
mittee, and  have  called  upon  several  of  our  fellow-citizens  to 
inquire  into  their  private  business,  were  audioi-ized  by  you  ? 
And  whether  you  approve  of  their  conduct  in  so  doing  ?" 

Which  questions  being  severally  and  distinctly  put, 
passed  in  the  negative  by  a  very  great  majority,  who 
declared  that  the  said  persons,  styling  themselves  a  Com- 
mittee, had  acted  without  authority  from  the  public ;  that 
their  conduct  was  highly  disapproved  of,  and  that  such 
their  sentiments,  should  bo  published. 

Therefore,  in  conformity  to  the  sentiments  of  a  very 
great  majority  of  our  constituents,  and  being  ourselves 
fully  persuaded  that  all  such  irregular  proceedings  have  a 
direct  tendency  to  promote  a  disunion  amongst  ourselves, 
we  thus  publicly  declare  our  disapprobation  of  all  such 
measures.         By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Henry  Remsen,  Chairman. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  Monday,  October  10, 1774. 

New. York,  October  4,  1774. 

The  Committee  had  a  special  meeting  at  6  o'clock: 
Present, 


H.  Remsen,  Chairman,  Benjamin  Booth,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 

John  Thurinan,  Josepli  Bull,  Nicholas  Hoffman, 

Peter  Van  Schaack,       Gcrardus  Diiyckcink,  Abraham  Walton, 

Charles  NiclioU,  Peter  Goelot,  William  W.ilton, 

Edward  Laight,  Hamilton  Young,  Charles  McEvers. 

Charles  Shaw, 

The  Committee  taking  into  consideration  the  exorbitant 
price  to  which  sundry  articles  of  goods  have  advanced, 
but  more  particularly  some  of  the  necessaries  of  life : 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Van  Schaack,  Mr.  McEvers,  Mr. 
Bull,  and  Mr.  Booth,  be  a  Committee  to  draw  up  an 
advertisement,  requesting  the  Importers  of  Goods  in  this 
city,  to  meet  on  Friday  morning,  the  7th  instant,  at  1 1 
o'clock,  in  the  morning,  in  order  to  consider  of  tlie  most 
effectual  ways  for  stopping  this  growing  evil. 

Committee  Chamber,  Ncw-York,  October  5,  1774. 
The  Committee  of  Correspondence,  having  taken  into 
consideration  the  present  dissatisfaction  i)revailing  in  the 
city  on  account  of  the  advance  upon  several  articles  im- 
ported from  Great  Britain,  and  foreseeing  that  these 
discontents  will  be  likely  to  increase,  when  a  non-impor- 
tation agreement  shall  have  taken  place,  have  judged  it 
necessary  to  request  a  meeting  of  all  the  Importers  at  the 
Exchange,  on  Friday  morning  next,  at  11  o'clock,  to 
consider  and  determine  upon  such  a  plan  as  will  be  best 
likely  to  remedy  these  inconveniences. 

By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Henry  Remsen,  Chairman. 

New- York,  October  13,  1774. 

At  a  meeting  of  Importers  of  goods  from  Great  Britain, 
to  take  into  consideration  the  dissatisfaction  that  has  already 
appeared,  upon  the  advance  of  divers  articles,  some  of 
them  the  real  necessaries  of  life:  And  being  determined, 
as  far  as  in  us  lies,  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  city,  we 
think  it  necessary,  in  order  to  remove  the  cause  for  any 
future  murmurings  to  make  tlie  following  declarations  : 

Tliat  we  will  not  from  the  apprehension  of  a  non-impor- 
tation agreement  put  any  unreasonable  advance  upon  our 
goods;  and  when  such  an  agreement  shall  have  taken 
place,  we  will  continue  to  sell  them  for  a  moderate  profit, 
and  no  more. 

That  we  will  do  our  utmost  to  discourage  all  engrosser? 
and  persons  who  buy  up  goods  with  a  view  of  creating  an 
artificial  scarcity,  thereby  to  obtain  a  more  plausible  pretext 
for  enhancing  the  prices. 

That  if  any  retailer  or  other  person,  should  by  a  contrary 
conduct,  endeavour  to  defeat  these  our  good  intentions, 
we  will,  as  one  man,  decline  dealing  with  him,  and  shall 
consider  him  or  them  as  the  author  or  authors  of  all  the 
disturbances  that  shall  be  consequent  thereupon. 

Signed,  by  order  of  a  large  number  of  Importers,  met 
at  the  Exchange.  Henry  Remsen. 

New.York,  November  7,  1774. 

The  Committee  met  at  the  Exchange,  at  6  o'clock : 
Present, 


Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Gerard  W.  Backman, 
James  Duane, 
John  Thurman, 
John  Moore, 
Charles  Shaw. 


Isaac  Low,  Chairmaii,  Abraham  Duryee, 

David  Johnston,  Jolm  Da  Lancey, 

Charles  NichoU,  John  Alsop, 

Gerardus  Duyckinck,  Josc^li  Hull, 

Gabriel  H.  Ludlow,  I'hilip  I^ivineston, 

William  Walton,  Aloxandc-r  Wallace, 

A  Letter  dated  Malbro'  Town,  October  17th,  1774,  was 
received  and  read. 

Mr.  Duane  moved.  That  this  Committee  inquire  what 
progress  has  been  made  in  the  subscriptions  and  collections 
ibr  the  poor  of  the  town  of  Boston. 

Ordered,  That  Peter  Van  Schaack,  Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Charles  Shaw,  James  Duane,  Nicholas  Hoffman,  Ger- 
ardus Duyckinck,  John  Jay,  and  Joseph  Btdl,  be  a  Com- 
mittee for  that  purpose;  who  are  authorized  to  take  such 
further  measures  for  cai'rying  the  above  into  execution,  as 
they  may  tJiink  necessary. 

Mr.  Duane  moved,  that  the  following  Advertisement  be 
published  in  the  papere  for  the  purpose  therein  mentioned: 

New.York  Committee  Clianiber,  NoTember  7,  1774. 

Whereas,  at  the  Continental  Congress,  held  at  Phila- 
delphia, it  was 

"  Resolved,  That  a  Committee  be  chosen  in  every  coua- 


829 


NEW- YORK  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE,  1774. 


330 


ty,  city,  and  town,  by  those  who  are  qualified  to  vote  for 
Representatives  to  the  Lcfrislature,  whose  business  it  shall 
be  attentively  to  observe  the  conduct  of  ail  persons  touch- 
ing the  Association  entered  into  by  the  members  of  tlie  said 
Congress  in  the  name,  and  on  the  behalf  of  themselves 
and  tlieir  respective  constituents ;  and  wiien  it  shall  be 
made  to  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  majority  of  any 
such  Committee  that  any  person  within  the  limits  of  their 
appointment  has  violated  the  said  Association,  that  such 
majority  do  forthwith  cause  the  truth  of  the  case  to  be 
published  in  the  Gazette,  to  the  end  that  all  such  foes  to 
the  rights  of  British  America,  may  be  publicly  known, 
and  univei-sally  contemned  as  the  enemies  of  American 
liberty ;  and  that  thenceforth  the  parties  to  the  said  Asso- 
ciation will  respectively  break  off  all  dealings  with  him  or 
her." 

Which  said  resolve  of  the  Congress  being  this  day  taken 
into  consideration  by  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  the  city  of  New-York,  they  do  hereby  recommend  to 
the  freeholders  and  freemen  of  the  said  city,  to  assemble 
together  at  the  usual  places  of  election  in  their  several 
Wards,  at  10  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  on  Friday,  the  18th 
inst.,  then  and  there  to  elect  and  appoint  eight  fit  persons 
in  each  respective  Ward,  to  be  a  Committee  of  Inspection 
for  the  purpose  expressed  in  the  said  resolve  of  the  Con- 
gress. By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 


Tlie  following  persons  were  appointed  to  prepare  a 
Circular  Letter  to  the  different  Counties  recommending 
them  to  appoint  Committees  of  Inspection,  agreeable  to 
the  eleventh  resolve  of  the  Congress,  viz :  John  Jay, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius,  Isaac  Low,  and  James  Duane. 

The  Committee  adjourned  to  Monday  evening,  the 
14th  instant. 


New.York,  November  14,  1774. 
The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  at  6  o'clock,  in 
the  evening :  Present : 


James  Duane, 
Gerard  W.  Beekman, 
Abraham  Duryeo, 
Peter  T.  Curtenius, 
Peter  Van  Schaack. 


Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Miles  Slierbrook, 
John  AIsop,  Joseph  Bull, 

Joliu  Tlmrman,  Hamilton  Young, 

William  Walton,  Richard  Sharpe, 

Henry  Romsjn,  John  Jay, 

Gerardus  Duyckinck,    Peter  Goelet, 

Copy  of  a  Letter  to  Mr.  Daniel  Dunscomh,  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Mechanics : 

Committee  Chamber,  November  14,  1774. 

Sir:  Some  difliculties  have  arisen  relative  to  the  ad- 
vertisement published  by  this  Committee  for  choosing  a 
Committee  of  Inspection :  and  this  Committee  being 
desirous  of  adopting  a  mode  that  shall  be  agreeable  to 
their  fellow-citizens  in  general,  have  postponed  the  further 
consideration  of  this  subject  until  to-morrow  evening,  at 
six  o'clock,  to  the  end  that  they  may  have  a  conference  with 
your  Committee  on  a  matter  which  is  conceived  of  so 
much  importance  to  the  peace  and  welfare  of  this  city. 
You  are  therefore  requested  to  call  a  meeting  of  your 
Committee,  some  time  to-morrow,  and  beg  the  favour  of 
the  whole  body  to  meet  us  here  in  the  evening,  precisely 
at  six  o'clock,  and  you  will  oblige,  sir,  your  most  humble 
servant.  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 
To  Mr.  Daniel  Dunscomh,  Chairman  of  the  Committee 

of  Mechanics. 


Committee  Chamber,  November  14,  1774. 

Whereas  it  is  intended  very  soon  to  transmit  the  donations 
that  have  been  collected  in  the  Colony,  for  the  support  of 
the  poor  of  Boston  to  that  city.  The  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence request  the  favour  of  the  benefactors  and 
collectors  of  that  laudable  charity  as  soon  as  possible  to 
pay  the  several  contributions  into  the  hands  of  Messrs. 
Gerard  W.  Beekman,  Gerardus  Duyckinck,  and  Peter  T. 
Curtenius,  of  the  city  of  New-York,  merchants,  or  either 
of  them,  who  are  appointed  by  this  Committee  and  have 
undertaken  lo  transact  that  business. 

By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  to-morrow  evening,  at 
6  o'clock,  November  15,  17T4. 


New.York,  November  15,  1774. 

The  Committee  met,  by  adjournment,  this  evening: 
Present, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman,  Nicholas  Hoffman,  Charles  Shaw, 

John  Alsop,  Willium  Wulton,  John  Tlmrman, 

James  Duane,  Hamilton  Younj;,  Banjamin  Booth, 

Phihp  Livingston,  C^harles  Nicholl,  William  McAdam, 

John  Jay,  Henry  Rcmsen,  Peter  T.  Curtenius, 

William  Bayard,  Peter  Vmi  Schaack,  Abraham  Duryee, 

Theoiihilact  Bacho,  Joseph  Bull,  John  IMoore. 
John  Dc  Lancey, 

Ordered,  That  when  a  Committee  for  carrying  the 
Association  of  the  Congress  into  execution  shall  be  elected, 
this  Committee  do  consider  themselves  as  dissolved;  and 
that  this  resolution  be  immediately  made  j)ublic. 

New- York  Committee  Chamber,  15th  November,  1774. 

Whereas  it  is  apprehended  that  inconveniences  may 
arise  from  the  mode  lately  recommended  by  this  Committee 
for  electing  a  new  Committee  to  superintend  the  execution 
of  the  Association  entered  into  by  the  Congress ;  and  this 
Committee  of  Correspondence  having  taken  the  same  into 
further  consideration,  and  consulted  many  of  their  fellow- 
citizens,  and  also  conferred  with  the  Committee  of  Mecha- 
nics thereupon,  and  having  agreed  to  dissolve  their  body 
as  soon  as  such  new  Committee  shall  be  appointed  : 

Public  notice  is,  therefore,  hereby  given,  that  it  is  now 
thought  fit,  that,  instead  of  the  mode  prescribed  by  the 
former  advertisement,  sixty  persons,  to  continue  in  office 
until  the  first  day  of  July  next,  shall  be  chosen  by  the 
freeholders  and  freemen  of  the  said  city,  to  be  a  Committee 
for  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the  said  Association ;  and 
that  the  said  election  shall  be  held  at  the  City  Hall,  on 
Tuesday  next,  at  ten  o'clock,  in  the  forenoon,  under  the 
inspection  of  the  Vestrymen  of  this  city,  who  shall  be 
requested  by  the  inhabitants  for  that  purpose. 
By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Isaac  Low,  Chairman. 

At  the  before  mentioned  conference  with  the  Committee 
of  Mechanics,  it  was  mutually  agreed  : 

1st.  That  the  Committee  nominated  and  held  up  to  the 
public  are  not  to  exceed  seventy ;  nor  to  be  less  than  sixty 
persons. 

2d.  To  be  chosen  by  the  freeholders  and  freemen,  at  the 
City  Hall,  on  Tuesday  next,  under  the  inspection  of  the  ■ 
Vestrymen  of  the  city. 

3d.  To  continue  in  office  until  the  first  day  of  July 
next. 

4th.  Each  Committee  to  interchange  one  hundred 
names,  out  of  which  the  Committee  is  to  be  nominated. 

5th.  To  be  styled,  "  The  Committee  for  carrying  into 
execution  the  Association  entered  into  by  the  Continental 
Congress." 

The  Committee  adjourned  until  to-morrow  evening, 
16th  November,  1774,  at  six  o'clock. 

Tuesday,  November  22,  1774. 
The  Election  of  a  Committee  of  sixty  persons,  for  the 
purposes  mentioned  in  the  Association,  entered  into  by  the 
Congress,  having  this  day  come  on,  pursuant  to  advertise- 
ments in  the  public  newspapers,  a  respectable  number  of 
the  freeholders  and  freemen  of  this  city,  assembled  at  the 
City  Hall,  where  the  election  was  conducted  under  the 
inspection  of  several  of  the  Vestrymen,  and  the  following 
persons  were  chosen  without  a  dissenting  voice,  viz  : 

Isaac  Low,  Henry  Remsen,  Hercules  Mulligan, 

Philip  Livingston,  Peter  T.  Curtenius,  John  Anthony, 

James  Duane,  Abraham  Brasher,  J'rancis  Basset, 

John  Alsop,  Abraham  P.  Lett,  Victor  Bicker, 

John  Jay,  Abraham  Duryee,  John  White, 

P.  V.  B.  Livingston,  Joseph  Bull,  Theophilus  Anthony, 

Isaac  Sears,  Francis  Lewis,  William  Goforth, 

David  Johnston,  John  Lasher,  William  Denning, 

Charles  Nicholl,  John  Roome,  Isaac  Roosevelt, 

Alex.  McDougall,  Joseph  Totten,  Jacob  Van  Voorhocs, 

Thomas  Randall,  Samuel  Jones,  Jeremiah  Piatt, 

Leonard  Lispenard,  John  De  Lancey,  William  Ustick, 

Edward  Laight,  Frederick  Jay,  Comfort  Sands, 

William  Walton,  William  W.  Ludlow,  Robert  Benson, 

John  Broom,  John  B.  Moore,  William  W.  Gilbert, 

Joseph  Hallett,  George  Janeway,  John  P^rtian, 

Charles  Shaw,  Rodolphus  Ritzema,  Gabriel  H.  Ludlow, 

Nicholas  Hoffman,  Lindley  Murray,  Nicholas  Roosevelt, 

Abraham  Walton,  Lancaster  BurUng,  Edward  Flemming, 

Peter  Van  Schaack,  Thomas  Ivers,  Lawrence  Erabree. 


331 


CORRESPONDEISCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  MAY,  1774. 


882 


TOWN  MEETING  IN  BOSTON. 

Friday,  May  13,  1774. 

On  this  clay  there  was  a  numerous  and  respectable 
ineeting  of  tlie  freelioUlers  and  otiier  inhabitants  of  this 
town,  lesjaliy  warned  and  assembled  at  Fanueil  Hall, 
to  consider  an  edict  lately  passed  by  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, for  sluitting  u])  the  harbour,  and  otherwise  punishing 
the  inhabitants  ;*  and  to  determine  upon  proper  measures 
to  be  taken  by  the  town  thereon. 

After  niakine;  choice  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  Moderator 
of  the  meeting,  the  edict  was  distinctly  read  by  the  Clerk  ; 
and  the  nature  and  tendency,  as  well  as  the  design  of  it, 
being  explained  in  the  observations  of  several  gentlemen 
upon  it,  the  town  came  into  the  following  vote,  nem.  con  : 

Voted,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  town,  that  if  the 
other  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  im- 
j)ortations  from  Great  Britain,  and  exportations  to  Great 
Britain,  and  every  part  of  tiie  fVest  Indies,  till  the  Act 
for  blocking  up  this  harbour  be  repealed,  the  same  will 
prove  the  salvation  of  North  America  and  her  liberties. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  they  continue  their  exports  and 
imports,  there  is  high  reason  to  fear  that  fraud,  power,  and 
the  most  odious  oppression,  will  rise  triumphant  over  right, 
justice,  social  happiness,  and  freedom. 

And,  Ordered,  That  this  vote  be  forthwith  transmitted 
by  the  Moderator  to  all  our  sister  Colonies,  in  the  name 
and  behalf  of  this  lown.f 

Then  it  was  moved  for  consideration  what  measures  were 
proper  for  the  town  to  take  on  the  present  emergency  ; 
whereupon  several  judicious,  spirited  and  manly  proposals 
were  made,  which  being  debated  with  a  candour,  modera- 
tion, and  firmness  of  mind  becoming  a  people  resolved 
to  preserve  their  liberty,  it  was  voted,  that  the  Moderator, 
with  John  Rowe,  Esq.,  Mr.  Thomas  Boylston,  William 
Phillips,  Esq.,  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  John  Adams,  Esq., 
Josiah  ^uinci/,  Esq.,  Thomas  Cashing,  Esq.,  Mr.  Hender- 
son Inches,  Mr.  William  Mollineaux,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel 
Appkton,  be  a  Committee  to  take  the  several  proposals 
that  have  been,  and  others  that  may  be  made,  into  con- 
sideration, and  report  to  the  town  as  soon  as  may  be. 

After  which  the  town  made  choice  of  Mr.  Oliver  Wen- 
dell, Isaac  Smith,  Esq.,  Mr.  William  Dennie,  Mr.  Wil- 
liam Powell,  and  Mr.  John  Pitts,  to  repair  immediately 
to  the  towns  of  Salem  and  Marblehead,  to  communicate 
the  sentiments  of  this  metropolis  to  the  gentlemen  there, 
consult  with  them,  and  make  report  at  the  adjournment. 

Then  the  meeting  was  adjourned  to  Wednesday  next, 
the  18th  instant,  at  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  forenoon. 

Wednesday,  May  18,t  1774. 

The  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  town, 
met  again  this  day,  at  Fanueil  Hall,  by  adjournment; 
and  the  Committee  which  had  been  appointed  to  re- 
ceive and  consider  of  proposals  for  the  support  and 
employment  of  such  as  will  be  sufferers  by  the  operation 
of  the  cruel  edict  of  the  British  Parliament,  reported  that 
several  judicious  proposals  had  been  made,  and  that  they 
conceived  that  ways  and  means  would  be  found  for  the 
relief  of  such  inhabitants  in  the  time  of  distress.  They 
recommended  to  their  fellow-citizens  patience,  fortitude, 
and  a  firm  trust  in  God,  and  desired  further  time  to  agree 
upon  a  report. 

*  The  Port  Bill  was  received  at  Bonton  by  Captain  Jrnhn»,  who 
arrived  there  on  Tiirsday,  the  10th  of  itfuy,  1774.  On  Friday,  the 
13th,  about  noon,  General  Gage  arrived  in  the  Lively  frigate,  and 
landed  at  the  Castle. 

t  On  Saturday,  the  14tli,  Mr.  Paul  Retere  was  despatched  by  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  with  important  letters  to  tlie  Soutliern 
Colonies. 

t  On  Tuesday,  the  17tli,  his  Excellency  General  Gage  landed  at  the 
long  wharf,  where  several  of  his  Majesty's  Council,  of  the  House  of 
Koprescntatives,  and  many  of  the  principal  gentbmen  of  tlie  town, 
together  with  the  Cadet  Company  undi»r  arms,  waited  his  arrival,  and 
escorted  him  to  the  Council  Chamber.  The  Troop  of  Horse,  the 
(Company  of  Artillery,  the  Company  of  Grenadiers,  and  the  several 
companies  of  militia  under  arms,  saluted  him  as  he  p  issod.  His  com. 
mission  was  read,  and  after  the  usual  ciTjmonies  he  was  sworn  in 
•  Jovernour  and  Vice.Adniiral  of  the  Province.  His  Proclamation  for 
continuing  all  officers,  &c.,  in  their  places,  till  further  orders,  was 
then  read  by  the  High  .SUeritf,  which  was  answered  by  thrac  huzzas, 
firing  the  cannon  from  the  battery  and  artillery  company,  and  three 
voUies  of  small  arms.  After  receiving  the  compliments,  &c.,  and 
reviewing  the  railitia,  he  was  escorted  to  Faueuil  Hall,  whore  an 
elegant  entertainment  was  provided  at  the  expense  of  the  Province. 
After  dinner,  and  drinking  several  loyal  toasts,  his  Excellency  went 
to  the  Province  House. 


The  meeting  was  therefore  adjourned  to  Monday,  the 
31st  instant,  at  ten  of  the  clock  in  the  forenoon,  by  which 
time  it  is  expected  we  shall  have  encouraging  news  from 
some  of  the  sister  Colonies. 

Previous  to  the  adjournment  the  town  thought  it  their 
duty  to  pass  the  following  Votes,  viz  : 

1st.  That  the  trade  of  the  town  of  Boston  has  been  one 
essential  link  in  that  vast  chain  of  commerce,  which,  in  the 
course  of  a  few  ages,  lias  raised  Ncio  England  to  be  what 
it  is,  the  Southern  Provinces  to  be  what  they  are,  the  West 
India  Islands  to  their  wealth,  and,  in  one  word,  the  British 
Empire  to  that  height  of  opulence,  power,  pride  and  splen- 
dour, at  which  it  now  stands. 

2d.  That  the  impolicy,  injustice,  inhumanity  and  cruelty 
of  the  Act  aforesaid,  exceed  all  our  powers  of  expression. 
We,  therefore,  leave  it  to  the  just  censure  of  others,  and 
appeal  to  God  and  the  world. 


EXTRACT    OF    A    LETTER    RECEIVED    IN    BOSTON. 

Philadelphia,  May  17,  1774. 

The  post  has  just  brought  us  an  account  of  General 
Gage's  arrival,  which  I  hope  will  give  you  quiet  and  secu- 
rity. Many  people  here  were  of  opinion  that  neither 
Govemour  Hutchinson's,  nor  the  Commissioners'  lives  were 
safe  before.  I  sincerely  hope  that  your  town  and  Province 
will,  at  length,  learn  a  litde  wisdom  and  moderation.  I 
assure  you  that  their  friends  here  are  much  cast  down  ; 
their  enemies  (of  which  we  have  a  great  many)  rejoice, 
and  moderate  people  are  almost  silent ;  but  all  concur  in 
wishing  moderation  and  peace.  Your  patriots  will  find 
themselves  deceived  in  the  general  support  of  the  other 
Provinces  ;  from  this  they  will  find  none  ;  and,  if  they 
were  so  inclined,  we  are  likely  to  have  work  enough  on 
the  frontiers,  where  above  fifty  Indians  have  just  now 
been  cruelly  murdered,  which  will  certainly  bring  on  an 
Indian  war.  God  bless  you,  and  grant  you  peace  and 
quiet. 


SAMUEL    ADAMS    TO    ARTHUR    LEE. 

Boston,  May  18th,  1774. 
My  DEAR  Sir  :  The  edict  of  the  British  Parliament, 
commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Act,  came  safely  to  my 
hand.  For  flagrant  injustice  and  barbarity,  one  might 
search  in  vain  among  the  archives  of  Constantinople  to 
find  a  match  for  it.  But  what  else  could  have  been 
expected  from  a  Parliament  too  long  under  the  dictates 
and  controulof  an  Administration  which  seems  to  be  totally 
lost  to  all  sense  and  feeling  of  morality,  and  governed  by 
passion,  cruelty  and  revenge.  For  us  to  reason  against 
such  an  Act,  would  be  idleness.  Our  business  is  to 
find  means  to  evade  its  malignant  desiirn.  The  inhab- 
itants  view  it,  not  with  astonishment,  but  with  indignation. 
They  discover  the  utmost  contempt  of  the  framers  of  it ; 
while  they  are  yet  disposed  to  consider  the  body  of  the 
nation  (though  represented  by  such  a  Parliament)  in  the 
character  they  have  sustained  heretofore,  humane  and 
generous.  They  resent  the  behaviour  of  the  merchants  in 
London :  those,  I  mean,  who  receive  their  bread  from 
them,  in  infamously  deserting  their  cause  at  the  time  of 
extremity.  They  can  easily  believe,  that  the  industrious 
manufacturers,  whose  time  is  wholly  spent  in  their  various 
employments,  are  misled  and  imposed  upon  by  such  mis- 
creants as  have  ungratefully  devoted  them.selves  to  an 
abandoned  Ministry,  not  regarding  the  ruin  of  those  who 
have  been  their  best  benefactors.  But  the  inhabitants  of 
this  town  must  and  will  look  to  their  own  safety,  which 
they  see  does  not  consist  in  a  servile  compliance  with  the 
ignominious  terms  of  thi.*  barbarous  edict.  Tiiough  the 
means  of  preserving  tiieir  liberties  should  distress,  and  even 
ruin  the  British  manufacturers,  they  are  resolved  (but 
with  reluctance)  to  try  the  experiment.  To  this  they  are 
impelled  by  motives  of  self-preservation.  They  feel 
humanely  for  those  who  must  suffer,  but  being  innocent, 
are  not  the  objects  of  their  revenge.  They  have  already 
called  upon  their  sister  Colonies,  (as  you  will  see  by  the 
enclosed  note,)  who  not  only  feel  for  them  as  fellow-citi- 
zens, but  look  upon  them  as  suffering  the  stroke  of  Minis- 
terial vengeance  in  the  common  cause  of  America ;  tliat 
cause  which  the  Colonists  have  pledged  themselves  to 


333 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  MAY,  1774. 


334 


each  other  not  to  give  up.  In  the  mean  time,  I  tnist  in 
God  thisdevoted  town  will  sustain  tlie  shock  with  dignity; 
and,  supported  by  their  brethren,  will  gloriously  defeat  the 
designs  of  their  connnon  enemies.  Calmness,  courage, 
and  unanimity  prevail.  While  they  are  resolved  not 
tamely  to  submit,  they  will,  by  refraining  from  any  acts  of 
violence,  avoid  the  snare  that  they  discover  to  he  laid  for 
them,  by  posting  regiments  so  near  them.  I  heartily 
thank  you  for  your  spirited  exertions.  Use  means  for 
the  preservation  of  your  health.  Our  warmest  gratitude 
is  due  to  Lords  Camden  and  Shelhurne.  Our  dependence 
is  upon  the  wisdom  of  the  few  of  the  British  nobility.  We 
suspect  studied  insult  in  the  appointment  of  the  person 
who  is  Commander-in-chief  of  the  troops  in  America  to 
be  our  Governour ;  and  I  think  there  appears  to  be  in  it 
more  than  a  design  to  insult  upon  any  specious  pretence. 
We  will  endeavour,  by  circumspection  and  sound  prudence, 
to  frustrate  the  diabolical  designs  of  our  enemies. 

I  have  written  in  haste,  and  am,  affectionately,  your 
friend,  Samuel  Adams, 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq.,  London. 


GOVERNOUR  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

£ztract. 

Boston,  May  19,  177'1. 

His  Majesty's  ship,  the  Lively,  in  which  I  embarked  at 
Pit/mouth,  on  the  16th  o(  April,  arrived  here  on  the  13th 
of  this  month. 

The  late  Governour  Hutchinson,  the  Chief  Justice,  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs,  and  the  Consignees,  were 
either  at  the  Castle,  or  dispersed  in  the  country,  not  daring 
to  reside  in  Boston.  I  went  to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  and 
remained  with  him  at  Castle  William,  till  preparations  were 
made  for  my  reception  in  Boston,  where  my  commission 
was  read  and  published  in  the  usual  forms,  on  the  17th 
instant. 

The  Act  for  shutting  up  the  port  got  here  before  me  ; 
and  a  town  meeting  was  holding  to  consider  of  it  at  the 
time  of  my  arrival  in  the  hai-bour.  They  determined  to 
invite  the  other  Colonies  to  stop  all  exports  and  imports  to 
and  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  every  part  of 
the  West  Indies,  till  the  Act  be  repealed  ;  and  appointed 
persons  to  go  to  Marblehead  and  Salem  to  communicate 
their  sentiments  to  the  people  there,  and  bring  them  into 
like  measures  ;  which  persons  were  to  make  their  report  at 
the  adjournment,  on  the  18th,  when  the  meeting  was  again 
held,  and  1  am  told,  received  little  encouragement  from 
Salem  and  Marblehead,  and  transacted  nothing  of  conse- 
quence. 

I  do  not  propose  laying  any  thing  before  the  new  Assem- 
bly at  their  meeting,  except  tlie  common  business  of  the 
Province,  if  any  occurs. 

I  hear  from  many,  that  the  Act  has  staggered  the  most 
j)resumptuous ;  but  minds  so  inflamed  cannot  cool  at  once  ; 
so  it  may  be  better  to  give  the  shock  they  have  received, 
time  to  operate ;  and  I  may  find  the  Assembly  in  a  better 
temper  than  usual,  and  more  inclined  to  comply  with  the 
King's  expectations  at  Salem,  to  which  place  they  will  be 
removed  after  the  first  of  June. 


At  a  town  meeting  held  at  Providence,  Rhode  Island, 
on  the  nth  day  of  May,  A.  D.,  1774,  called  by  war- 
rant :     Samuel  Nightengale,  Esquire,  Moderator. 

Resolved,  That  this  town  will  heartily  join  with  the 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and  the  other  Colo- 
nies, in  such  measures  as  shall  be  generally  agreed  on  by 
the  Colonies,  for  the  protecting  and  securing  their  invalua- 
ble natural  rights  and  privileges,  and  transmitting  the  same 
to  the  latest  posterity. 

That  the  Deputies  of  this  town  be  requested  to  use  their 
influence  at  the  approaching  session  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  this  Colony,  for  promoting  a  Congress  as  soon  as 
may  be,  of  the  Representatives  of  the  General  Assemblies 
of  the  several  Colonies  and  Provinces  in  North  America, 
for  establishing  the  firmest  Union,  and  adopting  such 
measures  as  to  them  shall  appear  the  most  effectual  to 
answer  that  important  purpose,  and  to  agree  upon  proper 
methods  for  executing  the  same. 


That  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  this  town  be 
desired  to  assure  the  town  of  Boston,  that  we  do  consider 
ourselves  greatly  interested  in  the  present  alarming  conduct 
of  the  British  Parliament  towards  them,  and  view  the 
whole  English  American  Colonies  equally  concerned  in 
the  event,  and  that  we  will,  with  the  utmost  firmness,  act 
accordingly,  whenever  any  plan  shall  be  agreed  on  :  in  the 
mean  time,  we  are  of  opinion  that  an  universal  stoppage  of 
ail  trade  with  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  Africa,  and  the 
West  Indies,  until  such  time  as  the  port  of  Boston  shall  be 
reinstated  in  its  former  privileges,  &c.,  will  be  the  best  ex- 
pedient in  the  case ;  and  that  a  proper  time  should  be 
generally  agreed  on  for  the  same  universally  to  take 
place. 

Whereas,  the  inhabitants  of  America  are  engaged  in  the 
preservation  of  their  rights  and  liberties ;  and  as  personal 
liberty  is  an  essential  part  of  the  natural  rights  of  mankind, 
the  Deputies  of  the  town  are  directed  to  use  their  endea- 
vours to  obtain  an  act  of  die  General  Assembly,  prohibi- 
ting the  importation  of  negroe  slaves  in  this  Colony  ;  and 
that  all  negroes  born  in  the  Colony  should  be  free  at 
attaining  to  a  certain  age. 

Voted,  That  James  Angell,  Esquire,  be  added  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  of  this  town,  and  that  he 
sign  their  letters  as  Clerk. 


Chestertown,   Maryland,   May  18,  1774. 

It  must  be  universally  allowed,  that  the  essential  circum- 
stauce  which  constitutes  the  political  happiness  of  a  free 
people,  consists  in  their  being  governed  by  laws  of  their 
own  making,  or  to  which  their  consent  is  given  by  Dele- 
gates of  their  own  choice  and  nomination.  This  maxim, 
founded,  on  the  genius  of  the  British  Constitution — the 
most  perfect  under  Heaven — cannot  be  supposed  partial  or 
confined  ;  but  must  be  as  extensively  diffusive  in  its  benign 
operations,  as  are  the  regions  subordinate  to,  and  claiming 
protection  under  that  Constitution. 

The  Act  of  Parliament,  therefore,  subjecting  the  British 
Colonies  in  America  to  the  payment  of  a  duty  on  tea,  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  being  passed  without 
their  consent,  and  calculated  to  enslave  them,  cannot  but 
be  deemed  unconstitutional  and  oppressive  ;  from  whence 
it  clearly  follows,  that  it  highly  behoves  the  Americans  as 
loyal  and  free-born  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  to  take 
every  prudent  and  justifiable  measure  in  order  to  evade  its 
baneful  effects  ;  thus  to  baffle  the  designs  of  a  corrupt  and 
despotic  Ministry.  Our  brethren  of  the  Northern  Colonies 
have  already  declared  their  opposition  to  this  Act ;  and  as 
it  equally  affects  the  good  people  of  this  loyal  Province  of 
Maryland,  a  number  of  respectable  gentlemen,  friends  to 
liberty,  met  at  a  public  house  in  Chestertown,  on  Friday, 
the  13th  of  May,  1774  ;  when  a  Chairman  was  chosen  ;  a 
Committee  appointed  ;  and  it  was  agreed  upon  to  have  a 
general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  county,  on  Wed- 
nesday, the  18lh  of  the  same  month,  to  declare  their  senti- 
ments respecting  the  importation  of  tea,  while  subject  to  a 
duty.  A  numerous  and  very  respectable  meeting  was  ac- 
cordingly held,  when  the  Committee  was  enlarged,  and  the 
following  resolutions  were  repeatedly  read,  and  unanimous- 
ly agreed  to,  viz : 

1st.  Resolved,  That  we  acknowledge  his  Majesty 
George  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Ireland,  to  be  our  rightful  and  lawful  Sovereign,  to  whom 
we  owe  and  promise  all  dutiful  allegiance  and  submission. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  no  duties  or  taxes  can  constitu- 
tionally be  imposed  on  us,  but  by  our  own  consent,  given 
personally,  or  by  our  Representatives. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  the  Act  of  the  British  Parliament 
of  the  7th  of  George  the  Third,  (Chapter  46th,)  subject- 
ing the  Colonies  to  the  payment  of  a  duty  on  tea,  for  the 
purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  is  unconstitu- 
tional, oppressive,  and  calculated  to  enslave  the  Americans. 

4th.  Resolved,  therefore,  That  whoever  shall  import, 
or  in  any  way  aid  or  assist  in  importing,  or  introducing  from 
any  part  of  Great  BHtain,  or  any  other  place  whatsoever 
into  this  town  or  county,  any  tea,  subject  to  the  payment 
of  a  duty  imposed  by  the  aforesaid  Act  of  Parliament ; 
or,  whoever  shall  wilfully  and  knowingly  sell,  buy,  or 
consume,  or  in  any  way  assist  in  the  sale,  purchase,  or 
consumption  of  any  tea  imported  as  aforesaid,  subject  to 


335 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  MAY,  1774. 


336 


a  duty,  he,  or  they,  shall  be  stigmatized  as  enemies  to  the 
liberties  of  America, 

5tli.  Resolved,  Tliat  we  will  not  only  steadily  adhere  to 
the  foregoing  resolves,  but  will  endeavour  to  excite  our 
worthy  neighbours  to  a  like  patriotic  conduct ;  and  whoever 
amongst  us  shall  refuse  his  concurrence,  or  after  complying, 
shall  desert  the  cause,  and  knowingly  deviate  from  the  true 
spirit  and  meaning  of  these  our  resolutions,  we  will  mark 
him  out,  as  Inimical  to  the  liberties  of  America,  an  unwor- 
thy member  of  the  community,  and  a  person  not  deserving 
our  notice  or  regard. 

6th.  Resolved,  Tliat  the  foregoing  resolves  be  printed, 
that  our  brethren  in  this  and  the  other  Colonies  may  know 
our  sentiments  as  they  are  tlierein  contained. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee, 

W.  Wright,   Cleric. 

N.  B.  Tlie  above  resolves  were  entered  into  upon  a 
discovery  of  the  late  importation  of  the  dutiable  tea,  (in 
the  brigantine  Geddes,  of  this  port)  for  some  of  tiie  neigli- 
Iwuring  counties.  Furtiier  measures  are  in  contemplation, 
in  consequence  of  a  late  and  very  alarming  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. 


TO    THE    FREEMEN    OF  AMERICA. 

It  is  impossible  to  re\iew  the  advantages  we  derive  from 
our  connection  with  Great  Britain,  without  wishing  it  to 
be  perpetual.  We  were  formed  by  her  laws  and  religion. 
We  are  clothed  with  her  manufactures,  and  protected  by 
iier  fleets  and  armies.  Her  Kings  are  the  umpires  of  our 
disputes,  and  the  centre  of  our  Union.  In  a  word,  the 
island  of  Britain  is  the  fortress  in  which  we  are  sheltered 
fron)  the  machinations  of  all  the  Powers  of  Europe.  No 
wonder  therefore,  we  look  forward  with  horrour  to  those 
convulsions  that  must  attend  (ages  hence,)  our  separation 
Irom  that  country. 

The  councils  of  a  State,  like  the  faculties  of  the  mind, 
are  liable  to  prejudice  and  decay.  Tiie  conduct  of  the 
British  Parliament  towards  America  for  several  years  past, 
carries  strong  marks  of  insanity  and  folly.  The  laws  of 
mechanics,  apply  in  politics  as  well  as  philosophy  ;  a  grain 
of  wisdom  ])roperly  managed,  will  outweigh  in  tliis  science 
the  whole  annies  and  navies  of  Britain. 

We  have  been  in  some  measure  passive  spectators  of 
the  manoeu\Tes  of  our  mother  country.  A  Stamp  Act ; 
Revenue  Acts ;  a  Board  of  Commissioners ;  Judges  of 
Admiralty,  invested  with  new  powers ;  the  Military  set 
over  the  Civil  Governours,  and  both  rendered  independent 
of  the  people  ;  Restrictions  on  our  trade  ;  Dissolutions  of 
our  Assemblies :  and  disregarded  petitions  for  redress  of 
these  grievances,  have  all  been  borne  with  a  temper  and 
moderation,  which  show  how  much  we  value  peace  and 
order,  and  how  inestimable  we  esteem  the  advantages  of 
being  connected  with  Great  Britain.  We  have  only  as- 
serted our  right  to  freedom.  This  has  produced  in  some 
places,  a  few  trifling  commotions,  but  these  were  conducted 
only  by  mobs,  which  are  always  the  first-born  offspring  of 
oppression,  and  which  are  not  unknown  even  in  Britain ; 
and  particularly  remembered  there  for  having  insulted  our 
King  a  few  years  ago  at  his  Palace  gates.  Future  ages 
will  hardly  believe  that  we  were  descended  from  British 
ancestors,  when  they  read  of  our  having  borne  so  long,  and 
resented  so  feebly,  the  outrages  committed  by  a  British 
Parliament,  upon  the  dearest  birth-right  of  a  Briton. 

Moderation  and  gratitude  are  sometimes  an  over-balance 
for  self-preservation.  The  first  law  of  nature  cannot  be 
contradicted  by  any  social  or  national  obligations.  The 
man  who  refuses  to  assert  his  right  to  liberty,  property, 
and  life,  is  guilty  of  the  worst  kind  of  rebellion  ;  he 
commits  high  treason  against  God. 

Liberty,  projierty,  and  life,  are  now  but  names  in  Ame- 
rica. Liberty  is  levelled  by  the  Declarative  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment to  tax  us  without  our  consent ;  property  is  now  an- 
nihilated by  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  which  destroys 
the  trade  of  Boston  :  our  countrymen  are  condemned 
without  being  heard  ;  a  whole  community  sufl^er  for  the 
conduct  of  a  few  individuals.  Newspa|)ers,  and  a  private 
letter  from  a  Governour,  are  their  only  accusers ;  and 
thousands,  accustomed  to  affluence,  are  reduced  to  the 
lowest  species  of  poverty :  "  they  cannot  work,  and  to 
beg,  they  are  ashamed."     We  dare  not  even  call  our  lives 


our  own.  Tlie  next  act  of  Parliament  may  summons  our 
Assemblymen  and  patriots  to  expiate  their  virtue  at 
Ti/lrum. 

Neiv-York,  Philadelphia,  and  Charlcstou-n,  cannot 
expect  to  escape  the  fate  of  Boston.  Our  doom  is  delayed 
only  with  a  view  of  dividing  and  weakening  us.  We  have 
offtjred  the  same  indignity  to  tiie  British  Parliament,  and 
have  done  nearly  the  same  injury  to  tlie  property  of  the 
East  India  Company.  Wiien  tlie  spirits  of  our  brethren 
in  Boston  are  subtlued,  our  rivers  and  shores  will  probably 
be  crowtled  with  men-of-war,  and  lined  with  tide  waiters. 

An  union  of  the  Colonies,  like  an  electric  rod,  will 
render  harmless  the  storms  of  British  vengeance  and  tyran- 
ny. Remember  my  dear  countrymen,  we  are  contending 
for  the  crown  and  prerogative  of  our  King,  as  vvell  as  for 
liberty,  property,  and  life.  The  British  Parliament  have 
violated  the  Constitution  in  usurj)ing  his  supreme  jurisdic- 
tion over  us.  Our  brethren  in  Boston  may  perhaps  stand 
in  need  of  our  counsels  ;  every  stroke  aimed  at  them,  is 
levelled  against  the  vitals  of  all  America.  Success  has 
liitherto  crowned  our  attempts  to  save  our  country. 
Virtue,  unanimity,  and  perseverance,  are  invincible. 

Philadelphia,  May  18,  1774. 


Farmington,  Connecticut,  May  19,  1774. 

Early  in  the  morning  was  found  the  following  handbill, 
posted  up  in  various  parts  of  the  town,  viz : 

"  To  pass  through  the  fire  at  six  o'clock  this  evening,  in 
"  Jionour  to  the  immortal  goddess  of  Liberty,  the  late  infa- 
"  mous  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  farther  distressing 
"  the  American  Colonies ;  the  place  of  execution  will  be 
"  the  public  parade,  where  all  Sons  of  Liberty  are  desired 
"  to  attend." 

Accordingly,  a  very  numerous  and  respectable  body 
were  assembled,  of  near  one  thousand  people,  when  a 
huge  pole,  just  forty-five  feet  high  was  erected,  and  con- 
secrated to  the  shrine  of  Liberty ;  after  which  the  Act  of 
Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  Boston  harbour  was  read 
aloud  ;  sentenced  to  the  flames,  and  executed  by  the  hands 
of  the  common  hangman  ;  then  the  following  Resolves  were 
passed,  nem.  con. : 

1st.  That  it  is  the  greatest  dignity,  interest,  and  happi- 
ness of  every  American  to  be  united  with  our  parent  State, 
while  our  liberties  are  duly  secured,  maintained,  and  sup- 
ported by  our  rightful  Sovereign,  whose  person  we  greatly 
revere  ;  whose  Government  while  duly  administered,  we 
are  ready  with  our  lives  and  properties  to  support. 

2d.  That  the  present  Ministry,  being  instigated  by  the 
Devil,  and  led  on  by  their  wicked  and  corrupt  hearts,  have 
a  design  to  take  away  our  liberties  and  properties,  and  to 
enslave  us  for  ever. 

3d.  That  the  late  Act  which  their  malice  hath  caused 
to  be  passed  in  Parliament,  for  blocking  up  the  port  of 
Boston,  is  unjust,  illegal,  and  oppressive  ;  and  that  we, 
and  every  American,  are  sharers  in  the  insults  offered  to 
the  town  of  Boston. 

4th.  That  those  pimps  and  parasites  who  dared  to  advise 
their  master  to  such  detestable  measures,  be  held  in  utter 
abhorrence  by  us  and  every  American,  and  their  names 
loaded  with  the  cui-ses  of  all  succeeding  generations. 

5th.  That  we  scorn  the  chains  of  slavery ;  we  despise 
every  attempt  to  rivet  them  upon  us ;  we  are  the  sons  of 
freedom,  and  resolved,  that,  till  time  shall  be  no  more, 
that  god-like  virtue  shall  blazon  our  hemisphere. 


COMMITTEE    OF    CORRESPONDENCE   AT  WESTERLY   TO  THE 
COMMITTEE    OF   BOSTON. 

Westerly,  May  19,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  With  mingled  concern  and  indignation, 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  this  town  have  sefen 
an  Act  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston. 

Rome  designing  to  destroy  the  city  of  Carthage,  barba- 
rously required  of  the  Carthagenians  that  they  should 
forsake  tiieir  city,  and  remove  their  habitations  twelve 
miles  from  the  sea.  The  consideration  of  the  inveterate 
hatred  occasioned  by  the  long  and  bloody  wars  wliich  had 
subsisted  between  Rome  and  Carthage ;  the  remembrance 
of  several  hundred  thousand  Romans  killed  in  those  wars, 


837 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  MAY,  1774. 


888 


and  several  liundred  towns  plundered  by  the  Carthage- 
nians,  are  some  excuse  for  the  Roman  severity  ;  but  the 
cruel  and  unnatural  treatment  which  the  town  of  Boston 
has  received  from  Great  Britain,  will  admit  of  no 
j)alliation.  The  metropolis  of  a  most  affectionate  and  loyal 
Colony,  which  in  all  the  wars  of  Great  Britain  hath 
gloriously  supported  the  British  interest  in  America,  and 
even  by  their  wise  and  vigorous  eflbrts  made  a  conquest 
which  gave  peace  to  Europe,  is  now  threatened  with  de- 
struction, for  no  other  cause,  but  because  the  people  have 
bravely  determined  not  to  become  slaves. 

We  have  long  felt  for  the  town  of  Boston ;  we  heartily 
sympathize  with  our  brethren  upon  this  alarming  occasion  ; 
we  are  much  pleased  with  the  noble  firmness  with  which 
this  cruel  edict  is  received  in  Boston.  We  highly  approve 
the  measures  taken  by  the  town,  and  are  entirely  of  opinion 
that  the  joint  resolution  of  the  Colonies  to  stop  all  impor- 
tations from  and  exportations  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
West  Indies,  until  the  Act  is  repeled,  will  infallibly  produce 
the  desired  effect. 

The  country  which  we  possess,  blessed  be  God !  affords 
every  necessary  of  life.  We  are  morally  certain,  that 
with  the  common  blessings  of  Heaven  upon  our  industry 
and  frugality,  we  can  live  comfortably,  without  importing  a 
single  article  from  Britain  or  the  West  Indies ;  and  we 
are  equally  certain,  that  neither  England  nor  the  West 
Indies  can  subsist  long  without  us  ;  their  own  preservation 
therefore,  will  compel  them  to  do  us  justice. 

This  horrid  attack  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  we  consider 
not  as  an  attempt  upon  that  town  singly,  but  upon  the 
whole  Continent.  We  are  therefore  determined  to  use  our 
whole  influence  for  the  support  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in 
the  same  manner  as  if  the  attack  had  been  made  on  the 
metropolis  of  this  Colony  ;  and  we  doubt  not  but  the  other 
Colonies  will  consider  this  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  edict  in 
the  same  light,  and  heartily  unite  with  the  friends  of  liberty 
in  Boston  in  support  of  the  common  cause. 

That  infinite  wisdom  may  direct  and  preserve  all  the 
Colonies,  is  the  ardent  prayer  of,  &ic.,  8ic. 


COMMITTEE    OF    PORTSMOUTH,    NEW-HAMPSHIRE,    TO    THE 

COMMITTEE    OF    BOSTON. 

Extract. 

Portsmouth,  May  19,  1774. 

We  think  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  to  shut  up  the  port 
of  Boston,  of  the  most  extraordinary  nature,  and  fatal  ten- 
dency. Administration  are  taking  every  method  to  dis- 
unite the  Colonies,  thereby  to  render  the  noble  opposition 
to  their  arbitrary  and  destructive  measures  abortive.  We 
hope  a  firm  union  of  all  the  Colonies  will  still  subsist,  and 
that  such  a  plan  may  be  devised,  and  resolutely  pursued 
by  all  as  may  prevent  the  cruel  effects  of  this  Act. 

We  heaitily  sympathize  with  you  under  your  present 
difficult  and  alarming  situation  ;  and  we  will  exert  our- 
selves to  carry  any  plan  into  effect  which  may  be  concerted 
by  the  Colonies  for  the  general  relief.  We  sincerely  wish 
you  resolution  and  prosperity  in  the  common  cause;  and 
shall  ever  view  your  interest  as  our  own.  And  are  with 
tiie  highest  esteem,  &ic. 


Williamsburg,  Virginia,  May  19,  1774. 
The    following  Loiter  is  supposed   to  bo   written  by   Mr.   Edmund 
Burke,  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  Lord  North  : 

My  Lord  :  As  questions  of  the  highest  national  impor- 
tance are  now  to  be  decided,  and  as  measures  pregnant  with 
danger  and  ruin  are  meditated,  permit  an  American  to 
relate  a  few  historical  facts,  which  merit  your  most  serious 
attention.  This  is  probably  the  only  address  you  will 
receive  on  behalf  of  the  Colonies ;  when,  friends,  con- 
vinced of  the  efficacy  of  reason  or  truth  in  the  present 
contest,  have  resolved  to  leave  the  British  Government,  to 
gain  wisdom  by  the  more  certain,  but  expensive  means  of 
unhappy  experience ;  concluding,  that  the  consequences 
which  must  result  from  one  hostile  effort  against  America, 
will  produce  more  conviction  than  volumes  of  argument. 
But  as  the  public  papers  have  been  for  some  weeks  aban- 
doned to  those  incendiaries  who  wish  to  spread  carnage 
and  devastation  through  America,  I  shall  make  one  solitary 

Fourth  Series. 


attempt  to  frustrate  their  hopes,  and  vindicate  the  claims 
of  the  Colonies. 

At  the  discovery  of  America,  no  person  imagined  any 
part  of  that  Continent  to  be  within  the  Realm  of  England, 
which  was  circumscribed  within  certain  known  and  estab- 
lished limits.    Whatever  was  the  title  of  the    Kings  of 
England,  at  that  time,  to  any  share  of  America,  it  must 
have  been  an  acquired  title :  and  the  Sovereign  then  had, 
and  still  has,  an  undoubted  prerogative  right,  to  alienate 
for  ever  from  the  Realm  without  consent  of  Parliament, 
any  acquisition  of  foreign  territory.     This  right  has  been 
constandy  exercised  by  the  Kings  of  England,  at  almost 
every  treaty  of  peace,  and  at  the  sale  of  Dunkirk,  Uc, 
and  it  was  particularly  manifested  by  the  Act  for  annexing 
Gibraltar  to  the  Realm.  Confonnable  to  this  prerogative 
right  King  James  the  First,  and  Charles  the  First,  did  alien- 
ate unto  certain  persons  large  territories  in  America,  and 
by  the  most  solemn  compacts,  did  form  them  into  separate 
civil  States,  with  all  the  powers  of  distinct  legislation  and 
Government ;  particularly  those  of  making  peace  and  war, 
coining  money,  pardoning  crimes,  comferring  titles  and 
dignities,  erecting  and  incorporating  boroughs  and  cities, 
establishing  ports,  harbours,  &;c.,  with  a  grant  and  release 
of  all  subsidies  and  customs,  to  be  levied  within  the  same, 
and  an  express  exemption  fi-orn  foreign  taxation.  This  is 
evident  from  the  most  ancient  Charters  of  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts  Bay,  but  especially  from  that  of  Maryland, 
which  I  have  particularly  stated  in  another  performance. 
From  these  charters  it  manifesdy  appears  to  have  been  the 
Royal  intention,  to  form  these  Colonies  into  distinct  States 
like  Jersey,  Guernsey,  Isle  of  Man,  Stc,  dependent  on 
the  CroHTi,  but  not  on  the  Parliament  of  England ;  and 
conformable  to  this  intention,  we  find  that  when  a  bill  was 
several  times  brought  into  the  House  of  Commons,  to 
secure  the  people  of  England  a  liberty  of  fishing  on  the 
coasts  of  America,  messages  were  sent  to  the  Commons  by 
those  Monarchs,  requiring  them  to  proceed  no  further  in 
the  matter,  and  alleging  that  "  America  was  without  the 
"  Realm  and  jurisdiction  of  Parliament ;"  and  on  this  prin- 
ciple the  Royal  assent  was  withheld,  during  all  those  reigns, 
from  every  bill  affecting  the  Colonies.    These  and  other 
facts,  which  appear  on  the  journals  of  Parliament,  joined 
to  the  charters  of  the  Colonies,  fully  demonstrate  that  they 
were  really  and  intentionally  created  distinct  States,  and 
exempted  from  the  authority  of  Parliament.     And  their 
inhabitants  having  on  the  faith  of  such  fundamental  terms 
and  conditions,  accepted,   cultivated,  and  improved  the 
territories  thus  granted,  have  an  indefeasible  right  to  main- 
tain and  enjoy  the  privileges  so  acquired ;  and  nothing  but 
an  act  of  union,  made  with  their  own  consent,  can   annex 
them  to  the  Realms,  or  subject  them  to  its  Legislature. 
The  right  of  the  Crown  to  alienate  the  soil  of  the  Colo- 
nies, has  not  been  disputed ;  but  the  right  of  exempting  their 
inhabitants  from  the  jurisdiction  of  Parliament,  has  been 
denied  without  cause.    Allegiance  and  subjection  are  due 
from  a  people  to  their  Sovereign ;  but  the  allegiance  of 
subjects  to  subjects,  is  an  absurdity  unknown  to  the  laws  of 
this  Kingdom.    The  freedom  of  Britains  consists  in  this, 
that  they  participate  the  power  of  making  those  laws  by 
which  they  are  governed ;  and  wherever  this  freedom  is 
enjoyed,  the  Legislative  power  must  necessarily  be  confined 
to  those  who  partake  of  it,  either  in  person  or  delegation. 
So  long  as  the  people  oi  America  resided  within  the  Realm, 
shared  in  its  Government,  and  were  protected  by  it,  so 
long  they  were  necessarily  bound  to  obey,  and  support 
that  Government;    but  when,  by   the   consent   of  their 
Sovereign,  they  migrated  to  Ireland  and  America,  though 
diey  continued  within  the  King's  allegiance,  yet  ceasing  to 
participate  or  enjoy  the  Legislative  power  of  this  Realm, 
the  operation  of  diat  power  over  them  necessarily  termina- 
ted ;  and  nothing  more  was  necessary  to  emancipate  the 
people  of  America  from  the  authority  of  Parliament,  than 
to  permit  them  to  leave  the  Realm ;  which  nobody  will 
deny  the  King's  right  of  doing;  and  should  the  people  of" 
England,  by  their  Delegates,  continue  to   exercise   the 
powers  of  legislation  and  taxation  upon  the  Colonies,  after 
such  separation  from  the  Realm,   tliey  must  exalt  them- 
selves to  the  sovereignty  of  America,  and  render  the  inha- 
bitants of  that  country  the  subjects  o(  subjects ;  a  condition, 
more  humiliating  than  those  of  the  Spartan  Helotes;  for  if 
a  people   be  subject  to  any  supreme  power,  in  which 
22 


88^ 


CORRESPONDEISCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  MAY,  1774. 


340 


they  have  no  pacticipation,  whether  it  be  legal  in  a  single 
person,  or  in  thousands,  the  power  is  despotism,  and  the 
subjects  of  it  are  slaves. 

After  the  death  of  King  Charles  the  First,  the  Common- 
wealth Parliament,  which  usurped  the  rights  of  the  Crown, 
naturally  concluded,  that  by  those  rights  they  had  acquired 
some  kind  of  supremacy  over  the  Colonies  of  America ; 
the  people  of  New  England,  had  indeed  approved  their 
proceedings,  and  were  therefore  left  without  any  exercise  of 
such  supremacy  by  the  Commonwealth  Parliament ;  but 
Virginia,  and  other  places,  having  held  out  for  the  King, 
were  reduced  by  force ;  and  tlie  conditions  on  which  they 
submitted,  clearly  discover  that  the  supremacy,  claimed  by 
this  Parliament,  was  no  more  than  nominal. 

The  Articles  of  the  Treaty  were  as  follow : 

"  1st.  The  Plantation  of  Firginia,  and  all  the  inhabit- 
ants thereof,  siiall  be  and  remain  in  due  subjection  to  the 
Commonwealtii  of  £nif/flwrZ;  not  as  a  conquered  country, 
but  as  a  country  submitting  by  their  own  voluntary  act : 
and  shall  enjoy  such  freedoms  and  privileges  as  belong  to 
the  free  people  of  England. 

"  2d.  The  General  Assembly,  as  formerly,  shall  convene 
and  transact  the  affiiirs  of  the  Colony. 

"  3d.  The  people  of  Virginia  shall  have  a  free  trade, 
as  the  people  of  England,  to  all  places,  and  all  nations. 

"  4th.  Virginia  shall  be  free  from  all  taxes,  customs, 
and  impositions  whatsoever,  and  none  shall  be  imposed  on 
them,  without  the  consent  of  their  General  Assembly  ;  and 
that  neither  forts  nor  castles  shall  be  erected,  nor  garrisons 
maintained,  without  their  consent." 

From  hence  your  Lordship  may  discover,  that  the  rights 
of  the  Colonies,  in  those  early  days,  were  acknowledged ; 
and  that  even  those  who  had  brought  a  Monarch  to  the  scaf- 
fold, had  the  moderation  and  justice  to  respect,  and  preserve 
those  rights.  Nor  did  the  Virginians  esteem  the  privileges 
granted  by  this  treaty  as  any  valuable  acquisition  ;  for  (con- 
sidering themselves  as  a  distinct  State)  they  in  January, 
1659,  invested  Sir  William  Berkley  with  the  Government, 
and  proclaimed  Charles  the  Second  King  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  Ireland,  and  Virginia,  some  time  before 
his  restoration  to  England, 

After  the  restoration,  the  Act  of  Navigation,  and  that  of 
fifteenth  of  Charles  Second,  were  passed ;  but  these  I  have 
fully  considered  in  another  place  ;  as  also  that  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  the  same  reign,  which  for  the  regulation  of  Com- 
merce (as  the  preamble  expresses)  first  laid  duties  on  certain 
articles  in  the  Colonies.  This,  however,  was  held  to  be 
such  an  infringement  of  their  rights,  that  a  general  revo- 
lution ensued  in  Virginia,  and  the  King's  Govemour  was 
deposed ;  and  when  after  Bacon's  death,  this  insurrection 
subsided,  agents  were  sent  to  England,  to  remonstrate 
'•  against  taxes  and  impositions  being  laid  on  the  Colony 
"  by  any  authority  but  that  of  the  General  Assembly." 
And  this  remonstrance  produced  a  declaration  from  the 
King,  under  the  privy  seal,  dated  the  19th  of  April,  1676, 
declaring  "  that  taxes  ought  not  to  be  laid  upon  the  pro- 
"  prietors  and  inhabitants  of  the  Colony,  but  by  the  com- 
"  mon  consent  of  the  General  Assembly,  except  such 
"  impositions  as  the  Parliament  should  lay  on  the  com- 
"  modities  imported  into  England,  from  the  Colony." 
And  though  the  duties  which  had  given  rise  to  this  remon- 
strance and  declaration  were  not  wholly  repealed  until 
some  time  after,  yet  when  a  supply  was  wanted  for  the 
support  of  Government  in  Virginia,  the  King,  in  1679, 
framed  (in  England)  an  Act  for  the  purpose,  and  sent  it 
thither  by  Lord  Colepcper  when  it  was  passed  into  a  law, 
and  "  enacted,  by  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty,  by 
"  and  with  the  consent  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
"  Colony  of  Virginia,  &c."  Here  we  see  the  Sovereign 
naming  himself  as  a  part  of  the  Legislature  of  that  Pro- 
vince, and  thereby  manifesting  that  he  considered  it  as  a 
supreme  Legislature.  For  if  the  Colonies  be  a  part  of  the 
Realm  it  is  a  violation  of  the  great  Charter  of  King  John 
and  the  bill  and  Declaration  of  Rights,  for  the  King  person- 
ally, or  by  his  Govemours,  to  join  any  other  Assembly 
than  the  Parliament,  in  Any  act  for  raising  money  from 
them ;  it  is  to  subject  them  to  complex  taxations,  which 
are  repugnant  to  the  British  Constitution. 

In  the  year  1663  the  Territory  o{  Carolina  was  erected 
into  a  Principality,  with  the  powers  of  a  distinct  state  ;  and 
so  jealous  were  the  Lords  Proprietaries  of  tliese  privileges, 


that  they  even  denied  the  King's  right  of  appointing  a 
Vice  Admiral  therein,  for  trying  offences  committed  without 
the  Principality  :  and  Joseph  Morton,  the  Govemour,  was 
dismissed  from  the  Government  for  having  accepted  a 
commission  of  Vice  Admiral  from  the  King. 

In  1691,  when  the  new  Charter  of  Massachnsetis  Bay 
was  granted  by  King  William,  the  agents  thought  it  not 
adequate  to  the  deserts  and  expectations  of  the  Province, 
and  were  unwilling  to  accept  it.  This,  however,  the  ma- 
jority of  them,  after  consulting  the  most  able  lawyers,  re- 
solved to  do,  and  in  justification  of  their  conduct  subscribed 
an  instrument  containing  the  reasons  of  it.  The  last  article 
of  which  will  shew  the  idea  then  entertained  of  the  rights 
of  that  Province:  "The  Colony,"  say  these  gentlemen, 
"  is  now  made  a  Province,  and  the  General  Court  has, 
"  with  the  King's  approbation,  as  much  power  in  New 
"  England,  as  the  King  and  Parliament  have  in  England. 
"  They  have  all  English  privileges  and  liberties,  and  can 
"  be  touched  by  no  law  and  by  7io  tax,  but  of  their  own 
"  making."  Nor  had  the  people  of  New  England  any 
reason  to  alter  this  opinion  of  their  rights  until  since  the 
conclusion  of  the  last  war ;  no  imposition  upon  them 
having  in  that  long  interval  been  attempted  by  Parliamen- 
tary authority.  There  are  many  other  facts  which  might 
be  adduced  to  the  same  ])urport ;  but  these  will  suffice 
to  shew  that  the  claim  of  the  Colonies  to  the  privi- 
leges of  distinct  Legislation  and  Government,  and  to  an 
exemption  from  Parliamentary  taxation,  are  not  new,  as 
some  have  ignorantly  or  wickedly  pretended.  They  will 
also  shew,  that  from  the  earliest  years  of  their  settlement 
the  rights  of  the  Colonies  have  been  known,  and  with  but 
little  variation  have  been  acknowledged,  respected,  and 
maintained,  even  by  the  Legislature  of  this  country,  and 
the  few  instances  which  have  happened  to  the  contrary, 
may  be  considered  as  usurpations  of  the  strong  against  the 
weak ;  and  "  q%wd  ab  initio  injustum  est,  nullum  potest 
"  habere  juris   effectum." — Grotius. 

There  are  other  grounds,  however,  on  which  the  adver- 
saries of  the  Colonies  have  chosen  to  manage  this  contest ; 
and  upon  these  grounds  I  shall  meet  them  in  my  next. 

I  am,  my  Lord,  yours,  Sic,  fee.  E.  B. 

FROM    A    MEMBER    OF    THE    VIRGINIA    ASSEMBLY    TO    HIS 

CORRESPONDENT    IN    LONDON. 

Extract. 

Williamsburg,  May  20,  1774. 
Infinite  astonishment,  and  equal  resentment,  has  seized 
every  one  here  on  account  of  the  war  sent  to  Boston.  It 
is  the  universal  determination  to  stop  the  exportation  of 
tobacco,  pitch,  tar,  lumber,  ice,  and  to  stop  all  importation 
from  Britain  while  this  act  of  hostility  continues.  VVe 
every  day  expect  an  express  from  Boston,  and  it  appears 
to  me  jncontestably  certain,  that  the  above  measures  will 
be  universally  adopted.  We  see  with  concern,  that  this 
plan  will  be  most  extensively  hurtful  to  our  fellow-subjects 
in  Britain  ;  nor  would  we  have  adopted  it,  if  Heaven  had 
left  us  any  other  way  to  secure  our  liberty,  and  prevent  the 
total  ruin  of  ourselves  and  our  posterity  to  endless  ages. 
A  wicked  Ministry  must  answer  for  all  the  consequences. 
I  hope  the  wise  and  good  on  your  side  will  pity  and  forgive 
us.  The  House  is  now  pushing  on  the  public  business  for 
which  we  were  called  here  at  this  time  ;  but  before  we 
depart  our  measures  will  he  settled  and  agreed  on.  The 
plan  proposed  is  extensive ;  it  is  wise,  and  I  hope,  under 
God,  it  will  not  fail  of  success.  America  possesses  virtue 
unknown  and  unfelt  by  the  abominable  sons  of  corruption 
who  planned  this  weak  and  wicked  enterprise. 


At  a  Meeting  of  between  two  and  three  hundred  of  the 
respectable  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  at  the 
City  Tavern,  on  Friday  even'mg,  May  20th,  1774,  the 
Letters  from  the  Boston  Committee  were  read:  when 
it  was 

Agreed,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  correspond 
with  our  sister  Colonies. 

That  John  Dickinson,  Esq.,  William  Smith,  D.  D.,* 
Edward  Pennington,*  Joseph  Fox,  John  Nixon,*  John 
M.  Nesbit,  Samuel  Hotvelt,*  Thos.  Mijjlin,*  Jos.  Reade, 
Thomas    PVharton,   Jun.,   Benjamin   Marshall,   Joseph 


9M 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &sc.,  MAY,  1774. 


842 


Moulder,*  Tlwmas  Barclay*  George  Clymer*  Charles 
Thomson,*  Jeremiah  Warder,  Jun.,*  John  Cox,*  John 
Gibson,*  and  Thomas  Penrose,  compose  the  Coniniittee 
of  Correspondence  until  an  alteration  is  made  by  a  more 
general  meeting  of  the  inhabitants. 

That  the  Committee  be  instructed  to  write  to  the  people 
of  Boston,  that  we  ti-uly  feel  for  their  unhappy  situation. 
That  we  consider  them  as  suffering  in  the  general  cause  ; 
that  we  recommend  to  them  firmness,  prudence  and  mode- 
ration ;  and  that  we  shall  continue  to  evince  our  firm  adhe- 
rence to  the  cause  of  American  liberty. 

That  the  above  resolutions  be  transmitted  by  the  Com- 
mittee to  the  other  Colonies. 

That  the  Committee  be  instructed  to  apply  to  the 
Governour  to  call  the  Assembly  of  the  Province. 

That  they  be  authorized  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  inhab- 
itants when  necessary. 

On  the  day  following,  these  gentlemen  of  the  Committee 
whose  names  are  marked  thus,  *  having  met,  the  following 
letter  was  drawn  up  and  signed  by  them,  to  be  immediately 
forwarded  by  Mr.  Paul  Revere  to  Boston.  Copies  of  it 
were  transmitted  to  New-Yorlc,  and  most  of  the  Southern 
Colonies.  The  gentlemen  of  the  Committee  who  did  not 
attend  at  the  first  meeting  were  prevented  by  necessary 
business,  but  the  proceedings  of  that  meeting  have  been 
since  fully  approved  by  them. 


A  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia 
to  the  Committee  of  Boston,  sent  by  Mr.  Paul  Revere, 
dated  May  21st,  1774: 

Gentlemen  :  We  have  received  your  very  interesting 
letter,  together  with  another  from  the  town  of  Boston,  and 
the  vote  they  have  passed  on  the  present  alarming  occa- 
sion ;  and  such  measures  have  been  pursued  thereon  as  the 
shortness  of  the  time  would  allow.  To  collect  the  sense  of 
this  large  city  is  difficult ;  and  when  their  sense  is  obtained 
they  must  not  consider  themselves  as  authorized  to  judge 
or  act  for  this  populous  Province  in  a  business  so  deeply 
interesting  as  the  present  is  to  all  British  America. 

A  very  respectable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
city  was,  however,  assembled  last  evening,  in  order  to  con- 
sult what  was  proper  to  be  done,  and  after  reading  the 
sundry  papers  you  transmitted  to  us,  and  also  a  letter  from 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  New-York,  the 
enclosed  resolves  were  passed,  in  which  you  may  be 
assured  we  are  sincere,  and  that  you  are  considered  as  suf- 
fering in  the  general  cause.  But  what  further  advice  to 
offer  on  this  sad  occasion,  is  a  matter  of  the  greatest  diffi- 
culty, which  not  only  requires  more  mature  deliberation, 
but  also  that  we  should  take  the  necessary  measures  to 
obtain  the  general  sentiments  of  our  fellow-inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  as  well  as  our  sister  Colonies.  If  satisfying 
the  East  India  Company  for  the  damage  they  have  sus- 
tained would  put  an  end  to  this  unJiappy  controversy,  and 
leave  us  on  the  footing  of  constitutional  liberty  for  the 
future,  it  is  presumed  that  neither  you  nor  we  could  con- 
tinue a  moment  in  doubt  what  part  to  act ;  for  it  is  not  the 
value  of  the  tea,  but  the  indefeasible  right  of  giving  and 
granting  our  own  money ;  a  right  from  which  we  never 
can  recede.     That  is  the  matter  now  in  consideration. 

By  what  means  the  truly  desirable  circumstance  of  a 
reconciliation  and  future  harmony  with  our  mother  country 
on  constitutional  grounds  may  be  obtained,  is  indeed  a 
weighty  question.  Whether  by  the  method  you  have 
suggested  of  a  non-importation  and  non-exportation  agree- 
ment, or  by  a  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  dif- 
ferent Colonies,  clearly  to  state  what  we  conceive  our 
riuhts,  and  to  make  a  claim  or  petition  of  them  to  his 
Majesty,  in  firm,  but  decent  and  dutiful  terms,  so  as  that 
we  may  know  by  what  line  to  conduct  ourselves  in  future, 
we  now  the  great  points  to  be  determined.  The  latter, 
we  have  reason  to  think,  would  be  most  agreeable  to 
the  people  of  this  Province,  and  the  first  step  that  ought 
to  be  taken  ;  the  former  may  be  reserved  as  our  last 
resource,  should  the  other  fiiil,  which,  we  trust,  will  not 
be  the  case,  as  many  wise  and  good  men  in  the  mother 
country  begin  to  see  the  necessity  of  a  good  understanding 
with  the  Colonies  upon  the  general  plan  of  liberty  as  well 
as  commerce. 


We  shall  endeavour,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  collect  the 
sentiments  of  the  people  of  this  Province,  and  the  neigh- 
bouring Colonies,  on  these  grand  questions,  and  should  also 
be  glad  to  know  your  sentiments  thereon  ;  in  the  mean 
time,  with  sincere  fellow-feelings  of  your  sufTerings,  and 
great  regard  to  your  persons,  we  are,  gentlemen, 

Yours,  &.C.,  &,c.  - 


GOUVERKEUR   MOBRIS    to    MR.    PENN, 

New-York,  May  20th,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  You  have  heard,  and  you  will  hear,  a  great 
deal  about  politics,  and  in  the  heap  of  chaff  you  may  find 
some  grains  of  good  sense.  Believe  me,  sir,  freedom  and 
religion  are  only  watchwords.  We  have  appointed  a  Com- 
mittee, or  rather  we  have  nominated  one.  Let  me  give 
you  the  history  of  it.  It  is  needless  to  premise,  that  the 
lower  orders  of  mankind  are  more  easily  led  by  specious 
appearances  than  those  of  a  more  exalted  station.  This 
and  many  similar  propositions,  you  know  better  than  your 
humble  servant. 

The  troubles  in  America,  during  Grenville's  administra- 
tion, put  our  gentry  upon  this  finesse.  They  stimulated 
some  daring  coxcombs  to  rouse  the  mob  into  an  attack 
upon  the  bounds  of  order  and  decency.  These  fellows 
became  the  Jack  Cades  of  the  day,  the  leaders  in  all  the 
riots,  the  belwethers  of  the  flock.  The  reason  of  the 
manoeuvre  in  those  who  wished  to  keep  fair  with  the 
Government,  and  at  the  same  time  to  receive  the  incense 
of  popular  applause,  you  will  readily  perceive.  On  the 
whole,  the  shepherds  were  not  much  to  blame  in  a  politic 
point  of  view.  The  belwethers  jingled  merrily,  and 
roared  out  liberty,  and  property,  and  religion,  and  a  mul- 
titude of  cant  terms,  which  every  one  thought  he  under- 
stood, and  was  egregiously  mistaken.  For  you  must  know 
the  shepherds  kept  the  dictionary  of  the  day,  and.  like  the 
mysteries  of  the  ancient  mythology,  it  was  not  for  profane 
eyes  or  ears.  This  answered  many  purposes  ;  the  simple 
flock  put  themselves  entirely  under  the  protection  of  these 
most  excellent  shepherds.  By  and  bye  behold  a  great 
metamorphosis,  without  the  help  of  Ovid  or  his  divini- 
ties, but  entirely  effectuated  by  two  modem  Genii,  the  god 
of  Ambition  and  the  goddess  of  Faction.  The  first  of  these 
prompted  the  shepherds  to  shear  some  of  their  flock,  and 
then,  in  conjunction  with  the  other,  converted  the  belweth- 
ers into  shepherds.  That  we  have  been  in  hot  water  with 
the  British  Parliament  ever  since  every  body  knows. 
Consequently  these  new  shepherds  had  their  hands  full  of 
employment.  The  old  ones  kept  themselves  least  in 
sight,  and  a  want  of  confidence  in  each  other  was  not  the 
least  evil  which  followed.  The  port  of  Boston  has  been 
shut  up.  These  sheep,  simple  as  they  are,  cannot  be 
gulled  as  heretofore.  In  short,  there  is  no  ruling  them  ; 
and  now,  to  leave  the  metaphor,  the  heads  of  the  mobility 
grow  dangerous  to  the  gentry,  and  how  to  keep  them  down 
is  the  question.  While  they  correspond  with  the  other 
Colonies,  call  and  dismiss  popular  assemblies,  make  resolves 
to  bind  the  consciences  of  the  rest  of  mankind,  bully  poor 
printers,  and  exert  with  full  force  all  their  other  tribunitial 
powers,  it  is  impossible  to  curb  them. 

But  art  sometimes  goes  farther  than  force,  and,  therefore, 
to  trick  them  handsomely  a  Committee  of  patricians  was 
to  be  nominated,  and  into  their  hands  was  to  be  committed 
the  majesty  of  the  people,  and  the  highest  trust  was  to  be 
reposed  in  them  by  a  mandate  that  they  should  take  care, 
quod  respublica  non  capiat  injuriam.  The  tribunes, 
through  the  want  of  good  legerdemain  in  the  senatorial 
order,  perceived  the  finesse  ;  and  yesterday  I  was  present 
at  a  grand  division  of  the  city,  and  there  I  beheld  my 
fellow-citizens  very  accurately  counting  all  their  chickens, 
not  only  before  any  of  them  were  hatched,  but  before  above 
one  half  of  the  eggs  were  laid.  In  short,  they  fairly  con- 
tended about  the  future  forms  of  our  Government,  whether 
it  should  be  founded  upon  aristocratic  or  democratic  prin- 
ciples. 

I  stood  in  the  balcony,  and  on  my  right  hand  were  ranged 
all  the  people  of  property,  with  some  few  poor  dependants, 
and  on  the  other  all  the  tradesmen,  &c.,  who  thought  it 
worth  their  wiiile  to  leave  daily  labour  for  tiie  good  of 
the  country.  The  spirit  of  the  English  Constitution  has 
yet  a  little  influence  left,  and  bu  a  little.     The  remains  of 


848 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  MAY,  1774. 


344 


it,  however,  will  give  the  wealthy  people  a  superiority  this 
time,  but  would  they  secure  it  they  must  banish  all  school- 
masters and  confine  all  knowledge  to  themselves.  This 
cannot  be.  The  mob  begin  to  think  and  to  reason.  Poor 
reptiles  !  it  is  with  them  a  vernal  morning ;  they  are  strug- 
gling to  cast  off  their  winter's  slough,  they  bask  in  the  sun- 
shine, and  ere  noon  they  will  bite,  depend  upon  it.  The 
gentry  begin  to  fear  this.  Their  Committee  will  be 
appointed,  tiiey  will  deceive  the  people,  and  again  forfeit 
a  share  of  their  confidence.  -  And  if  these  instances  of 
what  with  one  side  is  policy,  with  the  other  pei-fidy,  shall 
continue  to  increase,  and  become  more  frequent,  farewell 
aristocracy.  I  see,  and  I  see  it  with  fear  and  trembling,  tliat 
if  the  disputes  with  Great  Britain  continue,  we  shall  be 
under  the  worst  of  all  possible  dominions ;  we  shall  be 
under  the  domination  of  a  riotous  mob. 

It  is  the  interest  of  all  men,  therefore,  to  seek  for  reunion 
with  the  parent  State.  A  safe  com|)act  seems,  in  my  poor 
opinion,  to  be  now  tendered.  Internal  taxation  is  to  be 
left  with  ourselves.  The  right  of  regulating  trade  to  be 
vested  in  Great  Britain,  where  alone  is  found  the  power 
of  protecting  it.  1  trust  you  will  agree  with  me,  that  this 
is  the  only  possible  mode  of  union.  Men  by  nature  are 
free  as  air.  When  they  enter  into  society,  there  is,  there 
must  be,  an  implied  compact,  for  there  never  yet  was  an 
express  one,  that  a  part  of  this  freedom  shall  be  given  up 
for  the  security  of  the  remainder.  But  what  part  ?  The 
answer  is  plain.  The  least  possible,  considering  the  circum- 
stances of  the  society,  which  constitute  what  may  be  called 
its  political  necessity. 

And  what  does  this  political  necessity  require  in  the 
present  instance?  Not  that  Britain  should  lay  imposts 
upon  U3  for  the  support  of  Government,  nor  for  its  defence  ; 
not  that  she  should  regulate  our  internal  police.  These 
things  affect  us  only.  She  can  have  no  right  to  inter- 
fere. To  these  things  we  ourselves  are  competent.  But 
can  it  be  said  that  we  are  competent  to  the  regulating  of 
trade  ?  The  position  is  absurd,  for  this  affects  every 
part  of  the  British  Empire,  every  part  of  the  habitable 
earth.  If  Great  Britain,  if  Ireland,  if  America,  if  all 
of  them  are  to  make  laws  of  trade,  there  must  be  a  collision 
of  these  different  authorities,  and  then  who  is  to  decide  the 
vis  major!  To  recur  to  tliis,  if  possible  to  be  avoided,  is 
the  greatest  of  all  great  absurdities. 

Political  necessity,  therefore,  requires,  that  this  power 
should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  one  part  of  the  Empire. 
Is  it  a  question  which  part?  Let  me  answer  by  taking 
another.  Pray,  which  part  of  the  Empire  protects  trade? 
Which  part  of  the  Empire  receives  almost  immense  sums 
to  guard  the  rest  ?  And  what  danger  is  in  the  ti-ust  ?  Some 
men  object  that  England  will  draw  all  the  profits  of  our 
trade  into  her  coffers.  All  that  she  can,  undoubtedly.  But 
unless  a  reasonable  compensation  for  his  trouble  be  left  to 
the  merchant  here,  she  destroys  the  trade,  and  then  she 
will  receive  no  profit  from  it. 

If  I  remember,  in  one  of  those  kind  letters  with  which 
you  have  honoured  me,  you  desire  my  thoughts  on  matters 
as  they  rise.  How  much  pleasure  I  take  in  complying  with 
your  requests  let  my  present  letter  convince  you.  If  I  am 
faulty  in  telling  things  which  you  know  better  than  I  do, 
you  must  excuse  this  fault,  and  a  thousand  others,  for 
which  I  can  make  no  apology.     I  am,  sir,  &.c. 

Mr.  Pe7vi.  GouvERNEUR  Morris. 


Newport,  Rhode  Island,  May  20,  1774. 
At  a  town  meeting,  called  and  held  at  Newport,  in  the 
Colony  of  Rhode  Island,  the  20t!i  day  of  May,  1774  : 
Henry  Ward,  Esq.,  Moderator. 

Voted,  That  we  have  the  deepest  sense  of  the  injuries 
done  to  the  town  of  Boston,  by  the  Act  of  Piirliament 
lately  passed  for  putting  an  end  to  tlieir  trade,  and  destroy- 
ing the  port.  And  that  we  consider  this  attack  upon  them 
as  utterly  subversive  of  American  liberty ;  for  tiie  same 
]iower  may  at  pleasure  destroy  the  trade,  and  shut  up  the 
ports  of  every  Colony  in  its  turn  ;  so  that  there  will  be  a 
total  end  of  all  property. 

Voted,  Tliat  we  will  unite  with  the  other  Colonies  in 
all  reasonable  and  proper  measures  to  procure  tlie  estab- 
lishment of  the  rights  of  the  Colonies  upon  a  just  and 


permanent  foundation  ;  and  particularly,  in  case  the  other 
Colonies  shall,  upon  this  alanning  occasion,  put  a  stop  to 
their  trade  to  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  that  we 
will  heartily  join  with  them  in  the  measure. 

Voted,  That  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  this 
town,  immediately  transmit  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  to 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  town  of  Boston. 

Voted,  Tliat  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  this 
town  immediately  send  a  copy  of  the  above  resolutions  to 
each  town  in  this  Colony.* 

William  Coddington,  Totvn  Clerk. 


GENERAL    GAGE    TO    GOVERNOUR   TRUMBDLL. 

Boston,  May  20th,  1774. 

Sir  :  His  Majesty  having  judged  fit  to  order  me  to 
return  to  my  command  of  his  forces  in  North  America, 
and  also  to  appoint  me  to  be  Governour  of  his  Province 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  I  think  it  necessary  to 
acquaint  you  therewith,  and  at  the  same  time  to  assure 
you  of  my  readiness  to  co-operate  with  you  in  all  matters 
that  concern  the  good  of  his  Majesty's  service,  and  the 
welfare  of  his  subjects. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Gage. 
To  the  Honourable  John  Trumbull,  Sic. 


extract  of  a  letter  to  sundry  GENTLEMEN  IN 
NEW-YORK. 

Boston,  May  21,  1774. 

On  receipt  of  your  letter  by  express,  on  advice  of  the 
late  tyrannical  Acts  of  Parliament,  we  of  the  Committee 
specially  assembled,  and  feasted  on  the  welcome  repast. 
A  general  joy  spread  through  the  whole  city,  who  had  the 
most  pleasing  resentment  of  the  noble  and  patriotic  gene- 
rosity of  our  worthy  brethren  in  Neii'-York,  who  even 
prevented  our  solicitations  for  assistance.  We  are  in  the 
most  assiduous  and  vigorous  motion  here.  We  have  sent 
circular  lettei-s  to  every  town  and  district  in  the  Province ; 
and  though  we  have  not  had  time  to  receive  answers  from 
distant  towns,  we  have  this  day  received  from  an  inland 
town  a  full  declaration  of  their  resolution  to  stand  by  us 
with  their  lives  and  fortunes :  another  topic  for  Wedder- 
burne  to  harangue  upon.  The  British  merchants  them- 
selves have  already  began  to  anticipate  our  non-importation 
agreement,  which  will  be  confirmed  by  a  brig  which  sailed 
yesterday  for  London,  with  countermands  and  letters 
enough  expressive  of  the  general  sense  of  tlie  Colonies,  as 
far  as  we  have  been  able  to  collect  it. 

The  friends  of  Government  (or  rather  despotism)  here, 
finding  their  patron  Hutchinson  in  the  deepest  distress, 
have  been  handing  about  an  address  to  him,  applauding 
his  virtue  and  public  spirit,  declaring  his  letters  quite 
harmless',  and  imploring  his  interposition  with  his  Majesty 
on  their  behalf;  at  least  that  the  port  may  be  opened ; 
some  of  them  have  talked  loudly  of  giving  largely  to  the 
sura  proposed  to  be  raised  by  tliem  to  compensate  the 
JEast  India  Company's  loss  in  their  tea;  but  this  project 
drags  heavily,  though  Mr.  Hutchinson  sent  word  to  the 
town,  that  in  case  they  would  pay  only  the  fii'st  cost  of  the 
tea,  he  would  engagethat  every  thing  else  should  be  made 
easy.  They  absolutely  tremble  with  a  dread  of  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Colonies,  and  a  suspension  of  the  trade  with 
Great  Britai7i,  which,  at  this  critical  season,  must  bury 
the  authors  of  this  complicated,  treasonable  conspiracy 
against  the  peace  and  security  of  the  nation,  in  the  ruins 
of  their  own  scheme. 

It  is  given  out  here,  by  some  of  the  crew,  that  your 
Chamber  of  Commerce  have  wiitten  letters  to  Captain 
Chambers,  offering,  if  he  will  be  easy,  and  return,  they  will 

*  The  above  votes  were  passed  in  a  very  full  meeting,  and  it  is  with 
great  pleasure  we  inlbrm  the  public  that  there  never  appeared  a  more 
universal  spirit,  firranoss,  and  determined  resolution,  to  stand  by  and 
support  our  brethren  of  Boston  against  the  diabolical  Ministerial  plan 
of  slavery,  there  being  but  one  or  two  hands  held  up  against  every 
thing  bearing  the  least  imaginable  appearance  of  liberty.  It  is  pro- 
posed that  a  number  of  gentlemen  immediately  form  a  company  for 
carrying  on  the  woollen  manufacture  in  this  Colony  in  the  most  exten. 
sivo  manner,  there  being  quite  wool  enough  raised  here  to  clothe  all 
tho  inhabitants. 


d45 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &tc.,  MAY,  1774. 


346 


pay  liim  for  his  tea,  and  provide  him  the  command  of  a    witli  their  families,  and  that  they  thought  tiie  whole  coun- 
good  ship,  but  this  report  gains  no  credit  here.  try  was  fled,  as   Crcsap,  who  was  the  perpetrator  of  the 
first  offence,  was  then  also  on  his  way  to  Redstone. 


Pliiladelphia,  May  23,  17T4. 

By  intelligence  from  Pittsburg  of  the  1st  of  May,  we 
learn  that  about  the  '26th  of  April,  as  one  Stephens, 
with  two  Indians,  (a  Shawancse  and  a  Dclaivare,)  were 
going  down  the  Ohio  in  a  canoe,  (that  had  been  a  few  days 
before  robbed  by  three  men  and  a  woman  of  the  Cherokee 
nation,  after  they  had  killed  one  white  man,  and  wounded 
another,)  he  discovered  a  canoe  with  people  near  Whcding, 
coming  up  the  river,  which  he  suspected  to  be  Indians, 
and  strove  to  avoid  them  by  making  towards  the  opposite 
shore,  when  they  were  fired  upon  twice,  and  the  two 
Indians  in  his  canoe  killed  ;  but  he  could  not  perceive  who 
it  was  that  fired,  as  the  enemy  lay  concealed  in  the  bushes. 
He  then  threw  himself  into  the  river,  and  observed  the  canoe 
that  was  coming  up  to  contain  white  men.  He  made  towards 
it,  and  found  therein  Colonel  Michael  Cresap,  and  some 
other  men,  who  pretended  entire  ignorance  of  his  misfor- 
tune, although  he,  the  said  Stephens,  declares,  that,  from 
several  circumstances,  he  suspects  the  murder  was  commit- 
ted by  persons  in  confederacy  with  Cresap,  as  he  heard 
him  tlireaten  to  put  every  Indian  to  death  he  should 
meet  with  on  the  river ;  and  that  if  he  could  get  a  number 
of  men  together  sufficient  for  the  undertaking,  he  was 
determined  to  mark  a  small  Indian  village  on  Yellow 
Creek. 

We  also  learn,  that  Major  Macdonald,  of  Virginia,  on 
his  return  to  Pittsburg  from  the  Big  Runaicay,  gives 
account  that  a  skirmish  had  happened  between  some  Vir- 
ginians and  Indians,  in  which  some  were  killed  on  both 
sides,  which  had  occasioned  the  surveyors  and  grantees  of 
land  from  that  Colony  to  return ;  and  that  on  his  way  to 
Pittsburg,  on  the  27th  of  April,  he  stopped  at  the  house 
of  Colonel  Cresap,  near  Whaling,  where  one  Mahon  came 
and  informed  that  fourteen  Indians,  in  five  canoes,  had 
called  at  his  house  going  down  the  river,  and  asked  him  for 
provisions,  which  he  refused,  telling  them  that  two  of  their 
brethren,  the  day  before,  had  been  killed  by  the  white  peo- 
ple, which  these  Indians  heard  nothing  of  before,  and  pro- 
ceeded down  the  river.  That,  upon  this  new's,  Cresap 
collected  fifteen  men,  followed  and  overtook  them  at  the 
mouth  of  a  small  creek,  where  they  had  hauled  up  the 
canoes,  and  were  waiting  with  expectation  of  being  attacked 
as  a  consequence  of  what  they  had  heard.  That  Cresap, 
spying  the  canoes,  fired  among  them,  upon  which  a  skirmish 
ensued :  and  the  Indians  retired  after  the  loss  of  one  man 
on  each  side,  and  left  in  the  canoes  sixteen  kegs  of  rum, 
and  some  saddles  and  bridles. 

Captain  Crawford,  and  Mr.  Neville,  of  Virginia,  from 
Pittsburg,  informed,  that  about  the  .3d  instant,  in  their  way 
there,  they  met  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  moving  off 
their  places,  and  with  them  a  party  who  produced  several 
Indian  scalps,  and  said  they  got  them  as  follows :  "  That 
a  number  of  Indians  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
Creek,  opposite  to  which  two  men  named  Greathouse  and 
Baker,  with  some  others,  had  assembled  themselves,  at  a 
house  belonging  to  the  said  Baker,  and  invited  two  men 
and  two  women  of  the  Indians  over  the  creek  to  drink 
with  them,  when,  after  making  them  drunk,  they  killed 
and  scalped  them  ;  and  two  more  Indian  men  then  came 
over,  who  met  with  the  like  fate.  After  which  six  of  their 
men  came  over  to  seek  their  friends,  and  on  approaching  the 
bank  where  the  white  men  lay  concealed,  perceived  them, 
and  endeavoured  to  retreat  back,  but  received  a  fire  from  the 
shore,  which  killed  two  Indians,  who  fell  in  the  river ; 
two  fell  dead  in  the  canoe,  and  a  fifth  was  so  badly  wounded 
that  he  could  hardly  crawl  up  the  bank."  Among  the 
unfortunate  sufferers  was  an  Indian  woman,  wife  to  a  white 
man,  one  of  the  traders  ;  and  she  had  an  infant  at  her 
breast,  which  these  inhuman  butchers  providentially  spared 
and  took  with  them.  Mr.  Neville  asked  the  man  who  had 
the  infant  if  he  was  not  near  enough  to  have  taken  its 
mother  prisoner  without  killing  her  ?  He  replied,  that  he 
was  about  six  feet  horn  her  when  he  shot  her  exactly  in 
the  forehead,  and  cut  the  hoppase  with  which  the  child's 
cradle  hung  at  her  back  ;  and  he  thought  to  have  knocked 
out  its  brains,  but  remorse  prevented  him,  on  seeing  the 
child  fall  with  its  mother.  This  party  further  informed 
them,  that  after  they  had  killed  these  Indians  they  ran  off" 


Address  of  the  Episcopal  Ministers  and  Wardens  in 
Boston,  to  Govcrnour  Hutchinson,  presented  Mon- 
i>AV,  May  2-3,  1774,  at  the  Castle. 

Sir  :  The  Ministers  of  the  Episcopal  Churches  in 
Boston,  and  the  neighbouring  towns,  with  as  many  of  the 
Wardens  as  could  conveniently  attend,  hearinc;  of  your 
intention  to  emlaark  in  a  short  time  for  England^heg  leave 
to  express  our  unfeigned  gratitude  for  your  generous  atten- 
tion, and  unwearied  application  to  the  important  interests 
of  this  Province,  in  which  your  wisdom  and  integrity  have 
been  equally  conspicuous.  If  any  of  our  fellow-citizens 
have  viewed  your  administration  in  a  less  favourable  light, 
we  are  persuaded  it  must  be  owing  to  some  misapprehension 
of  your  Excellency's  intentions.  But  that  which  falls  more 
immediately  within  our  province,  is  the  regard  you  have 
always  paid  to  the  interests  of  religion,  and  the  favourable 
notice  you  have  taken  of  the  Church  of  England  within 
your  Government.  Be  pleased,  sir,  to  accept  this  sincere 
testimony  of  our  respect  and  gratitude,  together  with  our 
earnest  prayers  that  the  divine  blessing  may  attend  you 
through  the  remaining  stages  of  your  life,  and  reward  you 
with  an  eternity  of  happiness  in  the  life  to  come. 

To  which  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to   return  the 
following  Answer  : 

Gentlemen  :  Whatever  favourable  notice  I  may  have 
taken  of  the  Church  of  England,  the  grateful  return  you 
have  made  in  this  mark  of  respect,  is  alone  an  ample 
reward,  and  will  be  an  additional  inducement  to  me,  in 
whatever  station  I  may  be  the  remaining  part  of  my  life, 
sincerely  to  wish  your  prosperity,  and  to  contribute  every 
thing  in  my  power  to  the  advancement  of  the  interest  of 
religion  among  you. 


Address  of  the  Justices  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions 
of  the  Peace,  for  the  County  q/"  Suffolk,  in  Massa- 
chusetts, to  his  Excellency  Governour  Gage.  Pre- 
sented on  Tuesday,  May  24,  1774. 

Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  : 

To  his  Excellency  the  Honourable  Thomas  Gage,  Esq., 
Governour,  Commander-in-chief,  and  Vice  Admiral  of 
said  Province,  and  Lieutenant  General  of  his  Majesty's 
Forces  in  North  America: 

Sir  :  The  Justices  of  his  Majesty's  Court  of  General 
Sessions  of  the  Peace  for  the  county  of  Suffolk,  are  happy 
in  having  an  opportunity  before  the  close  of  tlie  present 
term,  at  once  to  testify  their  loyalty  to  the  King,  and  to  pay 
your  Excellency  their  dutiful  respects,  on  your  advance- 
ment to  the  Chair  of  Government  in  this  Province. 

The  appointment  of  a  gentleman  of  your  Excellency's 
eminence  and  character,  we  esteem  as  a  mark  of  the  royal 
favour ;  we  flatter  ourselves  that  it  will  be  acceptable  to 
the  people  over  whom  you  preside,  as  it  may  afibrd  them 
encouragement  that  the  powers  with  which  you  are  invest- 
ed, will  invariably  be  applied  to  the  promotion  of  their 
peace  and  prosperity,  and  thereby  they  may  lose  the 
remembrance  of  their  former  troubles. 

We  are  sensible  that  the  cares  of  Government  are  at  all 
times  burthensome,  and  more  peculiarly  so  when  increased 
by  any  public  dissentions.  We  therefore  wish  your  Ex- 
cellency that  wisdom  which  is  from  above,  to  direct  you 
in  every  department  both  of  office  and  duty,  and  that  under 
your  auspices  the  people  of  your  charge  may  ever  enjoy 
the  benefits  resulting  from  a  just  and  due  execution  of  the 
laws,  even  security  to  their  persons  and  property,  and  the 
happiness  of  British  subjects. 

The  administration  of  justice,  we  consider  as  the  princi- 
pal duty  of  Kings  ;  in  this  view,  conformable  to  our  duty, 
we  would  tender  to  your  Excellency  the  eariiest  assurances 
that  die  Executive  powers  wherewith  wc  are  intrusted,  by 
our  commission,  shall  in  all  respects  be  employed  for  the 
preservation  of  the  peace  and  good  order  of  this  county  ; 
and  that  both  as  citizens  and  Magistrates,  we  will  afford 


847 


CORRESPONDEiNCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  MAY,  1774. 


348 


every  assistance  in  our  power,  towards  rendering  your 
Excellency's  administration  easy  and  happy  to  yourself, 
and  effective  of  the  most  permanent  tranquillity  and  wel- 
fare of  this  community. 

To  ivhich  Address  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  return 
the  foUoiving  Answer: 

Gentlemen:  Tlie  loyalty  you  express  to  the  King, 
and  your  kind  Address  to  me  on  my  appointment  to  this 
Government,  claim  my  warmest  acknowledgments. 

I  receive  the  greatest  satisfaction  in  the  assurances  you 
give  of  your  intentions  towards  the  preservation  of  the 
j)eace  and  welfare  of  tlie  community,  and  return  you  thanks 
for  the  assistance  you  oiFur  to  render  my  administration 
easy  and  happy. 

1  beg  you  to  believe,  tiiat  as  it  is  my  duty,  so  it  is  my 
inclination  to  give  a  close  attention  to  the  administration  of 
justice,  and  the  due  execution  of  the  laws  ;  and  that  I 
shall  exert  every  power  lodged  in  my  hands,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  that  every  individual  may 
enjoy  the  blessings  peculiar  to  a  British  Constitution,  by 
being  secured  both  in  his  person  and  property. 


FROM    PHILADELPHIA   TO    THE    BOSTON    COMMITTEE. 
Extract. 

Philadelphix,  May  24,   1774. 

We  lament  with  you  the  distress  of  Boston,  and 
think  Great  Britain  must  be  out  of  her  senses.  VVe  are 
fully  sensible  your  cause  is  the  common  cause  of  all  the 
Colonies  ;  we  must  have  a  push  for  it,  with  all  our  strength 
against  the  whole  strength  of  Great  Britain  ;  by  sea  they 
will  beat  us;  by  land,  tliey  will  not  attempt  us;  we  must 
try  it  out  in  a  way  of  commerce. 

1st.  By  suspending  all  trade  with  Great  Britain,  we 
can  lessen  the  revenue  of  the  Crown  near  a  million  ster- 
ling per  annum. 

2d.  By  suspending  all  trade  with  the  West  Indies,  we 
can  starve  them  and  ruin  their  plantations;  by  withholdinu' 
our  provisions  and  lumber,  in  six  months,  which  will  stop 
the  four  and  a  half  per  cent  to  the  Crown,  min  a  great 
number  of  mercliants  in  London,  who  are  concerned  in 
the  West  Indies,  and  deliver  us  from  the  slow  poison  we 
usually  import  from  thence. 

3d.  By  withholding  flax-seed  from  Ireland,  we  can 
ruin  the  linen  manufactory  in  twelve  months.  Tiiis  will 
reduce  about  three  hundred  thousand  people  to  a  want  of 
employ  ;  which,  with  near  an  equal  number  of  British 
manufacturers  in  Great  Britain  reduced  to  the  same  state, 
will  soon  muster  tumults  enough  to  fill  their  hands  and 
hearts  at  home,  for  there  is  no  satisfying  starving  people, 
but  by  killing  or  feeduig  them. 

These  are  the  means  we  are  coolly  deliberatinir;  vve 
have  other  things  in  contemplation;  as  stopping  our  ports 
ent'rely,  and  laying  up  all  our  shipping ;  and  some  other 
things  ;  we  shall  try  to  convene  a  general  Congress  of  all 
the  Colonies  as  soon  as  may  be.  May  God  give  wisdom 
and  firmness,  prudence,  and  patience,  in  this  time  of  trial. 


Talbot  Court  House,  Maryland,  May  24,  1774. 

Alarmed  at  the  present  situation  of  America,  and  im- 
pressed with  the  most  tender  feelings  for  the  distresses  of 
their  brethren  and  fellow-subjects  in  Boston,  a  number  of 
gentlemen  having  met  at  tliis  place,  took  into  their  serious 
consideration  the  part  they  ought  to  act,  as  friends  to  liber- 
ty, and  to  the  general  interests  of  mankind. 

To  preserve  the  rights,  and  to  secure  tlie  property  of 
the  subject,  they  appreliend  is  the  end  of  Government. 
But  when  those  rights  are  invaded — when  the  mode  pre- 
scribed by  the  laws  for  the  punishment  of  offences,  and 
obtaining  justice,  is  disregarded  and  spurned  :  when,  with- 
out being  heard  in  their  defence,  force  is  employed,  and 
the  severest  penalties  are  inflicted ;  the  people,  they 
clearly  conceive,  have  a  right  not  only  to  complain,  but 
likewise  to  exert  their  utmost  endeavours  to  prevent  the 
effect  of  such  measures  as  may  be  adopted  by  a  weak  or 
corrupt  Ministry  to  destroy  their  liberties  ;  deprive  them 
of  their  property;  and  rob  them  of  their  dearest  birth-right 
as  Britons. 

Impressed  with  the  warmest  zeal  for,  and  loyalty  to 
their  most  gracious  Sovereign  ;  and  with  the  most  sincere 


affection  for  their  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain,  tliey 
are  determined  cahnly  and  steadily,  to  unite  with  their 
fellow-subjects  in  pursuing  every  legal  and  constitutional 
measure,  to  avert  the  evils  threatened  by  the  late  Act  of 
Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  port  and  harbour  o(  Boston; 
to  support  the  common  rights  of  America ;  and  to  promote 
that  union  and  harmony  between  the  mother  country  and 
her  Colonies,  on  wliicli  the  preservation  of  both  must  finally 
depend. 


I.     TO   THE    INHABITANTS    OF    THE    BRITISH    COLONIES    IN 
AMERICA. 

Philadelphia,  May  24,  1774. 
Brethren  :  Divine  Providence  has  been  pleased  to 
place  us,  in  this  age  and  country,  under  such  circumstances 
as  to  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  choosing  one  of  these 
conditions :  either  to  submit  to  the  dominion  of  others  hold- 
ing our  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  by  the  precariom 
tenure  of  their  will ;  or,  to  exert  that  understanding,  reso- 
lution, and  power,  with  which  Heaven  has  favoured  us,  in 
striving  to  maintain  our  rank  in  the  class  of  freemen. 

The  importance  of  these  objects  is  so  immensely  great, 
and  the  treatment  of  one  of  these  Colonies  so  extremely 
alarming,  as  to  call  for  your  most  earnest  and  immediate 
consideration. 

The  subject  of  the  present  dispute  between  Great 
Britain  and  us  is  so  generally  understood,  that  to  enlarge 
upon  it  is  needless.  We  know  liie  extent  of  her  claims  ; 
we  begin  to  feel  the  enforcement  of  those  claims  ;  we  may 
foresee  the  consequences  of  them  ;  for,  reason  teaching  us 
to  infer  actions  from  principles,  and  events  from  examples, 
should  convince  us  what  a  perfection  of  servitude  is  to  be 
fixed  on  us  and  our  posterity  ;  I  call  it  perfection,  because 
the  wit  of  man,  it  is  apprehended,  cannot  devise  a  plan  of 
domination  more  completely  tending  to  bear  down  the 
governed  into  the  lowest  and  meanest  state  in  society, 
than  tliat  now  meditated,  avowed,  and  in  part  executed  on 
this  Continent. 

If  this  system  becomes  established,  it  may  with  trutli  be 
said  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  Colonies,  "  that  they  hold 
"  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  by  the  precarious 
"  tenure  of  the  will  of  others.".* 

Allowing  the  danger  to  be  real  at  the  prospect  of  so 
abject  and  so  lasting  a  subjection,  wliat  must  be  the  senti- 
ments of  judicious  and  virtuous  Americans  ?  They  will 
quickly  determine  whether  the  first  part  of  the  alternative 
should  be  adopted. 

Here  arguments  would  be  absurd  ;  not  more  ridiculous 
would  be  an  attempt  to  prove  vice  preferable  to  virtue ; 
the  climate  of  St.  Vincent  more  pleasant  than  that  of 
Pennsylvania  ;  the  natives  of  Indostan,  under  tlie  Govern- 
ment of  the  East  India  Company,  as  happy  as  English 
freeholders ;  or  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  more 
loyal  subjects  than  those  of  the  Colonies. 

That  liberty  is  inestimable,  and  should  if  possible,  be 
preserved,  you  know.  To  pretend  to  convince  you  of  the 
truth  of  the  former  proposition,  or  of  the  duty  of  the  latter, 
would  be  to  insult  you.  You  must  be  ;  you  are  resolved 
to  observe  the  most  proper  conduct  for  securing  your  best 
and  dearest  interests.  What  that  may  be,  deserves, 
demands,  your  closest  attention,  your  calmest  deliberation. 
On  this  head,  I  venture  to  submit  some  observations  to 
your  consideration.  I  am  by  every  tie  of  interest  and  duty 
an  American ;  and,  unless  my  heart  deceives  me,  1  am  an 
American  in  affection  ;  my  fortunes,  hopes,  and  wishes  are 
bound  up  in  your  prosperity  ;  with  my  countrymen  I  must 
mourn  or  rejoice  ;  and  therefore,  though  1  am  perfectly 
sensible  I  cannot  present  to  them  reflections  arising  from 
great  abilities,  or  extensive  learning,  and  adorned  by  ele- 
gance of  composition ;  yet,  I  trust  they  will  lend  a  careful 
and  candid  attention  to  ])lain  thoughts ;  dictated  by  honest 
intentions,  and  a  ])articipation  of  afflictions.  Aiming  solely 
at  your  welfare,  and  not  at  the  trifling  reputation  of  a 
writer,  far  be  from  me,  the  over-weening  presumption 
that  my  opinions  are  free  from  errour  ;  con=cious  of  my 
frailties,  I  desire  those  opinions  to  be  severely  examined  ; 
the  correction  of  them  will  confer  a  real  obligation  upon 

*  "  Non  nnhis  nail  svmrts.  It  is  for  our  posterity  we  desire  to  pro- 
"  Tide — that  they  rauy  not  be  in  worss  casi?  than  villains  For  a.  free. 
"  mart  to  bo  a  tenant  at  will  for  his  liberty  '.  I  will  not  agree  to  it.  It 
"  is  a  tenure  not  to  be  found  in  all  Littleton." — Speech  of  Sir  Edwako 
Coke,  Lord  Chief  Justice. — Par.  His.  Vol.  8.  p.  61. 


S49 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &ic.,  MAY,  1774. 


350 


me,  if  it  serves  my  country  ;  and  iiappy  shall  I  esteem 
myself,  if  the  detection  of  my  mistakes  shall  open  to  you 
a  clear  view  of  the  most  expedient  measures  to  be  pursued. 

There  are  some  men  who  say  that  the  late  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, abolishing  the  privileges  of  the  port  of  Boston,  was 
occasioned  by  the  particular  imprudence  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  in  no  manner  concerns  the  otiier  Colonies. 

To  form  a  true  judgment  on  this  point,  it  will  be  proper 
to  take  a  short  review  of  some  other  transactions. 

Great  Britain,  triumphant  by  your  assistance  in  the 
late  war,  found  at  the  conclusion  of  it,  by  a  peace  hastily 
bestowed  on  her  haughty  and  hereditary  foes,  her  Domin- 
ions enlarged  ;  her  fleets  formidable  :  her  armies  discip- 
lined ;  her  trade  flourishing ;  her  enemies  intimidated  and 
exhausted  ;  her  Colonies  thriving,  affectionate,  and  dutiful. 

The  cup  of  prosperity  large  and  full,  courted  her  lips. 
Deep  she  drank  of  the  enchanted  beverage,  as  if  the  vessel 
like  the  cruise  of  Serepta's  widow,  could  not  fail ;  after  a 
short,  but  feverish  repose  she  roused  herself,  may  1  say, 
as  one  of  Homer's  giants  ;  a  race, 

"  By  wliom  no  statutes  and  no  rights  wer3  known," 

to  injure  those  that  never  injured  her.  She  had  conquered 
her  enemies ;  that,  other  Kingdoms  had  done.  Should  no 
exploits  of  a  more  transcendent  energy  illustrate  the  annals 
of  George  the  Third  ?  no  achievements  so  shockingly  great 
and  advantageous,  that  even  the  pensioned  historians  of 
the  animated  era  must  weep  in  tracing  them,  and  blush  in 
reciting  them.  Luckily  for  her  fame,  perhaps  for  her 
profit,  the  near-sighted  policy  and  low-spirited  humanity 
of  every  State,  in  every  period,  had  left  untouched  for  her, 
the  novel  glory  of  conquering  friends,  children,  flesh  of 
her  flesh,  and  bone  of  her  bone,  unstained  by  any  former 
reproach ;  resting  in  perfect  tranquillity,  acknowledged 
loyalty,  and  actual  obedience  to  every  kind  of  authority 
hitherto  by  her  exercised  over  them  ;  perpetually  pouring 
into  her  lap  those  fruits  of  their  industry,  which  she  would 
permit  them  to  collect  from  the  different  parts  of  the  world. 
Proud  of  their  connection  with  her ;  confiding  in  her  ;  lov- 
ing, revering,  almost  adoring  her  ;  and  ready  and  willing  as 
they  ever  had  been,  to  spend  their  treasure,  and  their  blood, 
at  her  request,  in  her  cause. 

*  "  Parcere  superbis,  et  debellare  subjectos,"  . 

was  a  thought  that  had  escaped  the  sagacity  of  statesmen, 
and  even  the  fancy  of  poets.  The  subtlety  of  Machiavel's 
Italian  brain  had  missed  it,  and  no  Bceoiian  had  blundered 
upon  it. 

The  temptation  was  too  great  to  be  resisted  ;  the  parent 
resolved  to  seize  that  treasure,  and  if  not  tamely  resigned, 
to  s])ill  that  blood  herself,    f  "  O  sapiens  et  beata  regina." 

The  greatest  :|:Ministers  who  had  heretofore  conducted 
her  afFdii-s,  had  discovered,  and  declared,  that  we  were 
continually  toiling  for  her  benefit ;  that  she  was  sure  of 
receiving,  in  the  course  of  commerce,  all  those  emolu- 
ments of  our  labour  which  reason  could  require  ;  and, 
therefore,  tenderly  cherished  and  supported  us.  Notions 
too  dull !  and  advantages  too  just !  to  merit  the  slightest 
regard  from  his  Majesty's  enlightened  and  magnanimous 
Counsellors. 

"  They  lavish  gold  out  of  the  bag,  and  weigh  silver  in  the 
"  balance  ;  they  fall  down  ;  yea  !  they  worship"  (them.) 
Remember  this,  and  show  yourselves  men. 

P.P. 

*  "  To  spare  the  proud  and  to  subdue  the  subject." 

t  "  O  wise  and  liappy  Queen." 

}  Sir  Robert  Walpule,  and  every  other  Minister  to  whom  the  project 
of  taxing  the  Colonies  was  mentioned,  rejected  it, 

"  Wlien  I  had  the  honour  of  serving  his  Majesty,  I  availed  myself  of 
tlie  means  of  information  which  I  derived  from  my  office.  I  speak 
therefore,  from  knowledge.  My  materiils  were  good  ;  I  was  at  pains 
to  collect,  to  digest,  to  consider  tliom  ;  and  I  will  be  bold  to  affirm  that 
the  profit  of  Great  Britain  from  tlie  trade  of  tlie  Colonies,  through  all 
its  branches,  is  two  millions  a  year  ;  this  is  the  fund  that  carried  you 
triumphantly  through  the  last  war ;  the  estates  that  were  rented  at 
£2,000  a  year,  tliroo  score  years  ago,  are  £3,000  at  present ;  those 
e.states  sold  then  from  fifteen  to  eighteen  years  purcliase  ;  the  same  may 
DOW  bo  sold  for  thirty.  You  owe  tliis  to  America ;  this  is  the  prica 
that  America  pays  you  for  her  protection.  I  dare  not  say  how  much 
higher  these  jirofits  may  be  augmented.  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  bog 
leave  to  tell  the  House  what  is  really  my  opinion  :  it  is  that  the  Stamp 
Act  be  rspealed  absolutely,  totally,  and  innnediatoly  ;  that  the  reason 
for  the  repeal  be  assigned,  because  it  was  founded  on  an  erroneous 
principle." — Mr.  Pitt's  Speech. 

All  the  most  distinguished  writers  on  tlie  trade  of  Great  Britain 
previous  to  the  present  reign,  lield  a  language  entirely  agreeing  witli 
Mr.  Pitt's  sentiments. — See  Davenant,  Child,  Tucker,  Beaaes,  Postle. 
thwaile,  ^. 


Williamsburg,  May  30,  1774. 
The  House  of  Burgesses,  of  Virginia,  on  the  24th  of 
May,  adopted  the  following  Resolution,  which  was  directed 
to  be  forthwith  printed  and  published  : 

"Tuesday,  2.Uh  of  May,  14th  Genr^e  III.,  1774. 

"  This  House  being  deeply  impressed  with  apprehension 
of  the  great  dangers  to  be  derived  to  British  America 
from  the  hostile  invasion  of  the  city  of  Boston,  in  our  sister 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  whose  commerce  and 
harbour  are  on  the  first  day  of  June  next  to  be  stopped  by 
an  armed  force,  deem  it  highly  necessary  that  the  said 
first  day  of  June  be  set  apart  by  the  Members  of  this 
House,  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer;  de- 
voutly to  implore  the  Divine  interposition,  for  averting  the 
heavy  calamity  which  threatens  destruction  to  our  civil 
rights,  and  the  evils  of  civil  war  ;  to  give  us  one  heart  and 
one  mind  firmly  to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means, 
every  injury  to  American  rights ;  and  that  the  minds  of 
his  Majesty  and  his  Parliament  may  be  inspired  from  above 
with  wisdom,  moderation,  and  justice,  to  remove  from  the 
loyal  people  of  America  all  cause  of  danger  from  a  con- 
tinued pursuit  of  measures  pregnant  with  their  ruin. 

"  Ordered,  therefore,  That  the  members  of  this  House  , 
do  attend  in  their  places  at  the  hour  of  ten  in  the  forenoon, 
on  the  said  first  day  of  June  next,  in  order  to  proceed  with 
the  Speaker  and  the  mace  to  the  church  in  this  city  for 
the  purposes  aforesaid  ;  and  that  the  Reverend  Mr.  Price 
be  appointed  to  read  prayers,  and  to  preach  a  sermon 
suitable  to  the  occasion.* 

"  By  the  House  of  Burgesses, 

"  George  Wythe,  c.  h.  b." 

Thursday,  May  26.  Between  three  and  four  o'clock, 
P.  M.,  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  oi  Dunmore,  sent  a 
message  to  the  honourable  the  House  of  Burgesses,  by  the 
Clerk  of  the  Council,  requiring  their  immediate  attendance 
in  the  Council  Chamber  ;  when  his  Excellency  spoke  to 
them  as  follows : 

"  Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  :  I  have  in  my  hand  a  paper  published  by 
order  of  your  House,  conceived  in  such  terms  as  reflect 
highly  upon  his  Majesty,  and  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  which  makes  it  necessary  for  me  to  dissolve  you, 
and  you  are  dissolved  accordingly." 

Friday,  May  27.  At  ten  o'clock  this  day,  the  honour- 
able Members  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses,  met  by 
agreement,  at  the  long  room  of  the  Raleigh  tavern,  in 
Williamsburg,  called  the  Apollo;  when,  having  formed 
themselves  into  a  Committee,  and  appointed  the  Honoura- 
ble Peyton  Randolph,  Moderator,  the  following  Associa- 
tion was  unanimously  entered  into  by  the  patriotic  Assem- 
bly, in  support  of  the  constitutional  liberties  of  America, 
against  the  late  oppressive  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament, 
respecting  the  town  of  Boston,  which,  in  the  end,  must 
affect  all  the  other  Colonies. 

AN  ASSOCIATION,    BY    THE    MEMBERS    OF    THE  LATE  HOUSE 
OF  BURGESSES. 

We  his  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the 
late  Representatives  of  the  good  people  of  this  country, 
having  been  deprived  by  the  sudden  interposition  of  the 
Executive  part  of  this  Government  from  giving  our  coun- 
trymen the  advice  we  wished  to  convey  to  them  in  a  legis- 
lative capacity,  find  ourselves  under  the  hard  necessity  of 
adopting  this,  the  only  method  we  have  left,  of  pointing  out 
to  our  countrymen  such  measures  as  in  our  opinion  are  best 
fitted  to  secure  our  dearest  rights  and  liberty  from  destruc- 
tion, by  the  heavy  hand  of  power  now  lifted  against  North 
America.  With  much  grief  we  find  that  our  dutiful  appli- 
cations to  Great  Britain,  for  security  of  our  just,  ancient, 
and  constitutional  rights,  have  been  not  only  disregarded,  but 
that  a  determined  system  is  formed  and  pressed  for  reducing 
the  inhabitants  of  British  America  to  slavery,  by  subjecting 
them  to  the  payment  of  taxes,  imposed  without  the  consent 

*  The  order  originally  was,  "  that  the  Reverend  Mr.  Price  be  ap. 
"  pointud  to  read  prayers  ;  and  tlie  Reverend  Mr.  Gmatkin  to  preach  a 
"  sermon  suit  ible  to  the  occasion."  But  upon  Mr.  Gwntkin'n  petition- 
ing to  be  excused  from  complying  with  his  appointment,  Mr.  Price, 
tlie  Chaplain  to  the  House,  was  directed  to  preach  in  his  stead. 


851 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  MAY,  1774. 


852 


of  the  people  on  their  Representatives ;  and  that  in  pursuit 
of  this  system,  we  find  an  Act  of  tlie  British  Parliament, 
lately  passed,  for  stopping  the  harbour  and  commerce  of  the 
town  of  Boston,  in  our  sister  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  until  tlie  people  there  submit  to  the  payment  of 
such  unconstitutional  taxes,  and  which  Act  most  violently 
and  arbitrarily  deprives  them  of  their  property  in  wharfs 
erected  by  private  persons,  at  their  own  great  and  proper 
expense,  which  Act  is,  in  our  opinion,  a  most  dangerous 
attempt  to  destroy  the  constitutional  liberty  and  rights  of 
all  North  America. 

It  is  further  our  opinion,  that  as  tea,  on  its  importation 
into  America,  is  charged  with  a  duty,  imposed  by  Par- 
liament for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  without  the 
consent  of  tiie  people,  it  ought  not  to  be  used  by  any 
person  who  wishes  well  to  the  constitutional  rights  and 
liberty  of  British  America.  And  whereas  the  India  Com- 
pany have  ungenerously  attempted  the  ruin  of  America,  by 
sending  many  ships  loaded  with  tea  into  the  Colonies, 
thereby  intending  to  fix  a  precedent  in  favour  of  arbitrary 
taxation,  we  deem  it  highly  proper  and  do  accordingly 
recommend  it  strongly  to  our  countrymen,  not  to  purchase 
or  use  any  kind  of  East  India  commodity  whatsoever, 
except  saltpetre  and  spices,  until  the  grievances  oi  America 
are  redressed. 

We  are  further  clearly  of  opinion,  that  an  attack,  made 
on  one  of  our  sister  Colonies,  to  compel  submission  to 
arbitrary  taxes  is  an  attack  made  on  all  British  Ame- 
rica, and  threatens  ruin  to  tiie  rights  of  all,  unless  the 
united  wisdom  of  the  whole  be  applied.  And  for  this 
purpose  it  is  recommended  to  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, that  they  communicate,  with  their  several  Cor- 
responding Committees,  on  the  expediency  of  appointing 
Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  of  British  America, 
to  meet  in  general  Congress,  at  such  place  annually  as 
shall  be  thought  most  convenient :  there  to  deliberate  on 
those  general  measures  which  the  united  interests  of  Ame- 

O  ... 

rica  may  from  time  to  tmie  require. 

A  tender  regard  for  the  interest  of  our  fellow-subjects, 
the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  Great  Britain,  pre- 
vents us  from  going  further  at  this  time ;  most  earnestly 
hoping,  that  the  unconstitutional  principle  of  taxing  the 
Colonies  without  their  consent  will  not  be  persisted  in, 
thereby  to  compel  us  against  our  will,  to  avoid  all  commer- 
cial intercourse  with  Britain.  Wishing  them  and  our  peo- 
ple free  and  happy,  we  are  their  affectionate  friends  the 
late  Representatives  of  Virginia. 

Signed  by  eighty-nine  Members  of  the  late 

House   of  Burgesses. 
May  27,  1774. 

We  the  subscribers.  Clergymen  and  other  inhabitants  of 
the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  having  maturely 
considered  the  contents  of  the  above  Association,  do  most 
cordially  approve  and  acceed  thereto. 

Signed  by  a  number  of  Clergymen  and 

other  Inhabitants. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  May  29,  letters  were  received  by 
express  from  Boston,  Philadelphia,  and  Annapolis,  in 
Maryland,  testifying  the  resentment  of  those  different 
places,  and  the  Northern  Provinces  in  general,  against  the 
late  oppressive  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  which  is  in- 
tended so  materially  to  injure  the  port  of  Boston,  and 
recommending  an  union  of  measures  to  their  Southern 
brethren,  to  induce  the  Ministry  to  abate  in  their  rigorous 
and  unconstitutional  designs  against  American  freedom, 
which  they  consider  themselves  equally  entitled  to  with 
their  fellow-subjects  in  Britain. 

Immediately  upon  receiving  the  letters  the  Honourable 
Peyton  Randolph,  Esquire,  moderator  of  the  Committee  of 
the  late  House  of  Representatives,  thought  it  proper  to 
convene  all  the  members  tliat  were  then  in  town  ;  who  on 
considering  those  important  papers,  came  to  a  resolution 
to  call  together  the  several  other  members  near  this  city, 
to  whom  notice  could  be  given.  Twenty-five  of  them  ac- 
cordingly met  next  day,  Monday,  May  30,  at  ten  o'clock, 
when  it  was  unanimously  agreed  to  refer  the  further  consi- 
deration of  this  matter  to  the  first  day  of  August  next ;  at 
which  time  it  is  expected  there  will  be  a  very  general 
attendance  of  the  late  members  of  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
and  that  a  non-importation  agreement  will  be  then  entered 


into,  as  well  as  resolutions  to  suspend,  at  some  future  clay, 
exporting  any  of  our  conunodities  to  Britain,  should  the 
present  odious  measures,  so  inimical  to  the  just  rights  and 
liberty  of  America,  be  pursued.* 


EARL  OF  DUNMORE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Williamsburg,  May  29,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  The  General  Assembly  of  this  Colony  met 
here  on  the  6th  of  May,  for  despatch  of  the  necessary 
business,  and  a  few  days  after  an  account  arrived  in  this 
country  of  the  Act  of  Parliament,  passed  for  discontinuing 
the  shipping  or  discharging  goods  in  the  harbour  of  ^Oi/ojj, 
which  has  induced  the  House  of  Burgesses  again,  on  this 
occasion  to  declare,  what  they  are  fond  of  having  it 
thought  always  originates  with  them,  a  determined  resolu- 
tion to  deny  and  oppose  the  authority  of  Parliament. 
Accordingly  Robert  Carter  Nicholas,  the  Treasurer  of  this 
Colony,  made  a  motion  for  the  order,  which  .passed,  and 
which  I  herewith  transmit  to  your  Lordship. 

It  was  intended  by  the  solemnity  of  a  public  fasting 
and  praying  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  people  to  re- 
ceive other  resolutions  of  the  House,  the  purport  of  which 
I  am  not  informed  of,  but  from  such  a  beginning  may  natu- 
rally be  concluded  could  tend  only  to  inflame  tiie  whole 
country,  and  instigate  the  people  to  acts  that  might  rouse  the 
indignation  of  the  motlier  country  against  tiiem  ;  in  hopes 
therefore  of  preventing  the  progress  of  these  ill  effects  by 
the  only  means  in  my  power,  which  I  fear  will  not  be 
effectual,  I  have  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  Coun- 
cil, dissolved  the  Assembly,  and  I  have  determined  not  to 
issue  new  writs  until  I  hear  from  your  Lordship,  and  am 
informed  whether  his  Majesty  shall  think  it  necessary  to 
give  me  any  command  in  respect  to  this  undutiful  part  of 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia. 

I  have  heard  from  many  of  the  dissolved  members,  and 
I  hope  it  is  true,  that  tlie  House  in  general  in  the  hasty 
manner  the  measure  was  proposed  and  agreed  to,  did  not 
advert  to  the  whole  force  of  the  tenns  in  which  the  order 
I  transmit  is  conceived,  and  that  if  it  had,  it  is  believed  a 
strong  opposition  would  have  been  made  to  it,  and  proba- 
bly that  it  might  have  met  a  different  fate. 

I  am,  &c.  DuNMORE. 


Annapolis,  Maryland,  May  26,  1774. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  City  of  Anna' 
polls,  on  Wednesday,  the  25th  day  of  May,  1774,  after 
notice  given  of  the  time,  place,  and  occasion  of  this 
meeting : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  America,  and  that  it  is  incumbent  on 
every  Colony  in  America,  to  unite  in  effectual  means  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking 
up  the  harbour  of  Boston. 

That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  if  the  Colo- 
nies come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all  importations, 
from,  and  exportations  to,  Great  Britian,  till  the  said  Act 
be  repealed,  the  same  will  preserve  North  America  and 
her  liberties. 

Resolved  therefore,  Tliat  the  inhabitants  of  this  city, 
will  join  in  an  Association  with  the  several  counties  of  this 
Province,  and  the  principal  Colonies  of  America,  to  put 
an  immediate  stop  to  all  exports  to  Great  Britain,  and 
that  after  a  short  day  hereafter  to  be  agreed  on  that  there  be 
no  imports  from  Great  Britain  till  the  said  Act  be  repealed, 
and  that  such  Association  be  on  oath. 

That  it  is  the  ojiinion  of  this  meeting  that  the  gentle- 
men of  the  law  of  this  Province,  bring  no  suit  for  the 
recovery  of  any  debt  due  from  any  inhabitant  of  this 
Province  to  any  inhabitant  of  Great  Britain,  until  the 
said  Act  be  repealed. 

*On  the  first  of  June,  the  Honourable  the  .Sp-jaker  and  as  many 
members  of  the  late  Assembly,  as  were  in  town,  with  the  citizens  of 
Williatnsljurg,  and  numbers  from  a  distance,  ansembled  at  the  Court 
House  and  went  in  procession  to  tlie  Church,  where  an  excellent  ser. 
mon,  well  adapted  to  the  present  unhappy  disputes  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  was  preached  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  Price, 
cliaplain  to  tlio  House  of  Burgesses,  agreeable  to  the  late  order  of 
that  patriotic  and  very  respectable  body. 


353 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  MAY,  1774. 


354 


Tliat  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  will,  and  it  is  the 
opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  this  Province  ought  imme- 
diately to  break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with  that  Colony 
or  Province  which  shall  refuse  or  decline  to  come  into 
similar  resolutions  with  a  majority  of  the  Colonies. 

That  Messrs.  John  Hall,  Charles  Carroll,  Thomas  John- 
son, Jun.,  William  Paca,  Matthias  Hammond,  and  Samuel 
Chase,  be  a  Committee  for  this  city,  to  join  with  those  who 
shall  be  appointed  for  Baltimore  town,  and  other  parts  of 
this  Province,  to  constitute  one  general  Committee,  and 
that  the  gentlemen  appointed  for  this  city  immediately 
correspond  with  Baltimore  town,  and  other  parts  of  this 
Province,  to  effect  such  Association  as  will  best  secure 
American  liberty. 

To  the  Printers  of  the  Maryland  Gazktte  : 

Your  Gazette  of  the  26th  instant,  contains  an  anonymous 
publication  of  the  Resolutions  entered  into  by  the  meeting 
of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  held  for  the  purpose  of 
taking  into  consideration  Letters  from  Boston  and  Phila- 
delphia, which  it  is  presumed  is  entitled  to  no  other  than 
an  anonymous  answer.  The  public  are  desired  to  sus- 
pend forming  any  judgment  of  the  sentiments  of  this  city 
on  a  subject  of  so  momentous  a  concern,  until  they  are 
furnished  with  more  authentic  grounds. 

Annapolis,  May,  26,  1774. 

Annapolis,  (A.  M.  11  o'clock,)  May  27,  1774. 
.  A  paper  having  been  circulated  this  morning,  in  this 
city,  and  distributed  with  the  Gazette,  desiring  the  public 
to  suspend  forming  any  judgment  of  the  sentiments  of  this 
city,  on  the  subject  matter  of  letters  from  Boston,  and 
Philadelphia,  until  they  are  furnished  witli  more  authentic 
grounds  than  the  resolutions  entered  into  by  the  meeting 
of  the  inhabitants  held  for  that  purpose,  all  the  citi- 
zens, and  particularly  those  who  dissent  from  the  printed 
resolutions,  are  earnestly  requested  to  meet  at  the  Play- 
liouse,  precisely  at  diree  o'clock,  this  afternoon. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Annapo- 
lis in  consequence  of  the  foregoing  notice,  after  reading 
the  several  letters  and  papers  communicated  from  Boston, 
and  Philadelphia,  the  first,  second,  and  third  resolutions 
of  this  city,  on  Wednesday  last,  were  distinctly  read,  one 
by  one,  and  the  question  being  put  on  them,  severally, 
that  they  be  confirmed,  the  first  was  unanimously  con- 
finned,  and,  on  a  division,  the  second  and  third  were  also 
confirmed,  very  few  dissenting.  The  fourth  resolution 
being  read,  the  question  was  moved  and  put,  that  the  same 
be  expunged,  and  on  a  division,  resolved  by  a  considerable 
majority,  that  it  be  not  expunged.  The  other  resolutions 
were  read,  and  on  the  question  being  put  on  each,  were 
confirmed  without  any  division. 

Resolved,  That  this  day's  proceedings  be  immediately 
printed,  and  made  public.     Per  order, 

John  Ducket,  Clerk. 

Annapolis,  May  30,  1774. 
A  publication  of  the  enclosed  Protest,  supported  by  a  con- 
siderable number    of   die  Inhabitants    of   the  City  of 
Annapolis,  will,  it  is  presumed,  furnish  the  most  authen- 
tic grounds  for  determining  the  sense  of  the  majority  on 
a  question  of  the  last  importance. 
We  whose  names  are  subscribed,  inhabitants  of  the  city 
of  Annapolis,  conceive  it  our  clear  right,  and  most  incum- 
bent duty,  to  express  our  cordial  and  explicit  disapproba- 
tion of  a  Resolution    which    was  carried    by  forty-seven 
against   thirty-one,  at  the  meeting  held  on  the  27lh  in- 
stant. 

The  Resolution  against  which  we  protest  in  the  face  of 
the  world  is  the  following  : 

•'  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  the  gentle- 
'•  men  of  the  law  of  tiiis  Province,  bring  no  suit  for  the 
■'  recovery  of  any  debt  due  from  any  inhabitant  of  this 
"  Province  to  any  inhaiiitant  of  Great  Britain,  until  the 
"  said  Act  be  repealed." 
Dissentient, 

1.  Because  we  are  impressed  with  a  full  conviction, 
that  this  resolution  is  founded  in  treachery  and  rashness, 
inasmuch   as  it  is  big  with  bankruptcy  and  ruin  to  tliose 


inhabitants  of  Great  Britain,  who,  relying  witli  unlimited 
security  on  our  good  faith  and  integrity,  have  made  us 
masters  of  their  fortunes  ;  condemning  them  unheard, 
for  not  having  interposed  their  influence  with  Parliament 
in  favour  of  the  town  of  Boston,  without  duly  weighing 
the  force  with  which  that  influence  would  probably  have 
operated,  or  whether,  in  their  conduct,  they  were  actuated 
by  wisdom  and  policy,  or  by  corruption  and  avarice. 

2.  Because,  whilst  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain 
are  partially  despoiled  of  every  legal  remedy  to  recover 
what  is  justly  due  to  them,  no  provision  is  made  to  prevent 
us  from  being  harrassed  by  the  prosecution  of  internal  suits, 
but  our  fortunes  and  persons  are  left  at  the  mercy  of 
domestic  creditors,  without  a  possibility  of  extricating  our- 
selves, unless  by  a  general  convulsion  ;  an  event,  in  the 
contemplation  of  sober  reason,  replete  with  horrour. 

3.  Because  our  credit  as  a  commercial  people  will 
expire  under  the  wound  ;  for  what  confidence  can  possibly 
be  reposed  in  those  who  shall  have  exhibited  the  most 
avowed  and  most  striking  proof,  that  they  are  not  to  be 
bound  by  obligations  as  sacred  as  human  invention  can 
suggest. 


Lloyd  Dulany, 
William  Cooke, 
James  Tilghman, 
Anthony  Stewart, 
William  Stcuart, 
Charles  Steuart, 
David  Steuart, 
Jonathan  Pinkney, 
William  Tuck, 
Thomas  Sparrow, 
John  Green, 
James  Brice, 
George  Gordon, 
John  Chalmers, 
John  Anderson, 
John  Unsworth, 
James  Taylor, 
William  Cayton, 
George  Ranken, 
Robert  Moor, 
Jonathan  Parker, 
Brice  Selden, 
John  Vamdel, 
John  Annis, 
Robert  Ridge, 
Robert  Nixon, 
Thomas  Kirby, 
William  Edwards, 
Robert  Lambert, 
William  Eddis, 
John  Clapham, 
Elie  Vallette, 
Robert  Buchanan, 
William  Noke, 
James  Brooks, 
Richard  Murrow, 
John  Brown, 
John  Hepburn, 
Colin  Campbell, 
Nathaniel  Ross, 
William  Niven, 
James  Kingsbury, 
James  Barnes, 
John  Sands, 
James  Williams, 
Joseph  Williams, 
John  Howard, 
William  Munroe, 
John  D.  Jaques, 
John  N  orris, 
John  Steele, 
N.  Macubbin, 
Thomas  Hammond, 
Thomas  Pipier, 


Thomas  Neal, 
William  Tonry, 
James  McKenzie, 
Nicholas  Minsky, 
Martin  Water, 
John  Warren, 
William  Chambers, 
James  Clarke, 
Denton  Jacques, 
Joseph  Dowson, 
Thomas  Macken, 
Richard  Burland, 
Dan.  Dulany,  of  Dan. 
R.  MoUeson, 
Robert  Couden, 
William  Aikman, 
George  French, 
John  Parker, 
Archibald  Smith, 
Thomas  Bonner, 
Matthias  Mae, 
Alexander  McDonald, 
David  Crinnig, 
John  Timmis, 
David  Atchison, 
James  Maynard, 
William  Harrison, 
Robert  Kirkland, 
William  Ashton, 
Robert  Morrison, 
Charles  Bryan, 
John  Haragan, 
Hugh  Hendley, 
Richard  Thompson, 
Rcverdy  Ghiselin, 
Charles  Marckel, 
John  Randall, 
William  Stift; 
James  Mitchell, 
Charles  Roberts, 
Samuel  Skingle, 
Thomas  Stiff, 
Henry  Jackson, 
William  Devenish, 
James  Hackman, 
Charles  Barber, 
John  Evitts, 
James  Maw, 
Jordan  Steiger, 
Joseph  Richards, 
Edward  Owens, 
Thomas  Prysse, 
J.  Wilkinson, 
Robert  Key, 


Lewis  Jones, 
William  Waiatt, 
John  King, 
William  rrew, 
Thomas  Towson, 
William  Howard, 
John  Donaldson, 
D.  Dulany,  of  Walter, 
William  Worthington, 
Thomas  B.  Hodgkin, 
William  Wilkins, 
Thomas  French, 
Joseph  Selby, 
William  Gordon, 
Thomas  Hyde, 
John  Maconochic, 
Philip  Thomas  Lee, 
John  Ball, 
Samuel  Owens, 
Samuel  Ball, 
Thomas  Braithwaito, 
James  Murray, 
Richard  Mackubin, 
Michael  Wallace, 
William  Hyde, 
Nathan  Hammond, 
Peter  Psalter, 
Joseph  Brouing, 
Thomas  Hincke, 
Lewis  Neth, 
Edward  Dogan, 
J.  H.  Anderson, 
Richard  Burt, 
Henry  Horsley, 
Cornelius  Fenton, 
Richard  Addams, 
George  Ranken,  Sen. 
Edward  Wilmot, 
Robert  Lang, 
George  Nicholson, 
Benjamin  Spriggs, 
John  Horton, 
Charles  Wright, 
Constantine  Bull, 
Amos  Edmons, 
Henry  Sibell, 
Joshua  Cross, 
John  Woolford, 
Samuel  H.  Howard, 
Oliver  Weeden, 
Alexander  Finlater, 
Cornelius  McCarty, 
Jonathan  Simpson. 


DANIEL    DULANV,  JUN.  TO    ARTHUR   LEE. 

Annapolis,  May,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  I  received  your  favour,  which  I  made  it 
my  business  to  communicate  to  my  acquaintances,  who  all 
agreed  in  your  proposal.  It  would  give  me  the  highest 
satisfaction  to  continue  a  correspondence  with  you.  Our 
town  was  assembled  a  few  days  ago  to  consider  let- 
ters sent  from  Boston  and  Philadelphia.  The  subject 
of  the  Boston  letter  was,  to  request  the  Colonies  to  join 
in  a  non-importation  and  non-exportation  scheme,  as  the 
readiest  method  to  compel  Parliament  to  restore  them  to 
their  just  ri<^hts.  The  Philadelphians  were  very  cool, 
indeed,  upon  the  application.  There  is  a  stroke  of  insult- 
ing pity  in  their  answer  which  1  am  sure  will  raise  your 
indignation  to  the  highest  pitch. 


Fourth  Series. 


23 


855 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  MAY,  1774. 


356 


We  came  here  to  the  following  resolves  : 

1st.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  meeting  that  the  town 
of  Boston  is  now  suft'cring  in  the  common  cause  of  Ame- 
rican liberty. 

2d.  Tiiat  tlie  best  method  to  redress  the  evils  they  now 
labour  under,  would  be  to  put  a  total  stop  to  imports  and 
exports  to  and  from  Great  Britain. 

;3d.  That  the  Association  be  upon  oath  for  that  purpose. 

4th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  no 
lawyer  should  bring  an  action  for  any  merchant  in  Great 
Britain  against  an  inhabitant  till  this  Act  be  repealed. 

5th.  That  no  trade  be  carried  on  with  any  Colony  that 
does  not  come  into  similar  resolutions. 

Tiiese  are  not  to  be  obligatory  till  they  are  agreed  to  by 
a  majority  of  the  Colonies  and  the  several  counties  of  this 
Province.  Every  thing  passed  unanimously  except  the 
fourth  resolution,  which  I  confess  1  opposed,  with  about 
thirty  more.  It  seems  to  me  to  carry  with  it  so  much 
injustice  and  partiality,  that  I  am  afraid  it  will  give  a 
handle  to  our  enemies  to  hurt  the  general  cause.  I  would 
have  agreed  to  it  if  it  had  extended  to  merchants  in  this 
country  as  well  as  foreign  merchants. 

Every  just,  indeed,  every  efficient  measure,  should  be 
taken  against  the  British  Parliament  in  their  designs  to 
tax  America ;  for  I  am  convinced,  that  if  once  the  princi- 
ple of  taxing  were  established,  property  here  would  not  be 
worth  holding.  But,  at  the  same  time,  let  us  never  give 
them  an  opportunity,  by  our  resolves,  to  accuse  us  of 
injustice.     I  hope  you  will  agree  with  me  in  this. 

It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  that  our  friend 
Alleyne  succeeded  so  well  in  the  four  and  a  half  per  cent, 
cause.  I  have  expected  to  hear  from  him  on  business  for 
some  time  past,  liis  management  of  which  I  requested, 
but  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure.  Present  my  compli- 
ments to  him,  and  inform  him  that  I  should  be  glad  of  a 
line  from  him.     Remember  me  to  your  brother. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem,  dear  sir,  your  most  humble 
servant,  D.  Dulany,  Jun. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esq,,  London. 


CONNECTICUT    RESOLtJTIONS. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  English  Colony 
of  Connecticut. 
This  House,  taking  into  their  serious  consideration  sundry 
Acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  in  which  their  power  and 
right  to  impose  duties  and  taxes  upon  his  Majesty's  subjects 
in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America,  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  are  declared,  attempted 
to  be  exercised,  and  in  various  ways  enforced  and  carried 
into  execution  :  and  especially  a  very  late  Act,  in  which 
pains  and  penalties  are  inflicted  on  the  capital  of  a  neigh- 
bouring Province,  a  jirecedent  justly  alarming  to  every 
British  Colony  in  America,  and  which  being  admitted 
and  established,  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  are  at 
the  mercy  of  a  tribunal  where  innocence  may  be  punished 
upon  the  accusation  and  evidence  of  wicked  men,  without 
defence,  and  even  without  knowing  the  accuser ;  a  pre- 
cedent calculated  to  terrify  them  into  silence  and  submis- 
sion wiiilst  diey  are  stripped  of  their  invaluable  rights  and 
liberties — do  think  it  their  duty  and  expedient  at  this  time, 
to  renew  their  claim  to  the  rights,  liberties  and  immunities 
of  freeborn  Englishmeji,  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled 
by  the  laws  of  nature,  by  the  Royal  Grant  and  Charter 
of  his  late  Majesty  King  Charles  the  Second,  and  by  long 
and  uninterrupted  possession ;  and  thereupon  do  declare 
and  resolve  as  follows,  viz : 

1st.  In  the  first  place,  we  do  most  expressly  declare, 
recognise  and  acknowledge  his  Majesty  King  George  the 
Tiiird  to  be  the  lawful  and  rightful  King  of  Great  Britain, 
and  all  other  his  Dominions  and  Countries  ;  and  that  It  is 
the  indispensable  duty  of  this  Colony,  as  being  part  of  his 
Majesty's  dominions,  always  to  bear  faitliful  and  true  alle- 
giance to  his  Majesty,  and  him  to  defend  to  the  utmost  of 
their  power,  against  all  attempts  upon  his  person,  crown  and 
dignity. 

2d.  That  the  subjects  of  his  Majesty  in  this  Colony 
ever  have  had,  and  of  right  out  to  have  and  enjoy,  all  the 
liberties,  immunities  and  privileges  of  free  and  natural  bom 
subjects  within  any  of  the  Dominions  of  our  said  King,  his 


heirs  and  successors,  as  fully  and  amply  as  if  they,  and 
every  of  them,  were  bom  within  the  Realm  of  England. 
That  they  have  a  property  in  their  own  estate,  and  are  to 
be  taxed  by  their  own  consent,  ojily  given  in  person,  or  by 
their  Representatives,  and  are  not  to  be  disseized  of  their 
liberties  and  free  customs,  sentenced  or  condemned,  but  by 
lawful  judgment  of  their  peers  ;  and  that  the  said  rights 
and  immunities  are  recognised  and  confirmed  by  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Colony,  by  the  Royal  Grant  and  Charter 
aforesaid,  and  are  their  undoubted  right,  to  all  intents, 
constructions  and  j)urposes  W'hatsoever. 

3d.  That  die  only  lawful  representatives  of  the  freemen 
of  this  Colony,  are  the  persons  they  elect  to  serve  as  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Assembly  thereof. 

4th.  That  it  is  the  just  right  and  privilege  of  his  Majes- 
ty's liege  subjects  of  this  Colony  to  be  governed  by  their 
General  Assembly  in  the  article  of  taxing,  and  internal 
police,  agreeable  to  the  powers  and  privileges  recognised 
and  confirmed  in  the  Royal  Charter  aforesaid,  which  they 
have  enjoyed  for  more  than  ti  century  past,  and  have  neither 
forfeited  nor  surrendered,  but  the  same  have  been  con- 
stantly recognised  by  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain. 

5th.  That  the  erecting  new  and  unusual  Courts  of 
Admiralty,  and  vesting  them  with  extraordinary  powers 
above,  and  not  subject  to,  the  controul  of  the  Common 
Law  Courts  in  this  Colony,  to  judge  and  determine  in  suits 
relating  to  the  duties  and  forfeitures  contained  in  said 
Acts,  foreign  to  the  accustomed  and  established  jurisdiction 
of  the  former  Courts  of  Admiralty  in  America,  is,  in  the 
opinion  of  this  House,  highly  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of 
Ills  Majesty's  American  subjects,  contrary  to  the  great 
Charter  of  English  liberty,  and  destructive  of  one  of  their 
most  darling  rights,  that  of  trial  by  juries,  which  is  justly 
esteemed  one  chief  excellence  of  the  British  Constitution, 
and  a  principal  branch  of  English  liberty. 

6th.  That  the  apprehending  and  carrying  persons  beyond 
the  sea  to  be  tried  for  any  crime  alleged  to  be  committed 
within  this  Colony,  or  subjecting  them  to  be  tried  by  Com- 
missioners, or  by  any  court  constituted  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, or  otherwise  within  this  Colony,  in  a  summary  way, 
without  a  jury,  is  unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  the 
liberties  and  rights  of  the  free  subjects  of  this  Colony. 

7th.  That  any  liarbour  or  port  duly  opened  and  consti- 
tuted, cannot  be  shut  up  and  discharged  but  by  an  Act  of 
the  Legislature  of  the  Province  or  Colony  in  which  such 
harbour  or  port  is  situated,  without  subverting  the  rights 
and  liberties,  and  destroying  the  projjerty  of  his  Majesty's 
subjects. 

8th.  That  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  inflicting  pains 
and  penalties  on  the  town  of  Boston,  by  blocking  up  dielr 
harbour,  is  a  precedent  justly  alarming  to  the  British 
Colonies  in  America,  and  wholly  inconsistent  with,  and 
subversive  of,  their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties. 

9th.  That  whenever  his  Majesty's  service  shall  require 
the  aid  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  the  same  fixed 
principles  of  loyalty,  as  well  as  self-preservation,  which 
have  hitherto  induced  us  fully  to  comply  with  his  Majesty's 
requisitions,  together  with  the  deep  sense  we  have  of  its 
being  our  indispensable  duty,  (in  the  opinion  of  this  House,) 
will  ever  hold  us  under  the  strongest  obligations  which  can 
be  given  or  desired,  most  cheerfully  to  grant  his  Majesty, 
from  time  to  time,  our  fiirtlier  proportion  of  men  and 
money,  for  tiie  defence,  protection,  security,  and  other 
services  of  the  British  American  Dominions. 

10th.  That  we  look  on  die  wellbeing  and  greatest  secu- 
rity of  this  Colony,  to  depend  (under  God)  on  our  connec- 
tion with  Great  Britain,  which  it  is  ardently  wished  may 
continue  to  the  latest  posterity  ;  and  that  it  is  the  humble 
opinion  of  this  House  that  the  Constitution  of  this  Colony 
being  understood  and  practised  upon,  as  it  has,  ever  since 
it  existed,  (till  very  lately,)  is  tlie  surest  bond  of  union, 
confidence,  and  mutual  prosperity  of  our  mother  country 
and  us,  and  the  last  foundation  on  which  to  build  the  good 
of  the  whole,  whether  considered  in  a  civil,  military,  or 
mercantile  light ;  and  of  the  truth  of  this  opinion  we  are 
the  more  confident,  as  it  Is  not  founded  on  speculation  only, 
but  has  been  verified  in  fact,  and  by  long  experience  found  to 
produce,  according  to  our  extent,  and  other  circumstances, 
as  many  loyal,  virtuous,  industrious  and  well  governed  sub- 
jects, as  any  part  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions ;  and  as  truly 


857 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  MAY,  1774. 


358 


zealous  of,  and  as  warmly  engaged  to  promote  the  best 
good  and  real  glory  of  the  grand  whole,  which  constitutes 
tiie  Bntish  Empire. 

11th.  That  it  is  an  indispensable  duty  which  we  owe 
to  our  King,  our  country,  ourselves,  and  our  posterity,  by 
all  lawful  ways  and  means  in  our  power,  to  maintain,  defend 
and  preserve,  these  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  to  transmit 
them  entire  and  inviolate  to  the  latest  generations ;  and 
that  it  is  our  fixed,  determined,  and  unalterable  resolution, 
faitiifully  to  discharge  this  our  duty. 

At  their  Sessions  at  Hartford,  on  the  second  Thursday 
of  Mai/,  177^,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's 
reign,  the  foregoing  Resolutions,  reported  to  the  House  by 
their  Committee,  were  unanimously  voted,  and  ordered  to 
be  entered  on  their  Journal  or  Record. 


Boston,  Wednesday,  May  25,  1774. 
This  being  the  anniversary  day  appointed  by  the  Royal 
Charter,  for  convening  a  great  and  general  Court  or  Assem- 
bly of  this  Province,  and  for  the  election  of  his  Majesty's 
Council,  the  gentlemen  who  were  returned  to  serve  and 
represent  the  several  towns,  met  a  Committee  from  the 
Honourable  Board,  authorized  and  appointed  by  his  Excel- 
lency the  Govemour,  administered  the  oaths  required  by 
Act  of  Parliament  to  the  members  of  the  House,  who, 
after  having  taken  the  oath  of  abjuration,  and  subscribed 
the  declaration,  they  unanimously  chose  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams  for  their  Clerk  ;  the  House  then  proceeded  to  the 
choice  of  a  Speaker,  when  the  Honourable  Thomas  Cash- 
ing, Esquire,  was  unanimously  chosen  and  approved. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  elected  Counsellors  for 
the  ensuing  year : 

For  the  Ipte  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay. — 
The  Honourable  Samuel  Danforth,  John  Erving,  James 
Bowdoin,  James  Pitts,  Samuel  Dexter,  Artemas  Ward, 
Benjamin  Greenleaf  Caleb  Cushing,  Samuel  Phillips, 
John  fVinihrop,  William  Phillips,  John  Adams,  James 
Prescott,  Timothy  Danielson,  Richard  Derby,  Jun., 
Michael  Farley,  Benjamin  Austin,  Norton  Quincy, 
Esquires. 

For  the  late  Colony  0/ Plymouth. — James  Otis,  Wil- 
liam Sever,  Walter  Spooner,  Jerathmeel  Bowers,  Esquires. 

For  the  Province  of  Maine. — Jeremiah  Powell,  Jede- 
diah  Prebblc,  Enoch  Freeman,  Esquires. 

For  Sagadahock. — Benjamin  Chadbume,  Esq. 

At  Large. — George  Leonard,  Jun.,  Jedediah  Foster, 
Esquires. 

Before  the  election  of  Counsellors,  letters  were  received 
from  the  Honourable  Isaac  Royall  and  James  Gowan, 
Esquires,  resigning  their  seats  at  the  Board. 

Thursday,  May  26. 
The  list  of  Counsellors  chosen  yesterday,  being,  this 
day,  agreeable  to  the  direction  of  the  Royal  Charter,  pre- 
sented to  the  Govemour,  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to 
consent  to  the  gentlemen  before  mentioned,  except  James 
Bowdoin,  Samuel  Dexter,  John  Winthrop,  William  Phil- 
lips, John  Adams,  James  Prescott,  Timothy  Danielson, 
Michael  Farley,  Benjamin  Austin,  Norton  ^incy, 
Jerathmeel  Bowers,  Enoch  Freeman,  Jedediah  Foster, 
Esquires. 

This  day  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  make  the 
following  Speech  to  both  Houses : 

Gentlemen   of   the   Council,    and    Gentlemen    of  the 
General  Assembly: 

His  Majesty  having  been  pleased  to  appoint  me  Govei- 
nour  and  Captain  General  of  his  Province  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  and  my  commissions  liaving  been  read  and 
published,  1  have  met  you  for  the  election  of  Counsellors 
for  the  ensuing  year;  on  wiiicii  business  you  have  been 
convened  agreeable  to  your  Charter,  and  as  that  work  is 
finished,  you  will  proceed  as  you  shall  judge  fit  to  the  con- 
sideration of  such  other  matters  as  may  properly  come 
before  you,  and  that  you  judge  ought  to  be  entered  upon 
previous  to  the  fiist  of  next  month.     And  you  will  be 


assured  that  I  shall  with  pleasure  concur  with  you  to  the 
utmost  of  my  power  in  all  matters  that  tend  to  the  welfare 
and  prosperity  of  the  Province.  I  make  mention  of  the 
first  of  next  month,  because  I  have  the  King's  particular 
commands  for  holding  the  General  Court  at  Salem  from 
that  day,  until  his  Majesty  shall  have  signified  iiis  royal 
will  and  pleasure  for  holding  it  again  at  Boston. 

The  honour  of  my  appointment  to  the  command  of  this 
Govemment  being  so  lately  conferred,  and  the  time  since 
I  took  it  upon  me  so  very  short,  I  have  not  at  present 
any  matter  to  lay  before  you,  farther  than  to  acquaint  you, 
that  the  Provincial  Treasurer  having  informed  me  that 
sufficient  provision  is  made  for  the  redemption  of  the 
Government  securities  that  are  now,  and  will  become  due 
in  June,  1775,  you  will  have  no  other  burden  upon  you 
but  to  supply  the  Treasury  for  the  support  of  Govemment 
for  the  ensuing  year.  T.  Gage. 

Council  Chamber,  May  26,  1774. 


Marblehead,  May  25,  1774. 
AN    ADDRESS  PRESENTED  TO  OOVERNOUH  HUTCHINSON  BY 
SUNDRY    GENTLEMEN    OF    MARBLEHEAD. 

To  Govemour  Hutchinjon  : 

Sir  :  His  Majesty  having  been  pleased  to  appoint  his 
Excellency  the  Honourable  Thomas  Gage,  Esquire,  to  be 
Govemour  and  Commander-in-chief  over  this  Province, 
and  you  (as  we  are  informed)  being  speedily  to  embark 
for  Great  Britain,  we,  the  subscribers,  merchants,  traders 
and  others,  inhabitants  of  Marblehead,  beg  leave  to  pre- 
sent you  our  valedictory  Address  on  this  occasion  ;  and  as 
this  is  the  only  way  we  now  have  of  expressing  to  you 
our  entire  approbation  of  your  public  conduct  during  the 
time  you  have  presided  in  this  Province,  and  of  making 
you  a  return  of  our  most  sincere  and  hearty  thanks  for  the 
ready  assistance  which  you  have  at  all  times  afforded  us 
when  applied  to  in  matters  which  affected  our  navigation 
and  commerce,  we  are  induced  from  former  experience 
of  your  goodness,  to  believe  that  you  will  freely  indulge 
us  in  the  pleasure  of  giving  you  this  testimony  of  our  sin- 
cere esteem  and  gratitude. 

In  your  public  administration  we  are  fully  convinced, 
that  the  general  good  was  the  mark  which  you  have  ever 
aimed  at,  and  we  can,  sir,  with  pleasure  assure  you,  that  it 
is  likewise  the  opinion  of  all  dispassionate  thinking  men 
within  the  circle  of  our  observation,  notwithstanding  many 
publications  would  have  taught  the  world  to  think  the 
contrary  ;  and  we  beg  leave  to  entreat  you,  that  when  you 
arrive  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain,  you  would  there 
embrace  every  opportunity  of  moderating  the  resentment 
of  the  Government  against  us,  and  use  your  best  endeavours 
to  have  the  unhappy  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and 
this  country  brought  to  a  just  and  equitable  termination. 
We  cannot  omit  the  opportunity  of  returning  you,  in  a 
particular  manner,  our  most  sincere  thanks  for  your  pairon- 
izinjr  our  cause  in  the  matter  of  entering  and  clearing  ves- 
sels  at  the  Custom  House,  and  making  the  fishermen  pay 
hospital  money.  We  believe  it  is  owing  to  your  repre- 
sentation of  the  matter  that  we  are  hitherto  free  from  that 
burthen. 

We  heartily  wish  you,  sir,  a  safe  and  prosperous  passage 
to  Great  Britain ;  and  when  you  arrive  there,  may  you 
find  such  a  reception  as  shall  fully  compensate  for  all  the 
insults  and  indignities  which  have  been  offered  you, 

Richard  Hinkly,  Robert  Hooper,  3d.,  Robert  Hooper, 

Samuel  Reed,  John  Prince,  John  Gallison, 

John  Lee,  George  McCall,  Jacob  Fowle, 

Robert  Ambrose,  Joseph  Swasey,  John  Pederick, 

Jonatlian  Glover,  Nathan  Bowen,  Richard  Reed, 

Richard  Phillips,  Thomas  Robie,  Benjamin  Marston, 

Isaac  Mansfield,  John  Stimson,  Samuel  White, 

Joseph  Bubler,  John  Webb,  Joseph  Hooper, 

Richard  Stacey,  Joseph  Lee,  John  Pentice, 

Thomas  Proctor,  Sweet  Hooper,  Robert  Hooper,  Jan., 

John  Fowle,  Henry  Saunders,  Thomas  Lewis. 


GOVEBNOUR    HUTCHINSOn's    ANSWER. 

So  kind  an  Address  from  so  many  gentlemen  of  respec- 
table characters  in  the  town  of  Marblehead,  requires  my 
most  grateful  acknowledgments.  You  may  be  assured  of 
mv  endeavours,  as  far  as  shall  fall  within  my  sphere,  to 
obtain  what  you  desire.  Thomas  Hutchinson. 


S50 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &o.,  MAY,  1774. 


360 


A  Declaration  of  Marble  head,  relative  to  the  Address 

from  sundry  Inhabitants  of   the  town  to   Governour 

Hutchinson. 

Be  it  known  to  the  whole  worid,  its  present  generation, 
and  every  future  one  : 

That  the  town  of  Marhlehead  now  legally  assembled, 
pureuant  to  appointment,  taking  into  consideration  an  Ad- 
dress which  appeared  in  the  last  Essex  Gazette,  from 
sundry  inhabitants  of  this  town,  to  the  late  Governour 
Hutchinson  is  clearly  of  opinion, 

1st.  That  as  the  Address  did  originate  since  the  com- 
mencement of  this  meeting,  and  as  the  warrant  for  the 
meeting  enabled  the  inhabitants  to  take  any  suitable  steps 
upon  the  present  critical  situation  of  public  affairs,  whether 
by  addressing  instructions,  or  otiierwise,  the  Addressers, 
by  the  secret  and  clandestine  manner  in  which  they  have 
conducted  this  Address,  have  manifested  a  disposition  to 
destroy  the  hamiony  of  the  town  in  its  public  affairs,  and 
thus  planted  the  seeds  of  dissensions,  animosities  and 
discords. 

•2d.  That  a  public  address  to  a  pereon  just  leaving  a 
high  and  public  office  in  the  Province,  who  is  not  only 
neglected  by  the  two  honourable  branches  of  the  present 
Legislature  of  it,  but  has  likewise  been  censured  by  both 
Houses  of  a  former  Assembly  as  an  inveterate  enemy  to 
the  liberties  of  the  Province,  is  such  an  indignity  offered 
to  those  branches  of  the  Government,  as  this  town  is  in 
duty  and  gratitude  bound  to  bear  testimony  against ;  more 
especially  as  it  conceives  itself  under  lasting  obligations  to 
them  for  their  steady  and  virtuous  attachment  to  the  liber- 
ties and  true  interest  of  the  Province,  which  they  have 
strenuously  contended  for. 

;3d.  That  the  Addressers  have,  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power,  strengthened  the  hands  of  a  subtle  enemy  to  the 
Province  by  their  Address  ;  and  this  instrument,  although 
but  a  fantastical  shadow  of  public  respect,  will  be  naturally 
improved  by  Mr.  Hutchinson  to  justify  his  own  conduct, 
and  raise  still  higher  the  prejudices  which  so  unjustly  rage 
against  this  injured  Province  and  Continent. 

4th.  That  the  Address  aforesaid  is  not  only  in  substance 
exceptionable,  but  insulting  and  affrontive  to  this  town  ;  as 
the  Addressers  first  say  to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  "  In  your 
"  public  administration  we  are  fully  convinced  that  the 
"  general  good  was  the  mark  you  ever  aimed  at,"  (which, 
however,  this  town  could  never  believe,  and  having  been 
fully  convinced  of  the  contrary,  hath  publicly  declared  it.) 
And  then  they  go  on  to  assert,  that  this,  their  sentiment, 
is  likewise  the  opinion  of  all  "  dispassionate  thinking  men 
"  within  the  circle  of  their  observation,  notwithstanding 
"  many  publications  would  have  taught  the  world  to  think 
"  the  contrary."  By  which  paragraph  this  town  con- 
ceives that  the  Addressers  have  plainly  adjudged  all  the 
inhabitants  of  it  who  are  not,  in  this  their  opinion  relative 
to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  to  be  passionate  thoughtless  men  ;  and 
at  least  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  inhabitants  must  fall 
under  this  indecent  censure. 

5th.  That  the  thirty-three  inhabitants  of  this  town  who 
could  publicly  pass  such  an  encomium  on  an  opinion  of 
their  own,  which  appears  to  the  town  both  flattering  and 
absurd,  "  as  that  it  is  likewise  the  opinion  of  all  dispas- 
sionate thinking  men  ;"  who  could  not  only  declare  them- 
selves, and  those,  in  their  opinion,  entitled  to  the  charac- 
ters mentioned,  but  that  no  other  persons  in  the  community 
of  which  they  were  a  part,  were  deserving  of  them  ;  and 
who  could  in  the  public  papere  appear  subscribers  of  such 
a  conduct,  have  exposed  themselves  to  be  censured  by  the 
world  as  persons  in  this  instance  both  vain  and  inattentive. 

6th.  That  the  Addressers  have  needlessly  agitated  tiie 
matter  of  "  fishermen  paying  hospital  money  ;"  which 
being  an  affair  that  nearly  affects  many  considerable  towns 
in  this  Province,  could  not  with  propriety  have  been  taken 
up  so  publicly  by  any  particular  town,  witliout  consulting 
the  other  towns,  as  it  has  been  by  the  Addressers,  and 
without  noticing  an  error  in  the  Address,  Mr.  Hutchinson 
is  told  by  the  signers,  "  that  they  believe  it  is  owing  to 
"  his  representation  of  the  matter  that  we  are  hitherto  free 
"  from  the  burthen."  By  which  clause  the  Government 
of  Great  Britain  may  have  great  reason  to  think  that  a 
demand  of  hospital  money  from  the  fishery  is  expected 
here,  and  should  the  poor  men  who  can  now  scarcely 
support  themselves  and  families  alive  by  fishing,  have  an 


increased  burthen  of  hospital  money  brought  upon  them 
hereafter,  they  may  have  great  reason  to  condemn  this 
impudent  measure  of  the  Addressers.  This  town  cannot 
but  express,  on  the  present  occasion,  a  great  satisfaction  at 
the  unanimity  wliicii  appears  in  the  collective  body  of 
this  Province  with  respect  to  its  enemies.  The  number 
addressing  Mr.  Hutchinson,  compared  with  the  body  of 
freeholders  in  the  Province,  are  but  as  a  drop  in  the 
bucket.  May  it  continue  to  be  the  fixed  principle  of  the 
latter,  "  that  the  pereons  who  are  declared  by  the  right- 
"  eous  Government  of  a  people  to  be  their  inveterate  ene- 
"  mies,  ought  so  to  be  esteemed  and  treated  by  them  ; 
"  and  may  we  heartily  join  with  our  brethren  in  this  Pro- 
"  vince  in  supporting  the  honour  and  dignity  of  our  Gene- 
"  ral  Assembly,  by  treating  with  neglect  and  contempt 
"  those  persons  who  are  or  may  be  under  just  censures." 

The  preceding  is  a  true  copy  of  a  Declaration  this  day 
unanimously  voted  at  a  legal  meetuig  of  this  town,  and 
published  by  its  order. 

Benjamin  Boden,  Totvn  Clerk. 

Marblehead,  June  3,  1774. 


In   the   Home   of  Representatives   of  the   Province  of 
New-Hampshire. 

Thursday,  May  26,  1774. 
Voted,  That  there  be  allowed  and  paid  unto  the  Ca|> 
tain  General  of  this  Province  for  payment  of  officers,  sol- 
diers, billetting,  firewood,  and  candles,  for  support  of  his 
Majesty's  Fort  ffilliam  and  Mary,  for  one  year,  viz : 
from  the  25th  of  March,  1774,  to  the  25th  of  March, 
1775,  the  sum  of  two  hundred  pounds  lawful  money,  to 
be  paid  in  four  quarterly  payments,  out  of  the  money 
that  is  or  shall  be  in  the  Treasury,  with  advice  of  Council. 
Sent  up  by  Mr.  Jenness. 

Friday,  May  27,  1774. 

The  Secretary  brought  from  the  Board  the  vote  for  an 
allowance  for  Fort  William  and  Mary,  with  a  verbal  mes- 
sage from  his  Excellency  that  he  thought  the  allowance 
insufficient,  and  desired  some  alteration  might  be  made  by 
allowing  a  larger  sum,  or  appointing  a  number  of  soldiers 
sufficient,  with  proper  allowance. 

The  House  took  into  consideration  the  Message  from 
the  Governour  by  the  Secretary,  and  came  to  the  following 
vote,  viz : 

Voted,  That  his  Excellency  the  Captain  General  be 
desired  to  give  orders  for  the  enlisting  three  men,  to  be 
posted  at  his  Majesty's  Fort  William  and  Mary,  for  one 
year,  commencing  the  25th  day  of  March,  1774,  under 
such  officer  as  he  shall  appoint ;  the  pay  of  the  officer  to 
be  three  pounds  per  month,  and  each  private  twenty-five 
shillings  per  month,  and  five  shillings  per  week  for  billetting, 
and  that  there  be  allowed  thirty  cords  of  wood  for  the  use 
of  the  Fort  for  the  said  year,  to  be  paid  out  of  the  money 
in  the  Treasury  when  the  muster  roll  shall  be  allowed  by 
the  General  Assembly. 

Sent  up  by  Colonel  Folsom  and  Captain  Waldron, 

Friday,  P.  M.,  May  27,  1774. 
Mr.  Secretary  and  Mr.  Warner  came  from  the  Board 
with  the  vote  for  soldiers  for  the  Fort,  and  observed  that  it 
was  insufficient,  which  he  took  notice  of  in  sundry  particu- 
lars, and  left  the  vote  for  tiie  consideration  of  the  House  ; 
also  a  written  Message  from  his  Excellency,  viz  : 

Mr.  Speaker  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Assembly  : 

The  vote  of  Assembly  for  the  support  of  his  Majesty's 
Castle  William  and  Mary,  dated  this  day,  appears  to  me 
to  be  so  inadeiiuate,  tliat  it  is  my  duty  to  inform  the 
Assembly  that  I  do  not  think  it  safe  to  entrust  so  important 
a  fortress  to  the  care  and  defence  of  three  men  and  one 
officer.  Also  that  the  wages,  billetting  and  fuel  mentioned 
in  said  vote,  will  by  no  means  engage  able  men  in  the  ser- 
vice proposed,  more  especially  as  the  money  for  the  whole 
is  to  be  paid  when  the  muster  roll  shall  be  allowed,  which 
necessarily  implies  an  advance,  the  issue  whereof  is  not 
provided.  I  therefore  earnestly  recommend  to  the  Hon- 
ourable Assembly  to  make  such  provision  for  the  support 
of  the  Castle  aforesaid,  as  may  enable  me  to  carry  into 
execution  the  intention  of  the  grant. 

J.  Wentworth. 

Council  Chamber,  New-Hampshire,  May  27,  1774. 


set 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  k.c.,  MAY,  1774. 


362 


Saturday,  May  28,  1774. 
Voted,  That  the  Honourable  John  fVenttvorth,  Esquire, 
of  this  House,  Samuel  Cutis,  John  Gedcling,  Clement 
March,  Joiiah  Barlktt,  Henry  Prescott,  and  John  FicJc- 
erins;,  Esquires,  be  a  Committee  of  this  House  to  corres- 
pond, as  occasion  may  recjuire,  with  the  Committees  that 
are  or  may  be  appointed  by  tlie  several  Houses  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  our  sister  Colonies,  and  to  exhibit  to  this 
House  an  account  of  such  their  proceedings  when  required. 

The  House  taking  into  consideration  the  many  and  great 
difficulties  that  have  arisen,  and  still  subsist,  between  our 
parent  country  and  the  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  and  in 
particular  the  present  distressing  circumstances  of  the  town 
of  Boston,  came  to  the  following  Resolution,  viz  : 

Resolved  and  Voted,  That  the  Speaker  of  this  House 
be  directed  to  answer  such  Letters,  from  time  to  time,  as 
he  may  receive  from  any  of  the  Houses  of  our  sister 
Colonies  relative  to  the  aforesaid  difficulties,  and  to  assure 
them  that  this  House  is  ready  to  join  in  all  salutary  mea- 
sures that  may  be  adopted  by  them  at  this  important  crisis, 
for  saving  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  Americans,  and 
promoting  harmony  with  the  parent  State. 

Voted,  That  his  Excellency,  the  Captain  General,  be 
desired  to  give  orders  for  enlisting  five  men,  to  be  posted 
at  his  Majesty's  Fort  William,  and  Mary,  from  the  25th  of 
March,  1774,  until  the  25th  of  March,  1775,  under  such 
officer  as  he  shall  be  pleased  to  appoint ;  and  the  pay  of 
the  officer  shall  be  three  pounds  lawful  money  per  month, 
and  five  shillings  lawful  money  per  week  for  billetting,  to 
be  paid  quarterly  by  warrant  I'rom  his  Excellency  on  the 
Treasurer.  The  muster  roll  to  be  adjusted,  and  allowed 
by  the  General  Assembly.  And  that  there  be  thirty  cords 
of  firewood  allowed,  and  paid  for  out  of  the  Treasury,  for 
the  use  of  the  aforesaid  officer  and  soldiers  during  said  time. 


by  the  outrage  of  the  people,  we  acknowledge  to  be  just ; 
and  though  we  have  ever  disavowed,  and  do  now  solemnly 
bear  our  testimony  against  such  lawless  proceedings,  yet, 
considering  ourselves  as  members  of  tiie  same  community, 
we  are  fully  disposed  to  bear  our  proportions  of  those 
damages  whenever  the  sum  and  the  manner  of  laying  it 
can  be  ascertained.  We  earnestly  request  that  you,  sir, 
who  know  our  condition,  and  have  at  all  times  displayed 
the  most  benevolent  disposition  towards  us,  will,  on  your 
arrival  in  England,  interest  yourself  in  our  behalf,  and 
make  such  favourable  representations  of  our  case,  as  that 
we  may  hope  to  obtain  speedy  and  effectual  relief. 

May  you  enjoy  a  pleasant  passage  to  England,  and 
under  all  the  mortifications  you  have  patiently  endured, 
may  you  possess  the  inward  and  consolatory  testimonies  of 
having  discharged  your  trust  with  fidelity  and  honour,  and 
receive  those  distinguishing  marks  of  his  Majesty's  royal 
approbation  and  favour,  as  may  enable  )'ou  to  pass  the 
remainder  of  your  life  in  quietness  and  ease,  and  preserve 
your  name  with  honour  to  posterity. 
Boston,  May  28,  1774. 


ADDRESS    OF    MERCHANTS    AND    OTHERS,     OF    BOSTON,    TO 
GOVERNOUR    HUTCHINSOiV. 

To  Governour  Hutchinson  : 

Sir:  We,  Merchants  and  Traders  of  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, and  others,  do  now  wait  on  you,  in  the  most  respectful 
manner,  before  your  departure  for  England,  to  testify,  for 
ourselves,  the  entire  satisfaction  we  feel  at  your  wise,  zeal- 
ous, and  faithful  administration,  during  the  few  years  that 
you  have  presided  at  the  head  of  this  Province.  Had 
your  success  been  equal  to  your  endeavours,  and  to  the 
warmest  wishes  of  your  heart,  we  cannot  doubt  that  many 
of  the  evils  under  which  we  now  suffer,  would  have  been 
averted,  and  that  tranquillity  would  have  been  restored  to 
this  long  divided  Province ;  but  we  assure  ourselves,  that 
the  want  of  success  in  those  endeavours  will  not  abate  your 
good  wishes  when  removed  from  us,  or  your  earnest  exer- 
tions still,  on  every  occasion,  to  serve  the  true  interest  of 
this  your  native  country. 

While  we  lament  the  loss  of  so  good  a  Governour,  we 
are  greatly  relieved  that  his  Majesty,  in  his  gracious  favour, 
hatii  appointed  as  your  successor  a  gentleman,  who,  having 
distinguished  himself  in  the  long  command  he  hath  held  in 
another  department,  gives  us  the  most  favourable  prepos- 
session of  his  future  administration. 

We  greatly  deplore  the  calamities  that  are  impending, 
and  will  soon  fall  on  this  metropolis,  by  the  operation  of  a 
late  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  port  on  the  first 
of  next  month.  You  cannot  but  be  sensible,  sir,  of  the 
numberless  evils  that  will  ensue  to  the  Province  in  general, 
and  the  miseries  and  distresses  into  which  it  will  particu- 
lariy  involve  this  town  in  the  course  of  a  few  months. 
Without  meaning  to  arraign  the  justice  of  the  British 
Parliament,  we  could  humbly  wish  that  this  Act  had  been 
couched  with  less  rigour,  and  that  the  execution  of  it  had 
been  delayed  to  a  more  distant  time,  that  the  people  might 
have  had  the  alternative,  either  to  have  complied  with  the 
conditions  therein  set  forth,  or  to  have  submitted  to  the 
consequent  evils  on  refusal ;  but,  as  it  now  stands,  all  choice 
is  precluded,  and  however  disposed  to  compliance  or  con- 
cession the  people  may  be,  they  must  unavoidably  suffer 
very  great  calamities  before  they  can  receive  relief. 
Making  restitution  for  damage  done  to  the  property  of  the 
East  India  Company,  or  to  the  property  of  any  individual. 


William  Blair, 
James  Selkrig, 
Archibald  Wilson, 
Jeremiah  Greene, 
Samuel  H.  Sparhawk, 
Joseph  Turin, 
Roberts  &  Co. 
Jolm  Greenlaw, 
Benjamin  Clark, 
William  McAlphine, 
Jonathan  Snelling, 
James  Hall, 
Williiim  Dickson, 
John  Winslow,  Jun., 
Theophilus  Lillie, 
Miles  Whitworth, 
Jamas  McEweu, 
William  Codner, 
Diniol  Silsby, 
William  Cazneau, 
Jamss  Forrest, 
Edward  Cox, 
John  Berry, 
Richard  Hirons, 
Ziphion  Thayer, 
John  Joy, 
Joseph  Goldthwait, 
Samuel  Prince, 
Jonatlian  Simpson, 
James  Boutineau, 
Nathaniel  Hatch, 
Martin  Gay, 
Joseph  Scott, 
Samuel  Minot, 
Benjamin  M.  Holmes, 
Archibald  McNiel, 
John  Winslow, 
Isaac  Wmslow,  Jan., 
Thomas  Oliver, 
Henry  Lloyd, 
Benjamin  Davis, 


Isaac  Winslow, 
Lewis  Deblois, 
Thomas  Aylwin, 
William  Bowes, 
Gregory  Townsond, 
Francis  Greene, 
Philip  Dumaresq, 
Harrison  Gray, 
Peter  Johonnot, 
George  Irving, 
Joseph  Green, 
John  Vassall, 
Nathaniel  Coffin, 
James  Perkins, 
John  White, 
Robert  Jarvis, 
William  Perry, 
J.  and  P.  McMasters, 
William  Coffin, 
Simeon  Sto<ldard,  Jun. 
John  Powell, 
Henry  Laughton, 
Eliphalet  Pond, 
M.  B.  Goldthwait, 
Peter  Hughes, 
Samuel  Hughes, 
John  Semple, 
Hopestill  Capen, 
Edward  King, 
Byfield  Lyde, 
George  Lyde, 
A.  F.  Phillips, 
Rufus  Greene, 
David  Phipps, 
Richard  Smith, 
George  Spooner, 
George  Leonard, 
John  Borland, 
Joshua  Loring,  Jun., 
William  Jackson, 
James  Anderson, 


David  Mitchelson, 
Abraham  Savage, 
James  Asby, 
John  Inman, 
John  Coffin, 
Thomas  Knight, 
Benjamin  Greene,  Jr., 
David  Greene, 
Benjamin  Greene, 
Henry  H.  Williams, 
James  Warden, 
Nathaniel  Coffin,  Jun., 
Sylvester  Gardiner, 
John  S.  Copley, 
Edward  Foster, 
Colbourn  Barrel!, 
Nathaniel  Greenwood, 
William  Burton, 
John  Timmins, 
William  Taylor, 
Thomas  Brinlcy, 
Harrison  Gray,  Jun., 
Jolm  Taylor, 
Gilbert  Deblois 
Joshua  Winslow, 
Daniel  Hubbard, 
Hugh  Tarbett, 
Henry  Lyddel, 
Nathaniel  Cary, 
George  Brinley, 
Richard  Lechmere. 
John  Ervmg,  Jun., 
Thomas  Gray, 
George  Bethunc, 
Thomas  Apthorp, 
Ezekiel  Goldthwait, 
Benjamin  Gridley, 
John  Atkinson, 
Ebenezer  Bridgham, 
John  Gore, 
Adino  Paddock. 


To  which  his  late  Excellency  uas  pleased  to  return  the 

following  Answer  : 

Gentlemen  :  You  may  be  assured  that  I  have  nothing 
so  much  at  heart  as  to  contribute  to  the  relief  of  my  country 
in  general,  and  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular,  from 
the  distresses  which  you  have  described  so  fully  in  your 
Address  to  me. 

Your  persons  and  characters  are  so  well  known  to  me, 
that  I  am  sure  you  wish  to  do  what  may  be  necessary  on 
your  part,  and  your  sentiments  declared  in  this  open  man- 
ner, totrether  with  your  known  disposition  to  promote 
peace  and  good  order  in  the  Government,  will,  I  flatter 
myself,  have  a  tendency  to  facilitate  the  success  of  my 
endeavours. 

1  entirely  agree  with  you  in  your  just  sentiments  of  his 
Excellency  the  present  Governour,  whose  administration  I 
hope  you  will  strive  to  make  easy  to  himself,  as  well  as 
prosperous  to  the  Province.  I  thank  you  for  so  warm, 
affectionate,  and  respectful  an  Address. 


Boston,  Tuesday,  21tli  May,  1774, 
Protest   of   the   Merchants   and    Traders   o/   Boston, 

unanimously  voted  at  a  very  full  meeting  this  day. 

Whereas  a  paper  called  an  Address  to  Governour 
Hutchinson,  has  been  handed  about  and  signed  in  a  private 
manner  by  sundry  persons,  who  style  themselves  merchants 


363 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  MAY,  1774. 


364 


and  others  of  the  town  of  Boston ;  and  whereas  the 
merchants  and  traders,  duly  notified  and  met,  having;  been 
refused  a  copy  of  said  paper,  althougli  requested  by  their 
Committee,  and  apprehending  said  Address  is  intended  to 
justify  the  administration  of  Mr.  Hutchinson,  wlien  Gover- 
nour  of  this  Province,  we  iiereby  utterly  disclaim  said 
Address,  and  disavow  a  measure  so  clandestinely  con- 
ducted, and  so  injurious  in  its  tendency. 


ADDRESS    PRESENTED    BY  SEVERAL  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE 
LAW  TO  GOVERNOUR  HUTCHINSON. 

To  his  EtceUency  Governour  Hutchinson  : 

Sir  :  A  firm  persuasion  of  your  inviolable  attachment 
to  the  real  interests  of  this  your  native  country,  and  of 
your  constant  readiness,  by  every  service  in  your  power, 
to  promote  its  true  welfare  and  prosperity,  will,  wc  flatter 
ourselves,  render  it  not  improper  in  us.  Banisters  and 
Attorneys  at  Law  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
to  address  your  Excellency  upon  your  removal  from  us, 
with  this  testimonial  of  our  sincere  respect  and  esteem. 

The  various  important  characters  of  Legislator,  Judge, 
and  First  JMagisti'ate,  over  tiiis  Province,  in  which,  by  the 
suffrages  of  your  fellow-subjects,  and  by  the  royal  favour 
of  the  best  of  Kings,  your  great  abilities,  adorned  with  a 
uniform  purity  of  princijile  and  integrity  of  conduct,  have 
been  eminently  distinguished,  must  excite  the  esteem,  and 
demand  the  grateful  acknowledgments  of  every  true  lover 
of  his  country  and  friend  to  virtue. 

The  jiresent  perplexed  state  of  our  public  affairs,  we 
are  sensible,  must  render  your  departure,  far  less  disagree- 
able to  you  than  it  is  to  us.  We  assure  you,  sir,  we  feel 
the  loss ;  but  when,  in  the  amiable  character  of  your  suc- 
cessor, we  view  a  fresh  instance  of  the  paternal  goodness 
of  our  most  gracious  Sovereign — when  we  reflect  on  the 
probability  that  your  presence  at  the  Court  of  Great  Bri- 
tain will  afford  you  an  opportunity  of  employing  your 
interest  more  successfully  for  the  relief  of  this  Province, 
and  particularly  of  the  town  of  Boston,  under  their  present 
distresses,  we  find  a  consolation  which  no  other  human 
source  could  afford.  Permit  us,  sir,  most  earnestly  to 
solicit  the  exertion  of  all  your  distinguished  abilities  in 
favour  of  your  native  town  and  country,  upon  this  truly 
unhappy  and  distressing  occasion. 

VVe  sincerely  wish  you  a  prosperous  voyage,  a  long 
continuation  of  health  and  felicity,  and  the  highest  rewards 
of  the  good  and  faithful. 

We  are,  sir,  with  the  most  cordial  affection,  esteem  and 
respect,  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  very  humble 
sei'vants, 

Robert  Auchmiity,  Andrew  Cazneau,  David  IngersoU, 

Jonathan  Sewall,  Daniel  Leonard,  Jeremiah  D.  Rogers, 

Samuel  Fitch,  John  Lowell,  David  Gorliani, 

Samuel  Quincy,  Daniel  Oliver,  Samuel  Sewall, 

William  Pinchon,  Sampson  S.  Blowers,  John  Spraguo, 

James  Putnam,  Shearjashub  Bourn,  Rufus  Cliandler, 

Benjamin  Gridley,  Daniel  Bliss,  Thomas  Dinforth, 

Abel  Willard,  Samuel  Porter,  Ebenezer  Bradish. 
Boston,  May  29,  1774. 

To  which  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to   return  the 
following  Answer; 

Gentlemen  :  The  relation  to  the  Bar  which  I  stood  in 
for  many  years  together,  makes  this  mark  of  your  affection 
and  esteem  peculiarly  acceptable.  I  feel  the  distress  com- 
ing upon  the  town  of  Boston.  I  am  confident  nothing 
will  be  wanting  on  your  part  which  may  tend  to  promote 
the  free  course  of  law  and  that  peace  and  good  order  in 
government  wliich  seems  to  have  been  made  the  conditions 
of  obtaining  relief  from  this  distress.  You  may  be  assured 
that  nothing  shall  be  wanting  on  my  ])art  which  may  tend 
to  procure  this  relief  as  speedily  and  effectually  as  may  be. 
You  certainly  may  be  happy  under  the  administration  of 
his  Excellency  the  present  Governour,  and  I  have  great 
reason  to  join  with  you  in  a  testimony  to  his  amiable  dis- 
position and  character. 


Duncan,  and  Mr.  Saundtrson,  who  were  sent  down  the 
river  from  Fort  Pitt,  in  order  to  accommodate  matters 
with  the  Shawanese,  are  returned,  but  had  hard  work  to 
get  back.  The  Delawarcs,  who  at  present  seem  to  be 
friends,  had  enough  to  do  tp  save  their  Hves,  and  as  to  the 
poor  traders  down  among  the  Shawanese,  no  person  can 
tell  whether  they  are  dead  or  alive. 

White  Eyes,  on  his  return  to  Fort  Pitt,  said  the  Shaw- 
anese were  for  war,  and  that  forty  odd  of  them  are  at  pre- 
sent out,  intending  a  stroke,  as  is  supposed,  at  some  part  of 
J'irginia.  The  Delawarcs  say  they  will  not  go  to  war ; 
but  there  is  no  dependence  on  them.  We  expect  every 
day  to  hear  of  their  striking  in  some  tjuarter. 

It  is  lamentable  to  see  the  multitudes  of  poor  people  that 
are  hourly  running  down  the  country  ;  such  of  them  as 
stay  are  building  forts.  God  knows  how  it  will  turn  out 
with  them.  We  intend,  as  soon  as  we  hear  of  any  damage 
being  done,  to  erect  fortifications  here.  The  Shaicancse 
themselves  say,  that  they  have  nothing  against  Pennsylva- 
nia, but  only  Virginia;  though  we  may  depend,  as  soon 
as  they  strike  Virginia,  they  will  also  fall  on  us. 


JOIN    OR   DIE 


I" 


The  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of 
Boston,  in  order  to  reduce  its  spirited  inhabitants  to  the 
most  servile  and  mean  compliances  ever  attempted  to  be 
imposed  on  a  free  people,  is  allowed  to  be  infinitely  more 
alarming  and  dangerous  to  our  common  liberties,  than  even 
that  hydra  the  Stamp  Act,  (which  was  defeated  by  our 
firmness  and  union.)  and  must  be  read  with  a  glowing 
indignation  by  every  real  friend  of  freedom  in  Europe  and 
America.  Though  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  intended 
to  be  made  a  victim  to  Ministerial  wrath,  yet  the  insult 
and  indignity  offered  to  our  virtuous  brethren  in  that  capi- 
ta], who  have  so  nobly  stood  as  a  barrier  against  slavery, 
ought  to  be  viewed  in  the  same  odious  light  as  a  direct 
hostile  invasion  of  every  Province  on  the  Continent,  whose 
inhabitants  are  now  loudly  called  upon,  by  interest,  honour 
and  humanity,  to  stand  forth,  with  firmness  and  unanimity, 
for  the  relief,  support  and  animation  of  our  brethren  in  the 
insulted,  besieged  capital  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The 
generals  of  despotism  are  now  drawing  the  lines  of  cir- 
cumvallation  around  our  bulwarks  of  liberty,  and  nothing 
but  unity,  resolution  and  perseverance,  can  save  ourselves 
and  posterity  from  what  is  worse  than  death — slavery ! 
Newport,  Rhode  Island,  May  30,  1774. 


EXTRACT    OF    A    LETTER    RECEIVED    IN    PHILADELPHIA. 
Bedford,  Pennsylvania,  May  30,  1774. 
I  suppose  you  have  heard  of  the  Indians  being  killed 
at  JVIialing.     Since  that  time,  Indian  White  Eyes,  Mr. 


ADDRESS    FROM    THE    MAGISTRATES    OF    THE    COUNTY    OF 
MIDDLESEX  TO  T.  HUTCHINSON,  LATE  GOVERNOUR. 

To  his  Excellency  Governour  Hutchinson  : 

Sir:  The  Magistrates  of  the  county  of  Middlesex,  im- 
pressed W'ith  a  deep  sense  of  the  miseries  and  calamities 
in  which  the  town  of  Boston  and  this  county  will,  espe- 
cially, be  involved,  by  the  operation  of  a  late  Act  of  the 
British  Parliament,  proiiibiting  imports  and  exports  to 
and  from  the  port  of  Boston,  beg  leave  to  address  your 
Excellency  on  this  most  interesting  occasion,  and  to  beseech 
the  exertion  of  those  powers  and  talents  for  its  relief,  of 
which  we  have  so  long  and  so  often  experienced  the  great 
and  beneficial  effects ;  and  we  assure  you,  sir,  that  not- 
withstanding the  popular  delusion,  which  prevails  in  some 
parts  of  this  Province,  your  Excellency's  administration  of 
the  Government  has  ever  appeared  to  us  so  replete  with 
evidence  of  your  sincere  and  uniform  desire  to  promote  its 
best  interests,  as  leaves  us  no  room  to  doubt  your  willing- 
ness to  employ  your  great  abilities,  to  extricate  the  Pro- 
vince from  those  calamities  in  which,  notwithstanding  your 
utmost  endeavours  to  prevent  them,  it  is  now  unhappily 
plunged.  We  can  assure  you,  sir,  tliat  tlie  Magistrates  of 
this  county  have  long  beheld,  with  an  indignant  eye, 
those  riotous  and  tumultuous  proceedings  which  have,  in  so 
great  a  measure  destroyed  public  peace  and  order,  rendered 
the  safety  of  persons  and  property  precarious,  and  drawn 
the  resentment  of  Pariiamcnt  on  this  Province ;  and  that 
none  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  more  ardendy  wish  for  the 
restoration  and  establishment  of  order  and  good  Govern- 
ment, than  we  of  this  loyal  county.  We  hope  and  trust 
that  the  future  conduct  of  this  whole  Province  will  be 


865 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &ic.,  MAY,  1774. 


866 


such,  as  that,  aided  by  your  good  offices  at  the  Ciurt  of 
Great  Britain,  we  may  be  restored  to  liis  Majesty's  favour, 
and  quietly  and  peaceably  enjoy  all  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges to  which  English  Colonists  are  constitutionally  enti- 
tled. And  we  humbly  hope  that  the  policy  of  Great 
Britain  wiW  ever  be  such,  as  shall  induce  them  to  view 
every  desirable  benefit,  which  they  can  rationally  expect  to 
receive  from  their  Colonies,  as  founded  in  the  principles 
of  commerce,  and  not  of  taxation. 

With  the  most  unfeigned  sincerity  we  wish  your  Excel- 
lency a  safe  and  easy  voyage ;  that  you  may  find  that 
favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  King  which  your  long  and  faith- 
full  services  afford  you  the  Ijest  grounds  to  expect  from  a 
wise  and  virtuous  Sovereign  ;  and,  above  all,  that  after 
many  more  years  happily  spent  in  doing  good,  you  may 
finally  receive  the  apjirobation  of  the  King  of  Kings. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  utmost  gratitude, 
and  sincerest  respect,  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and 
very  humble  servants. 

Signed  by  thirty-one  of  the  Magistrates. 
Monday,  May  30,  1774. 

To  which  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  return  the  follow- 
ing Anstucr : 

I  thank  you,  gentlemen,  for  this  honour  done  me  by 
your  Address.  You  may  depend  on  my  improving  every 
favourable  circumstance  in  order  to  obtain  for  the  peo- 
ple of  this  Province,  a  restoration  to  his  Majesty's  favour, 
and  securing  to  them  the  enjoyment  of  all  those  rights  and 
privileges  which  English  Colonists  are  constitutionally 
entitled  to ;  and  I  join  with  you  in  humbly  hoping  that  the 
expectation  of  benefit  from  the  Colonies  to  the  Kingdom 
will  be  founded  on  the  principles  of  commerce,  and  not  of 
taxation. 

This  public  declaration  from  the  Magistrates  of  so  large 
a  county,  of  their  abhorrence  of  those  riotous  and  tumul- 
tuous proceedings  which  have  drawn  the  resentment  of 
Parliament  upon  the  Province,  and  of  their  ardent  wishes 
for  the  restoration  and  establishment  of  order  and  good 
Government  will,  I  conceive,  have  a  tendency  to  promote 
the  success  of  ray  endeavours. 

Philadelphia,  May  30,  1774. 
Observing  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  this  day,  a  noti- 
fication, "that  a  number  of  persons,  composed  of  the  mem- 
"  hers  of  all  societies  in  this  city,  met,  and  unanimously 
"  agreed,  that  it  would  be  proper  to  express  their  sym- 
"  pathy  for  their  brethren  at  Boston,  by  suspending  all 
"  business  on  the  first  day  of  the  next  month  ;"*  the 
people  called  Quakers,  though  tenderly  sympathizing  with 
the  distressed,  and  justly  sensible  of  the  value  of  our  religious 
and  civil  rights,  and  that  it  is  our  duty  to  assert  them  in  a 
Christian  spirit,  yet  in  order  to  obviate  any  misapprehen- 

*  It  having  been  suggested  that  tlie  first  day  of  June,  which  will  be  so 
distinguished  an  era  in  the  American  luetory,  when  the  Boston  Port 
Bill  is  to  talce  effjct,  sliould  have  some  particular  notice  taken  of  it,  a 
number  of  persons,  composed  of  the  members  of  all  societies  in  this  city, 
met  and  unanimously  agreed  that  it  would  be  proper  to  express  their  syni. 
pathy  for  their  brethren  at  Boston,  by  suspending  all  business  on  that  day. 
Sucli  a  pause  is  intended,  not  only  to  shew  the  real  concern  we  feel  for 
the  distresses  of  our  brethren  and  fellow.subjects,  but  to  give  an  oppor. 
tunity  of  seriously  reflecting  on  our  own  dangers,  and  the  precarious 
tenure  of  our  most  valuable  rights Philadelphia,  May  30,  1774. 

Tliis  being  the  first  day  of  June,  when  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
of  Boston,  our  brethren  and  fellow.subjects,  suffering  in  the  common 
cause  of  liberty,  are  to  have  tlieir  port  and  harbour  shut  up,  and  to  bo 
excluded  from  all  commercial  intercourse,  except  an  allowance  of 
wood  and  provisions,  just  necessary  to  keep  them  from  perishing  with 
want  and  cold,  in  consequence  of  an  Act  of  Parliament  lately  passed 
for  that  purpose,  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  city,  of  most  denomi. 
nations,  propose  to  express  their  sympathy  and  concern  for  their  dis 
tressed  brethren,  by  suspending  business  on  thin  day,  and  will  be  glad 
of  the  concurrence  of  such  of  their  fellow-citizens  as  approve  of  the 
measure. — June  1. 

Yesterday  we  had  a  pause  in  the  business  of  this  city,  and  a  solemn 
pause  it  indeed  was.  If  we  except  the  Friends,  I  believe  nine-tentlis  of 
the  citizens  shut  up  their  houses.  The  bells  were  rang  muffled  all  the 
day,  and  the  ships  in  the  port  had  their  colours  half  hoisted — June  2. 

Whereas,  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  of  this  day,  it  is  mentioned, 
that  "  on  Wednesday  last,  being  the  day  wlien  the  Act  for  shutting  up 
"  the  port  of  Boston  took  cffbct,  the  bells  of  Christ  Church  were  muffled 
"  and  rang  asobmnpeil,  and  that  the  houses  of  worship  were  crowded," 
&.C.  We  are  desired  by  the  Rector  of  that  Churcli  to  acquaint  the 
public  that  the  bells  were  not  ryng  with  his  knowledge  or  approbation, 
«id  that,  by  his  express  direction,  there  was  no  pirticulnr  observance 
of  that  day  in  either  of  the  Churches  under  his  care.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  established  Churcli  is  restrained  from  any  religious  ol^servanco 
of  days,  except  those  appointed  by  the  Church,  or  the  public  authority 
of  Government. — June  6. 


sions  which  may  arise  concerning  us,  think  it  necessary  to 
declare,  that  no  person  or  persons  were  autiiorized  to 
represent  us  on  this  occasion,  and  if  any  of  our  conmiunity 
have  countenanced  or  encouraged  this  proposal,  they  have 
manifested  great  inattention  to  our  religious  principles  and 
profession,  and  acted  contrary  to  the  rules  of  Christian 
discipline  established  for  the  preservation  of  order  and  good 
government  among  us. 

Signed,  on  behalf  and  at  the  desire  of  the  elders  and 
overseers  of  the  several  meetings  of  our  religious  society 
in  Philadelphia,  and  other  friends  met  on  the  occasion, 
the  30th  of  the  fifth  month,  1774. 

John  Reynell, 
James  Pemberton, 
Samuel  Noble. 


QUEEN    ANNE    (mARYLANd)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  considerable  number  of  the  Magis- 
trates, and  other  the  most  respectable  Inhabitants  of  Queen 
Anne's  County,  at  ^ueenstown  on  the  thirtieth  day  of 
May,  1774,  in  order  to  deliberate  upon  the  tendency  and 
effect  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  port 
and  harbour  of  Boston. 

Duly  considering  and  deeply  affected  with  the  prospect 
of  the  unhappy  situation  of  Great  Britain  and  British 
America,  under  any  kind  of  disunion,  this  meeting  think 
themselves  obliged  by  all  the  ties  which  ever  ought  to 
preserve  a  firm  union  amongst  Americans,  as  speedily  as 
possible  to  make  known  their  sentiments  to  their  distressed 
brethren  of  Boston;  and  therefore  publish  to  the  world  : 

That  they  look  upon  the  cause  of  Boston,  in  its  conse- 
quences to  be  the  common  cause  of  America. 

Tliat  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  port 
and  harbour  of  Boston,  appears  to  them  a  cruel  and 
oppressive  invasion  of  their  natural  rights,  as  men,  and 
constitutional  rights  as  English  subjects,  and  if  not  re- 
pealed, will  be  a  foundation  for  the  utter  destruction  of 
American  freedom. 

That  all  legal  and  constitutional  means  ought  to  be 
used  by  all  America  for  procuring  a  repeal  of  the  said 
Act  of  Parliament. 

That  the  only  effectual  means  of  obtaining  such  repeal, 
they  are  at  present  of  opinion  is  an  Association  inider  the 
strongest  ties,  for  breaking  off  all  connnercial  connections 
with  Great  Britain  until  the  said  Act  of  Parliament  be 
repealed,  and  the  right  assumed  by  Parliament  for  taxing 
America,  in  all  cases  whatsoever  be  given  up,  and  Ameri- 
can freedom  ascertained,  and  settled  upon  a  permanent 
constitutional  foundation. 

That  the  most  practicable  mode  of  forming  such  an 
effectual  Association,  they  conceive  to  be  a  general  meeting 
of  the  gentlemen  who  are  already  or  shall  be  appointed 
Committees  to  form  an  American  intercourse  and  corres- 
pondence upon  this  most  interested  occasion. 

That  in  the  mean  time  they  will  form  such  particular 
Associations  as  to  them  shall  seem  effectual ;  yet  profes- 
sing themselves  ready  to  join  in  any  reasonable  general  one 
that  may  be  desired  as  aforesaid. 

That  these  sentiments  be  immediately  forwarded  to  be 
printed  in  the  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  Gazettes. 

That  Edward  Tilghman,  Solomon  Wright,  Tarbut 
Wright,  John  Brown,  Richard  Tilghman  Enrle,  James 
HoUyday,  Thomas  Wright,  William  Hemsley,  Adam 
Gray,  Clement  Sewell,  Richard  Tilghman,  James  Kent, 
John  Kerr,  James  Bordley,  and  William  Bruff,  be  a  Com- 
mitteee  of  Correspondence  and  Intercourse,  until  some 
alteration  is  made  in  this  appointment  by  a  more  general 
meeting.         Attested  by 

James  Earle,  Cleric  to  Committee. 


BALTIMORE    COUNTY   RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders,  Gentlemen, 
Merchants,  Tradesmen,  and  other  Inhabitants  of  Bn/^imore 
County,  held  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  county,  on 
Tuesday,  the  .31st  of  May,  1774  : 

Captain  Charles  Ridgely,  Chairman. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  the  to^vn  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the  common 


36T 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Stc,  MAY,  1774. 


868 


rause  of  America,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Colony 
in  America  to  unite  in  the  most  effectual  means  to  ohtain  a 
repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the 
harhour  of  Boston.     [Dissentient  three.] 

•id.  Resolved,  That  it  is  tiie  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  if  the  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop 
importations  fiom  and  exportations  to  Great  Britain  and 
tiie  IVest  billies,  until  the  Act  for  blocking  up  the  harbour 
of  Boston  be  repealed,  the  same  may  be  the  means  of  pre- 
serving Sorth  America  in  her  liberties.  [Dissentient  three.] 

:jd.  Resolved,  That,  therefore,  tiie  inhabitants  of  this 
county  will  join  in  an  Association  with  the  several  coimties 
in  this  Province,  and  the  principal  Colonies  in  America,  to 
put  a  stop  to  exports  to  Great  Britain  and  the  Ji'tst 
Indies,  after  the  first  day  of  October  next,  or  such  other 
day  as  may  be  agreed  on,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  the  imports 
from  Great  Britain  after  the  first  day  of  December  next,  or 
sue!)  other  day  as  may  be  agreed  upon,  until  the  said  Act 
sliall  be  repealed,  and  that  such  Association  shall  be  upon 
oath.     [Dissentient  nine.] 

4lh.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of 
this  meeting,  that  as  the  most  effectual  means  of  uniting 
all  parts  of  this  Province  in  such  Association  as  proposed, 
a  I'eneral  Congress  of  Deputies  from  eacli  county  be  held 
at  Amiajyolis  at  such  time  as  may  be  agreed  upon,  and 
that,  if  agreeable  to  the  sense  of  our  sister  Colonies,  Dele- 
gates shall  be  appointed  from  this  Province  to  attend  a 
general  Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  other  Colonies,  at 
.such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  agreed  on,  in  order  to  settle 
and  establish  a  general  plan  of  conduct  for  the  important 
purposes  aforementioned. 

.3th.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  the  inhabitants  of 
tliis  county  will,  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
this  Province  ought  to  break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with 
that  Colony,  Province,  or  town,  which  shall  decline  or 
refuse  to  come  into  similar  resolutions  with  a  majority  of 
the  Colonies. 

^5th.  Resolved,  Tliat  Captain  Charles  Ridgely,  Charles 
Ridgehj,  son  of  John,  Walter  Tolley,  Jun.,  Thomas 
C'Oclcey  Dye,  JVilliam  Lux,  Robert  Alexander,  Samuel 
Purviance,  Jun.,  John  Moale,  Andrew  Buchanan,  and 
George  Risteau,  be  a  Committee  to  attend  a  general 
meeting  at  Annapolis.  And  that  the  same  gentlemen, 
together  with  John  Smith,  Tliomas  Harrison,  William 
Buchanan,  Benjamin  Nicholson,  Thomas  Sollars,  l¥il- 
liam  Smith,  James  Gittings,  Richard  Moale,  Jonathan 
Plowman,  and  William  Spear,  be  a  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence to  receive  and  answer  all  letters,  and  on  any 
emergency  to  call  a  general  meeting,  and  that  any  six  of 
the  number  have  power  to  act. 

7th.  Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  be 
transmitted  to  the  several  counties  of  this  Province, 
directed  to  their  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  be 
also  published  in  the  Maryland  Gazette,  to  evince  to  all 
the  world  the  sense  they  entertain  of  the  invasion  of  their 
constitutional  rights  and  liberties. 

3th.  Resolved,  That  the  Chairman  be  desired  to  return 
the  thanks  of  this  meeting  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  fi'om  Annapolis,  for  their  polite 
personal  attendance  in  consequence  of  an  invitation  by  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Baltimore  town. 

Signed  per  order,  William  Lux,  Clerk. 


UEPUTT  GOVERNOUB  PENN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Philadelphia,  3lst  May,  1774. 

My  Lokb^  I  take  the  opportunity  of  the  Packet  to 
acquaint  your  I>ordship,  that  as  soon  as  the  people  of  Bos- 
ton knew  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  that 
port,  an  express  was  despatched  from  thence  witli  tiie 
intelligence  to  this  city,  with  a  proposal  to  concur  witii 
tlieiTi  in  putting  a  total  stop  to  the  importing  or  exporting 
any  kind  of  goods  whatsoever  until  the  above  Act  should 
he  repealed.  In  consequence  of  this,  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  merchants  and  others  had  a  meeting  at  a  tavern  in 
this  city,  where  I  understand  the  matter  was  taken  into 
consideration  and  debated.  The  only  resolution  that  I  can 
learn  they  came  into  was  to  prefer  a  petition  to  me  to  con- 
vene the  Assembly  on  the  occasion ;  and  I  am  told  a  peti- 
tion has  been  framed  for  that  purpose,  and  is  now  handed 
about  the  town  to  be  signed,  and  will  be  presented  to  me 


in  a  few  days.  Should  so  affrontive  an  application  be 
really  made  to  me,  your  Ix>rdship  may  be  assured  I  shall 
treat  it  as  it  deserves.  I  have,  however,  been  informed, 
that  the  movers  of  this  extraordinary  measure  had  not  the 
most  distant  expectation  of  succeeding  in  it,  but  that  their 
real  scheme  was  to  gain  time  by  it  to  see  what  jiarl  the 
other  Colonies  will  take  in  so  critical  a  conjuncture. 

Should  any  further  steps  be  taken  here  that  may  be 
worthy  your  Lordship's  information,  I  sliall  not  fail  imme- 
diately to  communicate  them.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  inc., 

John  Penn. 


GOVERNOUR    FRANKLIN    TO    THE    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

Burlington,  31st  Miiy,  1774. 

Since  my  last  I  have  received  two  circular  despatches 
from  Mr.  Poumall,  dated  March  10th  and  April  6th, 
enclosing  copies  of  his  Majesty's  Message  to  both  Houses 
of  Parliament  relative  to  the  late  disturbances  in  America, 
their  Resolutions  thereupon,  and  the  Act  of  Parliament 
respecting  the  port  of  Boston.  The  latter  has  been  pub- 
lished in  the  usual  manner,  though  the  people  in  this  Colony 
are  not  concerned  in  carrying  on  any  commerce  with  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

It  is  didicult  as  yet  to  foresee  what  will  be  the  conse- 
quence of  the  Boston  Port  Act.  It  seems  as  if  the  mer- 
chants oi Philadelphia  and  Neio-York,  at  their  late  meet- 
ings, were  inclined  to  assist  or  co-operate  with  those  of 
Boston,  in  some  degree,  but  not  to  carry  matters  so  far  as 
to  enter  into  a  general  non-importation  and  exportation 
agreement,  as  was  proposed  to  them  by  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton, However,  I  believe  it  may  be  depended  upon,  that 
many  of  the  merchants,  on  a  supposition  that  a  non-impor- 
tation agreement  (so  far  as  respects  from  Great  Britain) 
will  be  certainly  entered  into  by  next  autumn,  have  ordered 
a  much  greater  quantity  of  goods  than  common  to  be  sent 
out  by  the  next  fall  ships  from  England. 

A  Congress  of  members  of  the  several  Houses  of 
Assembly  has  been  proposed  in  order  to  agree  upon  some 
measures  on  the  present  occasion  ;  but  whether  tliis  expe- 
dient will  take  place  it  is  as  yet  uncertain.  The  I'ir- 
ginia  Assembly,  some  time  ago,  appointed  a  Committee  of 
Correspondence  to  correspond  with  all  the  other  Assem- 
blies on  the  Continent,  which  example  has  been  followed 
by  every  other  House  of  Representatives.  I  was  in  hopes 
that  the  Assembly  of  this  Province  would  not  have  gone 
into  the  measure  ;  for  though  they  met  on  the  10th  of 
November,  yet  they  avoided  taking  the  matter  into  con- 
sideration, though  frequently  urged  by  some  of  the  mem- 
bers, until  the  8th  of  February,  and  then  I  believe  they 
would  not  have  gone  into  it,  but  that  the  Assembly  of 
New-York  had  just  before  resolved  to  appoint  such  a 
Committee,  and  they  did  not  choose  to  appear  singular. 


GOVERNOUR    GAGE    TO    THE    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

Boston,  31st  M:iy,  1774. 

I  wish  I  had  met  with  a  ready  disposition  to  comply  with 
the  terms  of  the  Act  of  Parliament,  instead  of  a  resolution 
to  ask  assistance  from  tlie  other  Colonies  ;  but  I  don't  find 
there  is  any  inclination  in  the  rest  to  shut  up  their  ports, 
which  was  not  to  be  expected  considering  what  they  before 
suffered  from  their  non-importation  agreements.  If  tliey 
intend,  or  not,  to  take  any  resolutions  in  behalf  of  Boston, 
farther  than  giving  good  words,  is  not  known  here. 

Tiie  violent  party  seems  to  break,  and  people  fall  off 
from  them,  but  no  means  are  yet  adopted  to  comply  with 
the  Act.  The  Assembly  has  sliown  no  disposition  to  begin 
ujwn  it,  but  were  hurrying  the  business  of  supplies  through 
their  House,  to  tlirow  it  off  tliemselves,and  to  avoid  meet- 
ing at  Salem,  by  adjourning  themselves  when  the  supplies 
had  passed  their  House  ;  but  receiving  intelligence  of  their 
designs,  I  adjourned  them,  on  a  sudden,  to  the  7th  of  June, 
and  then  to  meet  at  Salem. 

They,  as  yet,  have  only  presented  me  with  a  petition  to 
proclaim  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  but  as  they  have 
lately  had  a  day  of  the  kind,  according  to  custom,  and  as  I 
saw  no  cause  for  an  extraordinary  day  of  humiliation,  I 
have  judged  it  best  not  to  comply. 


369 


CORRESPOADENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  MAY,  1774. 


370 


I  liad  a  meeting  with  tlie  late  Govemour,  the  Admiral, 
and  Gominissioiiers  of  the  Customs,  on  tlie  subject  of  put- 
ting the  Act  in  force,  in  which,  after  |)utting  some  questions 
to  liie  Attorney  Gunenil,  the  Chief  Justice  being  absent, 
they  ap|)eared  to  aijree  in  tlie  maimer  of  it.  The  officers 
of  the  Customs  remove  to-morrow,  when  I  also  purpose 
to  leave  Boston,  and  the  Admiral  has  stationed  his  ships. 

No  design  has  appeared  of  opposing  the  execution  of 
the  Act,  nor  do  I  see  any  jwssibility  of  doing  it  with  effect; 
but  many  are  impatient  for  the  arrival  of  the  troops,  and  I 
am  told  that  people  will  then  speak  and  act  openly,  which 
they  now  dare  not  do.  General  Hahlimand  took  the 
opportunity  of  a  vessel  in  the  service  to  send  a  detachment 
of  sixty  artillerists,  and  eight  pieces  of  ordnance,  from 
New-York  to  Castle  fVilliam,  which  1  propose  to  encamp 
with  the  troops. 


JOHN    SCOLLAY    TO    ARTHUH    LEE. 

Boston,  May  Slst,  1774. 

Sir  :  Mr.  Adams  informs  me  that  you  kindly  received 
the  letter  1  wrote  you  in  December  last.  This  information 
prompts  me  to  address  you  again.  Letter  writing,  and  on 
politics,  is  not  my  province,  but  sucli  are  the  times,  that 
that  man's  heart  must  be  callous  indeed  that  does  not  feel 
for  his  country,  and  that  does  not  give  it  out  in  every 
way.  In  short,  we  have  all,  from  the  cobbler  up  to  the 
senator,  become  politicians. 

On  the  morrow,  that  Act,  cruel  Act  of  our  parent 
State,  (or,  rather,  hard-hearted  step-mother,)  called  the 
Boston  Port  Bill,  is  to  take  place,  a  Bill  fraught  with 
vengeance  against  this  town.  However,  Lord  North 
will  find  out  himself,  and  that  very  soon,  that  he 
overshot  his  mark.  That  which  he  intended  should 
operate  against  Boston  only,  will  affect  every  town  in  this 
Province.  The  seaport  towns  will  feel  the  operation  of 
tiie  Act,  in  a  degree  as  much  as  Boston,  Boston  being  the 
grand  engine  that  gives  motion  to  all  the  wheels  of  com- 
merce. This  being  stopped,  it  will  sensibly  affect  the 
whole  trade  of  the  Province.  All  the  seaport  towns 
depend  on  this  to  take  off  by  far  die  greatest  part  of  their 
imports  ;  they  cannot  send  a  vessel  to  sea  again  after  her 
return  from  a  voyage,  till  they  send  her  cargo  to  Boston  to 
be  sold.  In  short,  all  the  running  cash  in  the  Province 
centres  in  this  town.  To  this  market  all  the  trading  towns 
repair  with  their  goods  to  make  money  of  them.  Ntivhu- 
ryport,  Marblehead,  and  Salem,  will  most  sensibly  feel  the 
shock,  and  if  the  blockade  continues  long  they  must  haul 
up  their  vessels,  for  no  place  but  Boston  can  take  off  dieir 
cargoes.  It  is  a  most  melancholy  consideration,  that  this 
town,  which  was,  and  is  now,  the  most  flourishing  in  trade 
and  commerce,  must  be  devoted  to  destruction,  and  in  a 
few  days  be  brought  to  the  forlorn  condition  of  a  deserted 
village.  Thousands  that  depend  on  their  daily  labour  for 
support,  must  be  reduced  to  die  greatest  degree  of  distress 
and  want.  However,  they  will  suffer  in  a  good  cause,  and 
that  righteous  Being  who  takes  care  of  the  ravens  who 
cry  unto  him,  will  provide  for  them  and  theirs.  *  *  *  *  * 
******  For  that  purpose  we  have  it  in  contem- 
plation, if  the  blockade  continues  any  length  of  time, 
to  employ  the  poor  in  building  a  horse  bridge  over  Charles 
river,  a  river  ajjout  as  wide  as  the  Thames.  ,  By  this 
bridge,  Charlestown,  a  large  and  opulent  town,  will  be 
joined  to  Boston.  This  bridge  will  greatly  facilitate  the 
intercourse  between  Boston,  Marblehead  and  Salem,  and 
other  trading  towns. 

When  the  news  first  arrived  of  Lord  North^s  pro- 
posing this  Bill  in  Parliament,  it  was  looked  on  as  a  mere 


between  Great  Britain  and  these  Colonies.  This  may 
be  looked  on  as  visionary,  but  I  think  the  crisis  is  near 
when  this  must  take  place,  which  is  the  warmest  wish  of 
every  free-hearted  North  American.  We  have  too  great 
a  regard  for  our  parent  State  (although  cruelly  treated  by 
some  of  her  illegitimate  sons)  to  withdraw  our  connection. 
Of  her  we  have  no  idea  of  an  independency,  and  the 
Colonies  are  too  precious  a  jewel  for  the  Crown  to  part 
with  ;  therefore  1  think  that  the  wisdom  of  the  English 
nation,  and  that  of  the  Colonies  united,  might  fall  on  some 
plan  of  conciliating  their  differences,  and  fix  on  some  prin- 
ciples for  each  party  to  resort  to,  as  the  great  charter  of 
agreement  between  the  King  and  his  Colonies.  Such  an 
event  would  make  the  Colonies  happy,  and  the  British 
nation  great  and  prosperous. 

As  you  will  no  doubt  have  the  particulars  of  these  mat- 
ters handed  to  you  by  some  of  your  friends,  it  will  be 
needless  for  me  to  enlarge. 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  troubling  you  with  this  epistle, 
and  believe  me  to  be,  with  great  regard,  sir,  your  most 
humble  servant,  John  Scollay. 

Arthur  Lee,  Esquire,  London. 


Charlestown,  Soutli  Carolina,  May  31,  177-1. 

This  morning  a  packet  was  received  here,  despatched 
from  on  board  the  brigantine  Sea  Nymi}h,  Captain  Moore, 
from  a  very  respectable  Committee  at  Philadelphia,  en- 
closing letters  from  the  Committees,  and  containing  the 
first  intelligence  of  the  passing  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for 
blockading  of  the  town  of  Boston ;  which,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  indignation  with  which  it  is  every  where 
received,  will  prove  the  crudest  policy  that  ever  disgraced 
a  British  Senate,  and  be  the  very  means  to  perfect  that 
imion  in  America  which  it  was  intended  to  destroy,  and 
finally  restore  the  excellent  constitution  even  of  the  mother 
country  itself". 


A    LETTER    TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    CHARLESTOWN, 
SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Norfolk,  May  31,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  The  occasion  is  too  serious  to  admit  of 
apologies  for  diis  unsolicited  communication  of  our  senti- 
ments to  you,  at  this  alarming  crisis  to  American  freedom  ; 
for  die  time  is  come,  the  unhappy  era  has  arrived,  when 
the  closest  union  among  ourselves,  and  the  firmest  con- 
fidence in  each  other,  are  our  only  securities  for  those 
rights,  which  as  men  and  freemen,  we  derive  from  nature 
and  the  Constitution.  The  late  hostile  Parliamentary  in- 
vasion of  the  town  of  Boston  we  deem  an  attack  upon  the 
liberties  of  us  all.  Of  the  particulars  of  that  unhappy 
transaction,  we  presume,  you  are  already  fully  informed, 
and,  we  doubt  not,  shudder  with  us  at  this  systematic  mode 
of  depriving  the  unrepresented  American  of  his  rights  and 
possessions,  and  vesting  the  Crown  widi  such  despotic 
power  over  the  free-born  inhabitants  of  the  capital  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay.  What  measures  are  most  proper  to 
be  adopted  on  this  sad  occasion  we  are  at  a  loss  to  point 
out ;  but  we  look  to  the  wisdom  of  your  city,  in  cunjunc- 
tion  with  the  other  large  commercial  towns  on  this  Conti- 
nent, to  take  more  immediately  the  lead  in  these  important 
matters,  and  to  fix  upon  such  expedients  in  the  regulation 
of  trade,  as  may  be  most  productive  of  relief  to  our  suffer- 
ing bretliren  of  Boston,  and  the  general  establishment  of 
the  rights  of  these  Colonies.  And  you  may  rest  assured 
that  in  every  measure  conducive  to  this  grand  Continental 
object,  you  will  always  meet  with  our  most  hearty  concur- 
rence.    We  are  under  great  apprehensions  for  the  peojile 


hum.     Peojile  could   not  tiiink  that  a  British  House  of    of  Boston,  least  they  may  sink  under  the  weight  of  their 


Commons  would  be  so  infatuated  as  to  pass  such  a  Bill, 
to  punish  a  whole  town  for  a  trespass  that  was  com- 
mitted in  it  by  nobody  knows  who,  and  to  carry  it  into 
execution  witliout  giving  the  town  an  opportunity  to  answer 
to  the  charge,  is  an  unheard  of  proceeding.  Ahhough  it 
was  designed  this  town  sliould  be  ruined,  yet  I  doubt  not 
but  that  it  will  finally  end  in  great  good,  not  only  to  this 
town,  but  to  all  the  Colonies.  1  believe,  by  this  manage- 
ment, his  Lordship's  fabric,  wiiich  cost  him  so  much 
laijour,  and  afforded  him  so  much  delight,  will  be  demolish- 
ed, and  instead  of  despotism  and  tyranny  over  the  Colo- 
nies, a  foundation  will  be  laid  for  lasting  peace  and  harmony 

Fourth  Series. 


misfortunes.  And  at  the  same  time  that  we  highly  approve 
of  the  expediency  of  a  Congress,  as  proposed  by  several 
of  the  Colonies,  we  think  the  trading  pait  of  the  commu- 
nity ought  particularly  to  interfere;  for  nothing  but  the 
most  speedy  and  efficacious  measures  can  relieve  them ; 
and  if  after  all,  dicre  should  be  found  an  unhappy  neces- 
sity to  reimburse  the  India  Company  for  that  just  punish- 
ment they  received  for  their  ungenerous  attempts  on  our 
liberties,  we  trust  there  is  no  inhabitant  of  these  Colonies 
who  feels  and  thinks  himself  a  freeman,  but  will  cheerfully 
put  his  hand  to  his  purse,  and  join  in  the  general  expense. 
Enclosed  we  transmit  you  the  proceedings  of  the  inha- 


24 


87i 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


372 


bitants  of  the  borougli  of  Norfolk  and  town  of  Porismoutk, 
o^ether  witli  tlie  letters  and  otlier  papers  from  Boston, 
Philadelphia,  and  Baltimore,  as  also  cojjies  of  the  resolu- 
tions and  other  proceedings  of  the  Members  of  our  late 
House  of  Burgesses,  both  before  and  after  their  dissolution. 
We  hope  to  be  able  to  inform  you  more  particularly  of  the 
collected  sense  of  the  trade  of  this  Colony  at  the  general 
meeting  of  the  merchants  next  week  at  fVilliamsburg, 
wiien  we  expect  furtiier  despatches  from  the  Nortinvard. 
We  hope  the  favour  of  a  free  and  full  communication  of 
your  sentiments  on  this  important  occasion,  and  trust  that 
your  flourishing  and  respectable  Province  will  still  continue 
their  generous  endeavours  for  the  establisliment  of  the 
rights  of  the  Colonies,  that  the  opposition  of  all  America 
may  be  as  extensive  as  the  oppression. 

With  the  warmest  attachment  to  the  interest  of  the 
Colonies,  we  are,  gentlemen,  most  respectfidly,  your  most 
obedient  iiumble  servants, 

Thomas  Newton,  Jun.,  John  Greenwood, 
Joseph  Hutchings,        Alexander  Skinner, 
Pall  Loyall,  William  Harvey, 

Alexander  Love,  Niel  Jamieson. 

jSamuel  Inglis, 


-THE    committee    OF    NORFOLK  AND  PORTSMOUTH  TO  THE 
BALTIMORE  COMMITTEE   OF  CORRESPONDENCE. 

Norfolk,  Juue  2,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  We  ackno\vledge  the  receipt  of  your 
interesting  favour,  and  hope  you  will  still  continue  to  com- 
municate your  sentiments  to  us  on  tlie  important  subject 
,of  your  letter,  in  the  freest  and  fullest  manner.  We  are 
happy  in  so  general  a  concurrence  in  opinion  with  you, 
and  are  ready  to  unite  in  any  njeasures  that  may  be  gene- 
rally tliought  for  (the  advantage  of  the  Colonies^  and  the 
jelief  of  our  unhappy  bi-ethren  ol"  Boston.  We  sympa- 
thize most  sincerely  with  them  in  their  sufferings ;  our 
hearts  are  warjnjed  with  affection  for  them ;  and  we  tmst 
•they  will  never  be  deserted,  nor  Jeft  the  solitary  strugglers 
against  arbitrary  power.  The  Act  for  hlocking  up  their 
harbour  and  stopping  their  trade,  and  the  Bill  for  altering 
.and  amending  the  Charter  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  which  Lord  North  iias  lately  brought  into, the  House 
of  Connnons,  we  view  as  fatal  strokes  -to  the  Jiberties  of 
itliese  Colonies,  and  as  a  public  robbery  of  our  rights :;  but 
we  rest  with  a  fii'm  assurance  that  the  paHry  policy^  of 
attacking  a  town  or  a  Province  singly,  will  nejver  so  un- 
happily delude,  as  to  disunite  us  from  that  joint,  6rm  and 
.universid  opposition  of  all  British  America,  which,  w,e 
trust,  will  ajways  render  abortive  every  such  piemicians 
measure. 

As  we  have  had  occasion  to  write  to  South  Carolina, 
.previous  to  this,  our  earliest  opportunity  of  answering  yoiu- 
Javour,  we  Iransmit  you  a  copy  of  that  letter,  which  you 
may  please  to  communicate  as  you  think  proper.  You 
have  also  enclosed,  some  other  papers,  froiy  which  you 
will  be  fuliy  sensible  that  we  are  ;:eady  jto  join  in  a»y 
measures  for  the  public  good. 

We  are  with  great  esteem  ^nd  regard,  gentiemeB,  your 
jiiost  obedient,  hiiimble  servairts, 

Joseph  Hutchings,         Paul  Loyall, 
Alexander  SkinneHj      Wilijam  Harvey, 
James  Taylor, 


THE  committee    OF    NORFOLK    AND    PORTSMOUTH  TO  THE 

iJOSTON  COMMITTEE. 

Norfolk,  June  3,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  We  gladly  take  this  first  opportunity  of 
assuring  our  brethren  of  Boston,  on  this  melancholy  occa^ 
sion,  that  we  are  not  indifferent  sijectators  of  their  distres.- 
sing  situation,  under  the  present  cruel  .extortion  of  British 
power,  to  support  an  edict  cakujated  to  ruiij  their  trade, 
^nd  for  ever  subject  a  very  considerable  propjBrty  to  the 
arbitrary  pleasure  of  the  Crown ;  our  bosoms  glow  with 
tender  regard  for  you  ;  we  sympathise  with  you  in  youi- 
sufferini's ;  and  thought  it  our  duty  devoutly  to  observe 
the  appointment  of  the  first  of  June  as  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer,  solemnly  to  address  the  Almighty  Ruler  to 
support  you  in  your  afflictions,  and  to  remove  from  our 
Sovereign  those  pernicious  Counsellors  tljaf  hgiye  been  the 


wicked  instruments  of  your  oppression.  Be  assured,  we 
consider  you  as  suffering  in  the  conuDon  cause,  and  look 
upon  oui-selves  as  bound  by  the  most  sacred  and  solemn 
ties  to  support  you  in  every  measure  that  shall  be  found 
necessary  to  regain  your  just  rights  and  privileges. 

As  we  have  had  occasion  to  communicate  our  sentiments 
to  Charhstown  and  Baltimore,  we  refer  you  to  those  let- 
ters, and  the  other  papers  transmitted  to  you ;  and  although 
we  are  not  one  of  the  larger  commercial  towns  on  the 
Continent,  yet,  as  the  trade  is  more  collected  here  than  in 
any  other  place  of  this  well  watered  and  extensive  Domin- 
ion, we  thought  it  our  duty  to  communicate  what  we 
apprehended  to  be  the  sense  of  the  mercantile  part  of  the 
community  among  us. 

That  the  Almighty  arm  may  support  you  and  sliield 
you  in  the  hour  of  danger,  is  the  fervent  prayer  of,  gentle- 
men, your  affectionate  brethren, 

Thomas  Newton,  Jun.,  Henry  Brown, 
Joseph  Hutchings,        Alexander  Skinner, 
Matthew  Phripp,  Thomas  Brown, 

Samuel  Kerr,  Robert  Tayler. 

Robert  Shedden, 


LIEUT.  GOVERNOUR  GOLDEN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

New.  York,  1st  Juno,  1774. 

The  Act  of  Parliament  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston, 
was  brought  to  this  place  by  a  merchant  vessel  a  few  days 
before  I  received  it  from  your  Lordship's  office. 

The  Act  was  immediately  published  in  all  our  newspa- 
pers, and  was  the  subject  of  all  conversation.  I  knew  that 
people  universally  in  this  Colony  had  received  such  ideas 
of  being  taxed  at  the  pleasure  of  Parliament,  that  I  was 
particularly  anxious  upon  this  occasion  to  discover  the  sen- 
timents of  those  who  might  have  most  influence  over 
others,  and  was  assured  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  Council, 
and  others  of  weight  in  the  city,  that  no  means  would  be 
omitted  to  prevent  the  hot-headed  people  taking  any  meas- 
ures that  might  endanger  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the 
Colfflij. 

The  men  who  at  that  time  called  themselves  the  Com- 
mittee., who  dictated  and  acted  in  the  name  of  the  people, 
were  many  of  them  of  the  lower  rank,  and  all  the  warmest 
zealots  of  those  called  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  Tlie  more 
considerable  niereliants  and  citizens  seldom  or  never  appear 
among  them,  but  I  believe  were  not  displeased  with  the 
clamour  and  opposition  that  was  shown  against  internal 
taxation  by  Parliament. 

The  principal  inhabitajits,  being  now  afraid  that  these 
hot-headed  men  might  run  the  city  into  dangerous  meas- 
ures, ap]>eared  in  a  considerable  body  at  tlie  first  meeting 
of  the  people  after  the  Boston  Port  Act  was  published 
bere.  They  dissolved  the  former  Committee,  and  apjxjinted 
a  new  one  of  fifty-one  persons,  in  which  care  was  taken 
to  have  a  number  of  the  most  prudent  and  considerate 
people  of  the  place.  Some  of  them  have  not  before 
joined  the  public  proceedings  of  the  Opposition,  and  were 
induced  to  ajipear  in  what  they  are  sensible  is  an  illegal 
character,  from  a  consideration  that  if  they  did  not,  the 
business  would  be  left  in  the  same  rash  hands  as  before. 

Letters  had  been  received  from  Boston  with  an  invita- 
tion from  that  town  to  the  sister  Colonies,  immediately  to 
come  into  a  resolution  to  refrain  from  any  commerce  with 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  India  Islands,  till  the  Act 
for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston  was  rejiealed.  A 
jjj-inted  handbill  of  this  ))ro^iosal  is  enclosed. 

I  am  informed  that  the  new  Committee,  in  their  answer 
Jo  Boston,  have  given  them  no  reason  to  expect  that  the 
merchants  of  this  place  will  adopt  so  extravagant  a  meas- 
ure., and  people  with  whom  1  converse  assine  me,  that 
they  think  it  cannot  be  brought  about  by  the  \myn  zealous 
advocates  of  opposition.  As  yet  no  resolutions  have  been 
taken  by  the  people  of  this  Cobny,  and  die  cool,  pmdent 
men  will  endeavour  to  keep  measures  in  suspense  till  tliey 
have  an  opportunity  of  adopting  the  best.  I  am  told  they 
have  proposed  that  the  Colonies  be  invited  to  send  Depu- 
ties to  meet  together,  in  order  to  petition  the  King  for 
redress  of  grievances,  and  deliberate  upon  some  plan 
whereby  the  jealousies  between  Great  Britain  and  lier 
Colonies  may  be  removed.    It  is  allowed  by  the  intelligent 


878 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


374 


ainono;  tliem,  that  these  assemblies  of  the  people,  without 
authority  of  Government,  are  illegal,  and  may  be  dangerous, 
but  they  deny  that  they  are  unconstitutional  when  a 
national  grievance  cannot  otherwise  be  removed.  What 
resolutions  \\  ill  be  taken  I  cannot  yet  say.  The  Go^'ern- 
ment  of  this  Province  lias  no  coercive  power  over  these 
assemblies  of  the  people,  but  the  authority  of  the  Magis- 
trates, in  all  other  cases,  is  submitted  to  as  usual. 


MAJOR    GEN.    Hj\X,DIMAND    TO    THE    EARL  OF  DARTMOfTH. 

Extract. 

New- York,  1st  June,  1774. 

I  think  it  my  duty  to  acquaint  your  Lordship  with  the 
apparent  effect  which  the  late  vigorous  measures  adopted 
by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have  made  on  the 
minds  of  the  people  of  this  country  ;  the  few  who  enter- 
tained more  loyal  and  liberal  ideas  of  Government,  are 
now  induced  and  encouraged  to  speak  their  mhids  with 
more  fieedom,  and  fear  not  to  disapprove  the  rash  pro- 
ceedings of  their  countrymen,  blindly  led  by  a  few  hot- 
headed and  designing  men.  This  has  operated  so  far  as 
to  prevent,  hitherto,  the  effect  of  the  resolution  wannly 
urged  by  a  number  of  violent  enthusiasts,  to  shut  up  their 
ports  themselves,  both  here  and  at  Philadelphia,  and  to 
decline  any  importation  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland, 
or  exportation  to  any  of  the  West  India  Islands,  until  the 
Act  against  the  town  of  Boston  should  be  repealed. 

The  more  timid  amongst  them,  actuated  by  self-interest 
and  common  prudence,  have  joined  the  few  who  dared  to 
stand  forth  against  such  outrageous  and  illegal  combinations. 
In  consequence  of  which  the  measure  was  rejected  ;  but  it 
is  to  be  feared  that  the  fire  is  only  smothered  at  present, 
and  might  break  out  anew  unless  the  measures  said  to  be 
adopted  subsequent  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  should  prove 
sufficient  to  restore  the  good  order  and  harmony  so  essen- 
tial to  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  to  assure  the  dependence 
of  the  latter  on  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  and  in  time 
remove  the  prejudices  now  subsisting. 


Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  Committee,  as 
well  as  those  of  other  Provinces  and  Colonies,  laid  before 
them  this  day,  be  fairly  transcribed  by  the  Clerk  in  a  book 
to  be  kept  for  that  purpose. 

Per  order  of  the  Committee, 

Benjamin  Johnston,  Town  Cleric. 


Williamsburg,  June  2,  1774. 

By  advices  from  Fincastle,  we  learn  that  there  has 
been  a  smart  skirmish,  on  the  branches  of  New  River, 
between  a  party  of  white  people,  who  were  out  surveying 
lands,  and  a  number  of  Indians,  whom  they  fell  in  with, 
supposed  to  be  Shawanese.  Our  people  drove  the  Indians 
off,  and  killed  eight  of  them,  with  the  loss  of  eight  men 
and  a  boy  of  their  own  party ;  among  them  the  noted 
Captain  John  Ashby,  who,  in  the  last  war,  brought  the 
first  account  of  General  Braddoclis  defeat  to  this  city 
with  amazing  expedition. 

We  likewise  hear,  that  the  frontier  inhabitants  are  all  in 
motion'  at  the  alarming  behaviour  of  the  Indians,  and 
seem  determined  to  drive  from  among  them  so  cruel  and 
treacherous  an  enemy. 


FREDERICKSBURG    (viRGIXIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Fredericksburg,  in 
the  County  of  Spottsylvania,  and  Colony  of  Virginia, 
at  the  Town  House,  on  Wednesday,  the  first  day  of  June, 
1774: 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this 
meeting  to  concur  in  every  proper  measure  that  may  be 
thought  expedient  by  our  sister  Colonies,  on  this  important 
occasion,  respecting  the  hostile  invasions  of  the  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  town  of  Boston. 

Resolved,  That  IVIessrs.  Fielding  Lewis,  Charles  Dick, 
Charles  Mortimer,  James  Mercer,  Charles  Washington, 
William  Woodford,  James  Duncanson,  William  Porter, 
George  Thornton,  and  Charles  Yates,  be  appointed  a 
Committee  for  tiiis  town  to  correspond  with  the  neighbour- 
ing towns  and  counties  for  the  piupose  of  communicating 
to  each  other,  in  the  most  speedy  manner,  their  sentiments 
on  this  present  interesting  and  alarming  situation  of 
America. 

Resolved,  That  Benjamin  Johnston  be  appointed  Clerk 
to  this  Conunittee. 


II.    TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  BRITISH  COLONIES 
IN    AMERICA. 

Philadelphia,  June  1,  1774. 

Brethren  :  It  is  not  my  design  to  travel  through  all 
the  Ministerial,  manoeuvres  respecting  us  since  the  com- 
mencement of  this  Reign  ;  it  is  not  necessary.  Sufficient, 
I  trust,  it  will  prove,  to  lay  before  you  such  a  series  of  cor- 
respondent facts  as  will  thoroughly  convince  you  that  a 
plan  has  been  deliberately  framed,  and  pertinaciously 
adhered  to,  unchanged  even  by  frequent  changes  of  Minis- 
ters, unchecked  by  any  intervening  gleam  of  humanity,  to 
sacrifice  to  a  passion  for  arbitrary  dominion,  the  universal 
property,  liberty,  safety,  honour,  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  us,  unoffending  yetdevouted  Americans  ;  and  that  every 
man  of  us  is  deeply  interested  in  the  fate  of  our  brethren 
of  Boston. 

If  such  a  series  is  not  laid  before  you,  the  combined 
force  of  wiiich  shall  tear  up  by  the  roots,  and  throw  out  of 
your  bosoms  every  lurking  doubt,  censure  me  as  an  enthu- 
siast, too  violently  warmed  by  a  sense  of  the  injustice 
practised  against  my  beloved  country. 

The  danger  of  a  father's  life  once  racked  words  from  a 
dumb  son.  Worse  tlian  death,  in  my  view,  threatens  our 
common  mother.  Pardon,  therefore,  a  brother's  imper- 
fections. 

Amidst  a  volume  of  institutions  called  regulations,  wrong 
at  first,  corrected  in  other  en-ours,  again  corrected,  still 
requiring  regulation,  and  remaining,  after  all  their  editions, 
if  not  like  Draco's  codes  of  blood,  yet  codes  of  plunder, 
confounding,  by  the  intricacy  and  multiplicity  of  their  inven- 
tions, and  confiscating  for  having  confounded,*  appears  the 
Fourth  of  George  the  Third,  chapter  15th  styled,  "  An 
Act  for  granting  certain  duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and 
Plantations  in  America,"  &ic.  This  was  the  first  comet  of 
this  kind  that  glared  over  these  Colonies  since  their  exist- 
ence. Here  first  we  find  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain 
"  giving  and  granting"  our  money  for  the  express  purpose 
of  "  raising  a  revenue  in  America.'" 

We,  busy  in  guiding  our  ploughs,  felling  our  timber,  or 
sailing  in  the  circuits  of  traffic  prescribed  us,  and  still 
veering  like  bees  to  our  hive,  with  millions  of  our  gains  to 
Great  Britain,  the  centre  of  our  toils  by  land  and  sea, 
poor  harmless  husbandmen  and  traders !  scarce  observed 
the  blow  given  us.  Our  hearts  filled  with  confidence  by 
contemplating  the  pleasing  images  of  her  generous,  distin- 
guished virtues,  from  the  splendour  of  which,  in  our  judg- 
ment, those  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  liid  their  dimi- 
nished heads — suspicion  could  find  no  entrance.  We  saw, 
in  tlie  preamble,  something  of  the  usual  forms  "  for  extend- 
ing and  securing  navigation  and  commerce,"  were  lulled 
into  security,  nor  could  suppose  the  stroke  was  aimed  at 
our  vitals.  An  infant  that  had  tottered  along  a  directed 
walk  in  a  garden,  and  loaded  with  flowers  had  presented 
them  to  a  mother,  would  as  soon  have  expected  to  be 
knocked  down  by  her. 

Not  long  were  we  suffered  to  enjoy  our  tranquillity. 
The  fifth  of  George  the  Third,  chapter  the  12th,  the 
ever  memorable  Stamp  Act  quickly  followed.  By  this, 
reciting  the  former  Act,  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain 
"  gave  and  granted"  duties,  so  called,  of  our  money,  on 
almost  every  piece  of  parchment,  vellum,  or  paper,  to  be 
used  in  these  Colonies,  and  declared  every  instrument  of 
writing  without  a  Stamp  to  be  void.     Tax  gatherere  of  a 

•  "  Omitting  the  immense  increase  of  people,  by  natural  population, 
in  the  more  Northern  Colonics,  and  tlie  migration  from  every  part  of 
Eurupe,  1  am  convinced  the  whole  conuuerciiil  system  of  J«i«icn  may 
be  altered  to  advantage.  You  have  proliibited  where  you  ought  to 
have  encouraged;  and  you  liavo  encouraged  where  you  ought  to  have 
prohibited.  Improper  restraints  have  been  laid  on  the  Contment  m 
favour  of  the  Islands.  You  have  but  two  Nations  to  trade  with  m 
America.  Would  you  had  twenty  '■  Let  Acts  of  Parliament  m  con. 
sequence  of  treaties  remain,  but  let  not  an  English  IMinister  become  a 
Custom  House  officer  for  Spain,  or  for  any  foreign  Power.  Much  in 
wrong,  much  may  be  amended  for  the  general  good  of  the  whole."— 
Mr.  Pitt's  Speech. 


S75 


CORRESPOXDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


376 


new  kind  were  ap))ointed  to  collect  these  duties.  Tlie 
petitions  of  our  Assemblies,  previous  to  its  passing,  on 
notice  received  of  the  design,  asserting  our  rigiits,  and  sup- 
j)licating  a  respect  for  them,  were  treated  with  contempt. 
You  remember  the  tiu)e  and  its  distress.  You  behaved 
as  you  ought.* 

Convinced  that  a  people  who  wish  to  be  free,  must 
resolve  to  be  free,  you  abolished  tiie  "  abominable  thing," 
and  proceeded  in  your  usual  business,  without  any  regard 
to  the  illegal  edict  obtruded  upon  you. 

Permit  me  to  add  two  observations  relating  to  remark- 
able attendants  on  the  taxation  comprised  in  that  Act,  the 
memory  of  which  is  perhaps  grown  faint,  from  length  of 
time,  in  some  minds. 

By  the  statutes  granting  Stamp  Duties  in  England  or 
Great  Britnin,  especial  caution  has  been  taken  that  nothing 
more  should  be  levied  upon  the  subject  under  any  pretence 
whatsoever,  than  the  duties  themselves.  These  words  run 
through  those  Acts,  "  That  the  officers  shall  receive  the 
"  several  duties,  and  stamp  and  mark  the  vellum,  parch- 
'•'  ment,  and  paper,  &c.,  without  any  other  fee  or  rcivard ; 
"  which  stamp  or  mark  shall  be  a  sufiicient  discharge  for 
'•  the  respective  duties,"  &ic.  And  "  the  Commissionei's 
"  shall  take  care  that  the  several  parts  of  the  Kingdom 
"  shall,  from  time  to  time,  be  sufficiently  furnished  witli 
"  vellum,  parchment,  and  paper,  stamped  and  marked  as 
"  is  directed,  to  the  end  that  the  subjects,  he,  may 
"  HAVE  IT  IN  THEIR  ELECTION,  either  to  buy  the  same  of 
"  the  officers  and  jiersons  to  be  employed,  &.C.,  at  the 
"  usual  and  most  common  rates  above  the  said  duties,  or 
'*  to  bring  their  own  vellum,  parchment,  or  paper,  to 
"  be  stamped   or  marked  as  aforesaid. "f 

Was  the  Stamp  Act  for  America  like  other  statutes  ? 
Judge.  By  this  it  is  enacted,  "  That  the  High  Treasurer, 
"  or  any  three  or  more  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  Trea- 
"  sury,  shall  once  in  every  year  set  the  prices,  at  which 
-"  all  sorts  of  stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and  paper,  shall 
"  be  sold,"  Sic. 

The  Stamps  were  kept  in  Ihgland.  Ship  loads  of  "  all 
"  sorts  of  stamped  vellum,  parchment,  and  papers"  were 
sent  over  to  us.  We  had  no  choice,  either  to  take  these 
or  to  carry  other  vellum,  parcliment,  or  paper  to  be  stamp- 
ed. We  must  not  only  have  paid  the  certain  duties  im- 
posed, but  the  uncertain  "  prices"  which  the  Commission- 
ers should  please  to  "  set"  for  the  value  of  their  "  vellum, 
"  parchment,  and  paper ;"  and  "  penalties  and  forfeitures" 
fell  upon  us  every  step  we  took,  without  paying  these  im- 
positions. This  surely  was  not  only  to  be  taxed  by  the 
Parliament,  but  over  again  for  the  same  articles  by  the 
Commissioners. 

Here  some  men,  whose  minds  are  strongly  impressed 
with  ideas  of  equity,  may  ask,  if  it  is  possible  that  even  a 
British  Parliament  should  so  wantonly  degrade  us?  It  is 
as  true  as  that  the  port  of  Boston  is  this  pay  shut  up. 

The  •'  forfeitures  and  |)enalties  thereby  imposed  were  to 
■'*  be  sued  for  and  recovered  in  any  Court  of  Record,  or 
^'  IN  any  Court  ov  Admiralty  or  V  ice  Admiralty, 
"appointed,  or  to  be  appointed,  and  having  jurisdiction  in 
"  the  respective  Colony  where  the  ofTence  should  be  com- 
"  mitted,"  Sic. 

This  was  no  regulation  of  trade.  The  facts,  to  be  tried 
in  any  dispute,  must  have  arisen  on  land — within  the  body 
of  a  county — as  remote  from  Admiralty  jurisdiction  on 
every  constitutional  principle,  as  a  suit  on  a  bond,  or  an 
ejectment  for  a  freehold.  Yet  thus,  by  a  few  lines,  was  the 
inestimable  privilege  of  trial  by  jury  to  be  torn  from  you 
and  your  posterity.  Thus  the  decision  of  the  rights  of 
propertv,  not  in  controversies  between  man  and  man,  on 
the  question  of  "  meum  vcl  tuam,"  where,  though  rung 
by  oppression,  the  wretched  loser  might  draw  a  degree  of 
consolation,  by  reflecting  that  he  had  received  some  consi- 
deration for  the  substance  taken  away  ;  or,  at  least,  that  a 
countryman  gained  his  spoils — but  in  litigations  founded  on 
rigid  forfeitures  and  arbitrary  penalties — was  to  be  referred 
to  the  corrupt  uibuiials  of  single  Judges— appointed  from 

*  "  I  rejoice  that  Ameriea  has  resisted,  Throe  millions  of  people, 
go  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty  aa  voluntarily  to  consent  to  he 
sliivea,  would  have  been  fit  inntfumeiits  to  iijake  slaves  of  the  rest."-.- 
Mr.  Pitt's  Speech, 

t  Fifth  and  sixth  William  and  Mary,  chapter  31  (  (Jjirtjotl}  Oeorgf 
Second,  chapter  19,  and  other  statutes, 


another  country — filled  with  its  prejudices — holding  their 
commissions  during  pleasure — totally  independent  of  you — 
claiming  fees  and  salaries  to  be  paid  out  of  your  money — 
condemned  by  themselves.* 

If  this  be  "  wisdom,"  it  is  not  of  that  kind,  the  "  ways 
whereof  are  jmst  finding  out." 

The  Act,  thus  revoked  by  you,  received  soon  after  a 
formal  repeal  in  Parliament.     This  was  done  by  the  sixth 

•  "  When  the  Jury  have  delivered  in  their  verdict,  and  it  is  recorded 
in  Court,  thoy  are  then  discharged.  And  so  ends  a  trial  by  jury.  A 
trial  which,  besides  the  other  vast  advantages  which  we  have  occa. 
sionally  observed  in  its  progress,  is  also  as  e-xpcditious  and  cheap  as  it  is 
convenient,  equitable,  and  certain  ;  for  a  commission  out  of  C'lianccry, 
or  the  civil  law  courts,  for  exaniinirig  witnesses  in  one  cause,  will  fre- 
quently last  as  long,  and  of  course  bo  full  as  expensive,  iis  tlie  trial  of 
a  hundred  issues  at  nisi  priiiit ;  and  yet  tlie  fact  cannot  be  determined 
by  such  C'ounuissioners  at  all ;  no,  not  till  the  depositions  are  published 
and  read  at  the  hearing  of  the  cause  in  Court. 

"Ui)on  these  accounts  the  trial  by  jury  ever  has  been,  and  I  trust 
ever  will  be,  looked  upon  as  the  glory  of  the  English  law.  And,  if  it 
has  so  great  an  advantage  over  others  in  regulating  civil  property,  how 
much  nmst  that  advantage  be  heightened  when  it  is  a])plicd  to  criminal 
cases !  But  this  we  must  refer  to  the  ensuing  book  of  these  commen- 
taries ;  only  observing  for  tlie  present,  tiiat  it  is  the  most  transcendent 
privilege  which  any  subject  can  enjoy,  or  wish  for,  tliat  he  cannot  be 
affected  either  in  his  property,  his  liberty,  or  his  person,  but  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  twelve  of  his  neighbours  and  equals.  A  Con- 
stitution, that  I  may  venture  to  atiirm  has,  under  Providence,  secured  the 
just  liberties  of  this  nation  for  a  long  succession  of  ages.  And,  therefore, 
a  CL'lelirated  French  writer  (a)  who  concludes,  that  because  Kumr,S'iiaita, 
and  Carthage  have  lost  their  libcrti':?8,  therefore  those  of  England  in 
time  nmst  perish,  should  have  recollected  that  Rome,  Sparta,  and  Car. 
ihage,  at  tho  time  when  their  liberties  were  lost,  were  strangers  to  the 
trial  by  jury. 

"  Great  as  this  culogium  may  seem,  it  is  no  more  than  this  admirable 
Constitution,  when  traced  to  its  principles,  will  be  found  in  sober  rea. 
sou  to  deserve.  Tile  iuipartiul  adiniuistration  of  justice,  which  secures 
both  our  i»erson8  and  our  properties,  is  the  great  end  of  civil  society. 
But  if  that  be  entirely  entrusted  to  the  Magistracy,  a  select  bo<!y  of 
men,  and  those  generally  selected  by  the  Prince,  or  such  as  enjoy  the 
highest  offices  in  the  State,  their  decisions,  in  spite  of  their  own  natu- 
ral integrity,  will  have  frequently  an  involuntary  bias  towards  those 
of  their  own  rank  and  dignity.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  from  human 
nature,  that  the  few  should  be  always  attentive  to  the  interests  and  good 
of  the  many.  On  the  other  hand  if  the  power  of  judictiture  were 
placed  at  random  in  the  hands  of  the  multitude,  tlieir  decisions  would 
be  wild  and  capricious,  and  a  new  rule  of  action  would  be  every  day 
established  in  our  Courts.  It  is  wisely,  therefore,  ordered,  that  the 
principles  and  axioms  of  law,  whicli  are  general  propositions,  flowing 
from  abstracted  reason,  and  not  accommodated  to  times  or  to  men, 
should  be  deposited  in  the  breasts  of  the  Judges,  to  be  occasionally  ap- 
plied to  such  facts  as  come  properly  ascertained  before  them.  For  hero 
partiality  can  have  little  scope ;  the  law  is  well  known,  and  is  tiie  same 
for  all  ranks  and  degrees:  it  follows  as  a  regular  conclusion  from  the 
premises  of  fact  pre-established.  But  in  settling  and  adjusting  a  ques- 
tion of  fact,  when  intrusted  to  any  single  Magistrate,  partiality  and 
injustice  have  an  ample  field  to  range  in  ;  either  by  boldly  asserting 
that  to  be  approved  which  is  not  so,  or,  more  artfully,  by  suppressing 
some  circumstances,  stretching  and  warping  others,  and  distinguishing 
away  the  remainder.  Hero,  ttierofore,  a  competent  number  of  sensible 
and  upright  jurymen,  chosen  by  lot,  from  among  those  of  tlie  middle 
rank,  will  be  found  the  best  investigators  ol'  truth,  and  tlie  surest 
guardians  of  public  justice.  For  the  most  ]>owcrful  individual  in  the 
State  will  be  cautious  of  committing  any  flagrant  invasion  of  another's 
right,  when  he  knows  that  the  f ict  of  his  ojjprfssion  must  be  examined 
and  decided  by  twelve  indiff'erent  men  ;  and  that,  when  once  the  fact 
is  ascertained  the  law  must  of  course  redress  it.  This,  therefore,  pre. 
serves,  in  the  hands  of  the  people  that  share  whicli  they  ought  to  have 
in  the  administration  of  public  justice,  and  prevents  the  encroachments 
of  the  more  powerful  and  wealthy  citizans.  Every  new  tribunal,  erected 
for  the  decision  of  facts,  without  the  intervention  of  a  jury,  (whether 
composed  of  Justices  of  the  Peace,  t'ommissioners  of  the  Revenue, 
Judges  of  a  court  of  conscience,  or  any  other  standing  Magistrates,)  is 
a  step  towards  establishing  aristocracy,  the  most  oppressive  of  absolute 
(xovernmcnts.  The  feodal  system  which,  for  the  sake  of  military  sub- 
ordination, pursued  an  aristoeratical  plan  in  all  its  arr.ingement8  of 
property,  had  been  intolerable  in  times  of  peace,  bud  it  not  been  wisely 
counterpoised  by  that  privilege  so  universally  diffused  through  every 
]>art  of  it,  the  trial  by  the  f.odal  Peers.  And  in  ev^ry  country  on  the 
Continent,  as  the  trial  by  the  Peers  has  been  gradually  disused,  so  the 
nobles  have  increased  in  power,  till  tho  State  has  been  torn  in  j)iecc-s 
by  rival  factions,  and  oligarchy  in  effect  has  been  established,  though 
under  the  shadow  of  regal  Government,  unless  where  the  miserable 
commons  have  taken  shelter  un<ler  an  absolute  monarchy,  the 
lighter  evil  of  the  two.  And  particularly  it  is  a  circumstance  well 
worthy  an  Englishinan's  observation,  that  in  Sweden  the  trial  by 
jury,  that  bulwark  of  Norlliern  liborty,  which  continued  in  its  full 
vigour,  so  lately  as  the  middle  of  the  fast  century,  (h)  is  now  fallen 
into  disuse  ;  (r)  and  that  tlinrj,  though  the  r.'gal  power  is  in  no 
country  so  closely  limited,  yet  the  lib.^rti:'S  of  the  commons  are  extin. 
guished,  and  the '(iovernme'iit  is  degenerated  into  a  mere  ariBtocracy.(rf) 
It  is,  therefore,  upon  tho  whole,  a  duty  which  every  man  owes  to  his  coun- 
try, his  friends,  his  posterity,  and  himself,  to  maintain  to  the  utmost  of 
his  power,  tills  valuable  Constitution  of  all  bis  rights,  to  restore  it  to  its 
ancient  dignity,  if  at  all  impaired  by  the  diff'ereut  value  of  property, 
or  otherwise  deviated  from  its  first  institution  ;  to  amend  it  wherever 
it  is  defective  ;  and,  above  all,  to  guard  with  the  most  jealous  circum. 
spection  against  the  introduction  of  new  and  arbitrary  methods  of  trial, 
which,  under  a  variety  of  jilausible  pretences,  may  in  time  im|)ercepti. 
bly  undermine  this  best  preservative  of  English  liberty." — Blackstone's 
Cum,  3(i  ml,  p.  378,  3cil. 

f»)i#im/«o.Sn.UiU.6.    (h)K'*Wr/or*<!ofParl.  4S7.    (c)  Mod.  Un.  Hilt,  xxxiii,  33. 
•  •  ^  ■   ^'   «""•*"        (dj  siod,  uu,  Ili.t.  xuiii,  17. 


377 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


878 


of  George  tlie  Third,  chapter  the  11th.  Because  it  was 
uiiconstitulional,  as  we  were  not  and  could  not  he  repre- 
sented tliere  ?  No.  Because  it  deprived  "  three  miUions 
"  of  loyal  subjects  of  their  darling  piivilege  of  trial  by 
"jury,  '  tlie  best  preservative  of  Emflish  liberty  ?'  "  No. 
Because  "the  continuance  of  the  Act  would  be  attended 
"  with  many  inconveniences,  and  might  be  productive  of 
"  consequences  greatly  detrimental  to  the  connnercial  in- 
•'  terests  of"   Great  Britain. 

Cool,  guarded  expressions  !  breathing  the  true  spirit  of 
the  modern  philosophy,  so  prevailing  among  the  higher 
ranks  in  that  polished  Kingdom.  How  much  care  to  avoid 
inconveniences  and  detriment  to  their  own  commercial  in- 
terests !  How  sovereign  a  contempt  for  all  the  agonies 
that  bowed  us  down  to  the  earth,  while  indignation,  shame, 
grief,  affection,  veneration,  and  gratitude  combatted  within 
our  breasts !  They  were  advised  to  speak  peace  to  our 
souls,  by  nobly  assigning  an  "  erroneom  principle"  for  the 
repeal.*  No.  The  freedom  of  America  is  the  Carthage 
of  Great  Britain — cletcnda  est.  "  Let  us  repeal  the  Act, 
"  but  never  resign  the  principle  on  which  it  was  founded." 

One  gciicrous  step  tiiey  did  take,  becoming  Britons. 
It  demands  our  acknowledgments  ;  nor  should  we  withhold 
them.  Why  will  they  not  suffer  us  to  thank  them  for 
other  favours? 

The  repealing  Act  spoke  an  indecisive  language,  subject 
to  comments,  that  might  differ  on  different  sides  of  the 
Atlantic.  VVe  migiit  have  been  too  much  agitated  between 
hopes  and  apprehensions.  It  would  have  been  unkind  to 
leave  us  in  such  a  state  of  anxiety.  It  would  have  been 
unworthy  of  a  free  people,  who  were  determined  to  subju- 
gate another  free  people.  "  Parmenio  may  steal  victories, 
Alexander  scorns  it." 

Therefore,  the  same  day,  I  think,  on  which  they  repealed 
the  Stamp  Act,  in  the  next  chapter,  however,  they  can- 
didly  explained  to  us  their  sentiments  and  resolutions,  be- 
yond a  possibility  of  a  mistake  by  the  "  Act  for  the  better 
"  securing  the  dependency  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in 
"  America  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great 
«  Britain." 

'•  Lift  up  thine  eyes  round  about,  and  behold :  all  these 
"  gather  themselves  together,  and  come  to  thee  :  Thou 
"  shalt  SURELY  CLOTHE  thee  with  them  all,  as  with  an 
"  ornament,  and  bind  them  on  thee  as  a  bride  doth." 


Philadelphia,  Juno  1,  1774. 
TO  ALL  THE    ENOLISH  COLONIES   OF  NORTH   AMERICA. 

Remember  the  fable  of  the  bundle  of  sticks  given  by 
the  father  to  his  sons  ;  it  could  not  be  broken  until  it  was 
di.ided.  We  must  stand  or  fall  together.  For  the  Bos- 
ton Port  Act  carries  in  its  principle  and  effects  the  certain, 
if  not  the  immediate  destruction  of  all  the  liberties  of  Ame- 
rica, the  ruin  of  all  our  property,  and  greatly  endangers 
the  safet)'  of  our  persons  ;  its  nature  is  so  malignant,  and 
its  operations  will  be  so  fatal  to  our  whole  tem[)oral  happi- 
ness, that  it  cannot  fail  to  awaken  the  attention  of  all  Ame- 
rica. The  most  deliberate  wisdom,  the  steady  counsel, 
and  firm  resolution  of  America,  never  was,  and  it  is  hardly 
conceivable,  ever  can  be  more  necessary  than  in  this  dread- 
f,il  crisis. 

I  don't  pretend  to  be  able  to  comprehend  all  the  evils, 
or  to  point  out  half  the  consequences  of  that  alarming 
statute  ;  but  a  few  that  occur  appear  to  me  to  deserve  great 
consideration. 

1st.  The  Legislative  power,  by  which  it  was  enacted,  is 
founded  in  a  direct  violation  of  the  most  essential  and  fun- 
damental principle  of  the  English  Constitution,  viz  u  that 
no  Englishman  shall  be  bound  by  any  law  to  which  he  has 
not  consented. 

2d.  Tiie  ordinary  object  of  human  laws,  is  either  the 
attainment  of  some  benefit,  resulting  therefrom,  or  the 
remedy  of  a  mischief.  But  tiiis  is  a  mere  statute  of  ven- 
geance, wreaked  on  the  Bostonians,  for  opposing  the  Par- 
liamentary duty  on  tea,  and  is,  tlierefore,  a  practical  proof 
as  well  as  dreadful  sample  of  the  disposition  of  the  British 
Parliament    to   hurl  mighty  destruction  against    all  who 

•  "  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  beg  leave  to  tell  the  Hou«e  what  is  my 
opinion  ;  it  is,  that  the  Stamp  Act  be  repealed,  absolutely,  totally,  and 
immediately ;  that  the  reason  for  the  repeal  \>e  assi(rnod,  because  it  was 
founded  on  an  erroneous  principle." — Mr.  Pitt's  Upeech. 


oppose  their  impositions,  whenever  it  is  in  their  power  to 
cause  their  resentment  to  be  felt. 

3d.  The  interest  ruined  by  this  Act  of  Parliamentary 
vengeance  is  immense,  'tis  the  trade  and  navigation  of  an 
ancient  metropolis  of  one  of  the  richest  and  oldest  Provin- 
ces of  English  America,  whose  dignity  and  merit  is  second 
to  none  on  this  Continent ;  whose  inhabitants  are  almost 
wholly  of  English  descent;  whose  affections  for  the  Eng- 
lish nation,  and  attachment  to  Hanoverian  succession  have 
been  rapturously  warm  ;  whose  patience  and  perseverance, 
whose  expense  of  lives  and  treasure  in  conniiencin"-  anil 
extending  the  conquests  and  settlements  of  English  Ame- 
rica, all  far  exceed  the  utmost  claim  or  boast  of  any  other 
English  Colony.  But  they  oppose  the  Tea  Duty ,  therelbre 
their  merits  are  forgotten,  their  honour  is  laid  in  the  dust ; 
their  interest,  obtained  by  long  and  painful  industry  to  the 
amount  of  hundreds  of  thousands,  is  ruined  ;  their  traitors 
are  cherished  and  encouraged,  their  humble  and  dutiful 
petitions  are  rejected,  their  claims  of  right,  founded  in 
nature,  in  the  English  Constitution,  and  in  their  Charter, 
under  die  sacred  sanction  of  the  pidjlic  faith,  are  spumed 
ought  of  sight  with  anger  and  contempt. 

4th.  The  txtent  and  operation  of  this  baneful  Act  is 
mostly  confined  to  the  harbour  of  Boston,  and  its  appenda- 
ges, but  its  princi|)le  extends  to  every  inch  of  English 
America.  The  Bostonians  have  as  good  a  rigiit  to  their 
harbour,  their  shipping,  their  wharfs  and  landing  places,  a"! 
they  have  to  their  houses,  gardens,  streets,  commons,  coun- 
try seats,  and  plantations,  and  as  good  a  right  as  the  Philn- 
delphians  have  to  theirs,  and,  therefore,  nothing  can  be 
more  manifest  tiian  this,  viz :  That  the  same  principle, 
the  same  power,  that  can  seize  on  and  wrest  the  one,  can, 
with  equal  right  and  authority,  seize  on  and  wrest  all  the 
others  out  of  the  hands  and  use  of  their  present  proprietors, 
and,  therefore,  it  follows  by  a  consequence,  which  I  dare 
say  the  British  Parliament  don't  mean  to  deny,  that  if  we 
presume  to  op[)ose  any  Act  they  may  make,  however  op- 
pressive and  tyrannical  we  may  deem  it,  or  even  to  affront 
any  peevish  officer  they  may  appoint  over  us,  or  without 
any  of  these,  if  they  should  even  conceit  we  affront  them, 
or  if,  without  even  such  conceit,  they  should  take  it  into 
their  heads  to  exercise  the  absurd  plenitude  of  their  power 
over  us,  I  say,  in  any  of  these  cases,  the  same  Parliamen- 
tary power  which  has  deprived  the  Bostonians  of  their 
harbour,  wharfs,  landing  places,  &.C.,  can,  with  equal 
autliority,  deprive  any  and  every  English  Colony  on  the 
Continent  of  theirs,  and  accordingly  send  a  sufficient  force 
of  ships  and  soldiers  to  stop  every  port  in  them,  and  put 
an  end  to  all  their  navigation  and  trade  ;  and  not  that  only, 
but  drive  them  all  from  tlieir  houses,  streets,  cities,  and 
plantations.  I  appeal  to  the  public  if  these  are  strained 
consequences,  and  if  the  power  that  can  do  the  one  cannot, 
with  equal  right,  do  all  the  rest. 

5th.  This  fatal  Act,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  personal  cove- 
nants and  contracts,  not  only  makes  void  all  bills  of  lading, 
charter  parties,  Stc,  relating  to  vessels  and  cargoes  destined 
to  the  port  of  Boston,  and  which  may  arrive  there  after 
the  first  day  of  June  next ;  but  the  principle  of  this  mani- 
festly extends  to  all  written  contracts  and  covenants  what- 
soever, sealed  or  unsealed  ;  to  all  deeds  of  lands,  mortga- 
ges, indentures,  covenants,  bonds,  hills,  notes,  receipts,  fcc, 
for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  same  power  which  is 
able  to  vacate,  by  sovereign  audiority,  covenants  and  con- 
tracts relative  to  navigation  made  by  private  j)ersons  on 
reasonable  and  lawful  considerations,  can  vacate  also  all 
covenants  and  contracts  relating  to  inland  affairs,  so  that 
if  we  should  happen  to  disapprove  of  the  Tea  Duty,  the 
Boston  Port  Act,  or  any  other  law  the  British  Parliament 
may  see  fit  to  make,  we  may  expect  soon  to  he  visited 
with  a  law  from  them,  vacating  all  our  deeds  of  lands,  in- 
dentures of  servants,  bonds,  &.C.,  empowering  all  our  ser- 
vants to  run  away,  and  every  rascal  that  ])leases  to  enter 
on  our  estates  and  turn  us  out  of  our  houses,  &,c. 

6th.  This  dreadful  extent  of  power  is  claimed  by  the 
British  Parliament,  on  whom  we  have  not  the  least  check, 
and  whose  natural  prejudices  will  ever  induce  them  to  op- 
press us — they  are  not  of  our  appointment,  they  do  not 
hope  for  our  votes,  or  fear  the  loss  of  them  at  a  future 
election;  they  have  no  natural  affection  for  us ;  they  don't 
feel  for  us ;  tiiey  never  expect  to  see  us,  and  therefore  do 
not  court  our  smiles,  or  dread  meeting  our  angry  countenan- 


379 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


380 


ces.  When  they  vote  away  our  money,  tliey  don't,  at  the 
same  time,  jjive  that  of  llieir  own  and  tlicir  best  friends 
witli  it,  but,  on  tlie  contrary,  tiiey  ease  tiiemseives  and  their 
friends  of  liie  whole  burthen  tiiey  lay  on  us,  and,  therefore, 
will  alwiij's  have  strong  inducements  to  make  or  burdens  as 
heavy  as  possible  that  they  may  lighten  tlieir  own.  Indeed, 
in  every  view  of  this  Act,  it  appears  replete  with  horrour, 
ruin,  and  woe,  to  all  America  ;  it  matters  not  where  it  be- 
gins to  operate,  no  Colony  on  the  Continent  is  exempt 
from  its  dreadful  principle,  nor  can  any  one  that  has  a  sea- 
port avoid  its  execution.  But  however  ghostly,  grinning, 
and  death-like  this  awful  threatening  power  lowers  over  us, 
I  doubt  not  there  are  means  left  to  America  to  avoid  its 
effects,  and  virtue  enough  to  induce  every  individual  to 
tiirow  aside  every  little  consideration  and  unite  witii  im- 
moveable firmness  in  the  important  business  of  self-pre- 
ervation. 

We  have  reason  to  think  this  is  tlie  last  effort  of  the 
]K)wer  that  would  oppress  us  ;  if,  it  takes  place  we  are 
undone,  undone  with  our  posterity.  If  we  oppose  and 
avoid  it,  we  may  still  continue  to  enjoy  our  liberties,  and 
jiosterity  will  look  back  to  this  alarming  period,  and  will 
admire  and  boast  tlie  virtue  of  their  ancejtors  that  saved 
them  from  slavery  and  ruin. 


KENT    COUNTY    (maRYI^ANd)    KESOLUTIONS. 

A  numerous  and  very  respectable  Meeting  of  the  Inha- 
bitants of  Ke7H  County,  in  Maryland,  was  held  at  the 
Court  House  in  Chcstertown,  on  Thursday,  the  2d  day  of 
June,  1774,  pursuant  to  public  notice  given  for  that  purpose. 

Thomas  Smith,  Esq.,  was  unanimously  chosen  Chairman. 

And,  after  reading  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking 
np  the  harbour  of  Boston,  and  sundry  letters  and  papers 
received  from  the  Conmiittee  of  Corres|)ondence  at  Anna- 
polis, the  following  gentlemen  were  chosen  to  coirespond 
with  the  Committees  of  the  other  counties  of  tliis  Province, 
and  of  the  Colonies  in  general,  viz:  William  Jiingifohl, 
(Eastern  Neck,)  Robert  Buchanan,  John  Maxwell,  Emory 
iSudler,  Colonel  Bichard  Lloyd,  Colonel  Joseph  Nicholson, 
John  Cadwallader,  Joseph  Nicholson,  Jun.,  Thomas  Ring- 
gold, Thomas  B.  Hands,  Joseph  Earle,  Ezekiel  Foreman, 
James  Anderson,  James  Uynson,  James  Pearce,  and  Isaac 
Spencer,  Esquires,  and  Messrs.  William  Carmichael,  John 
Vorhces,  Donaldson  Yeates,  William  Ringgold,  (  Chester- 
town,)  Eleazer  McComh,  Dr.  John  Scott,  Jeremiah 
Nicols,  Dr.  William  Bordky,  and  Captain  James  Nich- 
olson. 

The  gentlemen  present  then  desired  the  Committee  to 
nominate  a  select  number  of  their  members  to  meet  the 
Committees  from  the  different  counties  in  one  Grand  Pro- 
vincial Connnittee,  at  the  city  of  Annapolis,  on  a  day  there- 
after to  be  appointed,  to  deliberate  on  proper  measures  to  be 
taken  in  conjunction  with  the  other  Colonies,  in  order  to  bring 
about  a  repeal  of  the  above  Act  of  Parliament,  so  destruc- 
tive in  its  consequences  to  the  liberties  of  America  in 
general,  and  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular. 

Tlie  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  for  that  pur- 
pose, viz :  Mr.  Chairman,  Jfilliam  Ringgold,  (Eastern 
Neck,)  Joseph  Nicholson,  Jun.,  Thomas  Ringgold,  and 
Joseph  Earle,  Escjuires,  who  were  directed  to  use  every 
means  in  their  power  to  promote  unanimity  of  counsels,  in 
order  that  a  rational  and  well  concerted  plan  may  be  laid 
down  and  prosecuted  to  attain  the  end  proposed. 

The  gentlemen  of  the  Committee  being  moved  with  the 
most  tender  sym]iathy  for  the  distresses  of  their  suffering 
brethren  of  Boston,  particularly  of  the  labouring  poor,  who 
are  deprived  of  the  means  of  supporting  themselves  and 
families  by  the  operation  of  the  Act  for  blocking  up  their 
harbour,  opened  a  subscription  for  their  relief,  which  in  a 
little  time  was  filled  up  to  a  considerable  amount,  and  is 
left  in  the  hands  of  the  Chairman  to  be  collected  and  ship- 
ped to  them  in  such  articles  of  provisions  as  may  be  most 
wanted,  whenever  it  shall  be  necessary. 

The  Committee  then  adjourned  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Edward  Warrell,  in  the  said  town,  where  their  future 
meetings  are  to  be  held. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Connnittee, 

William  Hall,  Clerk, 


Ettract  of  a  Letter  from  one  of  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Assembly  o/Nkw-Jeksey,  and  one  of  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence,  which  consists  of  nine  members. 
Dated  Jine  2,  1774. 

"  I  returned  yesterday  from  New-Bruns^cick,  where  six 
of  our  Committee  met.  We  answered  the  Boston  letters, 
informing  them  that  we  look  on  New-Jersey  as  eventually 
in  the  same  predicament  with  Boston,  and  that  we  will  do 
every  thing  which  may  be  generally  agreed  on.  We  have 
signed  a  request  to  the  Governour  to  call  the  General  As- 
sembly, to  meet  at  such  time  as  his  Excellency  may  think 
proper,  belbre  the  first  of  August  next.  Our  Committee 
is  well  disposed  in  the  cause  of  American  freedom." 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED   IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

Boston,  June  2,  J  774. 

We  have  been,  for  three  weeks  past,  in  a  general  hurry 
in  business;  most  of  our  navigation  is  gone,  and  by  the  i;3th 
instant  I  do  not  expect  to  see  six  vessels  in  our  harbour. 
One  regiment  of  the  troops  arrived  yesterday,  and  they  arc 
marking  out  the  lines  in  our  Common  to  fix  tents.  How 
many  are  to  be  fixed  here  we  cannot  tell,  and  indeed  we 
can  know  nothing  certain  till  the  operations  take  place. 
Our  Custom  House  Officers  all  take  their  departure  to-day, 
if  they  did  not  set  out  last  night,  to  Plymouth,  (being  in 
this  port,)  to  carry  on  business  there.  Governour  Hutch- 
inson sailed  yesterday  morning  in  Captain  Callahan,  for 
London,  with  his  second  son,  one  of  our  consignees,  and 
a  daugliter.  Governour  Gage  sets  out  from  Cambridge 
this  day,  for  Salem,  to  meet  the  General  Court  there  the 
7th  instant.  Five  gentlemen,  in  their  private  capacity, 
waited  on  him  three  or  four  days  since,  to  know  what  the 
amount  of  the  tea  was,  and  to  whom  they  might  apply ; 
but  they  could  only  obtain  from  him  that  they  would  know, 
but  did  not  say  when.  He  was  much  on  the  reserve  :  but 
from  the  conversation  1  have  had  with  two  of  them,  we 
shall  not  be  able  to  know  any  thing,  with  certainty,  till 
either  this  town,  as  a  town,  or  the  General  Court,  apply  to 
him.  He  sent  a  wTitten  order  to  our  Provincial  Treasurer, 
to  move  the  Province  money  down  to  Salem ;  but  he  re- 
fused complying,  well  knowing  he  could  not  answer  it 
without  the  special  orders  of  the  Assembly.  I  hope  the 
Southern  Governments  will  view  our  case  in  its  true  light, 
which  1  take  to  be  a  besieged  city,  in  which  is  a  gi-eat  diver- 
sity of  opinions  and  interests,  and  in  a  very  little  time  will 
be  the  city  of  a  great  multitude  without  business,  and 
ready  to  break  through  stone  walls  for  subsistence. 


THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOVERNOUR  GAGE. 

Extract. 

Whiteliall,  3d  June,  1774. 

Since  you  left  England  the  Parliament  has  made  a  very 
considerable  progress  in  the  American  business,  and  I  send 
you  herewith,  by  the  King's  connnand,  two  Acts  to  which 
His  Majesty  gave  the  royal  assent  a  tew  days  ago. 

These  Acts  close  the  consideration  of  what  relates  to  tlie 
state  of  your  Government,  and  it  is  hoped  that  they  will 
have  the  good  effect  to  give  vigour  and  activity  to  ci\  il 
authority ;  to  prevent  those  unwarrantable  assemblings  of 
the  peoj)le,  for  factious  purposes,  which  have  been  the 
source  of  so  much  mischief;  and  to  secure  an  impartial 
administration  of  justice  in  all  cases  where  the  authority  of 
this  Kingdom  may  be  in  question. 

The  Act  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  Government  of 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  provides,  that  from 
the  1st  of  August  next,  all  elections  of  the  Council  under 
the  authority  of  the  Charter,  shall  be  void,  and  that,  for 
the  future,  the  Council  shall  be  ap|)ointed  by  the  King. 

In  consequence  of  that  provision,  his  Majesty  has,  with 
the  advice  of  the  Privy  Council,  nominated  thirty-six  per- 
sons, qualified  as  the  Act  directs,  to  be  the  Council  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  from  and  after  tlie  time  limited  for  the 
continuance  of  the  present  Council ;  and  enclosed  herewith, 
I  send  you  his  Majesty's  additional  instruction,  under  the 
sign  manual,  authorizing  and  requiring  you  to  assemble  the 
said  Council,  and  containing  such  further  directions  as  are 
thought  necessary  and  incident  to  this  new  establishment, 


381 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


382 


and  as  correspond  with  the  provisions  of  the  Act  in  relation 
thereto. 

It  would,  periiajis,  iiave  heen  in  some  respects  desirable 
that  it  might  have  been  left  to  the  King's  discretion,  to 
have  directed  that,  in  case  of  tlie  death  or  absence  of  both 
Governour  and  Lieutenant  Governour,  the  administration 
of  Government  should  have  been  devolved  on  the  Seniour 
Counsellor,  as  in  other  Goveniments ;  but  as  tlie  Act  re- 
serves to  the  new  Council  all  the  liberties,  privileges,  and 
immunities  enjoyed  by  the  other,  except  in  cases  provided 
for,  it  is  appreiiended  that  such  direction  cannot  be  given, 
and  for  the  same  reason  it  has  appeared,  at  least  doubtful 
whether  the  Crown  could  delegate  to  you  the  powers  of 
suspension  and  appointment  to  vacancies  pro  tempore,  ex- 
ercised in  the  other  Royal  Governments.  In  this  situation 
it  became  the  more  necessary  that  a  Lieutenant  Governour 
should  be  immediately  appointed ;  and  the  King  having, 
ujion  Mr.  Hutchinson's  reconnuendation,  nominated  Mr. 
Oliver,  of  Cambridge,  to  that  office,  enclosed  I  send  you 
bis  Majesty's  sign  manual,  containing  his  appointment. 

There  is  little  room  to  hope  that  every  one  of  the  per- 
sons whom  his  Majesty  has  appointed  to  be  of  his  Council, 
will  be  induced  to  accept  that  honour,  for  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  every  art  will  be  practised  to  intimidate  and  pre- 
judice. I  trust,  however,  that  the  number  of  those  who 
decline  will  not  be  so  considerable  as  to  involve  you  in  any 
difficulty  on  that  account,  or  to  create  any  embarrassment 
in  the  execution  of  a  measure  upon  which  so  much  de- 
pends. 

Whatever  vacancies  may  be  created  by  any  of  the  pre- 
sent members  refusing  to  act,  ought  to  be  filled  up  as  soon 
as  possible,  and,  therefore,  you  will  transmit  to  me,  by  the 
first  opportunity,  the  names  of  such  persons  as  you  think 
best  qualified  for  that  trust,  and  the  most  likely  to  give 
weight  and  authority  to  the  measures  of  Government ;  tak- 
ing care,  at  the  same  time,  not  to  propose  any  from  whom 
you  have  not  received  assurances  of  their  readiness  to  ac- 
cept the  office. 

It  is  to  be  expected  that  every  artifice  which  has  been 
hitherto  used  with  so  much  success  to  keep  alive  a  spirit 
of  sedition  and  opposition  in  the  people,  will  be  exerted 
on  the  present  occasion  to  entangle  and  embarrass  ;  but 
the  King  trusts  that  by  temper  and  prudence  on  the  one 
hand,  and  by  firmness  and  resolution  on  the  other,  you  will 
be  able  to  surmount  all  the  obstacles  that  can  be  thrown  in 
your  way. 

It  is  impossible  to  foresee  what  those  obstacles  may  be. 
If  the  General  Court  should  happen  to  be  sitting  at  the 
time  when  the  new  constitution  of  the  Council  is  to  take 
place,  every  advantage  will  probably  be  taken  that  such  a 
situation  affords,  to  create  difficulties  and  throw  the  business 
into  perplexity  ;  but  however  that  may  be,  and  whatever 
may  be  urged,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  prorogation  at 
least  will  become  absolutely  necessary,  in  order  to  put  an 
end  to  any  business  that  may  be  depending  before  the  old 
Council.  Perhaps  circumstances  may  require  a  dissolution, 
but  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that,  if  possible,  such  a  mea- 
sure may  be  avoided. 

The  lettei-s  received  from  Mr.  Hutchinson  since  you 
sailed  from  Plymouth,  contain  an  account  of  the  public 
proceedings  down  to  the  5th  of  April,  at  which  time  it 
does  not  appear  that  any  intelligence  had  been  received  in 
the  Province  of  the  steps  that  were  taking  here.  It  was, 
therefore,  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  conduct  and  mea- 
sures of  the  faction  would  be,  as  they  actually  were,  of  the 
same  colour  and  complexion  with  those  they  had  before 
pursued. 

The  impeachment  of  the  Chief  Justice  seems  to  have 
been  the  favourite  object  of  bodi  Council  and  Assembly ; 
but  as  Mr.  Hutchinson  had,  with  equal  firmness  and  dis- 
cretion, defeated  that  measure  by  prorogation,  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary for  me  to  say  more  on  so  extravagant  a  proceeding 
than  that  it  was  altogether  an  unwarrantable  assumption  of 
power,  to  which  that  Government  is  not,  I  conceive, 
either  in  the  nature  or  principles  of  it,  in  any  degree  com- 
petent. 

To  what  further  extravagance  the  people  may  be  driven, 
it  is  difficult  to  say  ;  whatever  violences  are  committed  must 
be  resisted  with  firmness ;  the  constitutional  authority  of 
tliis  Kingdom  over  its  Colonies  must  be  vindicated,  and  its 
laws  obeyed  throughout  the  whole  Empire. 


It  is  not  only  its  dignity  and  reputation,  but  its  power, 
nay,  its  very  existence,  depends  upon  the  present  moment ; 
for  should  those  ideas  of  independence,  which  some  danger- 
ous and  ill-designed  persons  here  are  artfully  endeavouring 
to  instil  into  the  minds  of  the  King's  American  subjects, 
once  take  root,  that  relation  between  this  Kingdom  and  its 
Colonies,  which  is  the  bond  of  peace  and  power,  will  soon 
cease  to  exist,  and  destruction  must  follow  disunion.  It  is 
not  the  mere  claim  of  cxen)ption  from  the  authority  of 
Parliament  in  a  particular  case  that  has  brought  on  the 
present  crisis  ;  it  is  actual  disobedience  and  open  resistance 
that  have  compelled  coercive  measures,  and  I  have  no  lon- 
ger any  other  confidence  in  the  hopes  I  had  entertained 
that  the  public  peace  and  tranquillity  would  he  restored, 
but  that  which  I  derive  from  your  abilities,  and  the  reliance 
I  have  on  your  pnidence,  for  a  wise  and  discreet  exercise 
of  the  authorities  given  to  you  by  the  Acts  which  I  now 
send  you. 

The  powers  contained  in  the  Act  for  the  more  impartial 
administration  of  justice  do,  in  particular,  deserve  your  at- 
tention, for  it  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  a  situation  of 
greater  difficulty  and  delicacy  than  that  which  a  Governour 
would  be  in,  if  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  exercising  his 
discretion  in  the  case  provided  for ;  but  it  is  a  case  I  trust 
that  will  never  occur,  and  I  will  hope  that,  notwithstanding 
all  the  endeavours,  equally  flagitious  and  contemptible,  used 
by  a  few  desperate  men  to  create  in  the  people  ideas  of 
more  general  resistance,  the  thinking  part  of  them  will  be 
awakened  to  such  a  sense  of  their  true  interests,  and  of  the 
miseries  that  await  a  further  continuance  of  these  unhappy 
disputes,  as  to  exert  their  best  endeavours  for  a  preserva- 
tion of  the  public  peace,  and  thereby  give  such  effect  and 
countenance  to  the  civil  authority  as  to  render  any  other 
interposition  than  that  of  tlie  ordinary  Civil  Magistrate  un- 
necessary. 

There  is  another  American  Bill,  for  making  more  effec- 
tual provision  for  quartering  of  his  Majesty's  troops,  that 
has  passed  both  Houses,  and  waits  for  the  Royal  assent, 
which,  although  of  general  purport,  is  founded  principally 
on  a  case  that  occurred  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bny. 

You  will  remember  what  happened  at  Boston  in  1770, 
respecting  the  quartering  of  the  two  regiments  sent  thither 
from  Halifax,  and  the  artifices  used  by  forced  constmc- 
tions  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  to  elude  the  execution  of 
it,  and  to  embarrass  the  King's  service.  In  order,  there- 
fore, to  prevent  the  like  in  future,  the  present  Bill  is  adopted, 
and  enclosed  I  send  you  a  printed  copy  of  it,  hoping  to  be 
able  to  send  the  Act  itself  by  the  first  ship. 


Charlestown,  S.  C,  Juno  4.*  1774. 

America  has  never  seen  a  more  critical  period  than  the 
present.  The  Stamp  Act,  with  all  its  ruinous  conse- 
quences, portended  less  evil  to  this  Continent  than  the 
present  gathering  stomn. 

When  I  consider  the  determined  resolution  of  Parlia- 
ment to  enforce  their  pretended  right  of  internal  taxation, 
and  reflect  that  the  free-born  Colonists,  who  have  extended 
the  British  Empire  over  this  once  savage  land,  will  sooner 
die  than  sun-ender  the  privileges  of  Englishmen,  I  tremble 
for  the  consequences.  My  heated  imagination  anticipates  all 
the  horrours  of  a  civil  war,  and  foresees  these  flourishing 
Provinces  deluged  with  the  unnatural  bloodshed  of  our 
brethren  and  fellow-subjects  In  this  alarming  situation  of 
affairs,  methinks  I  see  every  brow  contracted  into  a  serious 
gloom,  and  every  thinking  man  earnestly  inquiring  "  what 
is  to  be  done." 

Nothing  can  be  entered  upon  by  honest  men,  with  spirit 
and  resolution,  till  they  are  first  convinced  of  the  justice 
of  their  cause.  Let  us  then,  without  prej\idice,  inquire 
whether  the  present  stmggles  of  America  are  defensible  on 
principles  of  equity  ?     If  we  are  wrong,  let  us  with  honour 

»Charlestown,  S.  C.  June  G.  Saturday  last  being  the  King's  birth, 
day,  when  his  Majesty  entered  tlie  thirty.seventh  year  of  his  age,  the 
same  was  observed  here  in  the  usual  way,  i.  e.  the  bells  were  ning-- 
colours  displayed— guns,  at  the  forts,  fired— the  militia  were  reviewed 
—and  his  Itonour,  the  Lieutenant  Governour,  had  company  to  dme 
with  him  in  the  Council  Chamber— but  there  was  not  a  single  house 
illuminated  at  night,  nor  any  other  demonstration  of  joy  ;  the  people 
lamnilins  that  so  good  a  Prince  should  bo  beset  by  a  Ministry  who_ 
seem  to  have  studied  to  alienate,  ratlicr  than  preserve,  the  affections  ot 
his  most  loyiJ  subjects. 


888 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JUNE,  1774. 


384 


give  up  before  force  exacts  a  submission ;  if  we  are  right, 
iet  us  act  like  true  [latriots,  and  lioid  it  out  to  tiie  last,  pre- 
ferring one  liour  of  virtuous  liberty  to  a  whole  eternity  of 
bondage. 

The  original  source  of  contention,  from  which  every 
jiarticular  act  of  op])osition  has  sprinig,  is  reducible  to  tiiis 
simple  question  :  Has  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
a  right  to  tax  America  internally  :  I  presume  they  have 
not.  Two  perfect  rights  can  never  interfere  ;  if  they  have 
a  just  right  to  demand  our  property,  we  cannot  in  justice 
withhold  it ;  and  if  they  have  a  right  to  take  from  us  one 
])enny  without  our  consent,  for  the  same  reason  they  have 
a  right  to  the  whole.  From  which  this  consequence  is 
demonstrably  evident :  that  we  have  no  property  at  all, 
but  are  the  vassals  of  the  British  House  of  Connnons, 
holding  all  our  possessions  by  their  gracious  forbearance, 
wl»o  have  a  riglit  at  pleiisure,  to  take  what,  when,  how 
much,  and  in  any  manner,  they  please.  Or,  in  a  word,  1 
may  say  with  Mr.  Locke,  "  what  property  has  any  man 
in  that  w  hich   another  has  a  right  to  take   from  him  ?" 

It  being  proved  that  the  Parliament  has  no  right  to  tax 
America  internally,  it  follows,  that  their  claim  is  founded 
only  in  tlieir  superior  strength.  What  name  do  we  assign 
to  that  man,  or  body  of  men,  who  demands  our  property 
without  any  riglit,  intending  to  piosecute  the  claim  with 
an  armed  force?  I  blush  to  mention  it,  and  shall  only  say, 
that  the  man  who  demands  my  money  with  a  pistol  at  my 
breast  is  commonly  called  a  robber ;  and  that  no  proposi- 
tion in  Euclid  is  more  capable  of  demonstration,  than  that 
such  a  man  has  as  good  a  right  to  the  money  in  my  pocket 
as  the  House  of  Commons  to  tax  us  without  our  consent. 

In  this  view  of  the  matter,  we  are  justified  by  the  Con- 
stitution, by  reason,  by  nature,  yea,  by  God  himself,  in 
opposing,  by  every  prudent  measure,  the  payment  of  every 
sucii  demand.     Heaven  approves  the  generous  struggle. 

We  are  only  contending  for  our  natural  rights,  and  that 
liberty  wherewith  God  has  made  us  all  free.  The  cause 
we  are  embarked  in  is  good,  and  if  any  of  the  subordinate 
means  used  have  been  rash,  the  blame  of  them  lies  at  the 
door  of  those  who,  by  oppression,  (which  will  make  a  w  ise 
man  mad)  have  hurried  the  lo)  al  .(4»i677Va/i.s  unadvisedly 
inti)  them. 

We  are,  therefore,  reduced  to  this  dilemma,  either  to  ac- 
knowledge ourselves  tenants  at  will  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, or  resolutely  oppose  this  claim  by  every  prudent  mea- 
sure. What  are  the  prudent  measures?  I  answer,  that  all 
the  Americans  should  unite,  firndy  resolved  to  stand  by  one 
another  even  to  death ;  one  great  soul  of  harmony  should 
animate  this  whole  Continent,  and  dispose  each  one  to 
consider  an  injury  offered  to  any  pait  as  offered  to  himself. 
Hapless  Boston  !  that  firmest  bulwark  of  American  liberty, 
is  doomed  to  be  the  first  victim  at  the  altar  of  Ministerial 
vengeance.  Shall  we  stand  by  indifferent  spectators  be- 
cause we  were  spared  ?  Surely,  no  !  The  free-born  soul 
of  every  genuine  patriot  resents  the  guilty  thought,  and 
resolves  to  stand  or  fall  with  these  firm  defenders  of  our 
connnon  rights.  To  enforce  this  union  more,  give  me 
leave  to  observe,  that  Acii'-ForAr  and  Philadelphia  are  in 
the  same  predicament  with  Boston ;  and  what  is  Charks- 
toicn  behind  either?  Have  not  all  obstructed  the  opera- 
tion of  one  unconstitutional  British  Act  of  Pariiament  ? 
And  where  is  the  miglity  difference  between  destroying 
the  tea,  and  resolving  to  do  it,  with  such  firmness  as  intimi- 
dated die  Captains  to  return  ?  Besides,  did  not  every 
Province  applaud  the  Bostonians  with  high  commendations 
of  their  zeal  for  American  liberty  ?  I  humbly  hope  they 
will  act  so  far  consistent  with  themselves,  as  to  resent  the 
treatment  offered  to  that  town  as  though  it  were  offered 
to  every  other  one.  The  contrary  conduct  would  be  un- 
generous, cruel,  and  contrary  to  the  true  interest  of  the 
whole. 

Why  are  the  Bostonians  destined  for  the  first  sacrifice  ? 
Not  because  they  are  most  guilty  ;  but  because  the  Minis- 
try would  fondly  divide  the  Province — divide  and  destroy 
— an  attempt  to  punish  all  at  once  might  unite  all.  If  they 
ever  can  subjugate  the  free  spirit  of  iSew  England,  (which 
may  God  forbid,)  that  instant  the  evil  genius  of  tyranny 
will  begin  to  stalk  over  these  Provinces  witli  gigantic  strides, 
blasting  the  fruits  of  our  virtuous  industry.  Where  gay- 
fields  now  smile,  bedecked  in  the  yellow  robe  of  full  eared 
harvest,  soon  would  desolation  frown  over  the  uncultivated 


earth.  Suns  would  in  vain  arise,  and  in  vain  would  show- 
ers descend  ;  for  who  would  be  industrious  when  others 
would  reai)  the  fruit  of  his  labour  ?  After  the  subjugation  of 
Boston,  Aew-York,  and  Philadelphia,  our  turn  would  be 
next.  Methinks  I  see  our  courts  of  justice  removed — our 
harbour  blockaded — navigation  stopped — ourstreets  crowd- 
ed with  soldiers,  insulting  the  jieaceable  inhabitants,  iind 
raising  provisions  to  a  starving  price — and,  after  a  little 
time,  the  now  flourishing  Charlestown  reduced  to  a  neg- 
lected  plain. 

Rise  just  indignation  !  Rise  patriotism  !  and  every  jiub- 
lic  virtue !  to  the  aid  of  our  nntch  injured  country.  IjCt 
us  convince  the  world  that  Britons  will  be  Britons  still,  in 
every  age  and  clime.  Let  us  instantly  join  our  sister 
Colonies  and  resent  the  treatment  offered  by  every  possible 
means,  whilst  our  united  opposition  can  avail.  Let  us 
heartily  unite  in  some  well  digested  general  plan  that  cannot 
fail  to  operate  to  the  early  relief  of  our  brethren  in  Boston, 
now  actually  suffering  in  die  common  cause  of  Anitrican 
liberty.  Let  us  begin  by  abolishing  all  parties  and  distinc- 
tions— abandoning  luxury  and  pleasure — and  establishing 
economy.  Let  us  nobly  determine  to  make  a  willing  sacri- 
fice of  our  private  interest  to  this  glorious  cause — this  cause 
of  infinite  importance.  Let  us  enter  into  solemn  resolu- 
tions not  to  import  any  British  goods,  (a  very  few  necessiiry 
articles  excejjted)  and  determine  firmly  and  strictly  to  ad- 
here to  them  till  the  privileges  of  Boston  are  restored — 
the  Tea  Duty  repealed — and  the  right  of  internal  taxation 
given  uj).  Let  us,  (if  we  are  driven  to  that  extreme  ne- 
cessity, and  nothing  less  can  restore  us  to  our  Constitutional 
freedom,)  even  desi-t  to  export — in  which  case  it  will  be 
expedient  that  we  determine  not  to  distress  each  other  by 
suits,  and  apply  to  the  gendemen  of  the  law  to  decline 
business.  Let  us  endeavour  to  make  the  union  amongst 
ourselves,  as  well  as  with  our  sister  Colonies,  as  perfect  as 
human  means  can  render  it.  "  By  uniting  we  stand,  by 
dividing  we  fall."  I  foresee  many  inconveniences  that  will 
arise  from  every  measure  we  can  pursue  ;  but  I  maintain  it, 
they  are  infinitely  short  of  w  hat  would  follow  on  our  giving 
up  the  point  is  dispute.  If  the  Parliament's  claim  of  in- 
ternal taxation  be  established,  either  by  our  consent  or  by 
a  military  force,  that  moment  we  are  transformed  into 
slaves — all  our  property  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  the 
House  of  Commons. 

Death  itself  is  an  event  devoutly  to  be  wished  in  com- 
parison of  such  a  state.  Let  us  then  act  widely  ;  of  two 
evils  choose  the  least — join  with  our  sister  Colonies  in  a 
determined  projier  opposition  to  t}'ranny.  Resolve  rather 
to  die  the  last  of  American  freemen,  than  live  the  first  of 
American  slaves. 


ANNE  ARUNDEL  COUNTY  (maRYLANd)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  very  considerable  and  respectable 
body  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Anne  Arundel  County,  inclu- 
sive of  those  of  the  City  of  Annapolis,  on  Saturday,  the 
4Ui  day  of  June,  1774. 

Mr.  Bkice  Thomas  Beale  Wokthington,  Moderator. 

1.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  it  is  the  ojiinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  America,  and  that  it  is  incumbent  on 
every  Colony  in  America,  to  unite  is  effectual  means  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking 
up  the  harbour  of  Boston. 

2.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  if  the  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all 
importations  from,  and  exportations  to  Great  Britain  and 
the  West  Indiis,  till  the  said  Act  be  repealed,  the  same 
will  be  the  most  efiectual  means  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the 
said  Act,  and  preserve  North  America  and  her  liberties. 

3.  Resolved  therefore,  unanimously.  That  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  county  will  join  in  an  Association  with  the 
several  counties  in  this  Province,  and  the  princi|)al  Colo- 
nies in  America,  to  put  a  stop  to  exports  to  Great  Britain, 
and  the  West  Indies,  after  the  ninth  day  of  October  next, 
or  such  other  day  as  may  be  au'ieed  on,  and  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  imports  of  goods,  not  already  oidered,  and  of  those 
ordered  that  shall  not  be  sliipped  from  Great  Britain,  by 
the  20th  day  of  July  next,  or  such  other  day  as  may  be 


885 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


386 


agreed  on,  until  the  said  Act  shall  be  repealed ;  and  that 
such  Association  be  on  oath. 

4.  Resolved,  That  as  remittances  can  be  made  only 
from  exports,  after  slopping  the  exports  to  Great  Britain 
and  the  West  Indies,  it  will  be  impossible  for  very  many  of 
the  people  of  this  Province  who  are  possessed  of  valuable 
property,  immediately  to  pay  off  their  debts,  and  there- 
fore it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  the  gentlemen  of  the 
law  ought  to  bring  no  suit  for  the  recovery  of  any  debt 
due  from  any  inhabitant  of  this  Province,  to  any  inhabi- 
tant of  Great  Britain,  until  the  said  Act  be  repealed ; 
and  further,  that  they  ought  not  to  bring  suit  for  the 
recovery  of  any  debt  due  to  any  inhabitant  of  this  Pro- 
vince, except  in  such  cases  where  the  debtor  is  guilty  of 
a  wilful  delay  in  payment,  having  ability  to  pay,  or  is 
about  to  abscond,  or  remove  his  effects,  or  is  wasting  his 
substance,  or  shall  refuse  to  settle  his  account. 

0.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
tliat  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  counties  to 
be  held  at  Annapolis,  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be,  will 
be  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  means  of  uniting  all  the 
parts  of  this  Province  in  such  Association  as  proposed ; 
and  that  if  agreeable  to  the  sense  of  our  sister  Colonies, 
Delegates  ought  to  be  appointed  from  this  Province  to 
attend  a  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  other 
Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as  may  be  agreed  on,  to 
effect  unity  in  a  wise  and  prudent  plan  for  the  foremen- 
tioned  purpose. 

6.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  the  inhabitants  of  this 
County  will,  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
Province  ought  to  break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with 
that  Colony,  Province,  or  town,  which  shall  decline,  or 
refuse  to  come  into  similar  resolutions  with  a  majority  of 
the  Colonies.* 

7.  Resolved,  That  Brice  Thomas  Benle  Worthington, 

•  Questions  tubmitted  to  the  comideration  of  the  Committee  far  Anne 
Arundel  County. 

1.  If  the  Association  takes  place  on  the  proposed  plan,  will  not  a 
multitude  of  artificers  and  labourers  of  every  denomination  be  imme- 
diately deprived  of  all  means  of  subsistence  ?  If  tliat  be  the  case  will 
they,  if  no  tender  regard  be  paid  to  their  interest  and  real  importance 
in  society,  no  refuge  be  provided  for  their  inevitable  distress,  have  any 
other  resource  than  an  appeal  to  heaven  and  a  strong  arm  in  support 
of  the  natural  and  inextinguishable  right  of  self-preservation  ?  For  I 
assume  it  as  a  point  granted,  that  in  a  common  and  extreme  calamity 
the  barriers  erected  by  positive  law  to  fjnce  and  distinguish  private 
property  are  thrown  down,  and  that  every  thing  relapses  into  a  state  of 
nature. 

2.  Shall  not  the  landlord  be  bound,  neither  to  demand  payment 
in  money  or  produce  of  the  tenant,  nor  to  make  charge  of  rent  whilst 
the  Association  lasts  ? 

3.  Will  it  not  be  most  improvident  to  suffer  the  accumulation  of 
interest  to  swallow  up  our  efFjcts,  and  spread  itself  like  a  rapid  and 
consmning  disease  to  our  persons,  the  moment  we  have  by  our  efforts 
in  a  contest  equally  interesting  to  all  baffled  the  counsels  of  a  Tyrant 
Minister?  Will  it  not  be  strikingly  unjust,  that  the  trade  of  the 
money-lender  alone  shall  continue  to  produce  its  fruits  without  inter- 
ruption, to  be  gathered  in  season,  out  of  the  substance  of  those  who 
are  already  stunned  and  exhausted  by  the  suspension  of  their  respective 
trades,  occupations,  and  pursuits  ?  Shall  not  all  bonds  then  on  interest, 
not  only  lie  to  all  intents  and  purposes  dead  during  the  existence 
of  the  Association,  but  be  controulled  by  suitable  and  temporary  restric- 
tions in  the  commencement  and  manner  of  their  operation  when  it 
shall  expire  ?  And  the  observance  of  this  be  enforced  by  obligations 
ss  solemn  as  any  other  article  of  the  Association  ? 

4.  If  every  issue  of  wealth  be  effectually  stopped  up,  how  shall  the 
annual  interest  arisiiig  on  public  bonds  be  discliarged  ?  And  will  not 
the  situation  of  this  Province  bo  truly  deplorable,  when  the  period  fixed 
by  law  for  calling  in  the  principal  shall  arrive,  unless  some  expedient 
be  devised  to  shield  us  from  the  misfortune,  without  blasting  the  credit 
of  our  Provincial  fund  ? 

5.  Will  not  the  exceptions  of  the  fourth  Resolve,  pointing  out  the 
conduct  which  ought  to  be  observed  by  the  gentlemen  of  the  law 
towards  the  debtors  and  creditors  residing  in  this  Province,  be  con- 
strued as  a  banter  unbecoming  so  awful  an  occasion,  unless  some 
standard,  some  precise  rule  be  set  up  to  give  them  significance  and 
effect  ?  If  as  it  would  seem,  the  gentlemen  of  the  law  are  clothed 
with  the  power  to  decide  in  cases  of  this  moment,  shall  not  the  debtor, 
upon  inquisition,  bo  obliged  to  reveal  under  oath  every  the  most  deli- 
cate circumstance,  which  may  contribute  to  give  a  complete  view  of 
his  affairs,  and  furnish  a  certain  ground  to  judge  of  his  abilitv  or  dis- 
ability to  PAY  ?  What  shall  amount  to  a  proof  that  a  debtor  is  al>out 
to  ABSCOND  or  REMOVE  HIS  EFFECTS  ?  How  shall  a  debtor  clearly  know 
the  degree  of  excess  whicli  shall  subject  him  to  the  charge  of  wasting 
HIS  SUBSTANCE  J  sincc,  wlicu  property  is  at  stake,  some  men  are  so 
niuch  more  ready  to  take  the  alarm  than  others,  and  what  one  shall 
censure  as  unwarrantable  prodigality,  another  will  commend  as  the 
laudable  exertion  of  a  social  heart,  and  even  the  secret  dispensations  of 
melting  charity  are,  when  detected,  by  some  transmuted  into  culpable 
profusion  ?    What  is  meant  by  settling  an  account  ? 

G.  Shall  tlio  inliabitants  of  Great  Britain  be  deemed  by  the  gentle, 
men  of  the  law,  tot  illy  excluded  froui  the  benefit  of  the  exceptions 
referred  to  in  the  pri-ce<iing  section,  and  yet  their  effects  here  bo  liable 
to  be  attached  for  debts  duo  to  the  inliabitants  of  this  Province  ? 

June  13,  1774.  Candour. 


Charles  Carroll,  barrister,  John  Hall,  William  Paca, 
Samuel  Chase,  Thovias  Johnson,  Jun.,  Matthias  Ham- 
mond, Thomas  Sprigg,  Samuel  Chew,  John  Weems, 
Thomas  Dorset/,  Rezin  Hammond,  and  John  Hood,  Jun., 
be  a  Committee  to  attend  a  general  meeting  at  Annapolis, 
and  of  Correspondence  to  receive  and  answer  all  letters, 
and  on  any  emergency  to  call  a  general  meetins,  and  that 
any  six  of  the  number  have  power  to  act. 

Ordered,  That  a  copy  of  these  Resolves  be  transmit- 
ted to  the  Committees  of  the  several  counties  of  this  Pro- 
vince, and  be  also  published  in  the  Maryland  Gazette. 
By  order, 
John  Duckett,  Clerk  of  Committee. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  NEW-YORK. 

Philadelphia,  June  4,  1774. 
I  pity  our  brethren  in  Boston ;  they  are  very  severely 
punished  ;  but  some  of  their  friends  here,  and  1  fear  with 
you  also,  are  too  warm,  and  to  serve  them  seem  willing  to 
draw  us  into  the  same  dilemma ;  but  surely  this  is  not  the 
way  to  serve  the  general  cause ;  we  can  be  of  more  use  to 
our  brethren  when  whole  than  when  broken,  and  1  cannot 
let  go  my  hopes  that  we  may  by  a  joint  petition  of  our 
rights  to  the  Crown,  prevent  things  from  going  to  extremi- 
ties, and  get  Boston  restored  to  the  same  liberties  with  the 
otlier  Colonies ;  but  some  wish  to  push  all  things  into  con- 
fusion ;  with  them  I  can  never  join,  while  any  other  expe- 
dient it  left.  Our  letter  to  Boston  is  a  moderate  one,  yet 
warm  and  Jirm  enough.  You  have  no  doubt  seen  it,  as  a 
copy  was  sent  to  your  Committee,  who  are  of  our  senti- 
ments, and  I  hope  will  continue  cool. 


Hartford,  Conn.,  June  4,  1774. 
To  the  Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esq.,  Gover- 
nour  of  the  English  Colony  o/ Connecticut,  in  New 
England,  ^c. 

May  it  please  your  Honour:  In  your  great  conde- 
scension graciously  still  please  to  consider  of  me  ;  methinks 
1  stand  in  need  of  every  help  and  encouragement  attain- 
able. May  it  please  your  Honour  to  grant  unto  me  my 
humble  request. 

Your  Honour  doubtless  remembers  that  I  made  mention 
of  another  recommendation  and  pass  from  your  Honour, 
when  I  was  admitted  into  your  presence,  humbly  desiring 
that  it  might  be  more  extensive,  not  confined  to  one  or  two 
journles,  or  to  one  or  two  years,  neither  to  any  particular 
place,  as  I  shall  be  going  from  one  Government  unto  ano- 
ther, sometimes  I  shall  be  travelling  up  and  down  in  this 
Government,  also  in  Rhode-Island  and  York  Governments, 
and  perhaps  also  in  Boston  and  Hampshire  Governments  ; 
and  I  know  not  where  else,  and  in  thus  travelling  it  is  very 
probable  that  1  shall  see  many  strangers,  and  your  Honour 
knows  that  the  world  is  full  of  inquiries.  Also  I  would 
inform  your  Honour  that  a  recommendation  and  pass  from 
thee,  is  a  great  help  to  me ;  it  not  only  causes  the  gentle- 
men with  whom  I  have  to  do,  to  take  more  notice  of  me. 
but  it  also  recommends  me  to  the  respects  of  my  Indian 
brethren,  and  thereby  I  am  rendered  more  useful,  or  put 
in  a  capacity  of  being  much  more  serviceable  to  my  poor 
New  England  brethren,  the  natives ;  and  not  only  this, 
but  a  recommendation  from  your  Honour  gives  me  favour 
in  the  eyes  and  hearts  of  the  people  in  general  in  these 
parts,  and  thereby  I  am  less  chargeable  in  my  travels. 
But  most  noble  Governour  fearing  that  I  have  already 
wearied  your  patience,  I  must  draw  towards  the  conclusion. 
May  it  please  your  Honour  graciously  to  grant  unto  me 
thy  favour,  with  respect  of  a  recommendation  and  pass  at 
this  time,  to  save  me  from  further  trouble,  also  to  save  me 
from  troubling  your  Honour  any  more  ;  and  not  only  witii 
respect  to  this  but  also  with  respect  of  my  petition  to  your 
Honour  and  to  the  Honourable  Assembly  ;  if  }our  Honour 
be  pleased  to  grant  me  thy  favour  concerning  these  things, 
1  shall  think  myself  happy,  and  would  with  all  my  heart 
cheerfully  if  it  was  in  my  jwwer,  make  your  Honour  an 
amjile  satisfaction.  But  your  Honour  knows  my  pitiful 
circumstances.  So  I  end  still  laying  at  the  feet  of  your 
Honour's  mercy,  and  still  laying  at  the  feet  of  the  Hon- 


FouBTU  Series. 


25 


8S7 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JUNE,  1774. 


388 


Durable  Assembly's  mercy ;  humbly  hopinj;  that  my  ex- 
pectations will  not  altogether  perish.  1  am  most  noble 
Governour  your  Honour's  well-wisher  and  humble  Peti- 
tioner, Joseph  Johnson. 

An  Indian  of  the  Mohegan  Tribe.* 
To  the  Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esq.,  Governour, 
and  at  present  at  Hartford. 


THE  EARL  OF  DUNMORE  TO    THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Willi.misburg,  June  6,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  Since  the  dissolution  of  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia,  but  before  all  the  membci-s  of  the  House  of 
Burgesses  had  quitted  this  city,  there  arrived  an  express, 
despatched  from  Boston,  to  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence here,  as  I  leani,  has  likewise  been  done  to  all  the 
other  Colonies,  to  excite  and  encourage  the  whole  to  shut 
up  the  courts  of  justice  against  all  English  creditors,  to 
join  in  a  general  Association  against  the  importing  of  any 
British  manufactures,  or  even  exporting  any  of  their  own 
Droduce  to  Great  Britain,  and  proposing  a  Congress  of 
Deputies  from  all  the  Colonies  forthwith. 

I  am  really  unable  to  suggest  to  your  Lordship  to  what 
lengths  the  people  of  this  Colony  will  be  induced  to  pro- 
ceed, further  tlian  what  they  have  already  made  manifest 
by  the  order  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  subsequent 
Association,  the  copies  of  which  I  have  already  transmitted 
to  your  Lordship;  but  the  part  of  the  late  Burgesses  re- 
maining in  town  at  the  arrival  of  the  Boston  messenger, 
having  taken  upon  themselves  to  receive  despatches,  and  to 
enter  into  a  consideration  of  their  contents,  and  then  to 
summon  the  inhabitants,  all  above  the  age  of  twenty-one, 
to  appear  at  an  hour  they  chose  to  appoint,  and  to  propose 
to  them  to  agree  to  all  those  violent  measures  above  men- 
tioned, which,  that  they  may  be  more  solemnly  entered 
into,  and  more  generally  adopted,  they  have  deferred  the 
execution  of,  to  a  further  consideration  on  the  first  day  of 
August  next,  when  all  the  members  that  composed  the 
late  House  of  Burgesses  are  required  to  attend ;  these  cir- 
cumstances give  too  much  cause  to  apprehend  that  the 
prudent  views,  and  the  regard  to  justice  and  equity,  as  well 
as  loyalty  and  affection,  which  is  publicly  declared  by  many 
of  the  families  of  distinction  here,  will  avail  little  against 
the  turbulence  and  prejudice  which  prevails  throughout  [he 
country  ;  it  is,  however,  at  present  quiet. 

•  New-York,  December  92.  Mr.  Johnson,  an  Indian  of  the  Mohe. 
gan  tribe,  is  to  preach  this  evening  in  the  Old  Presbyterian  Church, 
in  this  city,  when  a  collection  is  to  be  raised  for  him,  to  defray  a  con- 
siderable expense  he  has  been  at,  in  preparing  the  way  for  the  romoTal 
of  this  tribe  and  the  remains  of  six  other  tribes  in  that  vicinity,  who 
are  chiefly  Christians,  unto  the  Oneida  country  ;  an  event  that  pro- 
mises the  most  salutary  effects  to  this  Province.  His  great  merit  in 
this  affair,  and  his  deserving  character  in  other  respects,  are  certified  in 
the  most  ample  manner,  by  the  Governour  of  a  neighbouring  Colony, 
and  he  has  been  encouraged  in  the  prosecution  of  his  design  by  the 
kindness  of  his  Honour,  our  Lieutenant  Governour,  several  gentlemen 
of  the  Council,  the  Mayor  of  this  city,  and  other  principal  gentlemen. 

Mr.  Printek  :  May  it  please  you  to  give  the  few  following  lines  a 
place  in  your  next  Thursday's  paper,  which  may  contribute  a  little  to 
satisfy  the  curiosity  of  your  numerous  customers,  not  only  in  this 
renowned  city,  but  elsewhere.  And  in  the  doing  of  which  you  will 
greatly  oblige  your  humble  servant,  Joseph  Johnson, 

An  Indian  of  the  Mohegan  Tribe,  in  the  Colony  of  Connecticut. 

To  the  Citizens  of  Nkw-York  :  With  all  humility  I  take  this 
method,  and  cheerfully  embrace  this  early  opportunity,  publicly  to 
return  my  grateful  thanks  to  the  inliabitants  of  this  city,  whoso  goner- 
OU9  hearts  the  Lord  hath  graciously  opened  and  hath  moved  witli  pity 
to  me-ward,  and  to  my  poor  Nation,  and  hath  made  willing  liberally  to 
contribute  out  of  their  abuiulance,  for  my  present  r'.dief  and  future 
encouragement.  I  thank  all  those  generous,  fVec  hearted,  and  public 
spirited  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  this  city,  who  have  contributed  for 
my  b>neiit,  cither  in  a  i>ul>lic  or  private  manner.  I  thank  all  those 
persons  who  have  treated  me  with  much  respect,  since  my  arrival  in 
this  city.  Give  mo  leave  to  mnko  known  unto  you  the  resolution  of 
my  heart.  My  dear  friends,  if  God  should  see  fit  to  promote  me,  and 
in  his  providence  make  mo  to  bo  a  man  of  influence  amongst  the 
Nations  that  inhabit  the  Western  wildcMiiess,  it  is  the  purpose  of  my 
heart,  to  exert  my  uttermost,  to  cultivate  and  to  establish  peace, 
between  his  Majesty's  loyal  subjects  and  the  Indians  that  border  on 
your  extensive  frontiers.  And  it  is  the  purpose  of  my  heart  to  instruct 
them  in  the  great  things  of  your  holy  Religion,  according  to  the 
knowledge  that  is  graciously  allowed  to  me.  And  give  mo  leave  to 
say,  that  whatsoever  you,  my  dear  friends,  have  been  pleased  graciously 
to  contribute  for  me,  shall  by  me  l)o  used  with  prudence,  and  with 
discretion.  But  lastly,  I  shall  ever  retain  in  my  mind,  with  a  heart 
full  of  love  and  gratitude,  your  great  kindness  to  mc-ward.  But  I 
end,  I  am,  my  kind  benefactors,  yours,  the  public's  and  the  whole 
world's  well  wisher,  Joseph  Joh.\8on, 

An  Indian  of  the  Mohegan  Tribe,  in  tlie  Colony  of  Connecticut. 

Ukw-Yor?,  December  39,  1774, 


In  the  order  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  which  I  before 
transmitted,  your  Lordship  will  observe  that  the  Rev.  ilr. 
Gwatkin,  who  was  the  Professor  of  Mathematics  and  Natu- 
ral Philosophy  in  this  College,  and  is  now  the  principal 
master  of  the  Grammar  School,  and  who  is  of  a  most  exem- 
plary good  character,  and  great  literary  abilities,  is  appointed 
to  preach  the  sermon  on  that  occasion  ;  in  justice  to  whicli 
gentleman,  I  think  it  necessary  to  let  your  lordship  know, 
that  his  name  was  made  use  of  entirely  without  his  know- 
ledge, and  that  he  civilly,  but  with  firmness,  declined  being 
employed  for  sucii  a  purpose,  and  which  proved  no  little 
mortification  to  the  party  who  dictated  the  measure. 

I  am  your  Lordship's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

DuNMORE. 

P.  S,  The  paper  which  is  herewith  enclosed  is  just 
come  out  of  the  printing  office,  and  contains  Resolutions 
which  the  city  of  Annapolis  has  entered  into,  and  are  the 
same  which  I  have  already  mentioned  to  your  Loidship, 
as  proposed  for  this  Colony  to  join  in  ;  but  the  time  that 
has  been  set  for  the  reconsideration  of  them  may  possibly 
be  sufficient  to  cool  the  heat  of  the  party,  which  is  now 
strenuously  endeavouring  to  establish  them.  D. 


PRINCE    WILLIAM    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders,  Merchants,  and  other 
Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Frince  William,  and  town 
of  Dumfries,  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  at  the  Court 
House  of  the  said  County,  on  Monday,  the  6th  day  of 
June,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1774. 

Resolved,  And  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meet- 
ing, that  no  person  ought  to  be  taxed  but  by  his  own  con- 
sent, expressed  either  by  himself  or  his  Representatives  ; 
and  that,  therefore,  any  Act  of  Pariiament  levying  a  tax 
to  be  collected  in  America,  depriving  the  people  of  their 
property,  or  prohibiting  them  from  trading  with  one  another, 
is  subversive  of  our  natural  rights,  and  contrary  to  the  first 
principles  of  the  Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  the  city  of  Boston,  in  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  is  now  suffering  in  the  conmion  cause  of  American 
liberty,  and  on  account  of  its  opposition  to  an  Act  of  the 
British  Legislature,  for  imposing  a  duty  upon  tea,  to  be 
collected  in  America. 

Resolved,  That  as  our  late  Representatives  have  not 
fallen  upon  means  sufficiently  efficacious  to  secure  to  us  the 
enjoyment  of  our  civil  rights  and  liberties,  that  it  is  the 
undoubted  privilege  of  each  respective  county,  (as  the 
fountain  of  power  from  whence  their  delegation  arises,)  to 
take  such  proper  and  salutary  tneasures  as  will  essentially 
conduce  to  a  repeal  of  those  Acts,  which  the  general  sense 
of  mankind,  and  the  greatest  characters  in  the  nation,  have 
pronounced  to  be  unjust. 

Resolved,  And  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
until  the  said  Acts  are  repealed,  all  importation  to,  and 
exportation  from,  this  Colony  ought  to  be  stopped,  except 
with  such  Colonies  or  Islands  in  North  America  as  shall 
adopt  this  measure. 

Resolved,  And  it  is  the  opinion  of  tliis  meeting,  that  the 
courts  of  justice  in  this  Colony  ought  to  decline  trying  any 
civil  causes  until  the  said  Acts  are  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  Committee  transmit 
copies  of  these  Resolves  to  both  the  printers  in  Annapolis 
and  Philadelphia,  to  be  published  in  their  Gazettes. 
Per  order,  Evan  Williams,  Clerk  Com'tee. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  BOSTON. 

Philadelphia,  June  6,  1774. 

"Tis  urged  by  some  that  Boston  ought  to  pay  for  tlie 
tea  destroyed  tliere.  This  is  to  give  my  reasons  why  they 
should  not  pay  for  it. 

1st.  Dulied  tea  was  prohibited  by  the  general  consent 
of  all  North  America,  for  certainly  nothing  can  make 
goods  more  perfectly  prohibited  than  a  general  protest 
against  their  importation.  If  this  should  want  fonn  of 
law,  it  surely  has  all  the  substance  of  reason  that  can  be 
necessary  to  constitute  the  most  absolute  prohibition  ;  and 
if  any  merchant  sends  prohibited  goods  to  any  port,  he 


989 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


390 


consents  to  risk  the  loss  of  them ;  his  folly  only  is  to  be 
pitied. 

2d.  1  consider  that  importation  of  tea,  not  as  a  mercan- 
tile concern  of  the  India  Company,  but  as  a  political  me- 
dium agreed  upon  by  that  Company  and  the  Ministry 
together,  to  force  the  Tea  Duty  upon  America  against 
their  consent,  and  therefore  the  destioiction  of  it  was  not, 
in  the  least  degree,  a  malicious  design  by  the  Bostonians 
to  injure  the  India  Company,  but  a  virtuous  effort  to  pre- 
serve their  own  liberties.  If  a  man  draws  his  sword  on 
me  to  deprive  me  of  life  or  liberty,  and  1  break  his  sword, 
ought  1  to  pay  for  the  sword  ?  If  a  man  shuts  me  in  his 
house  to  deprive  me  of  my  liberty,  and  I  break  the  door, 
ougln  1  to  pay  for  the  door  ?  If  I  lie  an  anchor  in  a 
ship,  and  one  sends  a  fire  ship  down  to  bum  me,  and  I  sink 
the  fire  ship,  ought  I  to  pay  for  it? 

3d.  But  here  is  property  destroyed  which  ought  to 
be  paid  for ;  then,  say  I,  let  those  sustain  the  damage  who 
were  the  blameable  causes  of  it,  and  not,  by  any  means, 
those  who  acted  from  a  virtuous  necessity,  fi-om  which  they 
could  not  be  excused,  without  breach  of  that  duty  they  owed 
to  their  country,  to  themselves,  and  their  posterity. 

4th.  An  action  cannot  be  good  or  advisable  from  which 
bad  consequences  and  no  good  ones  will  necessarily  flow 
upon  a  whole  country.  Paying  for  the  tea  will  be  deemed 
repentance,  a  submission,  a  retraction  of  that  virtue  by 
which  the  liberties  of  America  were  asserted  and  saved, 
and  the  grand  scheme  to  destroy  them  rendered  abortive. 
Virtue  relinquished,  repented  of,  and  given  up  with  shame, 
becomes  the  butt  of  ridicule  for  an  enemy,  and  argues  a 
baseness  of  soul  which  even  a  friend  must  view  with  con- 
tempt. 

I  bes;  to  be  free  enoun;h  to  mention  another  thing  which 
astonishes  me  and  all  your  friends,  viz :  that  a  number  of 
reputable  jieoplc  of  Boston,  (some  say  forty,  some  sixty,) 
have  humbly  addressed  Governour  Hutchinson,  to  implore 
die  mercy  of  the  Ministry  on  poor  Boston.  I  would  deny 
this  with  great  bitterness,  but  I  fear  I  cannot.  I  should 
have  thought  the  late  proceedings  of  Parliament  had  dumb- 
founded every  tory  in  America,  but  could  not  have  ima- 
gined that  a  single  one  in  Boston  could  have  remained 
unconverted.  That  sort  of  poor  spirited  animals  must 
have  wagged  their  tails,  and  licked  the  feet  of  their  des- 
pots so  long  as  to  have  lost  the  spirit  of  an  ordinary  cur,  or 
they  could  never  do  tiiis.  To  kiss  the  rod  is  a  submission 
that  can  never  be  due  to  any  but  a  righteous  chastiser. 
Imploring  mercy  is  always  a  confession  of  guilt,  and  to  do 
this  without  a  conviction  of  guilt  is  the  most  abject  conduct 
conceivable.  And  in  the  case  in  point,  to  be  really  and 
sincerely  convicted  of  guilt,  is  worse  ;  it  is,  in  principle,  to 
give  up  all  the  liberties  of  America.  Can  a  Bostonian 
compliment  a  man  of  Mr.  Hutchinson's  conduct,  whom  all 
America  believes  to  be  the  great  instrument  of  your  cala- 
mities? Can  a  Bostonian  implore  his  intercession  with 
your  oppressors  ;  oppressors  who  have  violated  the  laws  of 
God  to  wrong  you  ;  who  have  deprived  you  of  the  wharfs, 
landing  places,  and  harbour,  which  the  God  of  nature,  the 
obligation  of  civil  contract,  and  the  law  of  the  land,  will 
conspire  to  seal  to  you  as  your  property  and  right ;  who 
have  vacated  the  obligations  of  personal  covenants,  such  as 
are  contained  in  bills  of  lading,  charter  parties,  &.C.,  and 
which  the  laws  of  Heaven  will  oblige  the  conscience  of  every 
honest  man  to  fulfil ;  I  say,  can  the  virtue,  can  the  pride 
of  a  Bostonian  submit  to  implore  the  mercy  of  such  op- 
pressors, and  that  too  by  soliciting  the  mediation  of  their 
capital  tool  of  oppression  ?  I  always  had  an  exalted 
opinion  of  the  virtue  of  the  Bostonians.  I  indeed  knew 
they  might  suffer,  but  never  once  suspected  they  could 
lose  their  dignity  in  suffering.  Excuse  my  warm  senti- 
ments. If  they  give  wounds  they  are  the  wounds  of  a 
friend.  But  1  lament  to  tell  you  this  conduct  of  a  few 
with  you,  weakens  the  hands  of  your  friends,  and  furnishes 
occasion  to  some  to  say  the  Bostonians  themselves  are 
melting  away;  our  support  can  never  save  them  whilst  tliey 
want  firmness  themselves,  and  whilst  they  themselves 
acknowledge  that  they  suffer  for  their  own  faults,  and  not 
for  the  cause  of  American  liberty.  Depend  on  it,  it  is 
the  design  of  the  Southern  Colonies  to  support  Boston 
with  their  united  strength,  to  make  their  cause  a  common 
one;  but  at  the  same  time  they  greatly  rely  on  your  firmness, 
your  pi-udence,  your  virtue,  and  example  in  the  struggle. 


LOWER  FREEHOLD  (nEW-JERSEy)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Township  of  Lower  Freehold,  in  the  County  of  Mon- 
mouth, iu  New-Jersey,  on  Monday,  the  6th  day  of  June, 
1774,  after  notice  given  of  the  time,  place,  and  occasion  of 
this  meeting. 

Besolved,  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  the  cause  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston  are  now  suffering  is  the  common  cause  of 
the  whole  Continent  of  North  America ;  and  that  unless 
some  general  spirited  measures,  for  the  public  safety,  be 
speedily  entered  into,  there  is  just  reason  to  fear  that  every 
Province  may  in  turn  share  the  same  fate  with  them  ;  and 
that,  therefore,  it  is  highly  incumbent  on  them  all  to  unite 
in  some  effectual  means  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  and  any  other  that  may  follow  it,  which  shall  be 
deemed  subversive  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  free-born 
ATuericans. 

And  that  it  is  also  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that,  in 
case  it  shall  appear  hereafter  to  be  consistent  with  the 
general  opinion  of  the  trading  towns,  and  the  commercial 
part  of  our  countrymen,  that  an  entire  stoppage  of  impor- 
tation and  exportation  from  and  to  Great  Britain  and  the 
West  Indies,  until  the  said  Port  Bill  and  other  Acts  be 
repealed,  will  be  really  conducive  to  the  safety  and  preser- 
vation of  North  America  and  her  liberties,  they  will  yield 
a  cheerful  acquiescence  in  the  measure,  and  earnestly 
recommend  the  same  to  all  their  brethren  in  this  Pro- 
vince. 

Resolved,  moreover.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  town- 
ship will  join  in  an  Association  with  the  several  towns  in  the 
county,  and,  in  conjunction  with  them,  with  the  several 
counties  in  the  Province,  (if,  as  we  doubt  not,  they  see  fit 
to  accede  to  the  proposal,)  in  any  measures  that  may  appear 
best  adapted  to  the  weal  and  safety  of  North  America  and 
all  her  loyal  sons. 

Ordered,  That  John  Anderson,  Esq.,  Messrs.  Peter 
Forman,  Ilendriclc  Smock,  John  Forman,  and  Asher 
Holmes,  Captain  John  Covenhoven,  and  Doctor  Nathaniel 
Scudder,  be  a  Committee  for  the  township,  to  join  with 
those  who  may  be  elected  for  the  neighbouring  townships 
or  counties,  to  constitute  a  General  Committee,  for  any 
purposes  similar  to  those  above  mentioned  ;  and  that  the 
gentlemen  so  appointed  do  immediately  solicit  a  correspon- 
dence with  the  adjacent  towns. 


NORWICH  (Connecticut)  resolutions. 

At  a  very  full  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town 
of  Norwich,  in  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  legally  warned 
and  convened,  in  the  Town  House,  on  the  6th  day  of 
June,  1774. 

The  Hon.  Jabez  Huntingdon,  Esq.,  Moderator. 

Voted,  That  this  meeting  be  adjourned  to  the  Meeting 
House,  and  there  immediately  opened,  that  more  con- 
venient room  may  be  had  for  the  number  of  people  now 
assembled. 

The  meeting  was  opened  at  the  Meeting  House  accord- 
ingly, when  the  following  Resolves  passed,  almost  unani- 
mously. 

Voted,  That  we  will,  to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities, 
assert  and  defend  the  liberties  and  immunities  of  British 
America  ;  and  that  we  will  co-operate  with  our  brethren  in 
this  and  the  other  Colonies,  in  such  reasonable  measures  as 
shall,  in  a  general  Congress,  or  otherwise,  be  judged  most 
proper  to  relieve  us  from  the  burdens  we  now  feel,  and 
secure  us  from  greater  evils  we  fear  will  follow  from  the 
principles  adopted  by  the  British  Parhament  respecting 
the  town  of  Boston. 

Voted,  That  Captain  Jedediah  Huntingdon,  Christo- 
pher Lc^ngivcll,  Esq.,  Dr.  Theophilus  Rogers,  Captain 
William  Hubbard,  and  Captain  Joseph  Trumbull,  be  a 
Standing  Committee,  for  the  keeping  up  a  correspondence 
with  the  towns  in  this  and  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  and 
that  they  transmit  a  copy  of  these  votes  to  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  for  the  town  of  Boston. 

A  true  copy  of  record — attest, 

Benj.  Huntingdon,  Jun.,  Town  Clerk. 


391 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


392 


£«aex  County,  N.  J^  7tk  June,  1774. 
All  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Essex,  in  New- 
Jersey,  friends  to  the  Constitution,  the  liberties  and  pro- 
perties of  .(^Hien'ca,  are  hereby  notified  and  desired  to  meet 
at  the  Court  House,  in  Ntivnrk,  on  Saturday,  the  11th 
of  June,  instant,  at  two  of  the  clock  in  the  al'ternoon,  to 
consult  and  deliberate,  and  firmly  resolve  upon  the  most 
prudent  and  salutary  measures  to  secure  and  maintain  the 
constitutional  rights  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America. 
It  is,  therefore,  hoped,  that  from  the  importance  of  the  sub- 
ject, the  meeting  will  be  general. 

Signed  by  order,  at  a  meeting  of  a  number  of  the  Free- 
holders of  the  County  of  Essex,  the  7lh  day  of  June,  1774. 

John  De  Hart, 
Isaac  Ogden. 


however  different  in  political  sentiment  or  action,  in  one 
common  ruin,  gives  universal  alarm.  Deeply  impressed 
with  these  sentiments,  and  at  the  same  time  solicitous  to 
j)reserve  peace,  order,  and  tranquillity,  we  do  earnestly  en- 
treat the  Governour  to  call  the  Assembly  of  the  Province, 
as  soon  as  it  can  conveniently  be  done,  that  they  may  have 
an  opportunity,  not  only  to  devise  measures  to  compose 
and  relieve  llie  anxieties  of  the  people,  but  to  restore  that 
harmony  and  peace  between  the  mother  country  and  the 
Colonies,  wiiich  has  Ijeen  of  late  so  much  and  so  imha|)- 
pily  interrupted.   And  your  Petitioners  shall  ever  pray,  iiic. 

Signed  by  near  nine  hundred  respectable  Freeholders, 
in  and  near  the  City  of  Philadelphia. 

To  which  his  Excellency  was  pleased  to  return  the  An- 
swer approved  by  the  Council  on  yesterday. 


Marblehead,  June  7,  1774. 

We,  the  subscribers,  Merchants  and  Traders  of  Marble- 
head,  do  hereby  offer  to  our  ojipressed,  but  much  respected 
brethren  of  Boston,  and  other  neighbouring  towns  thereof, 
during  the  operation  of  the  Act  of  Parliament,  called  the 
Port  Bill,  the  free  use  of  our  stores  in  this  town,  reserving 
only  sufficient  room  for  our  own  goods  and  merchandise. 
We  likewise  assure  them  of  our  readiness  in  seeing  to  the 
lading  and  unlading  of  their  goods  in  this  town,  and  shall 
consider  ourselves  obliged  to  them  for  every  opportunity  of 
thus  saving  them  expense,  and  showing  how  much  we 
sympathize  with  and  respect  them.  We  confidently  de- 
pend on  their  patience  and  resolution,  the  known  charac- 
teristics of  Bostonians  and  their  neighbours ;  and  hope 
soon  to  see  them  relieved  from  their  distress,  and  the  liber- 
ties of  America  founded  on  a  permanent  basis  by  an  indis- 
soluble Union. 

Signed  by  twenty-eight  of  the  principal  Merchants  and 
Traders. 

N.  B.  Such  of  us  as  have  wharfs  do  likewise  heartily 
and  freely  give  the  use  of  them  to  our  brethren  aforesaid, 
for  landing  their  goods  and  merchandise  in  this  place. 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Tuesday,  1th, 
oi  June,  1774. 

Present,  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq.,  Governour, 
James  Hamilton,  James  Tilghman,  Andrcto  Allen,  Esqrs. 

The  Governour  laid  before  the  Board  the  copy  of  a  Pe- 
tition from  sundry  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  to  call  tlie 
Assembly,  on  occasion  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  re- 
specting the  port  of  Boston,  which  is  to  be  presented  to- 
morrow- ;  and  requested  their  advice  as  to  a  proper  answer 
to  be  given  \o  the  same : 

Upon  which  the  following  Answer  was  drawn  up  and 
approved  : 

Gentlemen  :  Upon  all  occasions  when  the  peace,  order 
and  tranquillity  of  the  Province  require  it,  1  shall  be  ready 
to  convene  the  Assembly  ;  but  as  that  does  not  appear  to 
me  to  be  the  case  at  present,  1  cannot  think  such  a  step 
would  be  expedient,  or  consistent  with  my  duty. 

Wednesday,  June  8.  The  Petition  was  presented,  and  is 
in  the  following  words  : 

To  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Govemmtr 
and  Commander-in-chief  in  and  over  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,  &.C.,  &;c. 

The  Petition  of  sundry  Inhabitants  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,  humbly  showeth : 

That  since  the  recess  of  the  Assembly  of  tliis  Province, 
the  proceedings  of  the  British  Parliament  towards  Ame- 
rica, and  particularly  an  Act  lately  passed  against  the  town 
of  Boston,  have  filled  the  minds  of  your  petitioners,  and 
others,  tlieir  follow-subjects,  with  deep  anxiety  and  concern ; 
that  your  petitioners  appreiiend  the  design  of  this  Act  is 
to  compel  the  Americans  to  acknowledge  the  right  of  Par- 
liament to  impose  taxes  upon  tliem  at  pleasure ;  that  the 
precedent  of  condemning  a  whole  town  or  city  unheard, 
and  involving  all  its  inhabitants,  of  every  age  and  sex,  and 


FREDERICK    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitant? 
of  the  County  of  Frederick,  in  Virginia,  and  gentlemen 
practising  at  the  bar,  held  at  the  town  of  Winchester,  the 
8tli  day  of  June,  1774,  to  consider  of  the  best  mode  to  be 
fallen  upon  to  secure  their  liberties  and  properties,  and 
also  to  prevent  the  dangerous  tendency  of  an  Act  of  Par- 
liament, passed  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  present  Majes- 
ty's reign,  entitled,  "  An  Act  to  discontinue  in  such  maii- 
"  ner,  and  for  such  time  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  huul- 
"  ing  and  discharging,  lading  and  shipping  of  goods,  wares, 
"  and  merchandise  at  the  town  and  within  the  harbour  of 
"Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,\n  North 
"  America,  evidently  has  to  invade  and  deprive  us  of  the 
"  same." 

The  Reverend  Charles  M.  Thurston  Moderator. 

A  Committee  of  the  following  gentlemen,  viz  :  the  Rev- 
erend Charles M.  Thurston,  Isaac  Zane,  George  Bootes, 
Angus  McDonald,  Alexander  White,  George  Johnson, 
and  Samuel  Bealt,  3d,  were  appointed  to  draw  up  Resolves 
suitable  to  the  same  occasion,  who,  w  ithdrawing  for  a  short 
time,  returned  with  the  following  votes,  viz  : 

Voted,  1st.  That  we  will  always  cheerfully  pay  due 
submission  to  sucii  Acts  of  Government  as  his  Majesty  has 
a  right  by  law  to  exercise  over  his  subjects,  as  Sovereign 
of  the  British  Dominions,  and  to  such  only. 

2d.  That  it  is  the  inlieront  riglit  of  British  subjects  to 
be  governed  and  taxed  by  Representatives  chosen  by  them- 
selves only ;  and  that  every  Act  of  the  British  Parliament 
respecting  the  internal  policy  of  North  America,  is  a  daring 
and  unconstitutional  inviision  of  our  said  rights  and  privi- 
leges. 

3d.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  above  mentioned  is  not 
only  in  itself  repugnant  to  die  fundamental  law  of  natural 
justice,  in  condemning  persons  for  a  supposed  crune  un- 
heard, but  also  a  despotic  exertion  of  unconstitutional  power, 
calculated  to  enslave  a  free  and  loyal  people. 

4th.  That  tlie  enforcing  the  execution  of  the  said  Act 
of  Parliament  by  a  milltaiy  power,  will  have  a  necessary 
tendency  to  raise  a  civil  war,  thereby  dissolving  that  union 
which  has  so  long  happily  subsisted  between  the  mother 
country  and  her  Colonics :  and  that  we  will  most  heartily 
and  unanimously  concur  with  our  suffering  brethren  of 
Boston,  and  every  other  jiart  of  North  America,  tiiat  may 
be  the  immediate  victims  of  tyranny,  in  promoting  all  pro- 
per measures  to  avert  such  dreadful  calamities,  to  procure 
a  redress  of  our  grievances,  and  to  secure  our  common 
liberties. 

5th.  It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting,  tliat  a 
joint  resolution  of  all  the  Colonies  to  slop  all  importations 
from  Great  Britain,  and  expoitations  to  it,  till  the  said 
Act  shall  be  repealed,  will  prove  the  salvation  of  North 
America  and  her  liberties.  On  the  other  jiand,  if  they 
continue  their  imports  and  exports,  there  is  the  greatest 
reason  to  fear  that  fraud,  {)ower,  and  the  most  odious  oppres- 
sion, will  rise  triumphant  over  rigiit,  justice,  social  happi- 
ness, and  freedom. 

6th.  That  the  jE3a«< /«(/««  Company,  those  servile  tools  of 
arbitrary  power,  have  justly  forfeited  the  esteem  and  regard 
of  all  honest  men ;  and  that  the  better  to  manifest  our 
abhorrence  of  such  abject  compliance  with  the  will  of  a 
venal  Ministry,  in  ministering  all  in  their  power  an  increase 


393 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINiGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


394 


of  the  fund  of  peculation  ;  we  will  not  purchase  tea,  or 
any  other  kind  of  East  India  commodities  either  im))orted 
now,  or  hereafier  lo  be  imported,  except  saltpetre,  spices, 
and  medicinal  drugs. 

7tli.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  tliat  Com- 
mittees ought  to  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  effecting 
a  general  Association,  that  the  same  measures  may  be  pur- 
sued through  the  whole  Continent.  That  the  Committees 
ought  to  correspond  with  each  other,  and  to  meet  at  such 
places  and  times  as  shall  be  agreed  on,  in  order  to  form  such 
General  Association,  and  that  when  the  same  shall  be 
formed  and  agreed  on  by  the  several  Committees,  we  will 
strictly  adhere  thereto ;  and  till  the  general  sense  of  the 
Continent  shall  be  known,  we  do  pledge  ourselves  to  each 
other  and  our  country,  that  we  will  inviolably  adhere  to 
the  votes  of  this  day. 

6th.  That  Charles  M.  Thurston,  Isaac  Zone,  Angus 
McDonald,  Samuel  Bcall,  3d,  Alexander  White,  and 
George  Rootes,  be  appointed  a  Committee  for  the  purposes 
aforesaid  ;  and  that  they,  or  any  three  of  them,  are  hereby 
fully  empowered  to  act. 

Which  bemg  read,  were  unanimously  assented  to  and 
subscribed.* 


COVERNOUR  WENTWOKTH  TO  THE    EARL    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Extract. 

New-Hampsliiro,  8th  June,  1774. 

In  my  letter,  No.  59,  I  had  the  honour  to  write  your 
Lordship  that  the  General  Assembly  of  this  Province  stood 
prorogued  to  the  10th  oi  May,  at  which  time  they  met  and 
proceeded  upon  business.  I  took  great  pains  to  prevail  on 
diem  not  to  enter  into  any  extra  Provincial  measures,  yet  one 
of  the  members  for  Portsmouth  read  in  his  place  the  enclos- 
ed letter.  No.  1 ,  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
Portsmouth,  but  the  House  then  declined  considerincr  it. 
On  Friday,  27th  of  May,  it  was  moved  to  appoint  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence,  and,  after  a  warm  debate,  car- 
ried by  a  majority  of  two  only ;  the  next  morning  it  was 
reconsidered,  and  carried  by  a  majority  of  one  only,  and 
passed,  as  by  tlie  enclosures,  Nos.  2  and  3.  Immediately 
after  this,  the  Supply  Bill  was  passed  and  sent  up  to  the 
Council ;  being  withheld,  as  1  imagined  for  time  to  effect 
the  other  measure.  I  directly  adjourned  the  Assembly, 
and  kept  them  under  short  adjournments  till  this  day,  in 
hopes  to  obtain  a  suspension  of  these  votes ;  but  finding 
that  there  were  two  letters  in  town  for  the  Speaker,  which, 
some  of  those  who  were  most  active  said,  were  to  a[)point 
a  Congress  of  the  Colonies,  I  considered  it  to  be  improper 
to  admit  their  proceedings,  and,  therefore,  immediately  put 
an  end  to  the  Committees,  (who  have  not  as  yet  wrote  or 
acted,)  and  to  the  Assembly  by  a  dissolution,  in  a  message, 
(No.  4,  herewith  transmitted.) cautiously  expressed,  in  such 
general  terms,  as  to  prevent  any  misrepresentations.  This 
mode  of  dissolution,  after  such  short  adjournments,  which 
are  attended  by  few  members,  precluded  any  meeting  of 
those  persons  to  contrive  undesirable  measures,  or  pursue 
those  in  their  private  capacity  that  were  attempted  as  an 
Assembly,  which  was  extremely  disconcerted,  and  I  hope 
will  counteract  the  efforts  of  those  who  strive  to  lead  this 
Province  into  combinations  with  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 
Before  the  dissolution,  all  the  usual  and  necessary  business 
of  the  Province  was  completed,  so  that  no  detriment  can 
arise  from  my  delaying  to  call  an  Assembly.  1  am  in 
expectation  that  a  few  weeks  will  convince  those  who  may 
be  members  of  the  imprudence  and  errour  of  measures 
that  tend  to  weaken  or  subvert  the  subordination  of  the 
Colones. 

*  On  Monday,  the  Gth  instant,  tickets  were  posted  up  in  difFjrent 
parts  of  Frederick  ('ounty,  Virginia,  signed  by  tlie  friends  of  liberty 
requesting  the  gentlemen,  merchants,  freeholders,  and  other  inhabitants 
of  the  county  to  meet  at  the  Court  House,  on  the  ensuing  Wednesday, 
at  throe  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  to  consider  of  the  most  proper  mea- 
sures to  prevent  the  fatal  consequences  apprehended  from  the  Act  of 
Parliament  mentioned  in  the  votes,  and  to  defend  and  secure  the  rights 
and  liberties  oi  America.  In  consequence  of  which,  (though  the  notice 
did  not  exceed  forty-eight  hours,)  a  great  concourse  assembled  at  the  time 
and  place  appointed.  The  Court  House  being  too  small  to  contain  the 
company,  they  adjourned  to  the  Church,  where  the  above  votes  were 
unanimously  argeod  to.  The  general  opinion  of  tlie  people  there  seems 
to  be,  that  tlie  Boston  scheme  of  non.imjiortation  from  Great  Britain, 
and  exportation  to  it,  is  the  only  probable  means  to  obtain  redress  of 
our  grievances,  and  show  great  eagerness  that  it  may  bo  universally 
adopted. 


MESSAGE  FROM    COVERNOUR   WENTWOKTH  TO    THE  ASSEM- 
BLY OF  NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Assembly  : 

As  1  look  upon  the  measures  entered  upon  by  the  House 
of  Assembly  to  be  inconsistent  with  his  Majesty's  service, 
and  the  good  of  tliis  Government,  it  is  my  duty,  as  far  as 
in  me  lies,  to  prevent  any  detriment  that  might  arise  from 
such  proceedings.  I  do,  therefore,  hereby  dissolve  the 
General  Assembly  of  this  Province,  and  it  is  dissolved 
accordingly.  J,  Wentworth. 

Portsmouth,  June  8,  1774. 

Williamsburg,  Tunc  9,  1774, 

An  express  arrived  in  town  last  night  from  Pittsburg, 
with  letters  to  his  Excellency  the  Governour,  from  Captain 
Conolly,  commandant  at  that  place,  giving  an  account  that 
the  Shawanese  Indians  have  openly  declared  their  intention 
of  going  to  war  with  the  white  people,  to  revenge  the  loss 
of  some  of  their  Nation  who  have  been  killed  ;  that  they 
had  scalped  one  of  the  traders,  and  detained  all  the  rest 
who  were  in  tlieir  towns  ;  tliat  it  was  expected  the  Che- 
rokecs  would  join  them,  as  they  had  sent  a  belt  last  fall  to 
the  Northern  Nations  to  strike  the  white  people,  which 
had  been  received  by  the  Shawanese  and  Wabash  Indians; 
that  the  Six  Nations  postponed  their  answer  till  diis  spring, 
and  that  there  is  soon  to  be  a  Grand  Council  in  the  Lower 
Shawanese  town,  where  about  seventy  Chcroliecs,  and  a 
number  of  other  Indians  are  to  attend,  on  the  subject  of 
going  to  war  with  the  English.  Sundry  parties  are  now 
gone  out,  by  order  of  Captain  Conolly,  for  the  protection 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  are  to  assemble  at  die  mouth  of 
Whaling  Creek,  in  order,  if  it  is  judged  practicable,  to  go 
against  the  Upper  Shawanese  town. 

The  Delavmres,  who  profess  to  be  our  friends,  informed 
Captain  Conolly  that  a  party  of  Shateanese  were  now- 
gone  against  the  settlement,  and  it  is  imagined  they  will 
fall  upon  Greenbrier. 

All  the  country  about  Pittsburg  is  in  a  very  niinousand 
distressed  situation,  the  inhabitants  have  chiefly  fled,  and 
forted  themselves  as  low  as  Old  Totvn  on  Potomac 
river. 


III.    TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  BRITISH   COLONIES 
IN  AMERICA. 

Philadelphia,  Jun3  8,  1774. 

Brethren  :  These  are  the  words  of  the  Declaratory 
Act,  mentioned  in  the  last  letter,  "  Whereas  several  of  the 
"  Houses  of  Representatives  in  his  Majesty's  Colonies 
"  and  Plantations  in  America,  have  of  late,  against  law, 
"  claimed  to  themselves,  or  to  the  General  Assemblies  of 
"  the  same,  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of  imposing  duties 
"  and  taxes  upon  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  said  Colo- 
"  nies  and  Plantations ;  and  have,  in  pursuance  of  said 
"  claim,  passed  certain  votes,  resolutions,  and  orders,  de- 
"  rogatory  to  the  Legislative  authority  of  Parliarnent,  and 
"  inconsistent  with  the  dependency  of  said  Colonies  and 
"  Plantations,  Sic. ;  therefore  be  it  declared,  &,e.,  that  the 
"  said  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America,  have  been, 
"  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  subordinate  unto,  and 
"  dependent  upon,  the  imperial  Crown  and  Parliament  of 
"  Great  Britain,  and  diat  the  King's  Majesty,  by  and 
"  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords,  spiritual  and 
"  temporal,  and  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  Parliament 
"  assembled,  had,  hath,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power 
"  and  authority  to  make  laws  and  statutes  of  sufficient  force 
"  and  validity  to  bind  the  Colonies  and  people  of  America, 
"  subjects  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Briton,  in  all  cases 
"  whatsoever." 

From  the  crowd  of  objects,  each  pressing  for  attention, 
that  present  themselves  to  the  mind  of  a  British  Ameri- 
can, on  reading  this  Act,  I  beg  leave  to  select  and  particu- 
larly mention  only  two  that  you,  collecting  them,  and  taking 
a  just  view  of  your  present  situations,  may  feel  that  and 
only  that  resentment,  springing  from  virtue,  and  guided  by 
wisdom,  which  the  most  worthy  and  the  most  peaceable  men 
must  approve. 

The  resolutions,  fee,  mentioned  in  this  Act,  were  those 
caused  by  the  Stamp  Act.  Tliese  principal  points  are 
firmly  assijrted  by  them — the  exclusive  right  of  taxation, 


395 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


396 


and  tlie  right  of  trial  by  jury.  The  Parliament,  well 
knowing  how  harsh  and  jarring  it  would  sound  in  l^iglish 
ears  to  say  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  was  '■  derogatory  to 
"  the  Legislative  authority  of  Parliament,  and  inconsistent 
"  with  the  dejjendency  of  the  Colonies,"  planted  their  most 
direct  battery  against  the  right  of  taxation.  Common 
sense  and  the  experience  of  all  nations,  as  not  a  single 
instance  occure  to  tiie  contrary,  convincing  them  if  that 
gave  way,  a  general  ruin  would  soon  ensue,  and  all  the 
rest  would  follow  in  the  train  of  the  chief,  like  captive 
nobles  attending  their  conquered  Prince. 

However,  not  quite  satisfied  with  the  slow  work  of  ex- 
terminating them  in  detail,  but  improving  upon  an  impartial 
hint,  it  was  judged  fittest,  upon  the  whole,  so  to  consolidate 
them,  that,  as  if  the  British  Americans  had  but  "  one 
neck,"  a  single  stroke  might  despatch  millions,  by  sub- 
jecting us  at  once  to  the  decrees  of  Parliament  in  all 
cases  whatsoever. 

NVidely  different  was  the  Act  of  the  sixth  of  George  the 
First,  chapter  5ih,  "  for  the  better  securing  the  dependency 
"  of  the  Kingdom  of  Ireland"  &c.  By  that  Act,  Ireland 
was  declared  "  to  be  subordinate  unto,  and  dejiendent  upon 
"  the  Imperial  Crown*  of  Great  Britain."  Tiiese  words, 
"and  Parliament,"  are  not  in  it.  It  is  said,  indeed,  that 
"  the  King,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Lords  and 
"  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  Parliament  assembled, 
"  had,  and  of  right  out  to  have,  power  and  authority  to 
"  make  laws  and  statutes  of  sufficient  force  and  validity  to 
"  bind  the  Kingdom  and  people  of  Ireland." 

Compare  the  Acts  and  you  will  find  the  Act  for  Amerita 
copied  from  that  of  Ireland;  but  in  the  last  mentioned, 
the  annihilating  words,  "in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  are  not 
to  be  found.  The  people  of  Irclandhave  been  for  several 
centuries  bound  by  English  statutes,  for  regulating  their 
trade,  and  for  odier  purposes,  and  this  statute,  therefore, 
only  asserted  the  usual  authority  over  them.  Tiieir  vitals, 
the  exclusive  right  of  taxation,  and  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury,  have  been  preserved.  If  it  was  the  intention  of  the 
British  Parliament  to  exercise  a  "  power  and  authority" 
over  that  Kingdom  destmctive  of  these  rights,  it  is  not 
expressed,  it  is  not  implied.  Why  were  the  unlimited 
words  omitted  in  that  Act  ?  Or  why,  when  the  Lords  and 
Commons  were  copying  a  pattern,  which  their  fatliers  set 
them,  did  they  deform  the  transcript  by  such  Eastern 
flourishes  ? 

The  truth  is,  the  fathers  too  much  revered  the  English 
principles,  for  which  they  had  been  upon  the  point  of  shed- 
ding their  blood  in  placing  their  Sovereign  upon  his  throne, 
so  flagrantly  to  violate  them — or,  if  their  conduct  was  not 
directed  by  justice,  they  dared  not  thus  to  provoke  the 
brave,  generous  inhabitants  of  that  ancient  Kingdom. 

"  Are  there  yet  the  treasurers  of  wickedness  in  the 
"  House,  and  the  scant  measure  that  is  abominable.  The 
"  rich  men  thereof  are  full  of  violence." 


TO  p.  p.    AUTHOR  OV  THE  LETTERS  TO  THE    INHABITANTS 
OF  THE  BRITISH  COLONIES  IN  AMERICA. 

Sir  :  The  Declaratory  Act,  passed  by  the  Parliament 
at  the  time  they  repealed  the  Stamp  Act,  was  such  a  vio- 
lation of  the  Constitution,  such  an  assumption  of  new 
powers,  so  subversive  of  liberty,  and  so  destructive  of  pro- 
perly, that  it  deserves  particular  observation.  That  it  has 
hitherto  passed  unnoticed  is  owing  to  die  gratitude  and  joy 
with  which  America  received  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp 
Act.  For  the  same  reason  the  principal  on  which  the 
repeal  was  founded,  was  suffered  to  pass  without  animad- 
version ;  and  the  people  who  claimed  the  repeal  as  a 
point  of  equity  and  right  received  it  with  gratitude  as  a 
free  gift. 

The  English  Constitution,  whose  object  is  liberty,  has, 
for  the  preserving  of  that  liberty,  and  for  the  security  of 
property,  vested  peculiar  powers  in  the  different  branches 
of  the   Legislature,   which   are  to  be  exercised    for  the 

*  "  A  tax  granted  by  tlie  Parlianmnl  of  England  shaW  not  bind  those 
"  of  Ireland,  becauso  thoy  are  not  summoned  to  our  Parliani:n>t ;"  and 
again,  "  Ireland  hath  a  Parliament  of  her  own,  and  makotli  and 
"  altcreth  laws ;  and  our  statutes  do  not  bind  tlieni,  because  they  do 
'■  not  send  Knights  to  our  Parliament.  But  their  persons  are  the  King's 
"  subjects,  like  as  the  inhabitants  of  Calais,  Gascony,  and  Guienna, 
"  while  they  continued  under  the  King's  subjection." — Blackstone, 
vol.  1,  p.  101, /rom  the  Year  Books. 


good  and  safety  of  the  subject.  Saliis  populi  stiprema 
est  lex.  The  abuse  of  these  ])owers,  or  the  attempt  of  one 
branch  of  the  Legislature  to  extend  its  peculiar  powers  so 
as  to  abridge  those  of  the  others,  has  been  the  foundation 
of  many  civil  wars  and  struggles  in  Britain. 

From  the  earliest  period  of  the  English  Constitution,  it 
has  ever  been  deemed  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown  to  grant 
charters  to  the  subjects,  and  terms  of  capitulation  to  con- 
quered countries,  who  were  taken  under  the  Dominion  of  the 
Crown.  And  the  statute  of  ejuo  warrento,  eighteenth  of 
E-lward  First,  expressly  declares  that,  "  illi  (pii  habent 
"  chartas  regales,  seaindum  chartas  istas  et  earundem  pleni- 
"  tudinem  judicentur."  On  wliicii  statute  Lord  Coke  ob- 
serves, "  in  the  first  place  that  as  it  was  enacted,  ex  spcciafi 
"  gratia  domini  regis,  'it  binds  the  King,'  and  consequent- 
"  ly  in  binding  the  King  must  also  bind  his  Parliament ;  in 
"  the  second  ])lace,  from  the  words  '  earundem  plenitudi- 
"  nem,'  that  this  statute  is  to  be  construed  '  as  fully  and 
"  beneficially  for  the  charters,  as  the  law  was  taken  at  the 
"  time  when  charters  were  granted.'  "  In  the  third  place 
says  he,  "  certainly  this  ancient  statute  was  a  direction  to 
"  the  sages  of  the  law  for  their  construction  of  the  King's 
"  charters,  as  it  appeareth  in  our  books." 

On  this  foundation  rests  the  Declaratory  Act  respecting 
Ireland.  When  Henry  the  Second  conquered  Ireland  he 
granted  the  Irish  peace,  and  annexed  them  to  his  Crown 
on  this  condition :  "  That  the  Kingdom  and  people  of 
"  Ireland  should  forever  be  governed  by  the  same  mild 
"  laws  as  England  was  governed."  And  the  statute 
passed  in  the  thirty -first  of  Edward  Third,  confirms  and 
renews  this  charter,  by  declaring  that  his  Majesty's  subjects 
in  Ireland,  being  either  natives  of  that  Kingdom  or  English 
bom  subjects,  only  resident  there,  "  sint  vcri  anglici,  et 
"  sub  eisdem  dcgant  domino  et  rcgimine,  et  eisdem  legi- 
"  bus  ufantur."  And  hence  the  Act  of  the  sixth  George 
First,  chapter  six,  assume  no  new  power,  lays  no  new 
restrictions  upon  his  Majesty's  good  subjects  of  Ireland, 
nor  claims  any  new  right,  but  simply  declares,  "  that  the 
"  King's  Majesty,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
"  Lords,  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  Commons  of  Great 
"  Britain,  in  Parliament  assembled,  hath  full  power  and 
"  authority  to  make  laws  of  sufficient  force  and  validity  to 
"  bind  the  Kingdom  and  people  of  Ireland." 

Here  is  no  charter  violated,  no  claim  of  power  to  deprive 
them  of  property,  or  levy  taxes  on  them  without  their  con- 
sent. Their  Parliament,  their  right  and  trial  by  jury,  and 
of  granting  supplies  to  their  King  in  their  own  way  ibr  the 
support  of  Government,  administration  of  justice,  and 
defence  of  the  Kingdom,  remain  untouched.  But  the  De- 
claratory Act  passed  against  America,  fiftli  of  George 
Third,  in  violation  of  their  charters,  declares,  that  the  claim 
of  the  Houses  of  Representatives  in  his  Majesty's  Colonies 
and  Plantations  in  America,  to  the  sole  and  exclusive  right 
of  imposing  duties  and  taxes  upon  his  Majesty's  subjects 
in  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations,  is  against  law  ;  that 
the  votes,  resolutions,  and  orders,  passed  in  pursuance  of 
such  claim,  are  derogatory  to  the  Legislative  autiiority  of 
Parliament ;  that  the  said  Colonies  and  Plantations  in 
America  have  been,  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  subordi- 
nate unto,  and  dependent  upon,  the  imperial  Crown  and 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  the  King's  Majesty, 
by  and  with  the  advice,  Sic,  hath,  and  of  right  ought  to 
have,  full  power  and  authority  to  make  laws  and  statutes 
of  sufficient  force  and  validity  to  bind  the  Colonies  and 
people  of  America,  subjects  of  the  Crown  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, in  all  cases  whatsoever.  What  is  this  but  the  high 
hand  of  power  to  break  down  the  barriers  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  make  us  tenants  at  will,  of  our  lives,  liberty,  and 
property. 

There  was  a  time  when  the  Crown  held  lands  in  Eng- 
land, "  sacra,  jyatrimonia  coroner,"  the  annual  rent  of 
which,  if  now  resumed  would  amount  to  four  millions  sterl- 
ing. These  have  been  conveyed  to  subjects,  and  are  nov/ 
held  by  virtue  of  charters  from  the  Crown.  If  the  charia. 
regales,  or  chartered  rights  of  the  Colonies  can  be  violated 
and  annulled  by  Parliament,  what  security  can  the  posses- 
sors of  those  lands  have  for  the  estates  they  enjoy  ?  Let 
the  Parliament  try  the  experiment  on  their  fellow-subjects 
in  Great  Britain,  and  judge  of  the  temper  and  disposi- 
tion of  the  Colonies  by  the  effect  such  a  step  will  produce 
amonjj  themselves. 


897 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


398 


EXTRACT  FROM  AN  ADDRESS  SENT  BY  THE  BOSTON  COM- 
MITTEE, TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  EVERY  TOWN  IN  THE 
PROVINCE,  WITH  A  PAPER    WHICH  THEY    ARE    TO    SIGN. 

Boston,  June  8,  1774. 

There  is  but  one  way  tliat  we  can  conceive  of  to  prevent 
what  is  to  be  deprecated  by  all  good  men,  and  ought  by 
all  possible  means  to  be  prevented,  viz:  the  horronrs  that 
must  follow  an  open  rupture  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies  ;  or  on  our  part,  a  subjection  to  absolute  slavery  ; 
and  that  is  by  affecting  the  trade  and  interest  of  Great 
Britain  so  deeply  as  shall  induce  her  to  withdraw  her 
oppressive  hand.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  our  succeed- 
ing to  the  utmost  of  our  wishes,  if  we  universally  come  into 
a  solenm  league  not  to  import  goods  from  Great  Britain, 
and  not  to  buy  any  goods  that  shall  hereafter  be  imported 
from  thence,  until  our  grievances  shall  be  redressed.  To 
these,  or  even  to  the  least  of  these  shameful  impositions, 
we  trust  in  God  our  countrymen  never  will  submit. 

We  have  received  such  assurances  from  our  brethren  in 
every  part  of  the  Province,  of  their  readiness  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  may  be  likely  to  save  our  country,  and  that 
we  have  not  the  least  doubt  of  au  almost  universal  agree- 
ment for  this  purpose  ;  in  confidence  of  this,  we  have  drawn 
up  a  form  of  a  covenant  to  be  subscribed  by  all  adult 
persons  of  both  sexes ;  which  we  have  sent  to  every  town 
in  the  Province,  and  that  we  might  not  give  our  enemies 
time  to  counteract  us,  we  have  endeavoured  that  every 
town  should  be  furnished  with  such  a  copy  on  or  before  the 
fourteenth  day  of  this  month,  and  v.'e  earnestly  desire  that 
you  would  use  your  utmost  endeavours  that  the  subscrip- 
tion paper  may  be  filled  up  as  soon  as  possible,  so  that  they 
who  are  in  expectation  of  overthrowing  our  liberties,  may 
be  discouraged  from  prosecuting  their  wicked  designs ;  as 
we  look  upon  this,  the  last  and  only  method  of  preserving 
our  land  from  slavery  without  drenching  it  with  blood ; 
may  God  prosper  every  undertaking  which  tends  to  the 
salvation  of  this  people.     We  are,  &ic. 

Signed  by  order  and  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence for  Boston.         William  Cooper,   Clerk. 

FORM    of    a     covenant     SENT     TO     EVERY    TOWN     IN 
MASSACHUSETTS. 

We  the  subscribers,  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  *****  * 
having  taken  into  our  serious  consideration  the  precarious 
state  of  the  liberties  of  North  America,  and  more  especial- 
ly the  present  distressed  condition  of  this  insulted  Province, 
embarrassed  as  it  is  by  several  Acts  of  the  British  Padia- 
ment,  tending  to  the  entire  subversion  of  our  natural  and 
charter  rights  ;  among  which  is  the  Act  for  blocking  up  the 
harbour  of  Boston.  And  being  fully  sensible  of  our  indis- 
pensable duty  to  lay  hold  on  every  means  in  our  power  to 
preserve  and  recover  the  much  injured  Constitution  of  our 
country  ;  and  conscious  at  the  same  time  of  no  alternative 
between  the  horrours  of  slavery,  or  the  carnage  and  deso- 
lation of  a  civil  war,  but  a  suspension  of  all  commercial 
intercourse  with  the  Island  of  Great  Britain,  do,  in  the 
presence  of  God,  solemnly  and  in  good  faith,  covenant  and 
engage  with  each  other: 

1st.  That  from  henceforth  we  will  suspend  all  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  the  said  Island  of  Great  Britain, 
until  the  said  Act  for  blocking  up  the  said  harbour  be 
repealed,  and  a  full  restoration  of  our  charter  rights  be 
obtained.     And 

2d.  That  there  may  be  the  less  temptation  to  others  to 
continue  in  the  said,  now  dangerous  commerce,  we  do  in 
like  manner  solemnly  covenant,  that  we  will  not  buy,  pur- 
chase, or  consume,  or  suffer  any  person,  by,  for,  or  under 
us,  to  purchase  or  consume,  in  any  manner  whatever,  any 
goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  which  shall  arrive  in  America 
from  Great  Britain  aforesaid,  from  and  after  the  lust  day 
of  August  next  ensuing.  And  in  order  as  much  as  in  us 
lies,  to  prevent  our  being  interrupted  and  defeated  in  this 
only  peaceable  measure  entered  into  for  the  preservation 
and  recovery  of  our  rights,  we  agree  to  break  off  all  trade, 
commerce,  and  dealings  whatever  with  all  persons,  who, 
preferring  their  own  private  interest  to  the  salvation  of  their 
own  perishing  country,  shall  still  continue  to  import  goods 
from  Great  Britain,  or  shall  purchase  of  those  who  do 
import,  and  never  to  renew  any  commerce  or  trade  with 
them. 


And,  whereas  the  promoting  of  industry,  economy,  arts 
and  manufactures  among  ourselves  is  of  the  last  importance 
to  the  civil  and  religious  welfare  of  a  community:  we 
engage, 

3d.  That  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  October  next 
ensuing,  we  will  not  by  ourselves,  or  any  for,  by  or  under 
us,  purchase  or  use  any  goods,  wares,  manufactures,  or 
merchandise,  whensoever  or  howsoever  imported  from 
Great  Britain,  until  the  harbour  q{ Boston  shall  be  opened, 
and  our  charter  rights  restored. 

And  last.  As  a  refusal  to  come  into  any  agreement 
which  promises  the  deliverance  of  our  country  from  the 
calamities  it  now  feels,  and  which  like  a  torrent  are  rushing 
upon  it  with  increasing  violence,  must  evidence  a  disposi- 
tion inimical  to,  or  criminally  negligent  of,  the  common 
safety,  we  agree,  that  after  this  covenant  has  been  offered 
to  any  person,  and  they  refuse  to  sign  it,  we  will  consider 
them  in  the  same  light  as  contumacious  importers,  and 
withdraw  all  commercial  connections  with  them  forever, 
and  publish  their  names  to  the  world. 

Witness  our  hands,  June  — ,  1774. 


ADDRESS   OF    MERCHANTS   AND  OTHERS,  OF  THE    TOWN    OF 
BOSTON,  TO    GOVERNOUR    GAGE,  PRESENTED    AT    SALEM, 

JUNE  8,  1774. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

We  esteem  it  not  one  of  the  least  consolations  to  this 
Province,  in  this  day  of  its  distress,  that  his  Majesty 
hath  been  pleased  to  appoint  to  the  head  of  it,  a  gentle- 
man of  your  Excellency's  known  ability,  steadiness,  and 
moderation.  The  long  command  which  you  have  held  in 
another  department  in  America,  in  which  you  have  dis- 
played every  good  quality  of  the  heart  and  mind,  gives 
us  the  most  favourable  hopes  of  your  future  administration  ; 
and  makes  us  the  less  regret  the  parting  with  our  late 
worthy  Governour,  whose  wise  and  faithful  administration 
hath  given  us  the  most  entire  satisfaction. 

We  therefore,  merchants,  traders  and  others,  of  the  town 
of  Boston,  for  ourselves,  do  now  wait  on  your  Excellency 
to  pay  you  our  hearty  congratulations  on  your  arrival  at 
the  metropolis,  to  acknowledge  our  gratitude  to  our 
Sovereign  for  his  gracious  appointment  of  you  to  the  head 
of  this  Province  at  this  very  important  conjuncture  ;  and 
to  give  you  our  firm  assurances  that  we  will  do  every  thing 
in  our  power,  in  our  respective  stations,  to  promote  peace 
and  good  order,  and  to  make  your  administration  easy  and 
happy. 

We  cannot  well  express  to  your  Excellency  the  distress  of 
mind  we  feel  at  the  approaching  calamity,  which  will  soon 
overwhelm  the  town  o{  Boston,  particularly  the  trading 
part  of  it,  by  the  operation  of  a  late  Act  of  Parliament 
for  shutting  up  the  harbour. 

The  real  miseries  which  this  will  occasion  to  our  fellow- 
townsmen  cannot  well  be  conceived.  A  mind  like  your 
Excellency's,  fraught  with  tenderness  and  humanity  will 
anticipate  our  sufferings  ;  and  requires  a  description  of  the 
evil,  to  prompt  you  to  a  ready  exertion  of  all  your  interests 
to  avert  or  remove  it. 

We  could  wish  a  discretionary  power  had  been  lodged 
with  your  Excellency  to  restore  the  trade  to  its  usual 
course  immediately  on  the  Act  being  fully  complied  with  ; 
but  as  the  Act  stands,  being  only  to  be  repealed  by  his 
Majesty  in  Council,  on  your  Excellency's  favourable  rep- 
resentation of  us,  it  will  take  so  much  time  before  it  can 
be  effected,  as  will  involve  us  in  unspeakable  misery,  and, 
we  fear,  total  ruin.  Making  restitution  to  the  East  hulia 
Company  for  damage  done  to  the  persons  and  property  of 
individuals  among  us,  by  the  outrage  of  rash  and  inconside- 
rate men,  we  look  upon  to  be  quite  equitable;  and  we, - 
who  have  ever  disavowed  all  lawless  violences,  do  bear 
our  testimony  against  them,  and  particulariy  against  that 
action  which  we  suppose  to  be  the  immediate  cause  of  our 
heavy  chastisement,  are  willing  to  pay  our  proportions 
whenever  the  same  can  be  ascertained,  and  the  mode  of 
laying  it  determined  on.  As  soon  as  compensation  shall 
be  made,  and  all  other  terms  of  the  Act  complied  with, 
we  have  no  doubt  your  Excellency  will  make  such  favour- 
able representations  of  our  case  to  his  Majesty  in  Council, 
as  that  he  may  be  graciously  pleased  to  restore  us  to  his 
Royal  favour. 


899 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


400 


We  sincerely  wish  that  all  your  Excellency's  endea- 
vours to  promote  peace  and  the  general  tranquillity  of  the 
Province  may  meet  with  success ;  and  we  promise  to 
ourselves  that  the  whole  of  your  administration  will  be 
such  as  may  claim  tlie  warmest  testimonies  of  gratitude 
from  the  people,  and  the  approbation  of  your  Royal 
master. 

Signed  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  of  the  Inhabi- 
tants, inclu'ling  those  who  signed  the  Address  to  Govcr- 
tiour  Hutchinson. 
Silem,  June  8,  1774. 

HIS  excellency's  answer. 

Gentlemen  :  You  will  accept  my  thanks  for  your  polite 
Address,  and  kind  congratulations  on  my  arrival  in  this 
Province  ;  and  be  assured  that  1  receive  tiie  greatest  satis- 
faction, that  so  respectable  a  body  liave  testified  an  open 
disavowal  of  the  lawless  violences  that  have  been  com- 
mitted in  the  town  o{  Boston. 

I  sincerely  condole  you  on  the  distresses  that  many 
must  feel  on  this  occasion  of  siiuttlng  up  tlie  port,  and  shall 
rejoice  in  being  afforded  an  early  opportunity  to  make  such 
representation  as  may  tend  to  their  relief;  but  you  will 
believe  that  no  discretionary  power  is  lodged  with  me. 

It  is  greatly  to  be  wished  for  the  good  of  the  coinmunity 
in  general,  tliat  those  in  whose  hands  power  is  vested, 
should  use  the  most  speedy  method  to  fulfil  the  King's 
expectations,  and  fix  the  mode  to  indemnify  the  East  India 
Company,  and  others  who  iiave  suffered  ;  which  could  not 
fail  to  extricate  the  citizens  of  Boston  out  of  the  difficulties 
in  which  they  are  involved,  with  as  little  delay  as  the 
nature  of  them  will  admit,  and  lay  a  foundation  for  that 
harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colony,  which 
every  considerate  and  good  man  must  wish  to  see  esta- 
blished ;  and  nothing  shall  b&  wanting  on  my  part  to 
accomplish  an  end  so  desirable. 

Sjlom,  June  8,  1774. 


MASSACHUSETTS    GENERAL    ASSEMBLY. 

The  honourable  House  of  Representatives,  before  they 
proceeded  to  business  in  Salem,  on  Wednesday ,  8th  June, 
1774,  came  into  the  following  Resolutions,  and  ordered 
the  same  to  be  entered  on  their  Journals,  viz  : 

Resolved,  That  by  the  Royal  Charter  of  this  Province, 
the  power  of  convening,  proroguing,  and  adjourning  the 
Great  and  General  Court  of  Assembly  from  time  to  time, 
is  vested  in  the  Governour,  to  be  exercised  as  he  shall 
judge  necessary  and  for  the  good  of  the  people.  Therefore, 

Resolved,  Tiiat  it  is  clearly  the  opinion  of  this  House, 
that  whensoever  the  Governour  of  this  Province  doth  con- 
vene or  hold  the  General  Assembly  at  any  time  or  place 
unnecessarily,  or  merely  in  obedience  to  an  instruction, 
and  without  exercising  that  judgment  and  discretion  of  his 
own,  with  which  by  Charier  he  is  specially  vested  for  the 
good  of  the  Province,  it  is  manifestly  inconsistent  with 
the  letter  as  well  as  the  intention  and  spirit  of  the 
Charter. 

Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston  haih,  from  the 
earliest  times  of  this  Province,  been  judged,  and  still  is  on 
various  accounts,  the  most  convenient  place  for  holding  the 
General  Assembly ;  and  accordingly,  ample  provision  is 
there  made  for  the  accommodation  of  the  said  General 
Assembly,  at  a  very  great  expense  to  the  people  of  this 
Province. 

Resolved,  As  tiie  clear  opinion  of  this  House,  that  the 
General  Assembly  cannot  be  removed  from  its  ancient  seat, 
the  Court  House  in  Boston,  and  held  in  any  other  place, 
without  great  aud  manifold  inconveniences  to  the  members 
thereof,  and  injury  and  damage  of  those  who  have  neces- 
sary business  to  transact  with  the  said  General  Assembly  ; 
many  of  which  inconveniences  have  been  clearly  stated, 
and  expressed  by  former  Houses  of  Representatives,  as 
appear  by  their  Journal. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  can  see  no  necessity  for  the 
removal  of  the  General  Assembly  from  its  ancient  and  only 
convenient  place,  the  Court  House  in  Boston,  to  the  town 
of  Sakm  ;  and  the  removal  of  the  said  Assembly  from  the 
Court  House  in  Boston  without  necessity,  is  at  all  times 
considered  to  be  a  very  great  grievance. 


On  Thursday,  June  9,  1774,  a  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  waited  on  the  Governour  with  the  fol- 
lowing Answer  to  his  Speech  at  the  opening  of  the 
Session. 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

"  Your  Speech  to  both  Houses  of  the  General  Assembly, 
at  the  opening  of  this  Session,  has  been  read  and  con- 
sidered w  ith  ail  due  attention  in  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives. 

"  Your  Excellency  has  therein  signified  to  us,  that  his 
Majesty  has  been  pleased,  '  to  appoint  you  Governour 
'  and  Captain  General  of  his  Province  of  Massachusetts 
'  Bay ;  and  that  your  connnission  has  been  read  and 
'  published.'  We  congratulate  your  Excellency  on  your 
safe  arrival,  and  honour  you  in  the  most  exalted  station  in 
this  Province  ;  and  confiding  in  your  Excellency  tliat  you 
will  make  the  known  Constitution  and  Charter  of  the  Pro- 
vince the  rules  of  your  administration,  we  beg  leave  to 
assure  you  that  nothing  on  our  part  shall  be  wanting  that 
may  contribute  to  render  the  same  easy  and  happy  to 
yourself,  and  to  aid  your  Excellency  in  promoting  the 
prosperity  of  his  Majesty's  Government,  and  the  welfare 
of  our  Constitution.  And  we  thank  your  Excellency  for 
the  assurances  you  are  pleased  to  give  of  your  concurrence 
with  us  therein. 

"  It  gives  us  pain  to  be  informed  by  your  Excellency, 
that  you  have  the  King's  particular  commands  for  holding 
the  General  Court  at  Salem,  '  from  the  first  day  of  this 
'  instant  June,  until  his  Majesty  shall  have  signified  his 
'  Royal  will  and  pleasure  for  holding  it  again  at  Boston.' 
We  are  entirely  at  a  loss  for  the  cause  of  this  command, 
as  we  cannot  conceive  any  public  utility  arising  from  it, 
and  both  we  and  our  constituents  are  now  suffering  the 
inconvenience  of  it. 

"  The  removal  of  the  Assembly  from  the  Court  House  in 
Boston,  its  ancient  and  only  convenient  seat,  has  very 
lately  given  great  discontent  to  the  good  people  of  this 
Province  ;  and  we  cannot  but  think  that  misrepresentations 
from  persons  residing  in  this  Province,  have  induced  his 
Majesty's  Ministers  to  advise  his  Majesty  to  lay  your  Ex- 
cellency under  an  injunction  whereby  the  people  are  In 
this  instance  deprived  of  the  benefit  of  that  discretionary 
power  which  is  vested  in  the  Governour  by  Charter,  and 
has  been  exercised  by  former  Governours,  of  determining 
in  such  cases  for  the  good  of  the  Province. 

"  We  confide,  however,  in  your  Excellency's  imparti- 
ality and  justice,  that  the  true  state  of  this  Province,  and 
the  character  of  his  IMajesty's  subjects  in  it ;  their  loyalty 
to  their  Sovereign  ;  their  affection  for  the  parent  country, 
as  well  as  their  invincible  attachments  to  their  just  rights 
and  liberties,  will  be  laid  before  his  jMajesty  ;  and  we  hope 
by  these  means  your  Excellency  will  be  the  happy  instru- 
ment of  removing  the  displeasure  of  his  Majesty,  and 
restoring  harmony,  which  has  too  long  been  interrupted  by 
the  artifices  of  designing  men. 

"  Your  Excellency  has  laid  no  particular  business  before 
us,  excepting  the  supply  of  tlie  Treasury  for  the  support 
of  Government  for  tiie  ensuing  year,  to  which  we  shall 
give  our  immediate  attention,  as  also  to  any  other  matters 
}  our  Excellency  may  please  to  lay  before  us,  and  give  tliat 
despatch  to  public  business,  which  the  manifold  and  great 
inconvenience  of  our  present  situation  will  admit." 


In  Council.  June  9,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  Jeremiah  Powell,  William  Sever,  and 
Jedediah  Preble,  Esquires,  be  a  Committee  to  wait  on  his 
Excellency  the  Governour  with  the  following  Address,  in 
answer  to  his  Speech  at  the  opening  of  the  present  Gene- 
ral Court.  Thomas  Flucker,  Secretary. 

"  To  his  Kicelltncy  Thomas  Gage,  Esq..  Captain-Gen- 
eral and  Governour-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  fyc.  ifc. 

"  The  Address  of  the  Council  of  the  said  Province  : 

"  May  it  please  your  Excellency: 

"  Your  Speech  to  the  two  Houses  at  the  ojiening  of 
.this  Session  has  been  duly  considered  by  this  Board. 

"  His  Majesty  having  been  pleased  to  appoint  you  to  the 


«ot 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


402 


Government  of  this  Province,  we  take  this  opportunity  to 
wait  on  you  with  our  congratulations  on  that  occasion. 

"  Your  Excellency  has  arrived  at  a  juncture  when  the 
harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  is 
greatly  interrupted,  whereby  your  station,  though  elevated, 
must  needs  be  rendered  less  agreeable  to  you  tiian  it  would 
have  been  ;  but  if  you  should  be  the  happy  instrument  of 
restoring  in  any  measure  that  harmony,  and  of  extricating 
the  Province  from  their  present  embarrassments,  you  will 
doubtless  consider  these  happy  effects  as  more  than  a 
compensation  for  any  inconveniences  arising  to  you  from 
the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times.  His  Majesty's 
faithful  Council  on  all  occasions  will  cheerfully  co-operate 
with  your  Excellency  in  every  attempt  for  accomplishing 
those  desirable  ends. 

"  We  wish  your  Excellency  every  felicity  ;  the  greatest 
of  a  political  nature,  both  to  yourself  and  the  Province  is, 
that  your  administration  in  the  principles  and  general 
conduct  of  it  may  be  a  happy  contrast  to  those  of  your 
two  immediate  predecessors.  It  is  irksome  to  us  to  censure 
any  one,  but  we  are  constrained  to  say  there  is  the  greatest 
reason  to  apprehend  that  from  their  machinations  (both  in 
concert  and  apart)  are  derived  the  origin  and  progress  of 
the  disunion  between  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  and  the 
present  distressed  state  of  this  Province — a  Province  to 
which  the  latter  of  them,  in  an  especial  manner,  owed  his 
best  services,  and  whose  liberties  and  rights  he  was  under 
every  obligation  of  duty  and  gratitude  to  support. 

"  Tlie  inhabitants  of  this  Province  claim  no  more  tlian 
the  rights  of  Englishmen,  without  diminution  or  '  abridg- 
ment ;'  these,  as  it  is  our  indispensable  duty,  so  it  shall  be 
our  constant  endeavour  to  maintain  to  the  utmost  of  our 
power,  in  perfect  consistence,  however,  with  the  truest 
loyalty  to  the  Crown;  the  just  prerogatives  of  which  your 
Excellency  will  ever  find  this  Board  zealous  to  support. 

"  Permit  us,  sir,  on  this  occasion,  to  express  the  firmest 
confidence  that,  under  their  present  grievances,  the  people 
of  this  Province  will  not  in  vain  look  to  your  Excellency 
for  your  paternal  aid  and  assistance ;  and,  as  the  great  end 
of  Government  is  the  good  of  the  people,  that  your  expe- 
rience and  abilities  will  be  applied  to  attain  that  end ;  the 
steady  pursuit  of  which,  at  the  same  time  it  insures  their 
confidence  and  esteem,  will  be  a  source  of  the  truest  enjoy- 
ment, self-approbation. 

"  We  thank  your  Excellency  for  the  assurance  you 
have  given  '  that  you  shall  with  pleasure  concur  with  the 
'  two  Houses  to  the  utmost  of  your  power  in  all  mattei-s 
'  that  tend  to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  the  Province ;' 
and  your  Excellency  may  be  assured  that  we  shall  contri- 
bute every  thing  on  our  part  to  promote  measures  of  so 
salutary  a  tendency." 

June  \Ath,  1774.  The  Committee  appointed  to  present 
the  foregoing  Address,  waited  on  his  Excellency  therewith 
yesterday,  and  read  as  far  as  that  part  which  reflects  on 
tiie  administration  of  his  Excellency's  two  immediate  pre- 
decessors, when  he  desired  the  Chairman  not  to  proceed 
any  further,  and  that  he  would  assign  his  reasons  for  re- 
fusing to  receive  it,  in  a  Message  to  the  Council ;  and  on 
the  same  day  sent  by  his  Secretary  the  following  Message : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Council  : 

"  I  cannot  receive  an  Address  which  contains  indecent 
reflections  on  my  predecessors  who  have  been  tried  and 
honourably  acquitted  by  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council, 
and  their  conduct  approved  by  the  King. 

"  I  consider  this  Address  as  an  insult  upon  his  Majesty, 
and  the  Lords  of  his  Privy  Council,  and  an  affront  to 
myself.  T.  Gage." 


with  our  most  respectful  congratulations  on  your  arrival  in 
this  place. 

We  are  deeply  sensible  of  his  Majesty's  paternal  care 
and  affection  to  this  Province,  in  the  appointment  of  a 
person  of  your  Excellency's  experience,  wisdom,  and 
moderation,  in  these  troublesome  and  difficult  times. 

We  rejoice  that  this  town  is  graciously  distinguished  for 
that  spirit,  loyalty,  and  reverence  for  the  laws,  which  is 
equally  our  glory  and  happiness. 

From  that  public  spirit  and  warm  zeal  to  promote  the 
general  happiness  of  men,  which  marks  the  great  and 
good,  we  are  led  to  hope  under  your  Excellency's  admin- 
istration for  every  thing  that  may  promote  the  peace, 
prosperity,  and  real  welfare  of  this  Province. 

We  beg  leave  to  commend  to  your  Excellency's  patron- 
age the  trade  and  commerce  of  this  place,  which,  from  a 
full  protection  of  the  liberties,  persons,  and  properties  of 
individuals,  cannot  but  flourish. 

And  we  assure  your  Excellency  we  will  make  it  our 
constant  endeavours  by  peace,  good  order,  and  a  regard  for 
the  laws,  as  far  as  in  us  lies,  to  render  your  station  and 
residence  easy  and  happy. 

Signed  by  forty-eight  persons. 


HIS  EXCELLENCY  S  ANSWER. 


ADDRESS  OF  MERCHANTS  AND  OTHERS,  INHABITANTS  OF 
SALEM,  TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  GOVERNOUR  GAGE,  ON 
SATURDAY,  JUNE  11,  1774. 

To  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Esq.,  Captain-General, 
Govemour  and  Commander-in-chief,  of  the  Province 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,  and  Lieu- 
tenant-General  of  his  Majesty's  Forces  : 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

We,  Merchants  and  others,   Inliabitants  of  the  ancient 
town  of  Salem,  beg  leave  to  approach  your  Excellency 

Fourth  Series.  26 


Gentlemen  :  I  thank  you  for  this  very  kind  Address, 
and  your  obliging  congratulations  on  my  arrival  at  this 
place.  The  favourable  sentiments  you  are  pleased  to 
entertain  of  me  are  extremely  flattering,  and  merit  my 
warmest  acknowledgments. 

I  doubt  not  that  you  will  continue  to  cherish  that  spirit 
of  loyalty  and  reverence  to  the  laws  that  has  distinguished 
the  ancient  town  of  Salem.  And  no  attention  or  protec- 
tion shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  encourage  such 
laudable  sentiments,  which  cannot  fail  to  increase  your 
trade  and  commerce,  and  render  you  a  happy  and  flour- 
ishing people. 

HARFORD  county  (maRYLANd)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  very  considerable  and  respectable 
body  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Harford  County,  Maryland, 
on  the  11th  of  June,  1774. 

AquiLA  Hall,  Chairman. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  sufiering  in  the  common 
cause  of  America,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Colony 
to  unite  in  the  most  effectual  constitutional  means  to  obtain 
a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the 
harbour  and  port  of  Boston. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  therefore  we  will  join  in  an  Asso- 
ciation with  the  other  counties  of  this  Province,  on  oath, 
not  to  export  to,  or  import  from.  Great  Britain,  any  kind 
of  produce  or  merchandise  after  such  a  day  as  the  Com- 
mittees of  the  several  counties  at  their  general  meeting 
shall  fix,  until  the  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Act. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  we  will  deal  with  none  of  the  West 
India  Islands,  Colony  or  Colonies,  person  or  persons 
whatsoever  residing  therein,  who  shall  not  enter  into  simi- 
lar resolves  with  a  majority  of  the  Colonies  within  such 
time  as  the  General  Committees  of  this  Province  shall 
agree,  but  hold  him  or  them  as  an  enemy  or  enemies  to 
American  liberty. 

4th.  Resolved,  Tliat  we  will  join  in  an  Association  with 
the  other  counties,  to  send  relief  to  the  poor  and  distressed 
inhabitants  of  Boston,  to  enable  them  firmly  to  persevere 
in  defence  of  the  common  cause. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  the  merchants  ought  not  to  advance 
the  price  of  their  goods,  but  sell  them  as  they  intended 
had  not  these  Resolves  been  entered  into. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  the  gentlemen  of  the  law  ought  to 
bring  no  suit  for  the  recovery  of  any  debt  due  from  any 
inhabitant  of  this  Province,  to  any  inhabitant  of  Great 
Britain,  or  this,  or  any  other  Colony,  until  the  said  Act 
be  repealed,  except  in  such  cases  where  the  debtor  is 
guilty  of  wilful  delay  in  payment,  having  ability  to  pay, 
or  is  about  to  abscond  or  remove  his  effects,  or  is  wasting 
his  substance,  or  shall  refuse  to  settle  his  account  by 
giving  his  bond  on  interest,  (or  security  if  required)  which 
fiict  or  facts  are  to  be  made  appear  to  some  neighbouring 
Magistrate,  and  certified  under  his  hand. 


403 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


404 


7th.  Resolved,  That  tlie  following  gentlemen,  viz:  Rev. 
JiVliam  West,  Messrs.  Afjuila  Hall,  likharil  Dallum, 
Thomas  Bond,  son  of  Thomas,  John  Love,  Captain  John 
Paca,  Benedict  Edw.  Hall,  Benjamin  Rumietj,  Nathan- 
iel Giles,  and  Jacob  Bond,  be  a  Connnittee  to  meet  the 
Committees  of  the  other  counties  of  this  Province,  to 
consult  and  agree  on  the  most  effectual  means  to  preserve 
our  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  and  to  promote  the 
union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colo- 
nies, on  which  their  preservation  depends.  And  that  the 
same  gentlemen,  •  together  with  the  following.  Captain 
John  Matthews,  Captain  William  Smith,  Doctor  John 
Archer,  William  Young,  Abraham  Whitaker,  William 
Webb,  Amos  Garret,  George  Bradford,  John  Rumsey, 
Jeremiah  Sheredine,  William  Smithson,  William  Bond, 
son  of  Joshua,  Isaac  Webster,  and  Alexander  Cowan,  be 
a  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  on  any  emergency 
to  call  a  general  meeting,  and  that  any  six  of  them  have 
power  to  act. 

Signed  per  order,  of  the  Committee. 

Joseph  Butler,  Cleric. 


FREDERICK  COUNTY  (mARYLANd)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  respectable  and  numerous  body  of 
the  Freemen  of  the  lower  part  of  Frederick  County,  at 
Charles  Hungerford's  tavern,  on  Saturday,  the  11th  day 
of  June,  1774. 

Mr.  Henry  Griffith,  Moderator. 

1.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
meeting  that  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  America. 

2.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  every  legal  and  consti- 
tutional measure  ought  to  be  used  by  all  America  for 
procuring  a  repeal  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking 
Lip  the  harbour  of  Boston. 

3.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
meetin'T  that  the  most  effectual  means  for  the  securins; 
American  freedom,  will  be  to  break  off  all  commerce  with 
Gi-eat  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  until  the  said  Act  be 
repealed,  and  the  right  of  taxation  given  up,  on  permanent 
principles. 

4.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  Mr.  Henry  Grijlth, 
Doctor  Thomas  Sprigg  Wooiton,  Nathan  Magruder, 
Euan  Thomas,  Richard  Brooke,  Richard  Thomas,  Zadock 
Magruder,  Doctor  William  Baker,  Thomas  Cramphin, 
Jan.,  and  Allen  Bowie,  be  a  Committee  to  attend  the 
General  Committee  at  Annapolis,  and  of  Correspondence 
for  the  lower  part  of  Frederick  County,  and  that  any  six 
of  them  shall  have  power  to  receive  and  communicate 
intelUgence  to,  and  from,  the  neigiibouring  Committees. 

5.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  a  copy  of  these  our 
sentiments,  be  immediately  transmitted  to  Annapolis,  and 
inserted  in  the  Maryland  Gazette. 

Signed  per  order, 

Archibald  Orme,  Clerk. 


ESSEX  COUNTY  (nEW-JERSEy)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Essex,  in  the  Province  of  New-Jersey,  at 
Newark,  in  the  said  County,  on  Saturday,  the  11th  day 
cf  June,  1774. 

This  meeting  taking  into  serious  consideration  some  late 
alarming  measures  adopted  by  the  British  Parliament  for 
depriving  his  Majesty's  American  subjects  of  their  undoubt- 
ed and  constitutional  rights  and  principles ;  and  particu- 
larly the  Act  for  blockading  the  port  of  Boston,  which 
appears  to  them  pregnant  with  the  most  dangerous  conse- 
quences to  all  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in  America ;  do 
unanimously  resolve  and  agree  : 

1.  That  under  the  enjoyment  of  our  constitutional  pri- 
vileges and  immunities  we  will  ever  cheerfully  render  all 
due  obedience  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as 
full  faith  and  allegiance  to  his  most  gracious  Majesty  King 
George  the  Third  ;  and  do  esteem  a  firm  dependence  on 
the  mother  country  essential  to  our  political  security  and 
happiness. 


2.  That  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  relative  to  Boston, 
which  so  absolutely  destroys  every  idea  of  safety  and 
confidence,  appears  to  us  big  with  the  most  dangerous  and 
alarming  consequences ;  especially  as  subversive  of  that 
very  dependence  which  we  should  earnestly  wish  to  conti- 
nue, as  our  best  safeguard  and  protection :  And  that  we 
conceive  every  well-wisher  to  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies  is  now  loudly  called  upon  to  exert  his  utmost 
abilities  in  promoting  every  legal  and  pnidential  measure 
towards  obtaining  a  repeal  of  tlie  said  Act  of  Parliament  ; 
and  all  others  subversive  of  the  undoubted  rights  and 
liberties  of  his  Majesty's  American  subjects. 

3.  That  it  is  our  unanimous  opinion,  that  it  would 
conduce  to  the  restoration  of  the  liberties  of  America 
should  the  Colonies  enter  into  a  joint  agreement,  not  to 
purchase  or  use  any  articles  of  British  manufacture  ;  and 
especially  any  commodities  imported  from  the  East  Indies, 
under  such  restrictions  as  may  be  agreed  upon  by  a 
general  Congress  of  the  said  Colonies  liereafter  to  be 
appointed. 

4.  That  this  county  will  most  readily  and  cheerfully 
join  their  brethren  of  the  other  counties  in  this  Province, 
in  promoting  such  Congress  of  Deputies,  to  be  sent  from 
each  of  the  Colonies,  in  order  to  form  a  general  plan  of 
union,  so  that  the  measures  to  be  pursued  for  the  impor- 
tant ends  in  view  may  be  uniform  and  firm  ;  to  which 
plan  when  concluded  upon  we  do  agree  faithfully  to  adhere. 
And  do  now  declare  ourselves  ready  to  send  a  Committee, 
to  meet  .with  those  from  tlie  other  counties,  at  such  time 
and  place,  as  by  them  may  be  agreed  npon,  in  order  to 
elect  proper  persons  to  represent  this  Province  in  the  said 
general  Congress. 

5.  That  the  freeliolders  and  inhabitants  of  the  other 
counties  in  this  Province  be  requested  speedily  to  convene 
themselves  together,  to  consider  the  present  distressing  state 
of  our  public  affairs ;  and  to  correspond  and  consult  with 
such  other  Committees,  as  may  be  appointed,  as  well  as 
with  our  Committee,  who  are  hereby  directed  to  correspond 
and  consult  with  such  other  Committees,  as  also  with 
those  of  any  other  Province ;  and  particularly  to  meet 
with  the  said  County  Committees,  in  order  to  nominate  and 
appoint  Deputies  to  represent  this  Province  in  general 
Congress. 

6.  We  do  hereby  unanimously  request  the  following 
gentlemen  to  accept  of  that  trust ;  and  accordingly  do 
appoint  them  our  Committee  for  the  purposes  aforesaid, 
viz :  Stephen  Crane,  Henry  Garritse,  Joseph  Riggs, 
William  Livingston,  William  P.  Smith,  John  De  Hart, 
John  Chetwood,  Isaac  Ogden,  and  Elias  Boudinot, 
Esquires. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK. 

Norwich,  (in  England,)  June  13,  1774. 

What  a  scene  of  misery  and  distress  are  the  pernicious 
measures  of  Administration  disclosing  in  this  city  1  The 
cries  of  thousands  of  poor  journeymen  weavers,  and  the 
clamour  of  their  unemployed  mastei-s,  with  all  their 
numerous  dependants  of  con)bers,  dyers,  hot-pressers,  Sic, 
will  ere  long  reach  the  ears  of  the  weak,  tyrannic  Ix)rd 
that  occasioned  them,  and  make  his  name  and  memory  as 
odious  in  Europe  as  in  America.  Every  manufacturer  in 
the  home  trade,  who,  at  this  time  of  the  year  used  to  re- 
ceive prodigious  orders  for  coarse  camblets,  calliinancoes, 
and  black  and  white  crapes,  from  the  ware-houses  in 
London  for  the  Colonies,  are  now  entirely  at  a  stand  ;  and 
when  business  in  the  foreign  houses  decline,  our  work- 
houses will  be  crowded  with  paupers,  and  the  poor-rates 
become  insupportably  high,  and  numberless  families  become 
destitute  of  bread.  It  is  not  many  months  since  a  petition 
was  presented  to  Parliament,  by  our  worthy  members,  Sir 
Harbord  Harbord,  and  Edward  Bacon,  Esquire,  setting 
forth  the  decay  of  trade,  and  the  hardships  we  labour 
under.  But  alas  !  how  does  a  Prime  Minister  regard  the 
misfortunes  he  heaps  upon  others.  Instead  of  protecting 
and  encouraging  our  commerce,  he  has  taken  the  most 
direct  means  to  diminish  and  destroy  it;  and  for  what? 
To  execute  his  avowed  and  secret  designs,  and  to  gratify 
his  pride,  his  folly,  and  his  resentment.  Because  a  licen- 
tious rabble  in  Boston  destroyed  a  dutied  article,  which 


405 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


406 


one  of  the  wisest  men  in  this  nation  has  proved  ought  not  to 
have  been  taxed,  and  which  would  not  have  been  destroyed, 
if  the  ships  that  carried  it  had  not  obstinately  persisted 
in  landing  it ;  for  that  reason,  I  say,  a  whole  city,  a  whole 
Province,  must  suffer  all  the  dreadful  effects  of  Ministerial 
vengeance.  The  worthy  magistrate,  the  innocent  merchant, 
the  honest  tradesman,  the  well  disposed  poor,  all,  all  must 
be  treated  with  the  most  unexampled,  the  most  diabolical 
rigour,  for  the  outrage  of  a  few,  have,  like  the  city  of 
London,  their  humble  petitions  and  just  remonstrances 
ridiculed  and  disregarded  ;  their  Charter  violated ;  their 
ports  blocked  up  ;  their  trade  removed  ;  their  inhabitants 
dragged  three  thousand  miles  for  trial ;  and  to  complete  the 
tragedy  and  their  slavery,  a  military  Governour  and  troops 
sent  over  to  enforce  the  Ministerial  mandate.  Excellent 
measures  these  to  stir  up  a  civil  war  at  liome  ;  compel  the 
exasperated  Americans  to  take  up  arms,  and  to  ruin  the 
trade  of  the  mother  country.  But  whatever  gratification 
sucii  measures  may  afford  to  a  wrong  headed,  deluded 
Minister,  they  are  highly  offensive  to  unemployed  and 
impoverished  manufacturers,  whose  business  is  their  depen- 
dence and  support,  and  who  are  too  sensible  of  the  loss, 
not  to  curse  those  who  would  deprive  them  and  their 
posterity  of  it.  Happy  is  it  for  Lord  North  that  he  is  not 
a  tradesman,  lamenting  for  orders,  and  distressed  for  re- 
mittances. Unhappy  for  him  that  the  Kingdom  at  large 
condemn  his  American  measures,  and  are  ashamed  of  his 
conduct.  In  a  word,  pensioners  may  flatter,  and  levees 
may  applaud  ;  but  it  is  too  clear,  that  unless  he  conciliate 
the  esteem  of  the  Colonies  by  a  repeal  of  the  cruel  destruc- 
tive laws  he  has  framed,  and  restore  the  trade  he  has  taken 
away,  that  he  will  kindle  a  flame  he  will  find  himself 
unable  to  quench,  and  load  himself  with  the  execrations 
not  only  of  innumerable  poor  diat  may  be  deprived  of 
employment  in  the  manufactory  of  this  city,  Birmingham, 
Sheffield,  and  Yorkshire,  but  those  of  every  sensible  and 
spirited  person  in  the  Kingdom. 


Williameburg,  June  16,  1774. 

On  Monday  evening  last,  the  13th  instant,  an  express 
arrived  in  this  city  from  Hampshire,  with  letters  from 
Colonel  Abraham  Hite,  residing  there,  to  his  Excellency 
our  Governour,  which  give  us  fresh  assurances  of  the 
determined  resolution  of  the  Indians  to  declare  war  against 
us.  It  would  be  needless  to  expatiate  with  respect  to  the 
distresses  of  the  inhabitants  in  many  of  the  back  parts  of 
this  Colony,  as  their  situation  must  be  sufficiently  obvious 
to  every  one  who  has  attended  to  the  many  late  accounts 
of  the  barbarity  of  the  Indians  towards  them.  Colonel 
Hite  reports,  that  he  has  received  intelligence  from  Cheet 
River,  upon  which  he  can  depend,  that  on  the  4th  instant 
some  people  going  to  or  by  the  house  of  one  William 
Speir,  they  discovered  him,  his  wife,  and  four  children 
murdered  and  scalped,  with  a  broad-axe  sticking  in  the 
man's  breast,  and  his  wife  lying  on  her  back,  entirely 
naked.  At  another  place  they  found  a  man's  coat,  with  a 
number  of  bullet  holes  in  it ;  and  a  child  murdered  close 
by  the  same.  The  cattle  they  have  likewise  killed  ;  in 
short,  the  outrages  committed  by  these  barbarians  are 
hardly  credible  ;  and,  we  are  told,  that  scarce  a  day 
happens  but  some  cruelty  or  other  is  committed.  Colonel 
Hite  declares,  that  altliough  he  resided  there  during  the 
two  last  wars,  he  never  saw  greater  consternation  and 
distress  among  the  people  than  is  at  this  time. 


Philadelpliia,  Monday,  June  13,   1774. 

On  Tlmrsday  evening  last,  June  9th,  about  twelve  hun- 
dred Mechanics  of  this  city  and  suburbs,  assembled  at  the 
State  House,  to  hear  a  letter  and  other  papers  read  from 
the  Mechanics  of  the  City  of  New-  York,  and  to  form  such 
resolutions  as  should  be  judged  proper  for  their  future 
conduct  at  this  most  alarming  and  critical  time,  when 
American  liberty  is  so  deeply  wounded,  and  her  rights  so 
unjustly  invaded  by  levying  taxes  on  us  without  our 
consent,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue ;  and  for 
refusing  payment  of  those  illegal  taxes,  blocking  up  with 
divers  ships  of  war  the  port  and  town  of  Boston,  thereby 


most  unjustly  depriving  that  once  flourishing  town  of  its 
whole  trade  ;  the  inhabitants  of  their  private  property  ;  and 
the  labouring  poor  of  the  means  of  subsisting  themselves 
and  families.  These  proceedings  of  the  parent  State 
against  her  American  children,  call  aloud  upon  all  Ameri- 
cans to  assemble,  consult,  and  determine  firmly  to  pursue 
such  measures  for  their  own  and  neighbours  future  security, 
as  shall  be  judged  most  likely  to  avert  the  present  calamity, 
and  secure  to  them  the  perfect  enjoyment  of  their  liberties 
and  properties  upon  a  fixed  and  lasting  foundation;  for 
which  purpose,  the  Mechanics  of  this  city  did  propose,  and 
intend  at  this  meeting  to  form  such  resolutions  to  co-operate 
with  the  Committee  of  Merchants,  and  to  strengthen  their 
hands,  as  will  convince  the  world  Americans  were  bom 
and  determine  to  live  free,  and  that  they  never  will  be 
slaves  ;  that  liberty  is  their  birthright :  they  cannot,  they 
will  not  give  it  up.  But  since  the  sending  out  the  hand- 
bills for  calling  this  great  assembly,  information  was 
received  that  the  present  Committee  have  sent  expresses 
to  all  the  Southern  Colonies  for  their  advice  wi  this  alarm- 
ing occasion,  and  returns  to  those  expresses  are  expected 
in  a  very  few  days ;  that  the  Committee  had  determined 
to  call  a  general  meeting  of  all  the  inhabitants  in  the  city 
and  county,  to  be  held  here  next  Wednesday,  the  15th 
instant,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  then  to  chose 
one  Grand  Joint  Committee,  to  represent  the  whole  inhabi- 
tants of  this  city  and  county,  to  correspond  with  the  Com- 
mittees of  the  neighbouring  Provinces,  and  to  adopt  such 
measures  to  be  pursued  by  all,  as  their  united  wisdom  shall 
direct ;  wherefore  it  is  judged  best  at  present  to  omit  going 
into  particular  resolutions,  or  appointing  a  particular  Com- 
mittee to  represent  the  Mechanics,  as  the  grand  general 
meeting  is  so  near  at  hand. 

As  it  was  judged  there  would  not  be  sufficient  time  to 
give  proper  notice  to  the  county,  it  was  agreed  on  Saturday 
last  by  the  Committee  and  a  number  of  the  most  respect- 
able inhabitants  called  to  advise  on  the  present  oc<;asion, 
that  the  general  meeting  be  postponed  to  Saturday  next, 
at  or  near  the  State  House,  at  three  o'clock,  P.  M.,  at 
which  time  and  place  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  and 
county,  qualified  to  vote  for  Representatives,  are  desired 
to  attend,  in  order  to  take  into  their  consideration  certain 
propositions  prepared  to  be  laid  before  them. 


GEORGE    CI^YMEK    TO    JOSIAH    QUINCY,    JK. 

Philadelphia,  June  13,  1774. 

Dear  Sir:  The  business  I  have  been  engaged  in, 
almost  ever  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  has  in 
a  great  measure  prevented  me  from  improving  a  friendship 
and  correspondence  in  which  I  expected  the  greatest  satis- 
faction. 

Knowing  how  much  you  have  at  heart  the  welfare  of 
your  country — the  character  you  sustain,  and  your  circle 
of  connexions — any  information  from  you  respecting  the 
true  springs  and  motives  of  action  in  your  people  on  many 
late  occasions,  would  have  been  extremely  agreeable  to 
me,  feeling  myself  much  interested  in  every  thing  that 
can  affect  them. 

I  have  ever  been  the  advocate  for  the  political  conduct 
of  the  people  of  Boston,  wherever  it  has  been  made  the 
subject  of  conversation;  but  manners  dissimilar  to  those  of 
many  of  the  more  Southern  Colonies,  and  perhaps,  some 
other  causes,  have  most  undoubtedly  contributed  to  fix 
prejudices,  which  nothing  but  a  clear  knowledge  of  circum- 
stances can  possibly  remove. 

I  sincerely  believe  that  fair  representations  of  things 
would  always  have  freed  them  from  any  suspicions  of  an 
impatience  of  good  order,  and  of  just  authority.  Those 
among  us  of  the  most  enlarged  sentiments,  and  who  have 
elevated  ideas  of  liberty,  are  unwilling  to  censure  any 
irregularities,  or  even  extravagances,  which  a  zeal  for  her 
cause  may  have  produced  ;  but  narrow  minds  can  scarcely 
in  any  case,  be  brought  to  approve,  where  domestic  econ- 
omy and  good  order  seemed  to  be  disturbed.  I  would 
willingly  hope  that  the  number  of  such  shortsighted  cen- 
surers  are  diminished,  and  that  the  distress  now  so  unjust- 
ly inflicted  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  has  fixed  their 
attention  more  upon  the  danger  which  so  fatal  a  precedent 


407 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JUNE,  1774. 


4QS 


has  made  common  to  all  the  Amtricans.  At  present,  I 
believe  this  to  be  the  case,  and  that  almost  every  one 
amongst  us  sees  the  necessity  of  ciiecking  the  progress  that 
arbitrary  power  is  making. 

Would  to  God  your  rehef  could  be  speedily  effected  by 
the  means  pointed  out  by  the  vote  of  your  town  ;  but  tlie 
minds  of  men,  at  least  in  two  of  the  principal  Colonies, 
cannot  yet  be  brought  to  combat  with  the  most  powerful 
principle  in  human  nature :  I  mean  self-intercut,  which 
must  be  so  generally  renounced  during  a  susjjension  of 
trade.  Many  indeed  who  are  not  swayed  by  selfishness, 
are  for  offering  the  olive  branch  to  the  mother  country, 
unaccompanied  by  the  threats  and  menaces  implied  in  that 
measure  ;  and  proposing  through  a  general  Congress  such 
terms  of  accommodation  as  will  leave  us  the  essential 
rights  of  Englishmen,  and  suffering  her  at  the  same  time 
to  reap  those  advantages  in  trade  which  some  suppose  she 
had  in  contemplation,  in  first  settling  these  Colonies,  not- 
withstanding the  opinion  which  old  charters  in  many  early 
transactions  justify,  that  the  absolute  independence  of  the 
Colonies  was  intended.  If  these  two  ideas  are  not  to  be 
fairly  reconciled  in  theory,  they  think,  perhaps,  a  tempora- 
ry compromise,  which  should  leave  any  determinate  prin- 
ciples out  of  the  question,  may  be  effected.  Our  people 
seem  bent  upon  first  trying  this  experiment  ;  the  necessity 
of  harmony  and  perfect  unanimity,  which  all  seem  sensible 
of,  has  reconciled  very  different  interests  among  us,  and  by 
yielding  to  each  other,  the  Quakers  and  Presbyterians, 
and  other  contending  sects,  have  met  on  this  point. 

A  measure  of  this  kind  seems  calculated  rather  as  a 
general  barrier  against  the  encroaching  power  of  Parlia- 
ment, than  to  give  immediate  relief  to  people  in  your 
situation.  We  all  wish,  however,  that  your  firmness  should 
remain  unshaken,  until  the  remedy  to  be  applied  shall 
have  had  its  operation  ;  but  this  seems  hardly  possible. 
Patriotism,  assailed  by  poverty  and  want,  has  seldom  stood 
its  ground.  The  general  subscription  to  be  opened  here, 
which  I  hope  will  be  followed  in  other  places,  will  show 
that  your  neighbours  have  not  absolutely  forsaken  you  in 
the  day  of  distress ;  it  will  in  some  measure  alleviate  the 
wretchedness  of  the  poor,  and  stifle  then-  clamours  for 
bread.  Would  to  Heaven  this  proposed  charity  may  be 
in  the  least  adequate  to  the  occasion,  that  the  hard  neces- 
sity of  complying  w  ith  dangerous  and  disgraceful  terms 
might  be  utterly  taken  away. 

It  is  said  there  is  a  crisis  in  political,  as  well  as  in  natu- 
ral disorders;  this  may  be,  when  the  apprehensions  of  any 
great  evils  shall  have  made  such  progress  as  to  incline  men 
to  make  the  strongest  and  most  decisive  efforts  to  avoid 
them.  I  believe  we  are  not  ripe  yet  for  these  efforts ; 
the  two  bills  before  Pariiament  for  taking  away  the  peculiar 
privileges  of  your  Province,  and  making  the  soldiery 
masters  of  your  lives,  will  probably  quicken  and  mature 
our  resentments,  and  give  us  a  greater  certamty  of  ap- 
proaching tyranny. 

But  I  have  to  ask  your  pardon  for  this  tedious  letter.  I 
expect  in  a  few  weeks  to  see  you  at  Boston,  with  a  brother 
of  Mr.  Dickinson's. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

George  Clymer. 
Josiah  ^uinci/,  Jun, 


SOUTH-HAVEN    (nEW-YORk)    RESOLUTIONS, 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Parish  of  South- 
Haven,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  and  Colony  of  JN'ew- 
York,  the  13th  of  June,  1774. 

Mr,  William  Smith,  Moderator. 

It  is  voted  and  agreed,  that  the  Act  of  Parliament;  for 
blocking  up  the  harbour  oi  Boston,  is  unconstitutional,  and 
has  a  direct  tendency  to  enslave  the  inhabitants  of  America, 
and  put  an  end  to  all  property. 

And  it  is  also  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  if  the 
Colonies  all  unite,  and  strictly  adhere  to  a  non-importation 
agreement  from  Great  Britain  and  the  fVest  Indies,  and 
have  no  trade  with  them,  we  should  have  great  reason  to 
expect  in  a  short  time  a  repeal  of  that  oppressive  Act ; 
and  for  that  purpose  we  do  heartily  desire  that  such  an 
agreement  may  be  entered  into. 


And  it  is  further  voted  and  agreed  by  this  meeting, 
that  the  following  gentlemen,  viz  :  William  Smith,  Esquire, 
Colonel  Nathaniel  Woodhull,  Colonel  William  Floyd, 
Mr.  Thomas  Fanning,  Captain  Josiah  Smith,  Capl;iin 
David  Miilford,  and  Captain  Jonathan  Baker,  be  a 
Standing  Committee  for  this  place,  to  correspond  with  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  in  tiie  City  of  New- York 
and  others  ;  and  that  they  do  immediately  communicate 
the  above  sentiments  to  them. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  meeting,  W.  Smith. 


Charlestown,  S.  C,  June  13,  1774. 
At  a  Meeting  of  the  General  Committee  this  day,  it  was 

Unanimously  agreed.  That  a  General  Meeting  of  tiie 
inhabitants  of  this  Colony  be  called,  on  Wednesday  the  6th 
of  July  next,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  at  the  Ex- 
change, in  Charlestown,  to  consider  of  the  papers,  letters, 
and  resolutions,  transmitted  to  the  Committee  from  the 
Northern  Colonies  ;  and  also  of  such  steps  as  are  neces- 
sary to  be  pursued,  in  union  with  the  inhabitants  of  all 
our  sister  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  in  order  to  avert 
the  dangers  impending  over  American  liberties  in  general, 
by  the  late  hostile  Act  of  Parliament  against  Boston,  and 
other  arbitrary  measures  of  the  British  Ministry  :  And 
that  public  notice  thereof  be  immediately  given  in  the 
Gazettes." 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK. 

Charlestown,  S.  C,  13th  June,  1774. 

Circular  letters  are  despatched  by  express  to  all  the  most 
leading  men  throughout  this  Colony,  in  order  to  remove 
some  jealousies  which  have  been  industriously  excited,  to 
acquaint  them  with  the  present  dangerous  situation  of  every 
American  and  his  posterity,  and  to  engage  their  union, 
assistance,  and  influence,  in  their  several  districts,  to  attend, 
either  personally  or  by  deputies  authorized  to  declare  their 
sentiments,  at  a  general  meeting  of  Delegates  from  every 
part  of  the  Colony,  to  be  held  at  Charlestown,  the  6th  of 
July  next. 

Tiie  Virginia  packet,  which  was  particularly  addressed 
to  our  merchants,  is  to  be  immediately  returned  to  them  with 
our  thanks  for  their  polite  communication,  and  an  intima- 
tion that  we  shall  be  glad  to  have,  in  a  private  way,  their 
sentiments  before  the  28th  instant,  when  our  Conmiittee 
are  to  meet  again,  agree  upon  and  prepare  what  should  be 
proper  to  lay  before  and  recommend  to  the  general  meeting 
on  the  6th  of  July,  where  we  should  also  be  glad  to  see 
them. 

Even  the  merchants  now  seem  generally  inclined  to  a 
non-importation.  How  much  farther  we  shall  go  will  de- 
pend upon  the  expected  advices  from  the  other  Colonies, 
and  the  spirit  and  vigour  with  which  they  act. 

I  could  wish  your  Committee  had  extended  its  corres- 
pondence to  Georgia,  and  beg  leave  to  recommend  the 
doing  it  still,  without  delay. 

I  am  particularly  desired  to  request  from  every  Colony 
the  most  speedy  information  of  their  respective  annual 
exports  of  unwrought  iron,  to  Great  Britain.  How  many 
tons  each  could  supply  to  tliis  Colony — also  what  quantity 
of  hoes,  axes,  tools,  cutlery,  and  other  articles  usually 
imported  from  Great  Britain,  each  Colony  can  sup- 
ply, &iC. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

Charlestown,  S.  C,  June  14,  1774. 

The  inhabitants  are  much  alarmed  at  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  the  British  Ministry,  and  our  Committee 
have  met,  in  consequence  of  the  letters  received  from  the 
Northern  Colonies,  and  are  resolved  to  co-operate  with 
them  in  any  prudent  measure  which  may  be  thought  likely 
to  remedy  the  grievance.  I  believe  whatever  New-York 
and  your  city  may  conclude  on,  (we  place  so  much  confi- 
dence in  your  moderation  and  firmness,)  our  town  will 
readily  join  in  with.  Our  tea  remains  here  entirely  unmo- 
lested ;  if  the  duty  is  not  taken  off  the  present  session  of 
Pariiament,  we  shall  probably  have  orders  to  send  it  home, 


40» 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


410 


which  must  be  a  mortifying  circumstance,  as  well  to  my 
Lord  hlorth  as  to  the  India  Company.  We  value  our- 
selves mucii  on  having  given  our  sister  Colonies  so  striking 
an  instance  of  our  virtue  and  o])[)osition  to  Ministerial 
schemes ;  if  it  is  not  sent  ior  soon  it  will  be  good  for 
nothing.  I  could  wish  the  town  of  Boston  had  taken  this 
legal  way  of  destroying  theirs,  as  it  is  equally  effectual ; 
besides  giving  a  proof  to  all  the  world  that  we  are  so  much 
attached  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  that  there  are  not  even 
individuals  among  us  who  would  purchase  the  baneful 
herb. 


CHARLES  COUNTY  (mARYLANd)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Charles  County,  on 
the  14th  of  June,  1774,  at  the  Court  House,  in  Port-To- 
bacco town,  to  deliberate  on  the  effect  and  tendency  of  the 
Act  of  Parliament,  for  blocking  up  the  port  and  harbour  of 
Boston. 

Mr.  Walter  Hanson  unanimously  chosen  Chairman. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  the  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  passed  to  block  up 
the  harbour  and  port  of  Boston,  and  suspend  the  trade 
and  commerce  of  that  town,  is  a  violent  attack  upon  the 
liberty  and  property  of  the  inhabitants  thereof,  and  in  its 
consequences  tends  to  render  insecure  and  destroy  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  all  British  America. 

2d.  That  the  town  of  Boston,  now  suffering  under  the 
execution  of  the  said  Act,  justly  demands  the  most  speedy 
and  effectual  assistance  of  every  Colony  in  America  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  same. 

3d.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  join  in  an 
Association  with  the  several  counties  of  this  Province  to 
put  a  stop  to  all  imports  from  Great  Britain  after  the  first 
day  of  August  next,  except  the  articles  of  medicine,  until 
the  said  Act  be  repealed. 

4th.  That  if  the  said  Act  of  Parliament  is  not  repealed 
by  tiie  31st  day  of  October,  in  the  year  1775,  that  then 
the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  join  with  the  several 
counties  of  this  Province,  and  the  principal  Colonies  in 
America,  to  break  off  all  commercial  connection  with 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies. 

5th.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  a  Congress 
of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  will  be  the  most 
probable  means  of  uniting  America  in  one  general  mea- 
sure to  effectuate  a  repeal  of  the  said  Act  of  Parliament. 

6th.  That  Deputies  shall  be  sent  from  this  county  to 
meet  at  the  City  of  Annapolis,  on  the  22d  instant,  and 
join  with  the  Deputies  appointed  by  the  several  counties  in 
a  general,  rational,  and  practicable  Association  for  this 
Province,  and  to  appoint  Deputies  to  attend  a  Congress  of 
those  nominated  by  the  several  Colonies,  and  to  adopt  any 
other  measures  for  the  relief  of  the  people  of  Boston, 
which  to  tliem  seems  fit  and  reasonable. 

7th.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  break  off 
all  trade,  commerce,  and  dealings,  with  that  Colony,  town, 
or  county,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  associate  in  some 
rational  and  effectual  means  to  procure  a  repeal  of  the  said 
Act  of  Parliament. 

8th.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  adopt 
and  steadily  pursue  such  measures,  as  tend  to  jirotect  and 
secure  the  liberties  of  this  county,  according  to  the  true 
principles  of  the  English  Constitution,  and  thereby  show 
themselves  loyal  and  faithful  subjects  to  his  Majesty  King 
George  the  Third. 

9th.  That  Messrs.  Walter  Hanson,  William  Smallwood, 
Josias  Hawkins,  Francis  Ware,  Joseph  Hanson  Harrison, 
Thomas  Stone,  George  Dent,  Gustavus  Richard  Brown, 
John  Dent,  Thomas  ^lanson  Marshall,  Daniel  Jenifer, 
Samuel  Love,  James  Forbes,  Robert  T.  Hooe,  Philip 
Richard  Fendall,  Zephaniah  Turner,  James  Key,  and 
James  Crailc,  or  any  seven  of  them,  be  a  Committee  of 
Correspondence,  to  receive  and  answer  all  letters,  and,  on 
any  emergency,  to  call  a  general  meeting  of  tlie  county ; 
and  that  Messrs.  Walter  Hanson,  Willinm  Smallwood, 
Josias  Hawkins,  Francis  Ware,  Joseph  Hanson  Harrison, 
Thomas  Stone,  John  Dent,  Daniel  Jenifer,  and  Robert 
T.  Hooe,  are  appointed  Deputies  for  this  county  to  attend 
the  general  meeting  at  Annapolis,  the  22d  instant. 

Signed  per  order,  John  Gwin,  Clerk. 


IV.      TO  THE  INHABITANTS    OP  THE    BRITISH   COLONIES 
IN  AMERICA. 

Philadelphia,  June  15,  1771. 

Brethren  :  The  intelligence  received  since  the  pre- 
ceding letter  was  written,  seems  to  render  needless  every 
attempt  to  prove  {rom  former  transactions,  my  first  intention, 
if  health  had  penuitted,  that  a  regular  plan  has  been  invari- 
ably pui-sued  to  enslave  these  Colonies,  and  that  the  Act  o( 
Pariiament  for  the  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston  is  a  ])art 
of  the  plan.  However  unprecedented  and  cruel  that  mea- 
sure is,  yet  some  persons  among  us  might  have  flattered 
themselves  that  the  resentment  of  the  Parliament  is  directed 
solely  against  the  town.  The  last  advices  mention  two 
Bills  to  be  passing  in  Parliament,  one  changing  the  char- 
tered Constitution  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
into  a  Military  Government ;  and  another  empowering 
Administration  to  send  for  and  try  persons  in  England 
for  actions  committed  in  that  Colony.* 

By  these  instances  we  perceive  that  Administration  has 
not  only  renounced  all  respect,  and  all  appearance  of 
respect  for  the  rights  of  these  Colonies,  but  even  the 
plainest  principles  of  justice  and  humanity.  Were  the 
Representatives  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay  called 
upon  to  make  satisfaction  for  the  damage  done  to  private 
property  in  any  late  tumult  there?  No.  Yet  it  was 
known  that  those  Representatives  had  made  ample  repar- 
ation for  the  injuries  committed  on  occasion  of  the  Stamp 
Act.  It  was  known  that  the  like  reparation  had  been 
made  by  the  Assemblies  of  New-  York  and  Rhode-Island. 
In  short,  it  was  known,  that  notwithstanding  the  incessant 
pains  taken  by  many  Ministers  to  tease  the  Colonies  by 
oppressions  and  insults  into  madness,  yet  they  have,  with 
difficulty,  excited  only  a  few  tumults,  for  which  the  popular 
branch  of  the  Legislature  in  the  several  Colonies  has  ever 
been  ready  to  atone,  upon  requisitions  from  the  Crown. 

Great  clamour  has  been  raised  at  home  against  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  on  account  of  resolutions  at  some  of  their 
own  town  meetings,  and  other  writings  published  in  that 
Colony  ;  and  better  it  were  that  many  of  them  had  been 
suppressed.  The  truth  is,  that  people,  animated  by  an 
ardent  and  generous  love  of  liberty,  saw,  and  peculiarly 
felt,  the  projects  against  the  freedom  and  happiness  of 
America.  I  know  them  well ;  and  if  ever  a  State  deserv- 
ed the  character,  they  are  a  moral,  religious,  quiet,  and 
loyal  people,  affectionately  attached  to  the  welfare  and 
honour  of  Great  Britain,  and  dearly  valuing  their  depen- 
dence on  her.  Observant  and  sensible  as  they  were  of  the 
present  and  approaching  evils,  some  of  them  adopted  a 
very  imprudent,  but  what  appeared  to  them  a  very  peaceable 
and  justifiable  method,  of  discouraging  Administration  from 
proceeding  in  such  alarming  and  dangerous  measures — that 
of  speaking  in  a  high  tone.  Words  were  opposed  to  inju- 
ries ;  and  menaces,  never  designed  for  execution,  to  insults 
intolerable.  Whatcould  they  do?  The'w  humble  petitions 
were  haughtily  and  contemptuously  rejected.  The  more 
they  supplicated  the  more  they  were  abused.  By  their 
tears,  and  Heaven  knows  many  they  have  shed,  their  per- 
secutions flourished  as  trees  by  water  poured  on  their  roots. 
Their  very  virtue  and  passionate  fondness  for  concord 
for  their  mother  country,  occasioned  this  objected  errour. 
"  Surely,"  says  Solomon,  "  oppression  maketh  a  wise  man 
mad."  A  silly  man  may  disregard  it.  In  playing  the 
fool  they  showed  their  wisdom.  This  is  the  true  history  of 
those  futile  pieces  that  produced  so  much  solid  eloquence 
in  Great  Britain. 

*  By  the  first  of  these  Bills  the  Govornour  is  to  be  invested  witli  the 
power  of  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  to  call  out  the  military  to  effect,  though 
the  Minister  says  in  his  speech  ;  "  I  shall  always  consider  that  a  mili- 
*'  tary  power,  acting  under  the  authority  and  controul  of  a  Civil  Magis- 
"  trate,  is  a  part  of  the  Constitution."  By  the  second,  Amfricana  are 
to  be  seized,  confined,  and  carried  to  England,  to  be  tried,  that  is, 
hanged  on  cliarges  for  an  act  done  in  a  Colony.  This  is  not  all.  Sol. 
diers  and  others,  who  shall  commit  any  offence,  such  as  murdering  the 
Colonists,  under  the  pretence  of  supporting  the  authority  of  Parliament, 
shall  be  carried  to  England  to  bo  tried— that  is— acquitted.  Of  the 
Aa4ffl»  corjjus  and  trial  by  peers,  "*<«<  nomwit*  uwi^o" 

"  That  the  absolute  power,  claimed  and  exercised  in  a  neighbouring 
"  Nation,  is  more  tolerable  than  that  of  the  Eastern  Ernpires,  is  in  a 
"  great  measure  owing  to  their  having  united  the  judicial  power  in 
"  their  Parliaments,  a  body  separate  and  distinct  from  both  the  Legisla. 
"  tive  and  Executive,  and  if  ever  that  Nation  recovers  its  former  liberty, 
"  it  will  owe  it  to  the  efforts  of  those  Assemblies.  In  Turkey,  where 
"  every  thing  is  centered  in  the  Sultan,  or  his  Minister,  despotic  power 
"  is  in  its  meridiaJi,  and  wears  a  most  dreadful  aspect." — 5  Blackstons, 
1369,  270. 


411 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


412 


Riots  and  weak  publications,  by  a  small  number  of  indi- 
viduals, are  sufficient  reasons  with  Parliament  to  ruin  many 
thousand  inhabitants  of  a  truly  respectable  town,  to  dissolve 
charters,  to  abolish  the  benefits  of  the  writ  of  habeas  cor- 
pus,* and  extirpate  American  liberty — for  the  principle 
reaches  all.  But  in  England  the  Press  groans  with  pub- 
lications, seditious,  treasonable,  and  even  blasphemous. 
The  discontented  swarm  over  the  Kingdom  proclaiming 
their  resentments.  Many  enormous  riots  have  disturbed  the 
public  peace.  The  Sovereii;n  has  been  insulted  in  passing 
from  his  Palace  to  the  Parliament  House,  on  the  business 
of  tlie  Nation.  Is  it  to  be  concluded  fron)  the  facts,  that 
the  body  of  the  people  is  seditious  and  traitorous?  Can 
his  Majesty  believe  that  he  is  thought  by  his  Englhh  sub- 
jects in  general  to  be  such  a  Prince  as  some  of  them  have 
represented  him  ?  Will  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament 
acknowledge  what  has  been  spoken  and  written  and  acted 
against  tliem  in  England,  exjjresses  the  sentiments  of  the 
Kingdom  ?  Or  will  they  say  the  j)eople  of  England  have 
forfeited  their  liberty,  because  some  of  them  have  run  into 
licentiousness  ?  Let  a  judgment  be  formed  in  both  cases 
by  the  same  rule.     Let  tliem  condemn  those  or  acquit  us. 

Pretences  and  reasons  aie  totally  different.  The  provo- 
cation said  to  be  given  by  our  sister  Colony,  are  but  the 
pretences  for  the  exorbitant  severity  exercised  against 
her.  The  reasons  are  these — the  policy,  des))icable  and 
detestable  as  it  is,  of  suppressing  the  freedom  of  America, 
by  a  military  force,  to  be  supported  by  money  taken  out 
of  our  own  pockets,  and  the  supposed  conveniency  of 
opportunity  for  attaining  this  end.  These  reasons  are 
evident  from  the  Minister's  speech.  The  system  is  formed 
with  art,  but  the  art  is  discoverable.  Indeed,  I  do  not 
believe  it  was  ex]iected  we  should  have  such  early  and 
exact  intelligence  of  the  schemes  agitated  against  us  as  we 
have  received.  Any  person  who  examines  the  multitude 
of  invectives  published  in  pamphlets  and  newspapers  in 
Great  Britain,  or  the  speeches  made  in  either  House  of 
Parliament,  will  find  them  directed  against  the  Colonies  in 
general.  The  people  in  that  Kingdom  have  been,  with 
great  cunning  and  labour,!  inflamed  against  the  Colonies 
in  general.  They  are  deluded  into  a  belief  that  we  are  in 
a  state  of  rebellion,  and  aiming  directly  at  a  state  of  inde- 
pendency ;  though  the  first  is  a  noxious  weed  that  never 
grew  in  our  climates,  and  the  latter  is  universally  regarded 
with  the  deepest  execrations  by  us — a  poison  we  never  can 
be  compelled  to  touch,  but  as  an  antidote  to  a  worse,  if  a 
worse  can  be — a  curse  that  if  any  Colony  on  this  Conti- 
nent should  be  so  mad  as  to  aim  at  reaching,  the  rest  of 
the  body  would  have  virtue  and  wisdom  enough  to  draw 
their  swords,  and  hew  the  traitors  into  submission,  if  not 
into  loyalty.  It  would  be  our  interest  and  our  duty  thus 
to  guarantee  the  public  peace.  The  Minister,  addressing 
the  House  of  Commons,  uses  several  expressions  relating 
to  all  the  Colonies,  and  calls  the  stoppage  of  the  port  of 
Boston  "  a  punishment  inflicted  on  those  who  have  dis- 
obeyed your  authority." 

Is  it  not  extremely  remarkable,  after  such  a  variety  of 
charges  affecting  all  tlie  Colonies,  that  the  statute  of  ven- 
geance should  be  levelled  against  a  single  Colony  ?     New- 

•  Both  Houses  of  Parliament  resolved  two  or  three  years  ago,  that 
persons  might  be  sent  for  from  any  of  the  Colonies  for  acts  done  there 
and  tried  in  England,  under  the  old  statute  of  He/try  the  Eightli,  made 
before  the  Colonies  existed.  The  latL'  Court  at  Rhode. Island  was  esta- 
blished on  that  principle.  The  intention  of  Parliament  in  passing  the 
Bill  above  mentioned  is  chiefly  to  screen  persons  acting  in  support  of 
their  unconstitutional  claims.  They  have  declared  they  have  no  doubt 
but  that  the  thirty-fifth  of  Henry  has  established  a  just  and  legal  mode 
of  cutting  American  throiits. 

"  I  can  live,  although  another,  who  has  no  right,  be  put  to  live  with 
"  mc  ;  nay,  I  c.in  live,  although  t  pay  excises  and  impositions  more  tlian 
"  I  d»  ;  but  to  have  my  liberty,  which  is  the  soul  of  my  life,  taken  from 
"  me  by  power,  and  to  have  my  body  pent  up  in  a  jail,"  (then  tlirown 
into  a  ship  of  war,  transported  three  thousand  miles  across  the  Ocean, 
to  a  land  of  bitter,  selfish,  furious,  and  revengeful  enemies,  there 
thrust  into  the  jaws  of  dungeons,)  "  without  remedy  by  law,  and  to  be 
"  adjudged  :  O  improvident  anc  -stors  !  O  unwise  forefathers  I  to  be 
"  so  curious  in  providing  for  the  quiet  possession  of  our  laws,  and  the 
"  liberties  of  Parliament,  and  to  neglect  our  persons  and  bodies,  and 
"  lot  them  lie  in  prison,  and  that  durante  bene  placiio,  remediless  I 
"  If  this  be  law  why  do  we  talk  of  liberties?  Why  do  we  trouble 
**  ourselves  with  a  dispute  about  law,  francliiscs,  property  of  goods, 
"  and  the  like  ?  What  mny  any  man  call  his  own  if  not  the  liberty  of 
"  his  person  ?  I  am  weary  of  treading  these  ways." — Speech  of 
Robert  Philips,  a  member  of  the  trise  and  moderate  Parliament  that 
met  in  the  year  1627. 

t  Private  letters  give  a  further  proof  of  this  fact. 


York,  Philadelphia,  and  Charlestown  have  denied  free- 
dom of  trade  to  ships  sailing  under  the  protection  of  Acts 
of  Parliament.  Will  not  the  House  of  Connnons  tiiink 
the  inhabitants  of  these  places  "  have  disobeyed  their 
authority,"  and  that  a  punishment  should  be  inflicted  on 
them  ?"  Why  do  we  not  hear  of  some  measure  pursued 
against  those  cities?  Are  they  immaculate  in  the  eyes  of 
Administration  and  Parliament  ?  Has  not  each  of  these 
places  done  real  damage  to  the  East  India  Company  ? 
Has  there  been  even  a  requisition  of  compensation  for  that 
damage  from  any  of  them  ?  Why  is  there  such  a. profound 
silence  observed  with  respect  to  them  ?  Because  they  are 
judged  by  Administration  and  Parliament  more  innocent 
than  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  '/  No.  Because 
Administration  and  Parlian)ent  do  us  Americans  the  honour 
to  think  we  are  such  idiots  that  we  shall  not  believe  our- 
selves interested  in  the  fate  of  Boston,  but  that  one  Colony 
may  be  attacked  and  humbled  after  another,  without  show- 
ing the  sense  or  spirit  of  beasts  themselves,  many  of  which 
unite  against  common  danger. 

Why  were  the  states  of  Greece  broken  down  into  the 
tamest  submission,  by  Philip  of  Macedon,  and  afterwards 
by  the  Romans!  Because  tliey  contended  for  freedom 
separately.  Why  were  the  States  of  Spain  subdued  by 
the  Carthageniam,  and  afterwards  by  the  Romans?  Be- 
cause they  contended  for  freedom  separately.  Wliy  were 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the  Kingdom,  that  now  harasses 
us.  conquered  by  their  invaders  ?  Tacitus  will  inform  us. 
"  Nee  aliud  adversus  validissimas  gentes  pro  nobis  utilius, 
"  quatn  quod  in  commune  non  consultunt.  Rarus  ad  pro- 
"  pulsandum  commune  pcriculum  conventus.  Ita  dmn  sin- 
" guli  pugnant  omnes  vincuntur."* 

Why  did  the  little  Swiss  Cantons  and  seven  small  Pro- 
vinces of  the  Low  Countries  so  successfully  oppose  the 
tyrants,  that,  not  contented  with  an  Empire,  founded  in 
humanity  and  mutual  advantages,  unnecessarily  and  arro- 
gantly strove  to  "  lay"  the  faithful  and  affectionate  wretches 
"at  their  feet  ?"  Because  they  wisely  regarded  the  interest 
of  each  as  the  interest  of  «//. 

Our  own  experience  furnishes  a  mournful  additional 
proof  of  an  observation  made  by  a  great  and  good  man, 
Lord  President  Forbes.  "  It  is  a  certain  truth,"  says  he, 
"  that  all  States  and  Kingdoms,  in  proportion  as  they  grow 
"  great,  wealthy,  and  powerful,  grow  wanton,  wicked,  and 
"  oppressive  ;  and  the  history  of  all  ages  give  evidence  of 
"  the  fatal  catastrophe  of  all  such  States  and  Kingdoms, 
"  when  the  cup  of  their  iniquity  is  full."  Another  "truth," 
as  "  certain,"  is,  that  such  "  States  and  Kingdoms"  never 
have  been,  and  never  will  be,  checked  in  the  career  of 
their  "  wantonness,  wickedness,  and  oppression,"  by  a 
people  in  any  way  dependent  upon  them,  but  by  the  pru- 
dent, virtuous,  and  steady  unanimity  of  that  people.  To 
employ  more  words  to  elucidate  a  point  so  manifest,  would 
be  the  idle  attempt  of  gilding  gold. 

Surely  you  cannot  doubt  at  this  time,  my  countrymen, 
but  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay  are  suffering  in 
a  causef  common  to  us  all ;  and,  therefore,  that  we  ought 
immediately  to  concert  the  most  prudent  measures  for  their 
relief  and  our  own  safety. 

Our  interest  depending  on  the  present  controversy  is 
unspeakably  valuable.  We  have  not  the  least  prospect 
of  human  assistance.  The  passion  of  despotism,  raging 
like  a  plague  for  about  seven  years  past,  has  spread  with 
unusual  malignity  through  Europe ;  Corsica,  Poland, 
and  Sweden,  have  sunk  beneath  it.  The  remaining  spirit 
of  fieedom  that  lingered  and  languished  in  the  Parliament 
of  France,  has  lately  expired.^  What  Kingdom  or  State 
interposed  for  the  relief  of  their  distressed  fellow-crea- 
tures ?  The  contagion  has  at  length  reached  Great  Bri- 
tain.    Her  statesmen  emulate  the  Nimrods  of  the  Earth, 

•Nor  was  any  thing  moro  advantageous  to  us  against  very  powerful 
nalion-s,  than  their  imprudcnc !  in  not  consulting  together  for  the  inter- 
erst  of  the  whol  •.  Conventions  for  riiwlling  a  common  danger  werK 
rare.  Thus,  while  each  State  resisted  singly,  all  were  subdued. — 
TacitL'S,  in  vit.  Agrie. 

+The  Act  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston  ord  rs,  "  that  it  shall 
"  not  be  opened  until  psace  and  obedience  to  the  laws  shall  be  so  far 
"  restored  in  the  said  town  of  Boston,  that  the  trade  of  Great  Britain, 
"  may  saf(ly  be  carried  on  there,  and  his  Majesty's  duties  duly  col- 
"  lected,"  &.C.  Thus,  it  ajipears,  if  the  inhabitants  renounce  the  com- 
mon cause  of  the  Colonies,  the  port  may  be  opened — if  they  adhere  to 
that  cause  it  will  remain  shut. 

t  By  the  new  modeling  their  Parliaments. 


413 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


414 


and  wish  to  become  "  nii(:;lity  hunters"  in  the  woods  of 
America.  What  Kingdom  or  State  will  interpose  for  our 
rehef  ?  Tlic  preservation  of  our  freedom,  and  of  every 
attendant  blessing,  must  be  wrought  out,  under  Providence, 
by  ourselves.  Let  not  this  consideration  discourage  us. 
We  cannot  be  false  to  each  other,  without  being  false  to 
ourselves.  We  have  the  firmest  foundation  of  union  and 
fidelity — that  we  wish  to  attain  the  same  things — to  avoid 
the  same  things.  Tiie  friendship  of  others  might  be  pre- 
carious, suspected,  deceitful. 

The  infinitely  great,  wise,  and  good  Being,  who  gave  us 
our  existence,  certainly  formed  us  for  a  state  of  society. 
He  certainly  designed  us  for  sucii  a  state  of  society  as 
would  be  productive  of  happiness.  Liberty  is  essential  to 
the  happiness  of  a  society,  and  therefore  is  our  right. 
The  Father  of  Mercies  never  intended  men  to  hold 
unlimited  authority  over  men.*  Craft  and  cruelty  have 
indeed  triumphed  over  simplicity  and  innocence,  in  disobe- 
dience to  his  holy  laws.  The  Father  of  Mercies  never 
intended  us  for  the  slaves  of  Britons.  Craft  and  cruelty, 
indeed,  are  striving  to  brand  us  with  marks  infamously 
denoting  us  to  be  their  property  as  absolutely  as  their  cattle. 
Their  pretensions  to  a  right  of  such  power,  not  only 
oppose  constitutional  principles,  but  even  partake  of  hn- 
piety.  The  sentence  of  bondage  against  us  is  only  issued 
by  the  frail  omnipotence!  of  Parliament. 

"  Non  sic  inflnctere  sonsus 
'*  HutuanOB  edicta,  valenl."t 

We  cannot  question  the  justice  of  our  cause.  This 
consideration  will  afford  comfort  and  encouragement  to  our 
minds.  Let  us,  therefore,  in  the  first  place,  humbling 
ourselves  before  our  gracious  Creator,  devoutly  beseech  his 

•  "  To  live  by  one  nnn's  will  became  tlip  cause  of  all  men's 
"  misery." — Hookkr's  Eccles.  Pol. 

"  Is  not  universal  misery  and  ruin  the  same,  whether  it  comes  from 
"  the  hands  of  many  or  of  one  ?" — Bishop  Hoadly's  Disc,  on  Oov. 

"  Of  so  contrary  an  opinion  was  this  good  man  {Hooker)  to  that  of 
"  some  others,  who  can  never  oppose  one  extreme,  without  running  into 
**  another,  as  bad,  if  not  worse,  and  think  they  cannot  enough  con- 
"  domn  rebellion  without  giving  the  divine  sanction  to  tyranny  and 
"  oppression.  This  judgment  ought  likewise  to  bo  of  the  more  weiglit 
"  with  such  as  profuss  the  most  profound  veneration  for  the  memory  of 
"  Charles  the  First,  and  the  honour  of  the  old  Church  of  England ; 
*'  because  this  treatise  in  which  it  was  to  be  found  was  chosen  out  of 
"  many  others,  by  that  Prince,  to  be  recommended  to  his  children  as 
"  the  best  instructer  they  could  converse  with,  and  was  had  in  such 
**  estimation  by  all  churchmen,  from  tlio  time  of  its  appearance,  that  it 
"  may  well  pass,  not  only  for  his  own  judgment  in  particular,  but  for 
"  the  judgment  of  the  whole  Church  of  England  at  that  time." — 
Bishop  HoADLY,  ibid. 

"  Would  not  the  unhappiness  of  this  Nation  in  particular  have  been 
"  the  same,  whether  a  late  King,  alone,  or  by  a  former  law,  has  sub- 
"  jectod  it  to  the  religion  of  Rome  and  tlie  maxims  of  France  ?  And, 
"  upon  supposition  of  such  an  attempt,  would  not  our  lato  deliverance 
**  have  been  as  glorious,  as  great,  and  justifiable,  as  mucli  wanted,  and 
"  as  truly  beneficial,  as  it  was  upon  tlie  attempt  of  the  King  alone  ? 
"  Would  not  the  invitation  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  the  election  and 
*'  meeting  of  the  persons  who  made  the  Convention,  and  tlie  conse- 
*'  queut  establishment  in  tlie  Protestant  line,  have  been  as  requisite  and 
"  as  useful  ?  Nay,  would  not  the  ends  of  Government  have  been  more 
"  cffjctually  answered  this  way,  than  by  submission  to  a  total  dissolu- 
"  tion  of  ail  happiness  at  present,  and  of  all  liopes  for  the  future  ? 
"  How  then  can  it  be  said  that  the  ends  of  Government  require  that 
**  degree  of  submission  upon  the  one  supposition,  which  they  are 
"  allowed  not  to  do  upon  tlie  other,  when  tlie  same  misery  and  destruc- 
"  tion  must  follow  a  submission  in  both  cases,  and  the  s  Line  universal 
"  happiness  must  in  both  be  tlio  consequence  of  a  just  and  well 
'*  managed  defjnce  ?  Or  would  the  ends  of  Government  be  destroyed, 
"  should  the  miserable  condition  of  the  whole  people  of  France,  which 
"  hath  proceeded  from  the  King's  being  absolute,  awaken  the  thoughts 
"  of  the  wisest  heads  amongst  them,  and  move  them  all  to  exert 
**  themselves,  so  as  that  those  ends  sliould  be  better  answered  for  the 
"  time  to  come  ?" — Bishop  Hoadlv,  ibid. 

It  was  resolved  by  tlie  House  of  Commons,  that  this  Bishop,  then 
Mr.  Hoadly,  and  Rector  of  St.  Peter's  Poor,  London,  "  for  having 
"  often  strenuously  justified  tlie  principles  on  whicii  her  Majesty  and 
"  the  Niition  proceeded  in  tlie  lato  happy  revolution,  had  justly  merited 
"  the  f.ivour  and  rocommeiidation  of  the  Housi; ;"  and  accordingly 
addressed  Queen  Anne,  "that  she  would  be  graciously  pleasjd  to 
"  bestow  some  dignity  in  the  (Church  on  the  said  Mr.  Hoadly,  for  his 
"  eminent  services  both  to  the  Church  and  Stat3." 

"  WhatoVvir  dishonours  liuman  nature,  dishonours  the  policy  of  a 
"  Government  whicli  permits  it  ;  and  a  free  .State  which  dojs  not  com. 
"  municate  the  natural  right  of  liberty  to  all  its  subjects,  who  have  not 
"  deserved  by  their  crimes  to  lose  it,  hardly  seems  to  bo  worthy  of  that 
"  honourable  name." — Lord  Litti.kton's  History  of  Hi:xrv  //. 

"  Without  goodness  power  would  be  tyranny  and  oppression,  and 
"  wisiiom  would  degen  rate  into  craft  and  mischievous  contrivance." — 
Arrhbishrp  Th.i.otson's  Sermons. 

"  Eliamsi  non  sil  moleslus  dominus,  tamen  est  miserrimum,  posse,  si 
velit."  CiCKRO.  Even  if  a  Sovereign  docs  not  oppress,  yet  it  is  a  most 
miserable  condition  for  the  subjects  that  he  has  the  power,  if  he  has 
the  will. 

t  1  Blackstont,  161. 

t  Edicts  cannot  so  bend  the  common  acnse  of  human  nature. 


divine  protection  of  us  his  afflicted  servants,  most  unrea- 
sonably and  cruelly  oppressed.  Let  us  seriously  reflect  on 
our  manifold  transgressions,  and  by  a  since.e  repentance, 
and  an  entire  amendment  of  our  lives,  strive  to  recommend 
ourselves  to  divine  favour. 

In  the  next  place,  let  us  cherish  and  cultivate  senti- 
ments of  brotherly  love  and  tenderness  among  us.  To 
whom,  under  the  cope  of  Heaven,  can  we  look  for  help 
in  these  days  of  "  darkness  and  trouble,"  but  one  to 
another.  O  my  countrymen  !  Have  pity  one  on  another. 
Have  pity  on  yourselves  and  your  children.  Let  us,  by 
every  tender  tie,  implore  you  ;  let  us  mutually  excuse 
and  forgive  each  other  our  weakness  and  prejudices,  (lor 
who  is  free  from  weakness  and  prejudices  r)  and  utterly 
abolishing  all  former  dissensions  and  distinctions,  wisely 
and  kindly  unite  in  one  firm  band,  in  one  common  cause. 

If  there  are  any  men,  or  any  bodies  of  men,  on  this 
Continent,  who  think  that  an  accommodation  between  us 
and  Great  Britain,  or  that  their  own  particular  interest  may 
be  advanced  by  withdrawing  themselves  from  the  coun- 
sels of  their  countrymen,  I  would  wish  them  most  deliber- 
ately to  consider  the  consequences  that  may  attend  such  a 
conduct.  What  step  can  possibly  be  taken  more  directly 
tending  to  prevent  an  accommodation  between  us  and 
Great  Britain  than  supjjlying  Administration  with  proofs 
of  our  intestine  divisions  ?  What  do  our  enemies  so 
ardently  wish  for  as  for  these  divisions?  Has  not  the 
expectation  of  these  events  encouraged  the  Ministry  to 
treat  us  with  such  unexampled  contempt  and  barbarity  ? 
Will  not  the  certainty  of  these  events  excite  resolution  in 
them  to  press  us,  to  take  every  advantage  of  a  people  so 
industriously  studying  and  labouring  to  weaken  and  destroy 
themselves?  Then  a  Minister  may  with  reason  call  upon 
the  House  of  Commons,  "  Now  is  our  time  to  stand  out — 
"  to  defy  them — to  proceed  with  finnness  and  without  fear — 
"  to  produce  a  conviction  to  all  America  that  we  are  now 
"  in  earnest,  and  that  we  will  proceed  with  firmness  and 
"  vigour  until  she  shall  be  laid  at  our  feet."* 

1  appeal  to  every  man  of  common  sense,  whether  any 
measure  will  be  so  likely  to  induce  Administration  to  think 
of  an  accommodation  with  us,  as  our  unanimity.  Must 
not,  therefore,  every  measure  impeaching  the  credit  and 
weight  of  this  unanimity,  in  the  same  degree  obstruct  all 
accommodation  ?  Will  not  every  such  measure  naturally 
produce  haughtiness,  perseverance  and  fresh  rigour  in  our 
oppressors  ?  Will  not  these  still  more  enrage  us,  and  place 
us  farther  from  an  accommodation  ?  If  the  protection  and 
peace  we  wish  to  derive  from  our  unanimity  be  taken  from 
us  by  the  imprudence  of  our  brethren  who  break  that 
unanimity,  or  destroy  all  respect  for  it  in  Great  Britain, 
and  thereby  encourage  her  to  seize  what  she  will  certainly 
think  the  lucky  opportunity  for  pursuing  her  blows,  what 
must  be  the  consequence.  We  held  up  a  shield  fbr  our 
defence.  If  our  brethren  have  pierced  it  through,  and 
rendered  it  useless,  their  imprudence  will,  according  to  the 
usual  course  of  human  affairs,  compel  us  to  change  the 
mode  of  defence,  and  drive  us  into  all  the  evils  of  civil 
discords. 

What  advantages  can  they  gain  that  can  compensate  to 
men  of  any  understanding  or  virtue,  for  the  miseries  occa- 
sioned by  their  bad  policy.  Their  numbers  will  be  too 
small  in  any  manner  whatever  to  controul  the  sentiments 
or  measures  of  America.  Their  conduct  never  can  pre- 
vent the  exertions  of  these  Colonies  in  vindication  of  their 
liberty.  It  may  by  provocations  render  diose  exertions 
more  rash  and  imprudent ;  but  their  numbers  will  be  so 
extravagantly  exaggerated,  as  all  facts  have  been  against 
us,  on  the  other  side  of  die  Atlantic,  that  Great  Britain 
may  be  deceived,  and  emboldened  into  measures  destnic- 
tive  to  herself  and  to  us.  We  are  now  strenuously 
endeavouring,  in  a  peaceable  manner,  by  this  single  power, 
the  force  of  our  unanimity,  to  preserve  our  freedom. 
Those  who  lessen  that  unanimity  detract  from  its  force, 
will  prevent  its  effect,  and  must  be,  therefore,  justly 
cliargeable  witli  all  the  dreadful  consequences  to  these 
Colonies. 

The  third  important  consideration  I  beg  leave  to  recom- 
mend to  my  countrymen  is,  to  draw  such  reHections  from 
their  situation  as  will  confirm  their  minds  in  that  manly 
noble  fortitude  so  absolutely  necessary  for  the  maintenance 
«  Lord  North's  Speech. 


415 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JUNE,  1774. 


416 


of  those  inestimable  privileges  for  which  they  are  now  con- 
tendinsc.  The  man  who  fears  difficulties  arising  from  the 
defence  of  freedom,  is  unworthy  of  freedom.  God  has 
given  the  right  and  the  means  of  asserting  it.  We  may 
reasonably  expect  his  gracious  assistance  in  the  reasonable 
employment  of  those  means.  To  look  for  miracles  while 
we  abusively  neglect  the  powers  afforded  us  by  divine 
goodness,  is  not  only  stupid,  but  cruninal.  We  are  yet 
free — let  us  think  like  freemen. 

In  the  last  place,  I  beg  to  offer  some  observations  con- 
cerning the  measures  that  may  be  most  expedient  in  the 
present  emergency.  Other  Nations  have  contended  in 
blood  for  their  liberty,  and  have  judged  the  jewel  worth 
the  price  that  was  paid  for  it.  These  Colonies  are  not 
reduced  to  the  dreadful  necessity.  So  dependent  is  Great 
Britain  on  us  for  supplies  that  Heaven  seems  to  have 
placed  in  our  hands  means  of  an  effectual,  yet  peaceable 
resistance,  if  we  have  sense  and  integrity  to  make  a  proper 
use  of  them.  A  general  agreement  between  these  Colo- 
nies of  non-importation  and  non-exportation,  faithfully 
observed,  would  certainly  be  attended  with  success.  But 
is  it  now  proper  to  enter  into  such  an  agreement  ?  Let  us 
consider  that  we  are  contending  with  our  ancient,  venerable 
and  beloved  parent  country.  Let  us  treat  her  with  all 
possible  respect  and  reverence.*  Though  the  rulers  tliere 
have  had  no  compassion  upon  us,  let  us  have  compassion 
on  the  people  of  that  Kingdom.  And  if,  to  give  weight 
to  our  supplications,  and  to  obtain  relief  for  our  suffering 
brethren,  it  shall  be  judged  necessary  to  lay  ourselves 
under  some  restrictions  with  regard  to  our  imports  and 
exports,  let  it  be  done  with  tenderness,  so  as  to  convince 
our  brethren  in  Great  Britain  of  the  importance  of  a 
connection  and  hannony  between  them  and  us,  and  the 
danger  of  driving  us  into  despair.  Their  true  interests, 
and  our  own,  are  the  same  ;  nor  would  we  admit  any 
notion  of  a  distinction  till  we  know  their  resolution  to  be 
unalterably  hostile. 

In  the  mean  time,  let  us  pursue  the  most  proper 
methods  for  collecting  the  sentiments  of  all  the  British 
Colonies  in  North  America  on  the  present  situation  of 
affairs,  the  first  point,  it  is  apprehended,  to  which  atten- 
tion should  be  paid.  This  may  be  effected  various  ways. 
The  Assemblies  that  may  have  opportunity  of  meeting, 
may  appoint  Deputies  to  attend  a  general  Congress,  at 
such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  agreed  on.  Where 
Assemblies  cannot  meet,  such  of  the  people  as  are  quah- 
fied  by  law  to  vote  in  election  of  Representatives,  may 
meet  and  appoint,  or  may  request  their  Representatives  to 
meet  and  appoint. 

When  the  inhabitants  of  this  extended  Continent 
observe  that  regular  measures  are  prosecuted  for  re-eslab- 
lishing  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  these  Colo- 
nies, their  minds  will  grow  more  calm.  Prospects  of 
accommodation,  it  is  hoped,  will  engage  them  patiently 
and  peaceably  to  attend  tiie  result  of  the  public  Councils, 
and  such  applications  as,  by  the  joint  sense  of  America, 
may  be  judged  proper  to  be  made  to  his  Majesty  and  both 
Houses  of  Parliament. 

"  Better  is  a  little  with  righteousness,  than  great  reve- 
"  nues  without  right." 


LAKCASTER  (PENNSYLVANIA)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Borough  of 
Lancaster,  at  the  Court  House  in  said  Borough,  on  JVed- 
nesday,  the  15th  day  oi  June,  MIA. 

Agreed,  That  to  preserve  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  inhabitants  of  America,  it  is  incumbent  on  every  Colony 
to  unite,  and  use  the  most  effectual  means  to  procure  a 
repeal  of  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament  against  the  town  of 
Boston. 

*  "  '  By  justice  (saith  tho  Scriiiture)  the  Tlirono  is  established,'  and 
'  by  justice  a  Nation  shall  be  exalted.'  I  roseinl>le  justice  to  Ifebu- 
rhadnezzar's  tree,  shading  not  only  tho  palace  of  the  King,  and  tho 
house  of  nobles,  but  sheltering  also  the  cottage  of  the  poorest  beggar. 
Wherefo-e,  if  now  the  blast  of  indignation  hath  so  bruised  any  of  the 
branches  of  this  tree,  that  either  our  persons,  or  goods,  or  possessions, 
have  not  the  same  shelter  as  before,  let  us  not,  therefore,  neglect  the 
root  of  this  great  tree  ;  but  rather,  with  all  our  possible  means,  endeav. 
ours,  and  unfeigned  duties,  both  apply  fresh  and  fertile  mould  unto  it, 
and  also  water  it  even  with  tears,  that  so  those  bruised  branches  may 
hf  recovered,  and  the  whole  tree  prosper  again  and  flourish." — Mr. 
Ckeskeld's  Speech  in  the  Parliament  that  met  in  1727. 


That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  port 
and  harbour  of  Boston,  is  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  said  town,  as  subjects  of  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain. 

That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  meeting, 
that  the  most  proper  and  effectual  means  to  be  used  to 
obtain  a  rej>eal  of  the  said  Act,  will  be  to  put  an  immediate 
stop  to  all  imports  and  exports  to  and  from  Great  Britain, 
imtil  the  same  Act  be  repealed. 

That  the  traders  and  inhabitants  of  this  town  will  join 
and  concur  with  the  patriotic  merchants,  manufacturers, 
tradesmen,  and  freeholders  of  the  City  and  County  of 
Philadelphia,  and  other  parts  of  the  Province,  in  an  Asso- 
ciation of  solemn  agreement  to  this  purpose,  if  the  same 
shall  be  by  them  thought  necessary. 

That  Edward  Shippen,  Esquire,  George  Ross,  Esquire, 
Jasper  Yeates,  Esquire,  Matthias  Slough,  Esquire,  James 
Webh,  Esquire,  William  Atlee,  Esquire,  William  Henry, 
Esquire,  Mr.  Ludwick  Lauman,  Mr.  William  Bailsman, 
and  Mr.  Charles  Hall,  be  a  Committee  to  correspond 
with  the  General  Committee  at  Philadelphia. 

That  these  sentiments  be  immediately  forwarded  to  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Philadelphia. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  said  Committee,  ^ 

Eberhart  Michael,   Clerk. 


RHODE-ISLAND    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Governour  and  Com- 
pany of  the  English  Colony  of  Rhode-Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations,  in  New-England,  in  America,  begun  and 
holden  by  adjournment  at  Newport,  within  and  for  the 
said  Colony,  on  the  second  Monday  in  June,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy-four, 
and  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  his  most  sacred 
Majesty,  George  the  Third,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of 
Great  Britain,  and  so  forth.* 

Tliis  Assembly  taking  into  their  most  serious  considera- 
tion several  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  for  levying 
taxes  upon  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America,  witliout 
their  consent ;  and  particularly  an  Act  lately  passed  for 
blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston ;  which  Act,  even  upon  the 
supposition,  that  the  people  ol'  Boston  had  justly  deserved 
punishment,  is  scarcely  to  be  paralleled  in  history  for  the 
severity  of  the  vengeance  executed  upon  them  ;  and  also 
considering  to  what  a  deplorable  state  this  and  all  the  other 
Colonies  are  reduced,  when,  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  in 
which  the  subjects  of  America  have  not  a  single  voice, 
and  without  being  heard,  they  may  be  divested  of  property, 
and  deprived  of  liberty  ;  do,  upon  mature  deliberation, 

Resolve  1st.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Assembly 
that  a  firm  and  inviolable  union  of  all  the  Colonies,  in 
counsels  and  measures,  is  absolutely  necessary  for  the  pre- 
servation of  their  rights  and  liberties ;  and  that,  for  that 
purpose,  a  Convention  of  Representatives  from  all  the 
Colonies  ought  to  be  holden  in  some  suitable  place,  as 
soon  as  may  be,  in  order  to  consult  upon  proper  measures 
to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  said  Acts,  and  to  establish  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  Colonies  upon  a  just  and  solid 
foundation. 

2d.  That  the  Honourable  Stephen  Hopkins,  and  the 
Honourable  Samuel  Ward,  Esqrs.,  be,  and  they  are  hereby 
appointed  by  this  Assembly  to  represent  the  people  of  this 
Colony,  in  a  general  Congress  of  Representatives  from  the 
other  Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  major  part  of  the  Committees  appointed,  or 
to  be  appointed  by  the  Colonies  in  general. 

3d.  That  they  consult  and  advise  with  the  Representa- 
tives of  the  other  Colonies  who  shall  meet  in  such  Con- 
gress, upon  a  loyal  and  dutiful  petition  and  remonstrance 
to  be  presented  to  his  Majesty,  as  the  united  voice  of  his 
faithful  subjects  in  America,  setting  foitli  the  grievances 
they  labour  under,  and  praying  his  gracious  interposition 
for  their  relief.  And  that  in  case  a  major  part  of  the  Re- 
presentatives of  all  the  Colonies  shall  agree  upon  such 
petition  and  remonstrance,  they  be  empowered  to  sign  the 
same  in  behalf  of  this  Colony. 

*  The  Assembly  met  at  the  Court  House  in  Newport,  on  Monday, 
JuH(!  13,  1774  ;  and  on  Wednesday  ;i(]opled  these  Resolutions,  which 
passed  unanimously,  except  one,  to  which  there  were  only  two  or  three 
dissentients. 


417 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &cc.,  JUNE,  1774. 


418 


4tli.  That  they  also  consult  upon  all  such  reasonable 
and  lawful  measures  as  may  be  expedient  for  the  Colonies, 
in  an  united  manner,  to  pursue  in  order  to  procure  a  redress 
of  their  grievances,  and  to  ascertain  and  establish  their 
rights  and  liberties. 

5tii.  That  they  also  endeavour  to  procure  a  regular  an- 
nual Convention  of  Representatives  from  all  the  Colonies, 
to  consider  of  proper  means  for  the  preservation  of  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  all  the  Colonies. 

6th.  That  the  Speaker  of  the  lower  House  transmit  as 
soon  as  may  be,  copies  of  these  Resolutions  to  the  present 
or  late  Speakers  of  the  respective  Houses  of  Represent- 
atives of  all  the  British  Colonies  upon  the  Continent. 

Henkv  Wakd,  Secretary. 


WOODSTOCK  (Virginia)   resolutions. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Dunmore,  held  at  the  town  of  Woodstock, 
the  16th  day  of  June,  1774,  to  consider  the  best  mode  to 
be  fallen  upon  to  secure  their  liberties  and  properties ;  and 
also  to  prevent  the  dangerous  tendency  of  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, passed  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  present  Majesty's 
reign,  entitled,  "  An  Act  to  discontinue  in  such  manner  and 
"  for  such  time  as  is  therein  mentioned  the  landing  and  dis- 
"  charging,  lading  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchan- 
"  dise,  at  the  town  and  within  the  harbour  of  Boston,  in  the 
"  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America," 
evidently  has  to  invade  and  deprive  us  of  the  same. 

The  Reverend  Peter  Mecklenberc,  Moderator. 

A  Committee,  of  the  following  gentlemen,  viz :  the 
Reverend  Peter  MecJclenberg,  Francis  Slaughter,  Abra- 
ham Bird,  Taverner  Beale,  John  Tipton,  and  Abraham 
Bowman,  were  appointed  to  draw  up  Resolves  suitable  to 
the  same  occasion,  who,  withdrawing  for  a  short  time, 
returned  with  the  following  votes,  which  had  been 
previously  agreed  to  and  voted  by  the  freeholders  and 
inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Frederick. 

1st.  That  we  will  always  cheerfully  pay  due  submission 
to  such  Acts  of  Government,  as  his  Majesty  has  a  right, 
by  law,  to  exercise  over  his  subjects,  as  Sovereign  to  the 
British  Dominions,  and  to  such  only. 

2d.  That  it  is  the  inherent  right  of  British  subjects  to 
be  governed  and  taxed  by  Representatives  chosen  by 
themselves  only;  and  that  every  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament  respecting  the  internal  policy  of  North  Ameri- 
ca, is  a  dangerous  and  unconstitutional  invasion  of  our 
rights  and  privileges. 

.3d.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  above  mentioned,  is  not 
only  itself  repugnant  to  the  fundamental  laws  of  natural 
justice,  in  condemning  persons  for  supposed  crime,  unheard; 
but,  also,  a  despotic  exertion  of  unconstitutional  power, 
calculated  to  enslave  a  free  and  loyal  people. 

4th.  That  the  enforcing  the  execution  of  the  said  Act 
of  Parliament  by  a  military  power,  will  have  a  necessary 
tendency  to  raise  a  civil  war,  thereby  dissolving  that  union 
which  has  so  long  happily  subsisted  between  the  mother 
country  and  her  Colonies ;  and  that  we  will  most  heartily 
and  unanimously  concur  with  our  suffering  brethren  of 
Boston,  and  every  other  part  of  North  America,  that  may 
be  the  immediate  victims  of  tyranny,  in  promoting  all 
proper  measures  to  avert  such  dreadful  calamities  ;  to 
procure  a  redress  of  our  grievances,  and  to  secure  our 
common  liberties. 

5th.  It  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
a  joint  resolution  of  all  the  Colonies,  to  stop  all  importa- 
tions from  Great  Britain,  and  exportations  to  it,  till  the 
said  Act  be  repealed,  will  prove  the  salvation  of  North 
America  and  her  liberties ;  on  the  other  hand,  if  they 
continue  their  imports  and  exports,  there  is  the  greatest 
reason  to  fear  that  power  and  the  most  odious  oppression 
will  rise  triumphant  over  right,  justice,  social  happiness, 
and  freedom. 

6th.  That  the  East  India  Comi)any,  those  servile  tools 
of  arbitrary  ]iower,  have  justly  forfeited  the  esteem  and 
regard  of  all  honest  men ;  and  that  the  better  to  manifest 
our  abhorrence  of  such  abject  compliances  with  the  will  of 
a  venal  Ministry,  in  ministering  ail  in  their  power  an 
increase  of  the  fund  of  peculation,  we  will  not  purchase 
tea,  or  any  other  kind  of  East  India  connnodities,  either 


imported  now,  or  hereafter  to  be  imported,  except  salt- 
petre, sjjices,  and  medicinical  drugs. 

7th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  Com- 
mittees ought  to  be  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  effecting 
a  general  Association,  that  the  same  measures  may  be 
pursued  through  the  whole  Continent ;  that  the  Commit- 
tees ought  to  correspond  with  each  other,  and  to  meet  at 
such  places  and  times  as  shall  be  agreed,  in  order  to  form 
such  general  Association  ;  and  that  when  the  same  shall  be 
formed  and  agreed  on  by  the  several  Committees,  we  will 
strictly  adhere  to,  and  till  the  general  sense  of  the  Conti- 
nent shall  be  known,  we  do  pledge  ourselves  to  each  other, 
and  to  our  country,  that  we  will  inviolably  adhere  to  the 
vote  of  this  day. 

Voted,  That  the  Reverend  Peter  Mecklenbcrg,  Francis 
Slaughter,  Abraham  Bird,  Taverner  Beale,  John  Tipton, 
and  Abraham  Bowman,  be  appointed  a  Committee  for  the 
purpose  aforesaid ;  and  that  they  or  any  three  of  them  are 
hereby  fully  empowered  to  act. 


the    BRITISH    AMERICAN,    NO.  IV. 

Williiunsburg,  Va.,  June  16,  1774. 

Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and  Countrymen: 

Having,  under  the  above  signature,  formerly  addressed 
three  letters  to  you,  upon  the  long  litigated  right  of  the 
British  Parliament  to  tax  the  American  Colonies,  which 
were  not  ill  received  by  the  public,  I  intend  through  tlie 
channel  of  this  paper,  to  give  my  sentiments  of  what  ought 
to  be  the  conduct  of  the  inhabitants  of  British  America 
in  the  present  alarming  state  of  affairs  ;  and  I  think  it  more 
peculiarly  my  duty  to  do  so  at  this  time,  because,  (though 
one  of  the  Representatives  of  the  Colony  of  Virginia,)  I 
did  not  attend  the  last  session  of  the  Assembly  ;  indeed, 
as  I  live  a  very  retired  life,  a  great  distance  from  ffilliams- 
burg,  I  did  not  hear  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  relative  to 
Boston,  till  after  the  Assembly  was  dissolved  ;  but  I  urge 
not  this  in  justification,  nor  even  in  palliation  of  my  offence, 
since  nothing  can  excuse  a  Representative  of  the  people 
from  constantly  attending  in  Assembly  ;  and,  as  I  neither 
expect,  or  shall  attempt,  to  be  chosen  again,  I  take  this, 
as  the  only  method  left  me,  of  atoning  to  my  country  for 
having  neglected  my  duty. 

In  the  course  of  these  letters,  after  explaining  what  the 
real  excellence  of  the  Constitution,  (so  far  as  relates  to  the 
real  excellence  of  the  legislation)  formerly  was  ;  after 
pointing  out  how  far,  and  by  what  means,  that  Constitu- 
tion hath  been  altered,  and  that  excellence  almost  annihil- 
ated ;  and  after  considering  the  connections  between  the 
Colonies  and  the  mother  country,  I  shall  endeavour  to 
prove  that  it  would  be  really  injurious  for  Great  Britain 
to  enforce,  or  for  the  Colonies  to  submit  to,  the  authority 
of  British  Acts  of  Parliament  in  America. 

That  the  first  aim  of  America  ought  to  be  to  prevent,  if 
possible.  Great  Britain  from  sinking,  which  by  an  unani- 
mously, loyal,  cool,  steady,  and  intrepid  conduct,  which  I 
shall  endeavour  to  point  out,  it  is  possible  for  her  to  effect. 
But  if  the  utmost  exertion  of  her  virtue  should  not  enable 
her  to  accomplish  this  ever  to  be  wished  for  end;  and 
Great  Britain  is  in  so  corrupt  a  state  that  she  must  fall, 
that  America  must  take  care  not  to  fall  with  her ;  but  by 
preserving  her  own  liberty,  prepare  an  asylum  for  such  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  mother  country  as  still  retain  a  love 
of  liberty,  or  possess  a  desire  of  being  free. 

Having  thus  given  a  general  idea  of  the  subject  intended 
to  be  pursued  in  my  future  letters  to  my  countrymen  in 
general,  I  shall  conclude  this,  with  some  advice  to  my 
fellow-citizens,  of  Virginia  in  particular.  Do  not  enter 
into  any  hasty  resolves,  that  you  yourselves  upon  deliber- 
ation condemn  ;  remember  that  coolness  is  the  true  charac- 
teristic of  an  intrepid  spirit.  However  you  may  be  dis- 
pleased with  the  conduct  of  your  late  Representatives, 
keep  your  resentment  to  yourselves.  Remember  that  the 
best  of  men  may  be  sometimes  mistaken  ;  that  this  is  not 
a  time  to  entertain  jealousies,  or  create  dissensions  amongst 
ourselves  ;  and  that  to  irritate  by  reproachful  language  will 
never  reform.  Reflect  that  the  merchants  and  manufac- 
turers of  Great  Britain  are  our  fellow-subjects  ;  that  they 
probably  disapprove  the  conduct  of  the  British  Parliament 
as  much  as  we  do ;  that  they  are  possibly  warm  in  our 
interests  at  this  moment,  and  if  not,  that  they  are  at  least 


Foi'RTH  Series. 


27 


419 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


420 


entitled  to  justice  at  our  hands  ;  and  that,  however,  discre- 
tion ought  to  prevent  us  from  increasing,  common  honesty 
ought  to  induce  us  to  discliarge,  as  soon  as  possible,  the 
debts  we  have  already  contracted  ;  that  to  stop  the  export- 
ation of  our  commodities  would  be  so  injurious  to  your- 
selves, that  you  ought  not  to  risk  it  till  every  other 
measure  has  been  tried  without  success ;  and  reserve  this 
as  your  dernier  resort ;  but  above  all  things,  be  careful  that 
your  honest  indignation  against  the  two  Houses  of  the 
British  Parliament  does  not  hurry  you  into  any  indiscreet 
expressions  against,  or  corrupt  your  loyalty  to,  your 
Sovereign,  tliough  you  owe  no  obedience  to  the  British 
Parliament,  two  branches  of  it  being  only  your  fellow-sub- 
jects, and  not  your  masters ;  yet  to  your  King  you  have 
sworn  allegiance ;  his  amiable  private  character  entitles 
him  to  ) our  highest  reverence  and  esteem;  his  political 
character  as  a  Sovereign  of  the  Empire  in  general,  and  as 
supreme  head  of  this  Colony  in  particular,  ought  to  induce 
you  to  give  him  every  mark  of  your  warmest  loyalty,  and 
most  zealous  affection  to  his  person.  Wait  therefore  with 
patience  my  fellow-citizens  a  few  weeks  longer. 

The  expiration  of  the  Fee  Bill,  by  the  sudden  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Assembly,  must  shut  up  the  Courts  of  Justice. 
No  Sheriff  is  obliged  to  serve  any  process,  since  under  a 
positive  Act  of  Assembly,  he  can  no  longer  receive  any 
reward ;  and  neglect  of  duty  can  no  longer  be  punished, 
when  the  equivalent  for  that  duty  is  taken  away  ;  the  inva- 
sion of  the  Indian  enemy  ;  the  immense  debt  due  from  the 
public  ;  and  the  scarcity  of  a  circulating  currency  amongst 
you,  are  ciicumstances  which  will  probably  induce  the 
Governour  to  call  an  Assembly  immediately.  If  he  should 
be  careful  in  the  choice  of  your  Representatives,  instruct 
them  fully  how  they  are  to  conduct  themselves ;  rely  seri- 
ously on  their  virtue,  and  expect  a  constitutional  redress 
of  your  grievances ;  nothing  but  necessity  can  justify  any 
other.  But  if  the  Governour  should  be  restrained  by  the 
instructions  of  a  wicked  Minister  from  relieving  the  dis- 
tresses of  the  Colony  by  calling  an  Assembly  immediately, 
and  writs  should  not  be  issued  for  that  purpose  before  the 
first  day  of  Jidij,  I  would  then  advise  the  freeholders  of 
each  county  in  the  Colony  to  convene  themselves,  and 
choose  two  of  the  most  able  and  discreet  of  their  inhabit- 
ants to  accompany  and  assist  tlieir  late  Representatives  at 
the  meeting  in  Williamsburg,  on  the  first  day  of  August ; 
and  let  the  whole  Colony  unanimously  support  whatever 
may  be  then  resolved  upon. 

I  do  not  advise  this  election  of  two  additional  Represent- 
atives of  each  county,  because  1  entertain  the  smallest 
doubt  of  the  integrity,  zeal,  or  abilities  of  the  late  Repre- 
sentatives to  serve  their  country ;  on  the  other  hand,  I 
am  certain,  that  a  very  great  majority  of  the  late  Assembly 
may  be  firmly  relied  on  ;  but  the  increase  of  their  numbers 
will  add  weight  to  their  counsels,  and  convince  both  our 
friends  and  enemies  that  tiie  Colony  of  Virginia  is  so 
unanimously  firm  in  the  common  cause  of  America,  that 
no  dissolution  of  your  Assembly  or  change  of  Represent- 
atives, can  furnish  in  future,  the  smallest  hopes  of  your 
giving  up  your  liberty,  or  of  your  submitting  to  the  arbi- 
trary mandates  of  a  British  Parliament. 


Williamsburg,  Virginia,  June  17,  1774. 

His  Excellency  the  Governour,  with  the  advice  of  his 
Majesty's  Council,  was  this  day  pleased  to  order  writs  to 
issue  for  the  election  of  a  new  Assembly,  which  is  to  meet 
on  the  11  til  of  August. 


To  the  Gentlemen,  Freeholders,  and  others,  in  the  County 
q/" New-Castle,  upon  Dei^aware,  who  have  a  vote  in 
the  election  of  Representatives  in  General  Assembly. 

The  several  Acts  of  Parliament  made  for  these  ten 
years  last  past,  relating  to  the  British  Colonies  in  North 
America,  and  their  operations  upon  the  property,  liberty 
and  lives  of  the  good  people  of  this  country,  are  two  well 
known,  and  too  severely  felt,  to  require  any  enumer- 
ation or  explanation — suffice  it  to  mention,  that  they  have 
taken  away  the  property  of  the  Colonists  without  their 
participation  or  consent ;  that  they  have  introduced  the 
odious  and  arbitrary  power  of  excise  into  the  customs ; 


that  they  have  rnade  all  revenue  causes  triable  without 
jury,  and  under  the  decision  of  a  dependent  party  Judge; 
that  they  have  taken  from  the  Assemblies  all  freedom  of 
debate  and  determination,  in  the  instance  of  suspending 
the  Legislative  power  of  New- York ;  that  they  have 
extended  the  obsolete  and  arbitrary  Act  of  thirty-five  Henry 
the  Eighth,  for  trial  of  treason  and  misprison  of  treason,  to 
the  depriving  the  subjects  of  a  lair  trial  in  the  proper  country, 
and  exposing  him  to  the  most  grievous  exertions  of  tyranny 
and  injustice  ;  that  they  have  maintained  a  standing  army 
in  time  of  peace,  above  tiie  controul  of  civil  authority  ;  and 
that  they  have  not  only  declared  \\:.i  they  can  make  laws 
to  bind  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  but,  to  Crown  all,  have 
actually  dejnived  the  great  and  lately  flourishing  town  of 
Boston,  of  all  trade  whatsoever,  by  shutting  up  their  port 
and  harbour  with  a  formidable  fleet  and  army  ;  and,  it  is 
not  doubted,  have  new-moulded  the  Charter  of  the  Pro- 
vince of  the  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  virtually  indemni- 
fied all  officers  of  the  customs,  the  navy  and  army,  and 
others  acting  by  their  command,  from  all  inurders  and 
other  crimes  which  they  may  commit  upon  the  loyal,  brave 
and  free  people  of  that  Province.  These  are  no  phantoms 
arising  fiom  a  heated  brain,  but  real  facts,  not  exagger- 
ated. 

It  is  impossible  that  any  people,  impressed  with  the 
least  sense  of  constitutional  liberty,  should  ever  patiently 
submit,  to  these  enormous  grievances,  and  accordingly  we 
find  our  brethren  and  fellow-subjects  in  most  of  the  Colo- 
nies are  deliberating  and  resolving  upon  such  measures  as 
are  thought  to  be  most  likely  to  recover  our  lost  rights  and 
privileges. 

Shall  the  people  of  this  large  and  wealthy  county, 
heretofore  the  foremost  on  many  occasions,  particularly  in 
the  time  of  the  detestable  Stamp  Act,  to  oppose  all 
attempts  to  deprive  them  of  their  personal  security  and 
private  property,  be  now  inactive  and  silent  ?  Forbid  it 
liberty,  let  humanity  forbid  it. 

You  are  therefore  most  earnestly  requested  to  meet 
together  at  the  Court  House,  in  the  town  o{ New-Castle,  on 
Wednesday,  the  29th  inst.,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
to  consider  of  the  most  proper  mode  of  procuring  relief  for 
our  dear  countrymen,  and  brethren  of  Boston,  the  redress- 
ing the  befbrementioned  grievance,  the  restoring  and  secur- 
ing our  invaded  property  and  expiring  liberties — and  estab- 
lishing, on  a  constitutional  bottom,  the  wonted,  and  by  us 
so  much  desired,  peace,  friendship,  and  love  between  Great 
Britain  and  these  Colonies.  It  is  expected  that  none 
who  have  a  due  regard  to  their  country,  posterity,  or  them- 
selves, will  be  absent.  A  Fbeeman. 
June  17,  1774. 


EASTHAMPTON  (sUFFOLK  CO.  NEW-YORk)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Easi- 
hamjjton,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  legally  warned  by 
the  Trustees  of  said  town,  the  17th  of  June,  1774. 

Eleazer  Miller,  Esq.,  Moderator. 

1st.  Voted,  That  we  will,  to  the  utmost  of  our  abilities, 
assert,  and  in  a  lawful  manner  defend,  the  liberties  and 
immunities  of  British  America ;  that  we  will  co-operate 
with  our  brethren  in  this  Colony  in  such  measures  as  shall, 
from  time  to  time,  appear  to  us  the  most  proper,  and  the 
iaest  adajned  to  save  us  from  the  burthens  we  fear,  and  in 
a  measure  already  feel,  from  die  principles  adopted  by  the 
British  Parliament  respcciint;  the  town  of  Boston  in  par- 
ticular, and  the  British  Colonies  in  North  America  in 
general. 

2d.  Voted,  That  a  non-importation  agreement  through 
the  Colonies  is  the  most  likely  means  to  save  us  from  the 
j)resent  and  further  troubles. 

3d.  Voted,  That  John  Chatfeld,  Esq.,  Colonel  Abra- 
ham Gardiner,  Burnet  Miller,  Stephen  Hedges,  Thomas 
fi'irkham,  E^q..  John  Gardiner,  Esq.,  and  Captain  David 
Mulford,  be  a  Standing  Committee  Icir  keeping  up  a  Cor- 
respondence with  the  City  oi  New- York,  and  the  towns  of 
tills  Colony  ;  and,  if  there  is  occasion,  with  other  Colonies  ; 
and  that  they  transmit  a  copy  of  these  votes  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  for  the  ('ity  of  New-York. 

Voted  unanimously,  not  one  contrary  vote. 

Burnet  Miller,  Toivn  Clerk. 


421 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


422 


MASSACHUSETTS  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

The  late  Honourable  House  of  Representatives  of  this 
Province,  having  finished  all  the  ordinary  public  business 
of  importance  that  had  been  before  them,  on  Friday,  June 
17,  1774,  came  into  the  following  Resolutions ;  present, 
one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  members,  and  only  twelve 
dissentients,*  viz : 

In  the  House  of  Representatives,  June  17,  1774. 

This  House  having  duly  considered,  and  being  deeply 
affected  with  the  unhappy  differences  wiiich  have  long 
subsisted,  and  are  increasing,  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  American  Colonies,  do  resolve,  that  a  meeting  of 
Committees,  from  the  several  Colonies  on  this  Continent  is 
highly  expedient  and  necessary,  to  consult  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  Colonies,  and  the  miseries,  to  which  they 
are,  and  must  be  reduced,  by  the  operation  of  certain 
Acts  of  Parliament  respecting  America ;  and  to  deliberate 
and  determine  upon  wise  and  proper  measures  to  be  by 
them  recommended  to  all  the  Colonies,  for  the  recovery 
and  establishment  of  their  just  rights  and  liberties,  civil  and 
religious,  and  the  restoration  of  union  and  harmony  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  most  ardently 
desired  by  all  good  men. 

Therefore,  resolved.  That  the  Honourable  James  Bow- 
doin,  Esq.,  the  Honourable  Thomas  dishing,  Esq.,  Mr. 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  Robert  Treat  Paine, 
Esquires,  be  and  they  are  hereby  appointed  a  Committee 
on  the  part  of  this  Province,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid, 
any  three  of  whom  to  be  a  quorum,  to  meet  such  Commit- 
tees or  Delegates  from  the  other  Colonies,  as  have  been 
or  may  be  appointed,  either  by  their  respective  Houses  of 
Burgesses  or  Representatives,  or  by  Convention,  or  by  the 
Committees  of  Correspondence  appointed  by  the  respective 
Houses  of  Assembly,  to  meet  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
or  any  other  place  that  shall  be  judged  most  suitable  by 
the  Committee  on  the  first  day  of  September  next ;  and 
that  the  Speaker  of  the  House  be  directed,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Speakers  of  the  Houses  of  Burgesses  or  Representa- 
tives in  the  several  Colonies,  to  inform  them  of  the  sub- 
stance of  these  resolves. 

Whereas,  this  House,  taking  into  consideration  the  many 
distresses  and  difficulties  to  which  the  American  Colonies, 
and  this  Province  in  particular,  are  and  njust  be  reduced 
by  the  operation  of  certain  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  have 
determined  that  it  is  highly  expedient  that  a  Committee 
should  be  appointed  to  meet,  as  soon  as  may  be,  the  Com- 
mittees that  are  or  shall  be  appointed  by  the  several  Colo- 
nies on  this  Continent,  to  consult  together  upon  the  present 
state  of  the  Colonies,  and  to  deliberate  and  determine 
upon  wise  and  proper  measures  to  be  by  them  recom- 
mended to  all  the  Colonies  for  the  recovery  and  establish- 
ment of  their  just  rights  and  liberties,  civil  and  religious, 
and  the  restoration  of  that  union  and  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  most  ardently  desired  by 
all  good  men.  And  the  Honourable  James  Bowdoin, 
Rsquire,  the  Honourable  Thomas  Cushing,  Esquire,  Mr. 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  Robert  Treat  Paine, 
Esquires,  are  appointed  a  Committee  on  the  part  of  this 
Province,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid  ;  any  three  of  whom 
to  be  a  quorum,  to  meet  such  Committees  or  Delegates 
from  tiie  other  Colonies  as  have  been  or  may  be  appointed, 
either  by  their  respective  Houses  of  Burgesses  or  Repre- 
sentatives, or  by  Convention,  or  by  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence appointed  by  the  respective  Houses  of 
Assembly,  to  meet  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  or  any 
other  place  that  shall  be  judged  most  suitable  by  the  joint 
Committees,  on  the  first  day  of  September  next.  And 
whereas  this  House  did  resolve,  that  there  be  paid  to  said 
Committee,  out  of  the  public  Treasury,  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  pounds,  to  enable  them  to  discharge  the  import- 
ant trust  to  which  they  are  appointed ;  they,  upon  their 
return,  to  be  accountable  for  the  same.  And  said  Resolve 
was  sent  up  to  the  Honourable  Board  for  their  concurrence, 
who  accordingly  concurred  in  the  Resolve  of  the  House  ; 

»  The  following  is  said  to  be  a  true  list  of  the  names  of  eleven  of 
the  gentlemen  who  voted  AfiAiNST  a  Congress  ;  tlie  remaining  one  is  at 
present  uncertain— Colonel  Worlhington,  Colonel  Murray,  Colonel 
Jo7>es,  Major  Ingersol,  David  Thatcher,  Esq.,  Aliijah  White,  Esq., 
Colonel  Bacon,  Colonel  Day,  Captain  Hayward,  of  Easton,  Mr.  Sam- 
vtl  Field,  and  Barnabaa  Freeman. 


but  his  Excellency  the  Governour  declined  his  consent  to 
the  same.  Wherefore  this  House  would  recommend,  and 
they  do  accordingly  hereby  recommend  to  the  several 
towns  and  districts  within  this  Province,  that  each  town 
and  district  raise,  collect  and  pay,  to  the  Honourable 
Thomas  Cushing,  Esquire,  of  Boston,  the  sum  of  five 
hundred  pounds,  by  the  fifteenth  day  of  August  next, 
agreeable  to  a  list  herewith  exhibited,  being  each  town 
and  district's  proportion  of  said  sum,  according  to  the  last 
Province  tax,  to  enable  them  to  discharge  the  important 
trust  to  which  they  are  appointed  ;  they,  upon  their  return, 
to  be  accountable  for  the  same. 

Whereas  the  towns  of  Boston  and  Charlestown  are  at 
this  time  suffering  under  the  hand  of  power,  by  the  shut- 
ting the  harbour  by  an  armed  force,  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  this  House,  is  an  invasion  of  the  said  towns,  evidently 
designed  to  compel  the  inhabitants  thereof  to  a  submission 
to  taxes  imposed  upon  them  without  their  consent.  And 
whereas  it  appears  to  this  House,  that  this  attack  upon  the 
said  towns,  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  is  an  attack  made 
upon  this  whole  Province  and  Continent,  which  threatens 
the  total  destruction  of  the  liberties  of  British  America. 

It  is,  therefore.  Resolved,  As  the  clear  opinion  of  this 
House,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  towns  ought  to  be 
relieved  ;  and  this  House  do  recommend  to  all,  and  more 
especially  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province,  to  afford 
them  speedy  and  constant  relief,  in  such  way  and  manner 
as  shall  be  most  suitable  to  their  circumstances,  till  the 
sense  and  advice  of  our  sister  Colonies  shall  be  known. 
In  full  confidence  that  they  will  exhibit  examples  of 
patience,  fortitude  and  perseverance,  while  they  are  thus 
called  to  endure  this  oppression  for  the  preservation  of  the 
liberties  of  their  country. 

Whereas  this,  and  his  Majesty's  other  Colonies  in  North 
America,  have  long  been  struggling  under  the  heavy  hand 
of  power,  and  our  dutiful  petitions  for  the  redress  of  our 
intolerable  grievances,  have  not  only  been  disregarded  and 
frowned  upon,  but  the  design  totally  to  alter  the  free  Con- 
stitution of  civil  Government  in  British  America,  and 
establish  arbitrary  Governments,  and  reduce  the  inhab- 
itants to  slavery,  appears  more  and  more  to  be  fixed  and 
determined.  It  is,  therefore,  strongly  recommended  by 
this  House,  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province,  that  they 
renounce  altogether  the  consumption  of  India  teas,  and, 
as  far  as  in  them  lies,  discontinue  the  use  of  all  goods  and 
manufactures  whatever,  that  shall  be  imported  from  the 
East  Indies  and  Great  Britain,  until  the  public  grievances 
of  Ameiica  shall  be  radically  and  totally  redressed.  And 
it  is  also  further  recommended  to  all,  that  they  give  all 
possible  encouragement  to  the  manufacturers  of  America. 
And  it  is  moreover  strongly  recommended  to  the  inhabit- 
ants aforesaid,  that  they  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to 
suppress  pedlars  and  petty  chapmen,  (who  are  of  late 
become  a  very  great  nuisance,)  by  putting  in  execution 
the  good  and  wholesome  laws  of  this  Province  for  that 
jmrpose. 

June  17,  1774.  His  Excellency  the  Governour,  having 
directed  the  Secretary  to  acquaint  the  two  Houses  that  it 
was  his  pleasure  the  General  Assembly  should  be  dis- 
solved, and  to  declare  the  same  dissolved  accordingly,  the 
Secretary  went  to  the  Court  House,  and  finding  the  door 
of  the  Representatives  Chamber  locked,  directed  the 
Messenger  to  go  in  and  acquaint  the  Speaker  that  the 
Secretary  had  a  Message  from  his  Excellency  to  the 
Honourable  House,  and  desire  he  might  be  admitted  to 
deliver  it.  The  Messenger  returned,  and  said  he  had 
acquainted  the  Speaker  therewith,  who  mentioned  it  to  the 
House,  and  their  orders  were  to  keep  the  door  fast. 

Whereupon  the  following  Proclamation  was  published 
on  the  stairs  leading  to  the  Representatives  Chamber,  in 
presence  of  several  members  of  the  House,  and  a  great 
number  of  other  persons,  and  immediately  after  in  Council : 

PROVINCE    OF    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY. 

By  the  Governour. — A  Proclamation  for  Dissolving 
the  General  Court. 
Whereas  the  proceedings  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, in  the  present  session  of  the  General  Court,  make  it 


423 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


424 


necessary  for  his  Majesty's  service  that  the  said  General 
Court  should  be  dissolved  : 

I  have,  therefore,  thought  fit  to  dissolve  the  said  General 
Court,  and  the  same  is  herehy  dissolved  accordingly,  and 
the  members  thereof  are  discharged  from  any  further 
attendance. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  Sale/n,  the  17th  day  of  June, 
1774,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign. 

T.  Gage. 
By  his  Majesty's  command,      T.  Fldcker,  Secretari/. 
God  save  the  King. 


BOSTON  (Massachusetts)  resolutions. 

At  a  legal  and  very  full  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  die  town  of  Boston,  by  adjournment, 
at  Faneuil  Hall,  June  17,  1774. 

The  Honourable  John  Adams,  Esquire,  Moderator. 

Upon  a  motion  made,  the  town  again  entered  into  the 
consideration  of  that  article  in  the  warrant,  viz  :  "  To 
"  consider  and  detennine  what  measures  are  to  be  taken 
"  on  the  present  exigency  of  our  public  affairs,  more 
"  especially  relative  to  the  late  edict  of  a  British  Parlia- 
"  ment  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston,  and  anni- 
"  hilating  the  trade  of  this  town  ;"  and  after  very  serious 
debates  thereon, 

Voted,  (with  only  one  dissentient,*)  That  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  be  enjoined  forthwith  to  write 
to  all  the  other  Colonies,  acquainting  diem  that  we  are  not 
idle ;  that  we  are  deliberating  upon  the  steps  to  be  taken 
on  the  present  exigencies  of  our  public  affairs ;  that  our 
brethren,  the  landed  interest  of  this  Province,  with  an 
unexampled  spirit  and  unanimity,  are  entering  into  a  non- 
consumption  agreement,  and  that  we  are  waiting  with 
anxious  expectation  for  the  result  of  a  Continental  Con- 
gress, whose  meeting  we  impatiently  desire,  in  whose  wis- 
dom and  firmness  we  can  confide,  and  in  whose  determina- 
tion we  shall  cheerfully  acquiesce. 

Agreeably  to  order,  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
laid  before  the  town  such  letters  as  they  had  received  in 
answer  to  the  circular  letters  wrote  by  them  to  the  several 
Colonies,  and  also  the  seaport  towns  in'this  Province,  since 
the  reception  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill ;  and  the  same 
being  publicly  read,f 

•  The  town  meeting  waa  as  full  and  respectable  as  ever  was  known ; 
their  unanimity  and  firmnesg  was  never  exceeded  ;  not  one,  thouirh 
often  called  ujron,  had  any  thing  to  offer  in  favour  of  paying  for  the  tea, 
in  compliance  with  the  Boston  Port  Bill ;  all  appeared  disposed  to  stand 
the  utmost  efforts  of  tyranny,  rather  thaji  make  a  free  surrender  of  the 
rights  of  America.  The  speeches  made  on  the  state  of  American  affairs 
would  do  honour  to  any  assembly. 

The  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  for  a  non-consumption  of  British 
merchandise,  is  an  axe  at  the  root  of  the  tree ;  by  coming  into  it  we 
establish  our  own  manufactures,  save  our  money,  and  finally  our 
country  from  the  destruction  that  threatens  it. 

t  Boston,  June  20,  1774.  The  present  aspect  of  public  affairs  is 
highly  favourable  to  the  liberties  of  America  ;  the  whole  Continent 
seems  inspired  by  one  soul,  and  that  soul  a  vigorous  and  determined 
one.  Virginia  is  all  in  motion  ;  and  Maryland  lias  made  amazing  pro- 
gress for  the  short  space  since  they  have  taken  this  fresh  alarm  from 
the  Boston  Port  Bill.  Meetings  of  towns,  counties,  and  by  Delegates 
of  the  whole  Province,  either  nave  been  held,  or  are  going  rapidly  on. 
Besides  the  doings  of  Annapolis  and  Baltimore,  those  of  Chester  are 
deserving  of  our  warmest  acknowledgments.  Subscription  papers 
have  been  set  on  foot  in  that  county,  and  considerable  sums  already 
subscribed  for  the  relief  of  our  poor  in  this  devoted  town.  Philadel- 
phia is  following  the  generous  example,  as  well  as  the  Jersies,  New- 
York  and  Connecticut.  New-Jersey  is  very  forward,  and  are  on  the 
point  of  choosing  their  Deputies  for  the  Congress  by  a  very  regular 
method,  viz :  Of  meeting  in  towns  and  neighbourhoods,  sending  Dopu. 
ties  from  those  meetings  to  county  meetings,  and  others  from  those  to 
a  Provincial  one.  Committees  of  Correspondence  are  not  now  confined 
to  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Ix>rd  North's  Administration 
is  become  so  important  that  nearly  every  subject  of  the  Empire  feels 
himself  deeply  interested  in  it,  and  insists  upon  being  acquainted  with 
the  very  minutia  of  all  liis  plans. 

The  zeal,  firmness  and  unanimity  of  our  late  House  of  Ropresonta. 
tivos,  and  the  steady  support  they  received  from  the  Honourable  his 
Majesty's  Council,  does  honour  to  the  good  sense  and  patriotism  of  the 
parties,  who  at  this  trying  season  committed  the  conservation  of  their 
inestimable,  and  now  mucii  endangered  riglits,  into  such  worthy  hands. 
Some  exceptions  wo  must  allow  there  have  been ;  but  ignorance,  ambi. 
tion  for  the  fancied  honours  of  commissions,  civil  and  military,  and 
rank  cowardice  respecting  the  event  of  contending  to  blood  for  our 
rights,  daily  giving  way  to  the  better  information  abounding  through 
all  ranks  of  people,  afford  us  the  comfortable  hope,  that  in  a  little  timj 
our  House  of  Ropresentatives  shall  emulate  that  of  Virginia,  in  which 
a  gentleman  lately  from  thence  says,  there  was  not  so  much  as  a  luke. 
warm  member,  much  less  a  dissentient  from  the  cause  of  his  country. 

We  hear  that  the  patriotic  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  have  gener- 
ously voted  to  give  the  poor  of  this  town  fifteen  hundred  barrels  of 
flour,  five  hundred  of  which,  it  is  laid,  may  be  soon  expected. 


Voted,  unanimously,  That  our  wannest  thanks  be  trans- 
mitted to  our  brethren  on  the  Continent,  for  that  humanity, 
sympathy  and  affection  with  which  they  have  been  inspired, 
and  which  they  have  expressed  towards  this  distressed 
town  at  this  important  season. 

Voted,  unanimously,  That  the  thanks  of  this  town  be, 
and  hereby  are,  given  to  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
dence, for  their  faithfulness  in  the  discharge  of  their  trust, 
and  that  they  be  desired  to  continue  their  vigilance  and 
activity  in  that  service. 

Whereas  the  Overseers  of  the  Poor  in  the  town  of 
Boston  are  a  body  politic,  by  law  constituted  for  the 
reception  and  distribution  of  charitable  donations  for  the 
use  of  the  poor  of  the  said  town. 

Voted,  That  all  grants  and  donations  to  this  town,  and 
the  poor  thereof,  at  this  distressing  season,  be  paid  and 
delivered  into  the  hands  of  said  Overseers,  and  by  them 
appropriated  and  distributed,  in  concert  with  the  Com- 
mittee lately  appointed  by  this  town  for  the  consideration 
of  ways  and  means  of  employing  the  jtoor. 

Voted,  Tliat  the  Town  Clerk  be  directed  to  publish 
the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  in  the  several  newspapers. 

The  meeting  was  then  adjourned  to  Monday,  the  27th 
June,  instant.  Attest, 

William  Cooper,  Town  Clerk. 


ADDRESS  FROM  THE  MERCHANTS  AND  FREEHOLDERS  OF 
THE  TOWN  OF  SALEM,  PRESENTED  TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY 
GOVERNOUR  GAGE,  ON  SATUHD.tY,  JUNE  18,  1774. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency : 

We,  who  are  Merchants  and  Freeholders  in  the  town 
of  Salem,  beg  leave  to  present  you  our  dutiful  respects  on 
your  appointment  to  the  Government  of  this  Province. 
The  universal  tribute  of  thanks  and  applause  paid  you  for 
the  wisdom,  mildness,  and  exact  regularity  of  your  conduct 
in  another  command,  cannot  fail  to  excite  the  most  just 
expectations  tliat  this  Province  will  enjoy  the  happy  fruits 
of  your  benignity. 

We  are  deeply  affected  with  a  sense  of  our  public 
calamities ;  but  the  miseries  that  are  now  rapidly  hastening 
on  our  brethren  in  the  capital  of  the  Province  greatly  excite 
our  commiseration  ;  and  we  hope  your  Excellency  will  use 
your  endeavours  to  prevent  a  further  accumulation  of  evils 
on  that  already  sorely  distressed  people. 

By  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston  some  imagine  that  die 
course  of  trade  might  be  turned  hither,  and  to  our  benefit ; 
but  nature,  in  the  formation  of  our  harbour,  forbids  our  be- 
coming rivals  in  commerce  to  that  convenient  mart.  And 
were  it  otherwise,  we  must  be  dead  to  every  idea  of  justice, 
lost  to  all  the  feelings  of  humanity,  could  we  indulge  one 
thought  to  seize  on  wealth  and  raise  our  fortunes  on  the 
ruin  of  our  suffering  neighbours.  But  so  far  from  receiv- 
ing a  benefit,  we  are  greatly  injured  by  the  shutting  up  the 
harbour  of  Boston,  as  it  deprives  us  of  a  market  for  much 
the  largest  part  of  our  We.-t  India  imports;  and  there  is 
not  a  town  in  the  Province  but  will  feel  the  ill  effects  of  it. 
Permit  us  then,  sir,  to  apply  to  your  clemency  and  justice 
to  afford  us  every  alleviation  in  your  power,  and  to  pro- 
cure for  us  every  possible  relief  from  this  extensive  mis- 
chief. 

W^e  account  it  the  greatest  unhappiness  that  this  Pro- 
vince, which  has  ever  been  foremost  in  loyalty  to  the 
Kings  of  Britain — in  its  efforts  to  defend  their  Territories 
and  enlarge  their  Dominions — should  be  the  first  to  feel 
our  Sovereign's  severest  displeasure.  Our  fathers  fled  from 
oppression,  braved  every  danger,  and  here  began  a  settle- 
ment on  bare  creation.  Almost  incredible  are  the  fatigues 
and  difficulties  they  encountered  to  subdue  a  dreary  wilder- 
ness filled  with  savage  beasts,  and  yet  more  savage  men  ; 
but  by  their  invincible  resolution  they  rose  superior  to  them 
all ;  and  by  their  astonishing  efforts  greatly  fiicilitated  the 
settlement  of  the  other  British  Colonies  in  America.  Yet, 
sir,  we  speak  it  with  grief,  the  sons  arc  ciiecked  and  dis- 
honoured for  exhibiting  proofs  of  their  inheriting  some 
portion  of  that  spirit  which,  in  their  fathers,  produced  such 
astonishing  effects. 

A  happy  union  with  Great  Britain  is  the  wish  of  all 
the  Colonies.  It  is  their  unspeakable  grief  that  it  has  in 
any  degree  been  interrupted.  We  earnestly  desire  to 
repair  the  breach.     We  ardently  pray  that  harmony  may 


425 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JUNE,  1774. 


426 


be  restored.  And  for  these  ends,  every  measure  compat- 
ible with  the  dignity  and  safety  of  British  subjects  we  shall 
gladly  adopt. 

We  assure  your  Excellency  we  shall  make  it  our  con- 
stant endeavour  to  preserve  the  peace  and  promote  the 
welfare  of  the  Province  ;  and  hereby  we  shall  best  advance 
the  interest  of  our  Sovereign. 

In  these  times  the  Administration  of  Government  nmst 
be  peculiarly  arduous  and  difficult ;  but  youre  we  wish  may 
be  as  easy  as  the  nature  of  things  will  possibly  admit,  and 
the  event  happy ;  and  that  your  public  labours  may  be 
crowned  with  the  noblest  reward,  the  voluntary,  disinter- 
ested applause  of  a  whole  free  people. 

Signed  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  persons. 

HIS  excellency's  answer. 

Gentlemen  :  I  thank  you  for  the  obliging  expressions 
towards  me,  contained  in  your  Address,  and  be  assured  it 
will  always  afford  me  sincere  pleasure  to  be  of  use  to 
the  inhabitants  of  this  town,  or  any  individuals  in  the  Pro- 
vince. 

I  feel,  as  well  as  you,  the  inconveniences  that  the  inhab- 
itants must  suffer  from  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston ; 
and  should  be  glad  they  would  co-operate  with  my  endea- 
vours to  extricate  themselves  from  them  ;  but,  without  their 
assistance,  I  can  take  no  step  towards  their  relief;  I  am 
sorry  that  the  people  of  that  capital  should  have  given  such 
repeated  provocations  to  the  King  and  the  British  Nation, 
as  to  force  them  to  take  the  present  measures  in  support 
of  their  autiiority.  Great  Britain  is  equally  desirous  as 
yourselves  of  a  happy  union  with  this,  as  well  as  every 
other  Colony,  and  inheriting  the  spirit  of  her  ancestors, 
finds  it  necessary  to  support  her  rights,  as  the  supreme 
head  of  her  extended  Empire.  She  strives  not  to  check 
that  spirit  which  you  say  you  inherit  from  your  fathers, 
but  to  inculcate  that  due  obedience  to  the  King,  in  his 
Parliament,  which  your  fathers  acknowledged. 

Salem,  June  18,  1774. 


CAROLINE    COUNTY    (maRYLANd)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  very  full  Meeting  of  respectable  Inhabitants  of 
Caroline  County,  at  MelvilVs  Warehouse,  on  Saturday, 
the  18th  day  of  June,  111  A,  by  adjournment  from  Wed- 
netday,  the  8th  of  the  same  month. 

Charles  Dickinson,  Esq.,  in  the   Chair. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  are 
by  duty  and  inclination  firmly  attached  to  his  most  sacred 
Majesty  King  George  the  Third,  to  whom  they  owe  all  due 
obedience  and  allegiance. 

2d.  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  the  Boston  Port  Act  is  principally  grounded  on  the 
opposition  made  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  to  the 
Tea  Duty ;  that  the  said  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering 
in  the  common  cause  of  British  America,  and  that  it  is 
the  duty  of  every  Colony  thereof,  to  unite  in  the  most 
effectual  means  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston. 

3d.  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  if  the  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  forbear 
all  importations  whatsoever  from  Great  Britain,  (except 
such  articles  as  are  absolutely  necessary,)  until  the  Acts  of 
Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  for  levy- 
ing a  duty  on  America,  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue,  shall  be  repealed,  it  will  be  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  liberties  of  North  America. 

Resolved,  therefore.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county 
are  disposed  firmly  to  unite  with  tlie  inhabitants  of  this  Pro- 
vince and  the  other  Colonies  in  North  America,  in  an 
Association  and  agreement  to  forbear  the  importation  of  all 
manner  of  goods  and  merchandise  from  Great  Britain, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  said  Acts  of  Parliament, 
(except  such  as  may  be  judged  proper  to  be  excepted  by 
a  general  Association,)  and  that  all  orders  for  importation 
(except  for  articles  before  excepted)  ought  to  cease. 

4th.  That  it  is  against  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that 
the  Colonies  go  into  a  general  non-importation  from,  or 
non-exportation  to  Great  Brtiain,  but  should  both  or 
either  of  these  measures  be  adopted,  they  will  acquiesce 
therein. 


5th.  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  the  Courts  of  Justice  be  kept  open  ;  but  should  a  non- 
exportation  agreement  be  generally  come  into,  in  that  case 
it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  the  Courts  of  Justice 
be  shut  up. 

6th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
county,  that  this  Province  ought  to  break  off  all  trade  and 
dealings  with  that  Colony,  Province,  or  town,  which  shall 
refuse  or  decline  to  come  into  similar  resolutions  with  a 
majority  of  the  Colonies. 

7th.  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  delegates  be  appointed  from  this  Province  to  attend  \ 
General  Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  other  Colonies, 
at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  agreed  on,  in  order  to 
settle  and  establish  a  general  plan  of  conduct  for  the  im- 
portant purpose  aforementioned. 

8th.  That  Thomas  White,  William  Richardson,  Isaac 
Bradly,  Nathaniel  Potter,  Benson  Stainton,  and  Thomas 
Goldsborough,  be  a  Committee  to  attend  a  general  meeting 
at  Annapolis.  And  that  the  same  gentlemen,  togetlier 
with  Charles  Dickinson,  Richard  Mason,  Joshua  Clark, 
Henry  Dickinson,  Dr.  William  Molleson,  Charles  Blair, 
William  Haskins,  Philip  Fidernan,  William  Hopper,  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Samuel  Keene,  the  Reverend  Mr.  Philip 
Walker,  Henry  Casson,  and  Benedict  Brice,  be  a  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  to  receive  and  answer  all  letters, 
and,  on  any  emergency,  to  call  a  general  meeting,  and 
that  any  seven  of  the  number  have  power  to  act. 

9th.  That  this  paper  be  considered  as  an  instruction  to 
the  Deputies  nominated  for  this  county  to  meet  at  the  City 
of  Annapolis  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  general  Asso- 
ciation, in  which  they  are  not  to  come  into  any  engage- 
ment whatever,  but  upon  condition  that  the  Colonies  in 
general  shall  come  into  a  similar  measure. 

10th.  That  a  copy  of  these  proceedings  be  published  in 
the  Maryland  Gazette,  to  evince  to  the  world  the  sense 
they  entertain  of  the  invasion  of  their  constitutional  rights 
and  liberties.         Signed  per  order, 

Henry  Downs,  Jun.,  Cleric. 


CITY  AND    county  OF  PHILADELPHIA  (PA.)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  very  large  and  respectable  Meeting  of  the  Free- 
holders and  Freemen  of  the  City  and  County  of  Philadel- 
phia, in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  held  on  Saturday, 
June  18,  1774. 

T.  Willing,  and  John  Dickinson,  Esqs.,  Chairmen. 

Resolved,  1st.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting 
up  the  port  of  Boston,  is  unconstitutional,  oppressive  to 
the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of 
the  British  Colonies,  and  that,  therefore,  we  consider  our 
brethren  at  Boston  as  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of 
America. 

2d.  That  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
Colonies  in  North  America,  is  the  most  probable  and  pro- 
per mode  of  procuring  relief  for  our  suffering  brethren, 
obtaining  redress  of  American  grievances,  securing  our 
rights  and  liberties,  and  re-establishing  peace  and  harmony 
between  Great  Britain  and  these  Colonies,  on  a  constitu- 
tional foundation. 

3d.  That  a  large  and  respectable  Committee  be  imme- 
diately appointed  for  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia, 
to  correspond  with  the  sister  Colonies,  and  with  the  several 
counties  in  this  Province,  in  order  that  all  may  unite  in  pro- 
moting and  endeavouring  to  attain  the  great  and  valuable 
ends  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  resolution. 

4th.  That  the  Committee  nominated  by  this  meeting 
shall  consult  together,  and,  on  mature  deliberation,  deter- 
mine, what  is  the  most  proper  mode  of  collecting  the  sense 
of  this  Province,  and  appointing  Deputies  for  the  same  to 
attend  a  general  Congress ;  and  having  determined  there- 
upon, shall  take  such  measures,  as  by  them  shall  be  judged 
most  expedient  for  procuring  this  Province  to  be  repre- 
sented at  the  said  Congress,  in  the  best  manner  that  can 
be  devised  for  promoting  the  public  welfare. 

5th.  That  tlie  Committee  be  instructed  immediately  to 
set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  the  relief  of  such  poor  inhab- 
itants of  the  town  of  Boston,  as  may  be  deprived  of  the 
means  of  subsistence  by  the  operation  of  the  Act  of  Par- 
liament, commonly  styled  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  the  money 


427 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  tc,  JUNE,  1774. 


428 


arising  from  sucli  subscription  to  be  laid  out  as  the  Com- 
mitieee  sb.'ill  think  will  best  answer  the  ends  proposed. 

6th.  That  the  Committee  consist  of  forty-four  persons, 
viz:  John  Dickinson,  James  Femberton,  Edivard  Pen- 
nington, John  Nixon,  Thomas  IVilling,  George  Clymer, 
Samuel  Howell,  Joseph  Bead,  John  Roberts,  (miller,) 
Thomas  IVhartoii,  Jtm.,  Charles  Thomson,  Jacob  Barge, 
Thomas  Barclai/,  William  Bush,  Robert  Smith,  (carpen- 
ter,) Thomas  Fitzimons,  George  Boherts,  Samuel  Krvin, 
Thomas  Mifflin,  John  Cox,  George  Gray,  Bobcrt  Morris, 
Samuel  Miles,  John  M.  Ncsbit,  Feter  Chevalier,  IVilliam 
Moulder,  Joseph  Moulder,  Anthony  Morris,  Jun.,  John 
Allen,  Jeremiah  Warder,  Jun.,  Reverend  Dr.  William 
Smith,  Faul  Engle,  Thomas  Fenrose,  James  Mease, 
Benjamin  Marshall,  Beuben  Haines,  John  Bayard,  Jona- 
than B.  Smith,  Thomas  Wharton,  Isaac  Howell,  Michael 
Hillcgas,  Adam  Hubley,  George  Schloffer,  and  Christo- 
pher Ludwick,  to  whose  approved  integrity,  abilities,  and 
sincere  affection  for  the  interest  of  this  immense  Empire, 
their  constituents  look  up  for  the  most  propitious  events. 

The  Speech  of  the  Beverend  William  Smith,  D.  D., 
Provost  of  (he  College  at  Philadelphia,  at  the  very 
numerous  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Freemen  of 
that  City  and  County,  on  the  I8th  of  June,  previous  to 
the  election  of  the  Committee  of  forty-four  very  respect- 
able and  truly  patriotic  citizens. 

Gentlemen:  The  occasion  of  this  meeting  lias  been 
fully  explained  to  you,  and  sundry  propositions  read,  which 
are  now  to  be  offered  separately  for  your  approbation  or 
disapprobation.  But  before  you  proceed  to  business,  it 
has  been  thought  proper  to  submit  a  few  things  to  your 
good  judgment  with  respect  to  the  order  and  decorum 
necessary  to  be  observed  in  the  discussion  of  every  question. 

It  need  not  be  repeated  to  you,  that  matters  of  the 
highest  consequence  to  the  happiness  of  this  Province, 
nay,  of  all  British  America,  depends  upon  your  deliber- 
ations this  day — perhaps  nothing  less  than  whether  the 
breach  with  the  country  from  which  we  descended  shall  be 
irreparably  widened,  or  whether  ways  and  means,  upon 
constitutional  ground,  may  not  yet  be  devised,  for  closing 
that  breach,  and  restoring  that  harmony  from  which,  in  our 
better  days.  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  derived 
mutual  strength  and  glory,  and  were  exalted  into  an  import- 
ance that,  both  in  peace  and  war,  made  them  the  envy 
and  terror  of  the  neighbouring  nations. 

While  subjects  such  as  these  are  agitated  before  us, 
every  thing  that  may  inflame  and  mislead  the  passions 
should  be  cast  far  behind  us. 

A  cause  of  such  importance  and  magnitude,  as  that  now 
under  our  deliberation,  is  not  to  be  conducted  to  its  true 
issue  by  any  heated  or  hasty  resolves,  nor  by  any  bitterness 
nor  animosities  among  ourselves,  nor  even  perhaps  by  too 
severe  a  recapitulation  of  past  grievances  ;  but  requires 
the  temperate  and  enlightened  zeal  of  the  patriot,  the  pru- 
dence and  experience  of  the  aged ;  tiie  strength  of  mind 
and  vigour  of  those  who  are  in  their  prime  of  life  ;  and,  in 
short,  the  united  wisdom  and  efforts  of  all,  both  high  and 
low,  joining  hand  in  hand,  and  setting  foot  to  foot  upon  the 
fiiTn  ground  of  reason  and  the  Constitution. 

Whenever  party  distinctions  begin  to  operate  we  shall 
give  cause  of  triimiph  to  those  who  may  be  watchful  as 
well  as  powerful  to  abridge  us  of  our  native  rights.  There 
ought  to  be  no  party,  no  contention  here,  but  who  shall  be 
firmest  and  foremost  in  the  common  cause  of  America. 
Every  man's  sentiments  should  be  freely  heard  and  without 
prejudice.  While  we  contend  for  liberty  with  others,  let  us 
not  refuse  liberty  to  each  other. 

Whatever  vote  is  known  to  be  now  passed  upon  full 
deliberation,  and  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  this  great  city 
and  county,  will  not  only  be  respected  througii  all  America, 
but  will  have  such  a  weight  as  the  proudest  Minister  in 
England  may  have  reason  to  respect ;  but  if  it  is  known 
to  be  a  divided  vote,  or  adopted  hastily  on  some  angrj'  day, 
it  will  only  be  injurious  to  our  own  cause. 

What  I  have  in  charge  to  request  of  you  is  this — that  if, 
on  any  point,  we  should  have  a  difference  of  sentiments, 
every  person  may  be  allowed  to  speak  his  mind  freely,  and 
to  conclude  what  he  has  to  offer,  witiiout  any  such  out- 
ward marks  of  approbation  or  disapprobation,  as  clapping 


or  hissing :  and  that  if  any  division  should  be  necessary, 
(which  it  is  hoped  may  not  be  case  this  day,)  such  division 
may  be  made  in  a  manner  desired  by  the  Chairmen,  and 
with  all  possible  order  and  decorum. 


CHESTER    COUNTY    (PENNSYLVANIA)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  respectable  body  of  the  Freeholders, 
inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Chester,  on  Saturday,  the  18th 
of  June,  1774,  the  following  Resolutions  were  deliberately 
and  unanimously  agreed  on,  viz  : 

1.  That  it  is  an  absolute  right,  inherent  in  every  English 
subject,  to  have  the  free  use,  enjoyment,  and  disposal  of 
all  Ids  property  either  by  himself  or  Representatives ;  and 
that  no  other  power  on  earth  can  legally  divest  him  of  it. 

2.  That  we  apprehend  the  Act  of  Parliament  for 
shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  (until  his  Majesty's  duties 
be  duly  collected,  &c.,)  is  highly  arbitrary  and  oppressive 
to  the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  and  in  its  consequences 
may  endanger  the  liberties  of  all  the  British  Colonies  in 
America. 

3.  That  the  two  Bills  mentioned  in  the  last  advices 
from  London  to  be  passing  in  Parliament,  one  changing 
the  chartered  Constitution  of  the  Province  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay  into  a  military  Government,  and  the  other  em- 
powering the  Governour,  or  Lieutenant  Governour  to  send 
any  person  or  persons  to  England  to  be  tried  for  actions 
committed  in  that  Colony,  are  subversive  of  every  idea  of 
liberty,  and  serve  as  a  prelude  to  the  fate  of  each  chartered 
British  Colony  on  this  Continent. 

4.  That  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  said  Colonies 
is  the  most  probable  and  proper  mode  of  procuring  relief 
for  our  suffering  brethren  ;  obtaining  redress,  and  preserving 
our  natural  rights  and  liberties,  and  the  establishing  peace 
and  mutual  confidence  between  the  mother  country  and 
her  Colonies  on  a  constitutional  foundation. 

5.  That  we  will  concur  and  join  with  our  brethren  of 
the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia  in  desiring  the 
Speaker  of  the  honourable  House  of  Representatives  of 
this  Province,  to  write  to  the  several  members  of  Assembly, 
requesting  them  to  meet  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia  on 
any  day  not  later  than  the  first  of  August  next,  to  take 
into  their  serious  consideration  our  very  alarming  situation  ; 
to  appoint  Deputies  to  attend  at  a  general  Congress  for 
the  Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  agreed  on. 

As  the  notice  of  this  meeting  was  but  short,  it  is  agreed 
that  a  general  meeting  be  fixed  on  Saturday,  the  25th 
instant,  at  the  dwelling  house  of  Jacob  James,  at  the  sign 
of  the  Turk's  Head,  in  Goshen,  at  one  o'clock,  P.  M.,  in 
order  to  choose  a  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  to 
resolve  on  such  other  modes  or  propositions  as  may  be 
most  likely  to  attain  redress  of  those  grievances  that  the 
Colonies  now  groan  under ;  at  which  time  and  place  all 
those  who  are  entitled  to  vote  for  members  of  Assembly, 
and  wish  well  to  their  posterity  and  American  liberty,  are 
requested  to  attend,  and  give  their  advice  on  this  alarming 
crisis. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUR  FRANKLIN  TO 
THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Burlington,  June  18,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  I  have  just  received  a  copy  of  some  resolves 
entered  into  at  a  meeting  of  a  number  of  freeholders  and 
inhabitants  of  the  county  of  Essex,  in  this  Province,  on 
Saturday  Inst,  which  I  think  it  my  duty  to  transmit  to 
your  Lordship.  The  meeting  was  occasioned  it  seems  by 
an  advertisement,  requesting  the  attendance  of  the  inhab- 
itants on  that  day,  and  published  in  one  of  the  Netc-York 
papers,  and  signed  by  two  gentlemen  of  the  law.  who 
reside  in  that  county.  I  have  likewise  had  an  application 
made  to  me  by  some  of  the  meinbers  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, to  call  a  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  in 
August  next,  with  which  I  have  not,  nor  shall  not  comply, 
as  there  is  no  public  business  of  the  Province  which  can 
make  such  a  meeting  necessary.  It  seems  now  determined 
by  several  of  the  leading  men,  in  most,  if  not  all  the  counties 
in  this  Province,  to  endeavour  to  follow  the  example  of 
the  freeholders  in  Essex.  Meetings  of  this  nature,  there 
are  no  means  of  preventing,  where  the  chief  part  of  the 
inhabitants  incline  to  attend  them.     I  as  yet  doubt,  how- 


429 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


430 


ever,  whetlier  they  will  agree  to  the  general  non-importation 
from  Great  Britain,  which  has  been  recommended. — 
Tiieir  principal  aim  seems  to  be  to  bring  about  a  Congress 
of  Deputies  from  all  the  Colonies,  as  proposed  by  Virginia; 
and  that  that  Congress  should  not  only  ap]ily  to  his  Ma- 
jesty for  the  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Act,  but  endeavour 
to  fall  upon  measures  for  accommodating  the  present  dif- 
ferences between  the  two  countries,  wid  preventing  the 
like  in  future. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 

Fort  Pitt,  June  19,  1774. 

The  16th  instant,  a  friendly  Indian,  who  had  been 
reconnoitering  the  woods  with  Captain  AVKee,  was  fired 
upon  by  one  of  Conolly's  militia,  but  luckily  made  his 
escape.  Tlie  same  day,  Mr.  Richard  Bulkr,  and  Mr. 
Alexander  Blain,  two  of  the  principal  traders,  arrived  here 
from  the  Shawane.se  towns,  with  ten  canoes  loaded  with 
peltry.  They  were  escorted  to  this  place  by  three  of  the 
Shawancse.  All  the  rest  of  the  traders  are  coming  by 
land  with  near  two  hundred  horses  loaded  with  peltry,  and 
are  expected  here  in  a  few  days. 

Mr.  Butler  brought  a  speech  from  the  Shawanese,  of 
which  Captain  M'Kee  desired  him  to  acquaint  Conolly, 
and  likewise  to  apply  to  him  for  a  protection  for  the 
Shawanese,  who  escorted  our  traders,  which  Conolly  abso- 
lutely refused,  saying,  he  could  not  speak  to  thein,  as  he 
looked  upon  them  as  enemies. 

Yesterday  two  Delaware  Indians  arri\'ed  at  Colonel 
Croghan's,  from  Newcomers  town,  with  an  account  that  the 
traders  had  got  as  far  as  that  town  four  days  ago,  with  their 
horses  and  peltry  on  their  way  hoine.  This  morning 
Conolly  sent  out  a  party  of  forty  armed  men  to  Colonel 
Croghan's  to  cut  off  tiie  three  Shawanese  who  had  so  faith- 
fully escorted  our  traders  and  their  property  to  this  place. 
Tlie  traders,  with  the  assistance  of  Colonel  Croghan,  got 
the  Indians  put  over  Alleghany  river  ;  paid  them  a  quan- 
tity of  goods ;  delivered  to  them  a  speech,  and  parted  in 
the  greatest  friendship.  Conolly's  party  returned  this 
evening,  and  both  he  and  they  are  much  enraged  at  being 
disappointed  in  the  execution  of  their  nmrderous  purpose. 
He  immediately  put  up  advertisements  threatening  every 
person  who  shall  either  harbour,  trade,  or  correspond  with 
any  of  the  Shawanese  or  Mingoes  at  this  place,  with  the 
severest  punishment. 

1  forgot  to  mention  that  Colonel  Croghan,  after  being 
two  days  on  his  journey  to  Virginia,  was  turned  back  by 
the  country  people,  who  gathered  about  him,  expressing 
their  dissatisfaction  at  his  leaving  this  place,  and  alleging 
that  he  was  flying  for  fear  of  a  war. 

We  have  an  account  of  Logan's  being  returned  to  the 
Shawanese  towns ;  and  that  he  took  with  him  thirteen 
scalps.  There  has  been  no  mischief  done  by  the  Indians 
in  this  fork  of  the  river  yet,  which  gives  us  the  greatest 
reason  to  believe  that  the  stroke  is  aimed  at  the  Virginians 
only. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  NEW-YORK. 

Boston,  June  19,  1774. 

On  our  return  from  Salem,  our  rejoicing  was  full  on  the 
interesting  advices  we  received  from  all  quarters.  Those 
worthy  members  of  society,  the  Tradesmen,  we  depend  on 
under  God,  to  form  the  resolutions  of  the  other  ranks  of 
citizens  in  Philadelphia  and  New-York.  They  certainly 
carry  all  before  them  here.  The  yeomanry  in  our  country 
towns  are  another  effectual  support. 

A  covenant  is  handing  about  among  them,  and  signed 
by  thousands,  not  to  purchase  any  British  manufactures 
imported  after  the  31st  of  August  next.  This  will  insure 
a  non-ini])ortation  in  this  Province,  whether  the  merchants 
are  pleased  to  come  into  it  or  not.  However,  there  seems 
to  be  no  disposition  at  all  in  the  body  of  the  trade  here 
to  counteract  the  minds  of  their  countrymen. 

The  last  has  been  an  important  week  with  us.  The 
tools  of  power  suspecting  things  were  not  going  to  their 
minds  in  the  General  Court,  endeavoured  to  influence  the 
city  to  come  into  some  measures  for  the  payment  of  the 
tea.  They  had  cabal  after  cabal,  and  conceited  they  had 
extended  their  influence  so  far,  that  one  of  tlie  most  plaus- 


ible of  them  in  a  meeting  of  the  Tradesmen,  held  last 
WednesUay,  ventured  to  recommend  the  measure  to  their 
consideration.  Some  smart  altercations  ensued,  and  it 
clearly  appeared,  that  it  was  almost  an  unanimous  senti- 
ment to  suffer  the  last  extremities  of  oppression,  rather 
than  the  least  shadow  of  concession  should  be  extorted 
from  them.  Still  more  averse  were  they  to  making  any 
proposals  to  their  oppressors. 

On  Friday  came  on  the  adjourned  town  meeting,  which 
was  attended  by  such  numbers,  that  tlie  Hall  could  not 
hold  them,  when  to  anticipate  every  pretence  of  awilHng- 
ness  in  the  people  to  pay  for  the  tea,  it  was  observed,  that 
as  that  scheme  had  been  much  recommended  both  by 
speaking  and  writing,  it  was  therefore  requested,  that  if 
any  gentleman  had  any  thing  to  offer  on  the  subject,  he 
would  speak  freely,  that  a  matter  of  such  importance  might 
be  fairly  discussed  in  the  presence  of  the  general  body 
of  the  people.  But  not  a  man  ventured  to  appear  in 
defence  of  propositions  fit  only  to  be  whispered  in  a  con- 
clave of  addressers,  composed  of  despicable  or  interested 
persons — though  there  were  among  tliem,  a  few  persons 
deserving  of  better  company,  who  had  been  unhappily 
drawn  in  to  side  with  them. 

Thus  Administration,  notwitstanding  the  terror  of  their 
fleets  and  armies  already  investing  us,  and  hourly  expected, 
have  the  mortification  to  find,  that  in  neither  the  General 
Assembly  of  the  Province,  nor  this  general  meeting  of  the 
capital,  not  so  much  as  a  single  symptom  of  inchnation 
appeared  of  complying  with  their  demand,  though  enforced 
with  a  distressing  blockade. 

1  was  yesterday  informed  that  our  Attorney  General, 
who  is  also  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  for  Nova  Scotia,  and 
a  notable  instrument  of  the  British  Administration,  was  a 
few  days  past  at  Salem,  flattering  the  members  on  whom 
he  could  hope  to  make  any  impression  with  the  advantages 
of  making  a  concession,  even  the  least,  respecting  the 
payment  for  the  tea ;  and,  it  is  said,  that  the  Ministerial 
party  are  now  talking  of  a  private  subscription  for  that 
purpose.  If  they  choose  to  do  so  silly  a  thing,  we  cannot 
help  it ;  but  it  certainly  will  be  but  a  poor  triumph  to  the 
Minister,  if  he  may  even  be  enabled  to  pretend  that  a  few 
of  his  own  tools  have  lent  their  names  to  cover  his  defeat. 

I  am  credibly  informed  the  soldiers  desert  in  consider- 
able numbers.  Eighty  have  left  the  regiment  at  the  Castle; 
and  a  schooner  sent  up  into  one  of  our  rivers,  has  lost  all 
her  hands.  Two  soldiers  of  the  new-comers,  having  gone 
off",  the  officers  are  in  great  perplexity  how  to  proceed 
with  them.  They  say,  should  they  send  privates  after 
them,  it  would  be  sending  the  hatchet  after  the  helve ;  and 
should  they  go  themselves,  and  even  come  up  with  them, 
tliey  might  certainly  expect  a  rescue. 


TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  THE  PROVINCE  OF  SOUTH 
CAROLINA. 

Charlestown,  June  20,  1774. 

My  DEAR  Countrymen  :  I  cannot  but  hope  that  the 
late  Act  for  intimidating  America,  by  the  punishment 
of  Boston,  will  open  your  eyes,  and  arouse  you  from  your 
lethargy.  It  seems  then  that  we  are  now  to  submit  to 
every  imposition  of  our  fellow-subjects,  however  arbitrary 
and  cruel,  or  we  are  to  be  dragooned  into  it.  You  find 
the  Parliament,  not  contented  with  a  claim  to  the  right  of 
taxing  us  without  our  consent,  now  rise  higher  in  their 
demands,  and  assume  the  power  of  breaking  all  our  Char- 
ters, uivinir  and  jrrantina;  our  wharfs  and  shore-lands,  and, 
in  short,  they  plainly  claim  the  power  of  making  the  King 
absolute  in  America.  I  shall  make  a  few  strictures  on  the 
Act  of  Parliament,  and  leave  you  to  judge  whether  there 
ever  was  an  Act  of  so  base  and  poisonous  a  nature,  stolen 
by  the  vilest  Ministry  from  the  most  abject  Senate. 

It  begins  by  setting  forth  the  cause  of  this  strange  and 
arbitrary  measure,  and  what  is  it?  Why,  forsooth,  because 
divers  ill-affected  persons  had  fomented  and  raised  danger- 
ous commotions  and  insurrections  in  the  town  of  Boston, 
in  which  cominotions  and  insurrections  ct-rtain  valuable 
cargoes  •  of  tea  had  been  destroyed,  &.C.,  &ic.  It  is  not 
pretended — it  could  not  be  pretended,  that  the  town  of 
Boston,  as  such,  was  concerned  in  these  riots — but  some 
ill-minded  persons  ;  and  what  is  the  consequence  ?  That 
grave  and  onuiipotent  body,  instead  of  enabling  his  Majesty 


481 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


432 


to  prosecute  and  bring  to  justice  those  ill-minded  persons, 
proceed  to  pass  an  Act  to  ruin,  if  possible,  a  whole  town,  and 
with  them,  a  whole  Province  ;  in  the  most  cruel  and  unjust 
manner  to  distress  and  destroy  not  less  than  forty  thousand 
people  more  than  can  be  supposed  to  have  had  a  hand  in 
tlie  riot.  And  not  only  them,  but  virtually  to  confiscate, 
not  merely  the  wharfs  and  quays  of  Boston,  but  all  the 
shore-lands  round  that  great  bay  comprehended  between 
Nahant  and  AUhrton  Points,  so  that  the  navigation,  upon 
which  multitudes  out  of  the  town  of  Boston,  as  well  as 
in  it,  must  subsist,  is  violently  taken  from  them.  It  is  the 
happiness  of  all  God's  creatures,  that  in  him  omnipotence 
and  justice  are  joined  ;  it  is  like  to  be  the  curse  of  America 
if  the  Parliament  is  allowed  to  be  almighty  ;  that  it  has 
neither  justice  nor  mercy.  If  the  Parliament  is  to  have  the 
absolute  government  of  us,  we  have  here  a  specimen  of 
what  we  are  to  expect.  If  a  kw  ill-minded  persons  were 
to  take  upon  them  to  make  water  against  the  door  of  a 
custom  house  officer,  or  of  a  cellar  where  the  tea  is  lodged, 
upon  the  same  principle  all  in  Charlcstown  might  he  laid 
in  ashes. 

But  let  us  advert  to  the  principle  of  the  Act.  By  the 
first  and  second  clauses  of  it,  all  the  wharfs,  quays,  land- 
ings, and  water  lots  of  that  great  bay  between  Nahant  and 
AUhrton  Points,  which  are  the  subsistence  of  many  thous- 
and people,  are  condemned,  and  little  better  than  confiscat- 
ed, as  no  goods  are  either  to  be  landed  upon  them  or 
shipped  from  them  by  any  vessel  down  to  the  size  of  a 
common  wherry ;  and  thus  under  the  penalty  not  merely 
of  the  forefeiture  of  the  vessels  and  cargoes,  with  the 
horses,  carriages,  cattle,  and  every  utensil  concerned  in 
carrying  goods  so  landed,  but  of  a  fine,  three  times  the 
value  of  such  goods  at  the  highest  price  of  them,  upon 
any  person  that  shall  so  much  as  aid  or  abet;  these  fines 
not  to  be  recovered  in  a  common  court  of  law,  where  you 
might  have  a  chance  for  justice  upon  a  trial  by  jury,  but  in 
a  Court  of  Admiralty,  that  monster  of  oppression  1  where 
the  King,  who  is  to  receive  the  fine,  is  both  judge  and 
jury.  Upon  whicii  clauses  I  would  only  ask,  when  was 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  vested  by  the  Ameri- 
cans with  a  right  to  their  wharfs  and  landings ?  If  the 
money  in  our  pockets  is  really  represented  in  Parliament, 
as  the  framers  of  the  Stamp  Act  seemed  to  imagine,  when 
did  ever  the  Americans  give  one  inch  of  their  lands  into 
the  power  of  their  fellow-subjects  in  England!  Are  our 
lands  then — all  our  estates,  nay,  our  peace,  and  life  itself, 
to  lie  at  the  pleasure  of  any  Minister  who  is  knave  enough 
to  bribe  an  English  Parliament. 

As  though  this  was  not  enough,  and  our  Ocean  itself 
must  not  be  free  to  our  ships,  by  the  next  clauses  no  ship 
or  vessel  of  any  size  is  to  be  permitted,  upon  any  pretence, 
or  any  exigency,  to  come  into  the  bay  ;  no,  not  so  much 
as  to  hover  off  and  lie  in  the  Ocean.  A  league  of  the  sea 
is  abridged,  not  suffered  to  be  sailed  upon  by  mariners  ; 
nay,  vessels  of  any  Nation  coming  there,  though  by  acci- 
dent or  ignorance,  (as  no  sufficient  time  is  given  to  spread 
the  intelligence,)  are  subjected  to  the  caprice  of  any 
wretch  who  commands  those  worse  than  Spanish  guarda 
costas,  to  be  assigned  to  whatever  port  he  thinks  fit,  and  if 
not  obeyed  in  six  hours,  to  be  forfeited,  cargo  and  all. 

Dip  farther  into  this  production  of  Hell  and  you  find 
that  not  so  much  as  a  wood-boat  can  enter — not  a  market- 
boat  can  enter — not  a  market  boat  bring  a  few  cabbages  or 
bushels  of  corn  to  support  sixty  thousand  peo))le,  but  it 
nmst  first  enter  at  Salem  (twenty  miles  the  straiglitest  way 
by  land,  but  by  sea  a  much  greater  distance)  to  obtain  a 
permit,  and  even  not  then  without  an  insolent  officer  and 
armed  men  on  board.  This  seems  designed  to  starve 
the  town,  or  at  least  to  raise  the  price  of  provisions,  so  as 
to  force  that  capital  of  America  to  yield,  and  by  that 
means  to  discourage  all  future  stnjggles  for  liberty. 

To  force  the  officers  on  the  station  to  be  faithful  and  to 
deter  any  one  of  them  who  might  othenvise  listen  to 
the  native  suggestions  of  an  English  heart,  five  hundred 
pounds  sterling  fine  is  imposed  upon  the  one  who  shall  so 
much  as  connive  at  the  smallest  breach  of  the  Act. 

It  is  impossible  that  by  the  first  of  June  intelligence  of 
this  measure  should  have  spread  even  through  America, 
and  yet,  on  that  day,  all  charter  parties  are  rendered  void 
that  have  been  made  for  that  port,  by  which  the  freighters 
on  many  vessels  must  be  ruined. 


But  to  crown  the  whole,  my  countrjTnen,  and  to  show 
you  what  treatment  you  are  to  expect  by  tame  submission 
to  that  many-headed  tyrant,  this  oppression  is  to  be  contin- 
ued until  all  the  demands  of  the  East  India  Company 
are  satisfied,  and  all  the  imaginary  injuries  received  by  the 
Commissioners  in  certain  times  past  from  the  mob,  are 
redressed.  By  w  hom  ?  by  the  town  of  Boston ;  by  the 
innocent  as  well  as  the  riotous,  and  how  ?  As  a  town  they 
can  do  nothing,  unless  they  tax  every  individual  inhab- 
itant. But  when  is  it  to  be  supposed  that  satisfaction  is 
made  ?  Why,  when  the  Govemour,  who,  by  office,  if  not 
by  inclination,  is  supposed  to  be  a  mere  tool  of  arbitrar}' 
power,  shall  be  brought  to  certify  that  it  is  done.  But 
suppose  this  satisfaction  is  made,  is  all  then  over?  No. 
They  have  been  so  kind,  after  this,  as  to  subject  the  im- 
mense property  of  so  many  thousand  people,  not  to  the 
future  adjudications  of  another  Pariiament :  they  suppos- 
ed it  possible  that  another  Pariiament  might  be  shocked 
with  horror  with  the  crime  ;  they  supposed  that  the  ancient 
English  soul,  but  now  fled  to  America,  might  have  forti- 
tude to  stand  it  out  for  a  time  ;  they,  therefore,  put  it  out 
of  the  power  of  a  future  Parliament,  by  leaving  it  to  the 
King.  The  Minister  did  not  choose  to  put  the  delightful 
carnage  out  of  his  own  hands  ;  that  Minister,  who  con- 
temptuously refused  satisfaction  from  the  merchants  at 
home,  determined  to  keep  the  matter  in  his  own  power, 
thereby  violating  the  first  rights  of  Englishmen,  by  which 
our  property  should  be  sacred  as  well  as  our  lives. 

But  have  the  Parliament  been  content,  then,  to  throw 
the  town  of  Boston  wholly  into  the  King's  hands  until 
satisfaction  is  made  ?  No.  To  complete  the  massacre  of 
American  liberty,  they  have,  in  defiance  of  all  law  and 
justice,  put  it  into  the  King's  power  to  judge  and  deter- 
mine, for  ever  hereafter,  what  use  shall  be  made,  or  not  be 
made,  of  those  immense  estates  in  water  lots,  which  sur- 
round one  of  the  most  extensive  bays  in  America.  They 
have,  in  effect,  given  and  granted  to  his  Majesty  all  the 
wharfs  and  landings  in  Boston,  and  around  the  harbour, 
through  all  generations ;  for,  if  it  must  be  wholly  at  the 
King's  pleasure  whether  I  shall  make  a  wharf  or  landing 
on  my  land  or  not ;  or,  if  I  do,  whether  I  shall  make  any 
use  of  it,  the  nature  of  the  property  is  wholly  altered.  Is 
that  my  land  which  I  cannot  improve  as  I  please,  or  on 
which  I  am  not  allowed  to  land  goods  even  that  have  paid 
the  duty  ?  Shall  we  be  thus  given,  by  our  brethren,  into 
the  hands  of  the  King,  to  do  with  our  estates  as  he  sees 
proper  ? 

Compared  to  this  Act,  what  are  all  the  clauses  of  Par- 
liamentary power  heretofore  made  ?  The  design  of  this 
is  threefold.  First,  to  establish  a  precedent  of  Parliamen- 
tary right  even  to  dispose  of  our  lands.  Secondly,  to  pro- 
mote a  new  wharf  office  for  the  support  of  a  thousand  more 
bloodsuckers  in  America;  and,  thirdly,  to  give  the  King 
power  to  punish,  by  these  wretches,  any  wharf  holder  who 
shall  hereafter  prove  patriotic,  or  have  the  honesty  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  his  oppressed  country.  Thus  you 
find  the  property  of  thousands  of  Americans,  not  merely 
taxed  by  aliens,  but  effectually  taken  out  of  their  hands, 
and  every  one  of  their  grants  by  which  tlie  possessors  now 
hold  them,  the  waters,  water  courses,  landings,  and  every 
other  appurtenance,  rendered  null  and  void.  No  right  is 
too  sacred  to  be  violated  by  a  Minister  who  has  a  Parlia- 
ment at  his  nod.  What  an  aspect  has  this  upon  the  land- 
holders in  America  1  What  are  you  to  expect  from  such 
a  precedent  as  this  ?  Have  not  the  Parliament  as  good  a 
right  to  pass  an  Act  that  rice  and  indigo  shall  be  made 
only  in  such  parts  of  this  country  as  the  King  shall  direct  ? 
For  my  part,  I  should  not  be  surprised  even  to  see  an 
edict  restricting  the  making  of  these  articles  to  the  Colony 
of  Georgia,  and  imposing  heavy  fines  upon  those  who 
should  presume  to  make  them  here.  And  all  this  is  done 
against  the  sanctity' of  a  most  solemn  Charter,  granted 
expressly  to  secure  certain  rights  and  privileges  to  a  people 
not  only  beyond  the  power  of  Parliament,  but  beyond  the 
power  of  the  King  himself,  the  Crown  having  pledged 
its  faith,  not  to  be  recalled,  never  to  violate  those  privileges. 
And  now,  when,  upon  the  faith  of  such  solemn  agreement, 
a  country  is  subdued,  and  cities  built,  an  insolent  Minister, 
taking  affront  at  the  opposition  of  a  favourite  scheme  of 
oppression,  shall,  by  a  word,  overset  the  whole,  we  are 
now  threatened  with  the  loss  of  all  the  Charters  in  Ame- 


433 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JUNE,  1774. 


434 


rica,  if  we  do  not  submit.  At  this  rate,  what  security  have 
we  of  our  lives,  liberties,  and  all  we  hold  dear  ?  Was  it 
ever  known  that  the  Parliament  did  give  and  grant  the 
landed  property  of  any  country  or  town  in  England  into 
tiie  King's  power  for  ever  ?  No,  this  is  what  no  Parlia- 
ment ever  thought  it  had  a  right  to  do,  even  in  the  country 
which  it  represents.  But  what  they  cannot  do  in  England, 
they  undertake  to  do  here.  Indeed,  if  we  are  to  be 
governed  by  English  Parliaments,  we  must  expect  that 
they  will  lay  upon  us  what  they  would  not  venture  to  lay 
upon  their  own  constituents.  They  have  actually  now 
voted  away  certain  property  of  Americans,  which  they 
dare  not  do  of  the  English  themselves.  No  Minister 
could  have  the  boldness  to  propose  such  a  thing  with  the 
City  of  London. 

This,  ye  base  advocates  for  Parliamentary  power  in 
America,  this  is  the  blessed  fruit  of  your  doctrines.  The 
matter  now  speaks  for  itself,  and  it  is  out  of  your  power  to 
disguise  it.  And  now,  whether  supported  by  place  or  pen- 
sion, or  only  formed  to  slavish  principles  by  connection 
and  interest,  I  call  upon  you  to  vindicate  these  proceedings. 
It  has  often  been  to  me  a  wonder,  that  any  set  of  men  who 
breathe  American  air  can  find  it  in  their  hearts  to  wish 
America  enslaved,  and  their  children  to  grow  up  under 
chains;  that  any  set  of  men,  nourished  by  its  bread,  and 
drawn  from  the  kennel  of  obscurity  by  American  bounty, 
should  advocate  the  cause  of  American  thraldom. '  I 
have  often  been  astonished  that,  in  the  midst  of  a  free  and 
spirited  people,  there  should  be  found  a  wretch  so  insolent 
as  to  hold  up  his  head  in  company  and  speak  against  the 
rights  of  an  injured  and  oppressed  country.  These  intes- 
tine enemies  are  more  to  be  feared  than  the  arms  of  Bri- 
tain herself.  Mark  every  man,  my  dear  countrymen,  who 
on  this  occasion  slyly  attempts  to  divide  you,  or  weaken 
your  zeal  ;  withdraw  your  countenance  and  support  from 
him  ;  give  it  to  those  who  merit  it,  and  set  him  down  as  a 
traitor.  A  Carolinian. 


Charlestown,  S. C,  June  20,  1774. 

Letters  from  the  Southern  parts  of  North  Carolina 
assure  us,  that  the  inhabitants  there  will  go  as  far  in 
defence  of  American  liberty  as  can  be  expected  ;  and 
recommend,  if  a  Congress  should  be  deemed  the  first  step 
necessary  to  be  taken,  that  subscriptions,  or  rather  collec- 
tions, be  set  on  foot  throughout  the  Continent,  to  raise  and 
remit  a  sum  of  money  to  the  community  in  Boston,  for 
the  relief  of  the  most  distressed  of  our  sufl:ering  brethren 
there,  who  must  stand  in  equal  need  of  such  assistance  as 
if  their  town  had  been  destroyed  by  fire.  And  we  have 
the  pleasure  to  learn,  that  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province 
generally,  seem  ready  to  contribute  their  mite  as  soon  as 
proper  persons  are  named  to  receive  what  their  benevolent 
hearts  shall  induce  them  to  offer. 


FREDEBICK  COUNTY  (maRYLANd)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  Frederick  County, 
Maryland,  held  at  the  Court  House  in  said  County,  on 
Monday,  the  20th  of  June,  1774. 

Mr.  John  Hanson,  Chairman. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suftljring  in  the  common 
cause  of  America,  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Colony 
in  America  to  unite  in  the  most  effectual  means  to  obtain 
a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the 
harbour  of  Boston. 

2d.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  a  great  majority  of  this 
meeting,  that  if  the  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to 
sto|)  all  imports  from,  and  exports  to.  Great  Britain  and 
the  West  Indies,  till  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up 
the  harbour  of  Boston,  as  well  as  .every  other  Act  oppres- 
sive to  American  liberty,  be  repealed,  the  same  may  be 
the  means  of  preserving  to  America  her  rights,  liberties, 
and  privileges. 

3d.  That  therefore  this  meeting  will  join  in  an  Associa- 
tion with  the  several  counties  in  this  Province,  and  the 
principal  Colonies  in  America,  to  put  a  stop  to  all  exports 
to,  and  imports  from,  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies, 
shipped  after  the  25tli   day  of  July  next,  or  sucli  other 


day  as  may  be  agreed  on,  until  the  said  Act  shall  be 
repealed ;  and  that  such  Association  shall  be  upon  oath. 

4th.  That  we,  the  inhabitants  of  Frederick  County,  will 
not  deal,  or  have  any  connections  with  that  Colony,  Pro- 
vince or  town,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  come  into 
similar  resolutions  with  a  majority  of  the  Colonies. 

5tli.  That  no  suit  shall  be  commenced,  after  the  stop 
shall  be  put  to  imports  and  exports,  for  the  recovery  of 
any  debt  due  to  any  person  whatsoever,  unless  the  debtor 
be  about  to  abscond,  or,  being  applied  to,  shall  refuse  to 
give  bond  and  security. 

6th.  That  Messrs.  John  Hanson,  Thomas  Price,  George 
Scott,  Benjamin  Dulany,  George  Murdock,  Philip  Tho- 
mas, Alexander  C.  Hanson,  Baker  Johnson,  and  Andrew 
Scott,  be  a  Committee  to  attend  the  general  Congress  at 
Annapolis,  and  that  those  gentlemen,  together  with  Messrs. 
John  Cary,  Christopher  Edelen,  Conrad  Grosh,  Thomas 
Schley,  Peter  Hoffman,  and  Archibald  Boyd,  be  a  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  to  receive  and  answer  letters, 
and  on  any  emergency  to  call  a  general  meeting,  and  that 
any  six  shall  have  power  to  act. 

Ordered,  That  these  Resolves  be  immediately  sent  to 
Annapolis,  that  they  may  be  printed  in  the  Maryland 
Gazette.     Signed  by  order, 

Archibald  Boyd,  Clerk  of  the  Committee. 


JOHN    DICKINSON    TO    JOSIAH    ^UINCY,    JUN. 

Fairhill,  June  20,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter, 
and  the  present  attending  it.  This,  without  flattery,  I 
think  highly  valuable,  and  it  gives  me  inexpressible  plea- 
sure to  find  myself  addressed  in  so  friendly  a  manner  by  a 
gentleman  I  so  heartily  wish  to  call  a  friend. 

As  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  collect  the  sense  of  the 
Colonies,  they  are  very  unanimous  in  the  measure  you 
mention  of  a  Congress.  You,  and  your  worthy  fellow-suf- 
ferers, would  receive  a  glimpse  of  joy,  amidst  your  dis- 
tresses, to  know  with  what  sympathy  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Province  consider  your  case.  What  never  happened 
before,  has  happened  now.  The  country  people  have  so 
exact  a  knowledge  of  facts,  and  of  the  consequences 
attending  the  surrender  of  the  points  in  question,  that  they 
are,  if  possible,  more  zealous  than  the  citizens  who  lie  in 
a  direct  line  of  information.  Doubt  not  that  every  thing 
bears  a  most  favourable  aspect.  Nothing  can  throw  us  into  a 
pernicious  confusion,  but  one  Colony's  breaking  the  line  of 
opposition,  by  advancing  too  hastily  before  the  rest.  The 
one  which  dares  to  betray  the  common  cause,  by  rushing 
forward,  contrary  to  the  maxims  of  discipline  established 
by  common  sense,  and  the  experience  of  ages,  will  inevi- 
tably and  utterly  perish. 

May  God  Almighty  bless  you,  and  my  beloved  brethren 
of  Boston  and  Massachusetts  Bay.  My  heart  is  full. 
The  time  will  come,  I  hope,  when  I  may  congratulate 
them  on  a  more  stable  security  of  their  liberty  than  they 
ever  yet  have  enjoyed.  I  am,  sir,  with  truth,  your  very 
affectionate  and  very  humble  servant, 

John  Dickinson. 
J.  Quincy,  Jun. 

P.  S.  Our  country  people  appear  to  me  to  be  very  firm. 
They  look  to  the  last  extremity  with  spirit.  It  is  right 
they  should,  if  they  will  submit  their  resentment  to  the 
guidance  of  reason. 

Boston,  June  20, 1774. 

I  have  read  with  attention  several  pieces  in  the  public 
papers,  the  authors  of  which  seem  to  acknowledge  the 
injustice  and  cruelty  of  the  Act  of  Parliament,  which 
immediately  distresses  Boston,  and  is  evidently  intended 
to  enslave  America ;  and  they  propose  a  submission  to 
tyranny  in  order  to  be  relieved  from  it,  since,  "  On  the 
side  of  the  oppressor  is  power."  This  is  certainly  an  im- 
portant question,  and  deserves  our  most  serious  attention  ; 
and,  after  mature  deliberation,  many  important  reasons 
appear  against  paying  for  the  tea,  or  any  submission  to 
the  present  tyranny. 

1.  The  tea  was  sent  here  for  the  wicked  purpose  of 
enslaving  the  Colonies,  and  the  people  W'ere  under  the 
necessity  of  destroying  it  to  prevent  the  evils  which  were 


Fourth  Series. 


28 


435 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774. 


486 


intended  by  our  enemies  ;  therefore  it  was  a  just  act  of 
self-defence. 

2.  The  India  Company  were  criminal  in  sending  their 
dulied  tea  to  America,  as  they  knew  it  tended  to  fix  an 
unrighteous  revenue,  and  enslave  their  American  brethren  ; 
therefore,  in  reason  and  justice,  they  ought  never  to  receive 
a  farthing  for  their  noxious  tea,  but  are  bound  by  the  ties 
of  justice  and  honour  to  make  a  compensation  to  the  peo- 
ple here  for  the  injury  they  liave  received  from  tlie  Com- 
pany by  means  of  sending  tlie  tea.  It  is  probable  that 
America  will  suffer  (unless  a  kind  Providence  should 
defeat  the  Ministerial  design)  millions  by  this  injurious 
plan  which  the  India  Company  have  adopted,  and  accord- 
ing to  the  rules  of  equity  they  ought  to  make  good  the 
damage  ;  and  will  any  one  say  that  this  people  ought  to 
pay  for  the  tea  ? 

3.  All  the  Colonies  are  now  considered  as  one  body 
politic,  whose  general  liberty  and  interest  is  inseparable, 
and  therefore  no  concessions  to  arbitrary  power  must  be 
made,  nor  any  important  steps  taken  by  one  Colony  with- 
out consulting  the  whole  in  Congress  ;  and  for  this  reason 
we  ought  to  wait  for  the  meeting  of  the  Congress  that  we 
may  be  assisted  by  the  joint  wisdom  of  the  Colonies. 

4.  As  to  the  probability  of  obtaining  relief,  without  a 
mean  submission  to  tyranny,  I  apprehend  it  is  very  great, 
for  the  Act  is  such  a  flagrant  violation  of  all  the  principles 
of  justice  and  humanity,  that  every  good  man  in  the  Nation 
wiil  exert  his  influence  to  have  this  reproach  wiped  away 
as  soon  as  possible.  The  Nation  will  be  alarmed  with  the 
various  calamities  which  this  Act  will  bring  upon  them,  by 
stopping  their  trade  with  America,  and  the  measures  that 
our  States  General  may  adopt.  They  will  be  alarmed 
with  the  apprehension  of  a  French  and  Spanish  war. 
And  in  this  great  shifting  scene  of  political  affairs,  it  can- 
not be  supposed  that  France,  who  for  many  important  rea- 
sons wants  a  free  trade  with  America,  will  remain  a  silent 
spectator  ;  she  will  doubtless  think  it  a  good  opportunity 
to  open  her  ports  to  the  Americans,  and  endeavour  by  all 
means  to  gain  their  trade  and  friendship,  and  these  con- 
siderations will  induce  Britain  to  do  us  justice. 

An  Amekican. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  CAVE  CUMBERLAND, 
DATED  JUNE  21,  1774. 

I  have  had  no  accounts  of  my  brother  since  he  left 
Fort  Pitt,  nor  is  there  any  news  or  word  of  any  of  the 
traders  of  the  Shawanese  towns.  What  is  come  of  them 
God  only  knows,  but  all  accounts  from  that  quarter  is 
very  bad.  We  have  received  accounts  this  day  by  express, 
that  one  Captain  McClure,  a  Virginian,  is  killed,  and 
another  man  deadly  wounded  by  a  party  of  Indians,  which 
was  out  near  Redstone.  All  the  poor  people  who  was 
settled  over  Alleghany  Mountain,  are  either  moved  off,  or 
gathered  in  large  numbers,  and  making  places  of  defence 
to  secure  themselves.  All  those  misfortunes,  and  the  lives 
and  property  of  the  unhappy  people  who  are  among  them, 
are  owing  to  the  barbarous  murder,  no  other  name  can  I 
give  it,  committed  by  Cresap  and  one  Grcathouse,  with 
their  men,  on  a  few  Iiulians.  who  resided  on,  or  lived  near, 
tlie  mouth  of  Yellow  Creek. 


NORTHAMPTON    COUNTY    (pENN.)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Justices,  the  Gentlemen  of  the 
Bar,  Grand  Jury,  and  principal  Inhabitants  of  the  County 
of  Northampton,  held  at  Easton,  on  the  21st  day  of  June, 
1774. 

George  Taylor,  Esquire,  in  the  Chair. 

It  being  considered  that  it  was  necessary  for  all  the 
counties  of  this  Province  to  join  with  their  brethren  of 
Philadelphia  in  expressing  their  sentiments  upon  the  pre- 
sent interesting  occasion,  relative  to  the  oppressive  Acts  of 
Parliament  lately  passed  in  Great  Britain,  tending  to 
destroy  the  liberties  of  North  America,  it  was  unanimously 
resolved  as  follows : 

1st.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the 
port  and  harbour  of  Boston,  is  an  Act  of  the  highest 
oppression,  and  a  violation  of  the  liberties  of  America. 

2d.  That  as  we  consider  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  town 


as  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  American  freedom, 
we  will  assist  them  to  obtain  redress  by  every  legal  act  in 
our  power. 

3d.  That  it  is  our  opinion  the  most  constitutional  and 
effectual  method  for  obtaining  such  redress  is,  by  having  a 
general  Congress  of  Committees,  to  be  composed  and 
chosen  out  of  the  members  of  the  different  Assemblies  of 
each  Colony. 

4th.  That  a  Committee  be  formed  in  this  county,  con- 
sisting of  six  persons,  namely,  fVilliam  Edmunds,  George 
Taylor,  Lewis  Gordon,  John  Okeley,  Peter  Kachlein, 
and  Jacob  Orndt,  Esquires,  to  correspond  with  our  breth- 
ren in  Philadelphia,  and  the  other  counties  of  this  Pro- 
vince, and  to  co-operate  with  them  in  such  measures  as 
shall  be  judged  most  proper  for  the  general  good. 

5th.  That  the  Committee  be  desired  to  receive  the 
subscriptions  of  such  charitable  persons  in  this  county  who 
shall  incline  to  support  the  distressed  and  suffering  inhab- 
itants of  the  town  of  Boston.  And,  Resolved,  That  it  is 
the  duty  of  every  inhabitant  of  this  county  to  contribute, 
according  to  his  circumstances,  to  relieve  their  suffering 
brethren.  The  moneys  raised  by  such  subscription  to  be 
disposed  of  for  the  use  of  the  inliabitants  of  the  said  town 
of  Boston,  in  such  way  as  the  Committee  shall  think  fit. 

6th.  That  William  Edmunds,  Esquire,  the  Representa- 
tive in  Assembly  for  this  county,  be  required  by  his  breth- 
ren of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  now  appointed, 
to  attend  and  meet  the  other  Representatives  of  Assembly 
of  this  Province,  in  case  the  Speaker  of  the  House  shall 
think  proper  to  call  them  together  upon  this  deeply  inter- 
esting and  alarming  occasion  :  and  that  it  is  the  opinion  of 
his  constituents  here,  that  he  do  give  his  attendance 
accordingly. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  KROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  ENGLAND 
TO  ONE  IN  NEW-YORK,  DATED  JUNE  22,  1774. 

The  Colonies  must  be  in  some  confusion  on  account  of 
the  measures  taken  by  the  Ministry  and  Parliament  in 
England,  with  the  town  of  Boston,  to  bring  it  to  obe- 
dience; and  if  they  succeed  in  their  scheme  there,  the 
other  principal  places  of  trade  must  not  think  to  escape 
the  snare  laid  for  them ;  for  most  certainly  the  one  is  but 
a  prelude  to  the  other.  Therefore,  I  hope  the  prudent 
conduct  of  the  Colonies,  in  conjunction  with  each  other, 
will  be  able  to  defeat  the  machinations  of  their  enemies, 
both  here  and  among  themselves.  Bad  as  things  are  or 
may  be  with  you,  I  seem  to  foresee  worse  times  here. 
You  are  at  a  great  distance  from  the  source  of  mischief, 
but  we  are  near  it,  and  circumscribed  within  narrow 
bounds,  an  Island  of  small  extent  in  comparison  with  the 
large  Continent  of  North  America.  If  you  are  persecuted 
in  the  city,  you  can  flee  to  the  country  ;  but  we,  on  this 
side,  have  no  country  to  screen  us  from  the  oppressions  of 
the  great.  Our  only  object  for  an  asylum,  is  to  flee  to  you 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  for  shelter.  Therefore 
make  room  for  us  ;  for  the  time  is  at  no  great  distance 
when  such  a  refuge  will  be  wanting  for  as  many  as  can  find 
the  means  of  transporting  themselves.  Another  war,  in 
my  opinion,  (not  of  mine  only,  but  of  many  others,)  will 
shake  the  foundation  of  this  Kingdom ;  and  the  enormous 
debt  hanging  over  it,  must  crush  it  whenever  the  public 
credit  sinks,  and  will  ruin  many  thousands  of  families, 
whose  whole  fortunes  are  vested  in  the  funds,  whence  their 
subsistence  flows  ;  and  when  this  source  fails,  what  can 
such  families  do,  but,  in  despair,  seek  one  where  it  may 
be  found,  which  for  Protestants  and  Englishmen  can  only 
be  with  you  ?  This  Nation  is  already  taxed  to  the  utmost 
stretch  of  invention.  Nor  even  now,  in  time  of  peace, 
has  any  one  been  eased,  that  was  in  time  of  the  last  war, 
except  the  land  tax,  which  was  then  four,  and  is  now 
only  three  shillings  in  the  pound.  The  poor  tax,  in  many 
places,  is  near  double  the  land  tax,  and  will  be  still  heavier, 
if  you,  on  your  side,  should  come  to  an  agreement  for  non- 
importation ;  thence  the  numbers  of  the  poor  must  multiply 
greatly,  and  many  families,  now  in  ea-y  circumstances  by 
means  of  their  industry,  will  be  reduced  to  poverty.  The 
landed  interest,  in  most  parts  of  England,  have  lately 
advanced  their  estates  to  near  a  third  more  than  they  were 
but  a  few  years  past ;  by  means  of  which  the  occupiers 


437 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


438 


of  those  estates  have,  in  more  tlian  a  just  proportion, 
advanced  the  produce  thereof,  which  renders  every  article 
o<  provisions  now  a  third  dearer  than  it  was  no  longer  than 
since  the  late  war,  yet  the  price  of  labour  has  not  been 
advanced.  Therefore,  judge  how  the  poor  here  are  able 
to  subsist,  if  persons  in  better  circumstances  are  not  able  to 
support  tliemselves  as  formerly. 

In  England  we  have  the  show  of  liberty  without  the 
reality  ;  the  shadow  witiiout  the  substance.  Our  Parlia- 
ment, for  the  most  part,  are  creatures  of  the  Ministry,  who 
enable  them  to  carry  every  thing  before  them,  right  or 
wrong,  and  are,  by  insensible  degrees,  leading  the  Nation 
into  a  state  of  slavery,  which  is  not  discerned  by  the  bulk 
of  the  people,  who  seldom  look  further  than  the  present 
time  ;  but  the  more  judicious  look  further,  and  can  see 
that  chains  are  forging  for  them,  to  be  made  use  of  at  a 
proper  period.  When  they  have  obliged  you  Americans 
to  submit  to  the  yoke  prepared  for  you,  a  much  heavier 
will  soon  after  gall  the  necks  of  the  people  here.  By  the 
Q^uebec  Bill,  now  passed,  it  is  easy  to  be  seen  what  Gov- 
ernment is  aiming  at;  nothing  less  than  despotism.  Upon 
the  whole,  there  is  reason  to  believe,  that  if  any  liberty  for 
Englishmen  is  to  remain,  it  must  be  in  the  North  Ameri- 
can Colonies,  where,  I  hope,  the  inhabitants  will  have 
virtue  enough  to  exert  their  utmost  strength  to  secure  it  to 
themselves  and  their  posterity.  Let  their  reliance  for  the 
securing  this  blessing  be  on  the  Lord,  in  whom  there  is 
strength  and  wisdom,  and  by  no  means  to  place  their 
dependance  on  an  arm  of  flesh. 


WESTMORELAND   COUNTY  (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  respectable  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other 
Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Westmoreland,  assembled, 
on  due  notice,  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  County,  on 
Wednesday,  the  22d  of  June,  1774. 

The  Reverend  Mr.  Thomas  Smith,  Moderator. 

Several  papers,  containing  the  Proceedings  of  the  late 
House  of  Burgesses  of  this  Colony,  and  the  subsequent 
determinations  of  the  late  Representatives  after  the  House 
was  dissolved,  together  with  extracts  of  several  Resolves  of 
the  Provinces  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Maryland,  he, 
being  read,  the  meeting  proceeded  seriously  to  consider  the 
present  dangerous  and  truly  alarming  crisis,  when  ruin  is 
threatened  to  the  ancient  constitutional  rights  of  North 
America,  and  came  to  the  following  Resolves  : 

1st.  That  to  be  taxed  solely  in  our  Provincial  Assem- 
blies, by  Representatives  freely  chosen  by  the  people,  is  a 
right  that  British  subjects  in  America  are  entitled  to,  from 
natural  justice,  from  the  English  Constitution,  from  Char- 
ters, and  from  a  confirmation  of  these  by  usage,  since  the 
first  establishment  of  these  Colonies. 

2d.  That  an  endeavour  to  force  submission  from  one 
Colony  to  the  payment  of  taxes  not  so  imposed,  is  a  dan- 
gerous attack  on  the  liberty  and  property  of  British 
America,  and  renders  it  indispensably  necessary  that  all 
should  firmly  unite  to  resist  the  common  danger. 

3d.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  tlie  town  of 
Boston,  in  our  sister  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  is  now 
suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  North  America,  by 
having  its  harbour  blocked  up,  its  commerce  destroyed, 
and  the  property  of  many  of  its  inhabitants  violently  taken 
from  them,  until  they  submit  to  taxes  not  imposed  by  their 
consent ;  and  therefore  this  meeting  resolve  : 

4th.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  most  cor- 
dially and  firmly  join  with  the  other  counties  in  this  Colony, 
and  the  other  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  or  the  majority 
of  them,  after  a  short  day,  hereafter  to  be  agreed  on,  to 
stop  all  exports  to  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  and 
all  imports  from  thence,  until,  as  well  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, entitled  -'An  Act  to  discontinue,  in  such  manner  and 
"  for  such  time  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and 
"  discharging,  lading,  and  shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
"  chandise,  at  the  town  and  within  llie  harbour  of  Boston,  in 
"  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North  America," 
as  the  several  Acts  laying  duties  on  America  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  a  revenue,  and  all  the  Acts  of  the  British  Legisla- 
ture made  against  our  brothers  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
consequence  of  their  just  opposition  to  the  said  Revenue 
Acts,  are  repealed ;  and  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 


such  a  non-importing  and  non-exporting  plan  should  be 
quickly  entered  upon,  as  well  on  the  evident  principle  of 
self-preservation,  as  to  relieve  our  suffering  countrymen  and 
fellow-subjects  in  Boston,  and  to  restore  between  Great 
Britain  and  America  that  harmony  so  beneficial  to  the 
whole  Empire,  and  so  ardently  desired  by  all  America. 

5th.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that  the  gentlemen 
of  the  law  should  not  (as  long  as  the  non-exportation  agree- 
ment subsists)  bring  any  writ  for  the  recovery  of  debt,  or 
to  push  to  a  conclusion  any  such  suit  already  brought,  it 
being  utterly  inconsistent  with  a  non-exportation  plan  that 
judgment  should  be  given  against  those  who  are  deprived 
of  the  means  of  paying. 

6th.  That  so  soon  as  the  non-exportation  agreement 
begins,  we  will,  every  man  of  us,  keep  our  produce, 
whether  tobacco,  corn,  wheat,  or  any  thing  else,  unsold, 
on  our  own  respective  plantations,  and  not  carry,  or  suffer 
them  to  be  carried,  to  any  public  warehouse  or  landing 
place,  except  of  grain ;  where  the  same  be  so  done,  an 
oath  being  first  made  that  such  grain  is  for  the  use  of,  or 
consumption  of,  this  or  any  other  Colony  in  North  Ame- 
rica, and  not  for  exportation  from  the  Continent  whilst  the 
said  agreement  subsists.  And  this  is  the  more  necessary 
to  prevent  a  few  designing  persons  from  engrossing  and 
buying  up  our  tobacco,  grain,  &.C.,  when  they  are  low  in 
value,  in  order  to  avail  themselves  of  the  very  high  price 
that  those  articles  must  bear  when  the  ports  are  open,  and 
foreign  markets  empty. 

7th.  This  meeting  do  heartily  concur  with  the  late  Rep- 
resentative body  of  this  country,  to  disuse  tea,  and  not 
purchase  any  other  commodity  of  the  East  Indies,  except 
saltpetre,  until  the  grievences  o{  America  are  redressed. 

8th.  We  do  most  heartily  concur  in  these  preceding 
Resolves,  and  will,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  take  care 
that  they  are  carried  into  execution ;  and  that  we  will 
regard  every  man  as  infamous  who  now  agree  to,  and  shall 
hereafter  make  a  breach  of,  all  or  any  of  them,  subject 
however  to  such  future  alterations  as  shall  be  judged  expe- 
dient, at  a  general  meeting  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
parts  of  this  Colony,  or  a  general  Congress  of  all  the 
Colonies. 

9th.  We  do  appoint  Richard  Henry  Lee,  and  Richard 
Lee,  Esquires,  the  late  Representatives  of  this  county,  to 
attend  the  general  meeting  of  Deputies  from  all  the  coun- 
ties ;  and  we  desire  that  they  do  exert  their  best  abilities 
to  get  these  our  earnest  desires,  for  the  security  of  public 
liberty,  assented  to. 

10th.  And  as  it  may  happen  that  the  Assembly  now 
called  to  meet  on  the  11th  of  August,  may  be  prorogued 
to  a  future  day,  and  many  of  the  Deputies  appointed  to 
meet  on  the  1st  of  August,  trusting  to  the  certainty  of 
meeting  in  Assembly  on  the  11th,  may  fail  to  attend  on 
the  first,  by  which  means  decisive  injury  may  arise  to  the 
common  cause  of  liberty,  by  the  general  sense  of  the 
country  not  being  early  known  at  this  dangerous  crisis  of 
American  freedom,  we  do,  therefore,  direct  that  our  Depu- 
ties now  chosen  fail  not  to  attend  at  Williamsburg,  on  the 
said  1st  of  August;  and  it  is  our  earnest  wish  that  the 
Deputies  from  other  counties  be  directed  to  do  the  same, 
for  the  reasons  above  assigned. 

1 1th.  That  the  Clerk  do  forthwith  transmit  the  proceed- 
ings of  this  day  to  the  press,  and  request  the  Printers  to 
publish  them  without  delay. 
By  order  of  the  meeting, 

James  Davenport,  Clerk. 


MARYLAND    CONVENTION. 


At  a  Meeting  of  the  Committees  appointed  by  the  several 
Counties  of  the  Province  of  Maryland,  at  the  City  of 
Annapolis,  the  22d  day  of  June,  1774,  and  continued  by 
adjournment  from  day  to  day,  till  the  25th  day  of  the  same 
month  ;  were  present : 

For  St.  Mary's  County. — Colonel  Abraham  Barnes, 
Messrs.  Henry  Greenfield  Sothoron,  Jeremiah  Jordon. 

For  Kent  County. — Messrs.  William  Ringgold, 
Thomas  Ringgold,  Joseph  Nicholson,  Jun.,  Thomas 
Smyth,  Joseph  Earle. 

For  Queen  Anne's  Coun/y.— Messrs.  Turbut  Wright, 
Richard  Tilghman  Earle,  Solomon  Wright,  John  Brown, 
Thomas  Wright. 


489 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


440 


i^'or  Prince  George's  County. — Messrs.  iloJert  Tyhr, 
Joseph  Sim,  Joshua  Beall,  John  Rogers,  Addison  Mur- 
doch, Ifilliam  Bowie,  B.  Hall,  son  of  Francis,  Osborn 
Spngg. 

For  Anne  Arundel  County,  and  the  City  of  Anna- 
poms. —  C/wr/es  C'arro//,  Esquire,  (barrister,)  Messrs.  B. 
T.B.  Worthington,  Thomas  Johnson,  iun., Samuel  Chase, 
John  Hall,  fVilliam  Paca,  Matthias  Hammond,  Samuel 
Chew,  John   Weems,  Thomas  Dorscy,  Rezin  Hammond. 

For  Baltimore  County  and  Baltimore  Town. — 
Captain  Charles  Ridgely,  Messrs.  Thomas  Cockey  Deye, 
tValter  Tolley,  Jun.,  Robert  Alexander,  MWiam  Lux, 
Samuel  Purviance,  Jim.,  George  Ristcau. 

For  Talbot  County. — Messrs.  Matthew  Tilghman, 
Edward  Lloyd,  Nicholas  Thomas,  R.  Goldsborough,  4lh. 

For  Dorchester  County. — Messrs.  Robert  Goldsbo- 
rough, William  Eniialls,  Henry  Steel,  John  Ennalk,  Rob'i 
Harrison,  Col.  Henry  Hooper,  Mr.  Matthew  Brown. 

For  Somerset  County. — Messrs.  Peter  Waters,  John 
Waters,  George  Dashiell. 

For  Charles  County. — Messrs.  William  Smallwood, 
Francis  Ware,  Josiah  Hawkins,  Joseph  Hanson  Harrison, 
JJaniel  Jenifer ,  John  Dent,   Thomas  Stone. 

For  Calvert  County. — Messrs.  John  Wcems,  Edward 
Reynolds,  Benjamin  Mackall,  (attorney.) 

For  Cecil  County. — Messre.  John  Veazy,  Jun.,  Wil- 
liam Ward,  Stephen  Hyland. 

For  Worcester  County. — Messrs.  Peter  Chaille,  John 
Done,  William  Morris. 

For  Frederick  County. — Messrs.  Thomas  Price, 
Alexander  C'ontee  Hanson,  Baker  Johnson,  Andrew  Scott, 
Philip  Thomas,  Thomas  Sprigg  Wootton,  Henry  Grijffith, 
Evan  Thomas,  Richard  Thomas,  Richard  Brooke,  Thomas 
Cramphin,  Jun.,  Allen  Bowie,  Jun. 

for  Harford  County. — Messrs.  Richard  Dallum,  John 
Love,  Thomas  Bond,  John  Paca,  Benedict  Edward  Hall, 
Jacob  Bond. 

For  Caroline  County. — Messrs.  Thomas  White,  Wil- 
liam Richardson,  Isaac  Bradley,  Nathaniel  Potter, 
Thomas  Goldsborough. 

Matthew  Tilohman,  Esq.,  in  the  Chair, 
John  Duckett,  chose  Clerk. 

It  being  moved  from  the  Chair  to  ascertain  the  manner 
of  dividing  upon  questions,  it  was  agreed  that  on  any  di- 
vision eacli  county  have  one  vote,  and  that  ail  questions 
be  determined  by  a  majority  of  counties. 

The  Letter  and  Vote  of  the  town  of  Boston,  several 
Letters  and  Papers  from  Philadelphia  and  Virginia,  the 
Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  port  and  harbour 
of  Boston,  the  Bill  depending  in  Parliament  subversive  of 
the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  that  enabling  the 
Governour  to  send  supposed  offenders  from  thence  to 
another  Colony,  or  England,  for  trial,  were  read,  and  after 
mature  deliberation  thereon : 

1st.  Resolved,  That  the  said  Act  of  Parliament,  and 
Bills,  if  passed  into  Acts,  are  cruel  and  oppressive  invas- 
ions of  the  natural  rights  of  the  people  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  as  men,  and  of  their  constitutional  rights  as  English 
subjects ;  and  tiiat  the  said  Act,  if  not  repealed,  and  the 
.said  Bills,  if  passed  into  Acts,  will  lay  a  foundation  for  the 
utter  destruction  of  British  America,  and,  therefore,  that 
the  town  of  Bosto7i  and  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
are  now  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  America. 

'2(\.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  Colony  in 
America  to  unite  in  the  most  speedy  and  effectual  means 
to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  said  Act,  and  also  of  the  said 
Bills,  if  passed  into  Acts. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  tlie  opinion  of  this  Committee, 
that  if  the  Colonies  come  into  a  joint  resolution  to  stop  all 
importations  from,  and  exportations  to,  Great  Britain, 
until  the  said  Act,  or  Bills  if  passed  into  Acts,  be  repealed, 
the  same  will  be  tiie  most  speedy  and  effectual  means  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  the  said  Act  or  Acts,  and  preserve 
North  America  and  her  liberties. 

4th.  Resolved,  Notwitlistanding  the  people  of  this  Pro- 
vince will  have  many  inconveniences  and  difficulties  to 
encounter  bv  breaking  off  their  commercial  intercourse 
with  their  mother  couotry,  and  are  dee()ly  affected  at  the 
distress  which  will  be  thereby  necessarily  brought  on  many 
of  their  fellow-subjects  in   Great  Britain,  yet  their  affec- 


tions and  regard  to  an  injured  and  oppressed  sister  Colony, 
tlieirduty  to  themselves,  their  posterity,  and  their  country, 
demand  the  sacrifice — and,  therefore,  that  this  Province 
will  join  in  an  Association  with  the  other  principal  and 
neighbouring  Colonies,  to  stop  all  exportations  to,  and 
importations  from.  Great  Britain,  until  the  said  Act  and 
Bills,  if  passed  into  Acts,  be  repealed  ;  the  non-importa- 
tion and  non-exportation  to  take  place  on  such  future  day 
as  may  be  agreed  on  by  a  general  Congress  of  Deputies 
from  the  Colonies — the  non-export  of  tobacco  to  depend 
and  take  place  only  on  a  similar  agreement  by  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina,  and  to  commence  at  such  time  as 
may  be  agreed  on  by  the  Deputies  for  this  Province  and 
the  said  Colonies  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  the  Deputies  of  this  Province  are 
authorized  to  agree  to  any  restrictions  upon  exports  to  the 
West  Indies  which  may  be  deemed  necessary  by  a  majority 
of  the  Colonies  at  the  general  Congress. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  the  Deputies  from  this  Province 
are  authorized,  in  case  the  majority  of  the  Colonies  should 
think  the  importation  of  particular  articles  from  Great 
Britain  to  be  indispensably  necessary  for  their  respective 
Colonies,  to  admit  and  provide  for  the  Province  such  arti- 
cles as  our  circumstances  shall  necessarily  require. 

7th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Committee, 
that  the  merchants  and  others,  venders  of  goods  and  mer- 
chandise within  this  Province,  ought  not  to  take  advantage 
of  the  above  Resolve  for  non-importation,  but  that  they 
ought  to  sell  their  goods  and  merchandise  that  they  have 
now,  or  may  hereafter  import,  at  the  same  rates  they  have 
been  accustomed  to  do  within  one  year  last  past ;  and 
that  if  any  persons  shall  sell  any  goods  which  he  now  has, 
or  hereafter  may  have,  or  may  import,  on  any  other  terms 
than  above  expressed,  no  inhabitant  of  this  Province  ought, 
at  any  time  thereafter,  to  deal  with  any  such  person,  his 
agent,  manager,  factor,  or  storekeeper,  for  any  commodity 
whatever. 

8th.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  a  subscription  be 
opened  in  the  several  counties  of  this  Province,  for  an  im- 
mediate collection  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabit- 
ants of  Boston,  now  cruelly  deprived  of  the  means  of 
procuring  subsistence  for  themselves  and  families,  by  the 
operation  of  the  said  Act  for  blocking  up  their  harbour, 
and  that  the  same  be  collected  by  the  Committees  of  the 
respective  counties,  and  shipped  by  them  in  such  provisions 
as  may  be  thought  most  useful. 

9th.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  this  Committee  em- 
brace this  public  opportunity  to  testify  their  gratitude  and 
most  cordial  thanks  to  the  patrons  and  friends  of  liberty  in 
Great  Britain  for  their  patriotic  efforts  to  prevent  the  pre- 
sent calamity  of  America. 

10th.  Resolved,  That  Matthew  Tilghman,  Thomas 
Johnson,  Jun.,  Robert  Goldsborough,  William  Paca,  and 
Samuel  Chase,  Esquires,  or  any  two  or  more  of  them,  be 
Deputies  for  this  Province,  to  attend  a  general  Congress 
of  Deputies  from  the  Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as 
may  be  agreed  on,  to  effect  one  general  plan  of  conduct, 
operating  on  the  conunercial  connection  of  the  Colonies 
with  the  mother  country,  for  the  relief  of  Boston  and  pre- 
servation of  American  liberty  ;  and  that  the  Deputies  of  this 
Province  immediately  corres])ond  with  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania, and  through  them  with  the  other  Colonies,  to  ob- 
tain a  meeting  of  the  general  Congress,  and  to  communi- 
cate, as  the  opinion  of  tliis  Committee,  that  the  20th  day 
of  September  next,  will  be  the  niost  convenient  time,  and 
the  City  of  Philadelphia  tiie  most  convenient  place,  for 
a  meeting,  which  time  and  place,  to  prevent  delay,  they 
are  directed  to  propose. 

11th.  Resolved,  unanimously.  That  this  Province  will 
break  off  all  trade  and  dealings  with  that  Colony,  Province, 
or  town,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  come  into  the 
general  plan  which  may  be  adopted  by  the  Colonies. 

12tb.  Resolved,  That  the  Deputies  for  this  Province 
upon  their  return,  call  together  the  Conmiittees  of  the 
several  counties,  and  lay  before  them  the  measures  adopted 
by  the  general  Congress. 

Orilered,  Tliat  copies  of  these  Re=;olutions  be  transmit- 
ted to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  several 
Colonies,  and  be  also  published  in  the  Maryland  Gazette. 
Per  order,  John  Duckett, 

Clerk  of  the  Committee. 


441 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Lc,  JUNE,  1774. 


442 


Philadelphia,  June  22,  1774. 

Of  the  several  modes  of  appointing  Deputies  for  a  gen- 
eral Congress,  their  nomination  by  Representatives  met  in 
a  Legislative  capacity  would,  perhaps,  be  most  generally 
approved. 

If  that  mode  cannot  be  pursued,  the  next  most  advisable, 
it  appears  to  me,  would  be,  for  the  freemen,  qualified  to 
vote  for  members  of  Assembly  in  the  several  Colonies,  to 
choose  a  certain  number  of  Delegates,  who  should  compose 
a  Provincial  Convention  in  each  Colony,  and  therein  nomi- 
nate some  of  their  body,  as  Deputies  to  represent  that 
Colony  at  a  general  Congress. 

We  are  now  entering  upon  a  contest  that  may  be  con- 
tinued for  a  long  time ;  and  we  cannot  be  too  early  in 
giving  all  regularity  and  stability  to  our  proceedings.  The 
whole  people  are  oppressed — they  must  relieve  them- 
selves :  and  therefore  they  must  act.  Nothing  should  be 
taken  for  granted,  in  a  cause  of  such  magnitude. — It  is 
building  on  a  sandy  foundation.  It  is  not  to  be  presumed 
that  the  body  of  the  people  in  any  Colony  will  give  their  full 
and  free  assent  to  a  single  measure  of  their  Representatives 
assembled  as  private  men.  Met  in  legislation,  they  form 
a  constitutional  body,  and  thence  their  proceedings  derive 
their  force.  Ceasing  to  be  that,  their  authority  reverts  to 
the  people  of  which  they  are  only  a  part.  In  emergencies 
demanding  public  exertions,  a  supposed  or  implied  assent 
of  the  people  is  not  an  assent  to  be  regarded  or  depended 
on.  They  must  be  represented  actually — not  "  virtually." 
When  they  have  chosen  Representatives  for  the  usual 
business  of  the  Province  ;  the  law  says,  the  acts  of  those 
Representatives  are  the  acts  of  their  constituents.  When 
the  law  will  not  say  this,  is  it  to  be  inferred  ?  And  is  the 
inference  to  be  so  extensive  as  to  justify  a  conclusion  of 
such  vast  consequence,  that  the  constituents  who  appointed 
men  for  common  affairs  to  be  transacted  in  one  way,  freely 
and  fully  assent  to  their  conduct  in  new  affairs  of  the 
utmost  importance,  and  transacted  in  another  way  ?  Why 
should  such  an  influence  be  made  ?  Where  is  the  neces- 
sity for  it  ?  Cannot  an  appeal  be  made  to  the  people  ? 
Their  sentiments  taken — be  from  themselves,  and  not 
guessed  at  ?  If  they  have  not  wisdom  and  virtue  enough 
to  become  agents  in  promoting  their  own  temporal  salva- 
tion, it  is  in  vain  for  others  to  attempt  it. 

The  welfare  of  America  depends  on  each  Colony 
knowing  what  portions  of  this  wisdom  and  virtue  there  are 
among  us.  Let  us  put  the  cause  on  its  true  bottom.  If 
those  freemen  of  counties,  cities,  boroughs,  and  townships, 
qualified  to  vote  at  usual  elections,  and  residing  in  Colonies 
where  the  Assemblies  met  in  Legislative  capacities,  cannot 
in  time  appoint  Deputies,  meet,  and  proceed  respectively 
in  the  same  mode  that  is  practised  in  choosing  Represent- 
atives for  their  Assemblies,  to  elect  persons  for  the  express 
purpose  of  forming  Provincial  Conventions,  to  consider  on 
the  present  alarming  situation  of  public  affairs,  and  to 
concert  the  most  effectual  means  for  redressing  grievances 
and  re-establishing  peace  and  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  these  Colonies,  on  a  constitutional  foundation, 
the  sentiments  and  resolutions  of  this  Continent,  from  one 
end  of  it  to  the  other  will  be  perfectly  known.  Then  a 
broad  and  strong  foundation  will  be  laid  for  future  measures. 
Until  these  sentiments  and  resolutions  are  thus  known, 
those  who  consult  together  have  nothing  firm  under  them. 
Does  any  man  suspect  the  prudence  of  the  public  spirit  of 
any  counties,  or  other  districts  ?  That  is  one  good  reason 
for  adopting  this  mode.  Let  the  tnith  be  known.  Let 
the  real  friends  of  freemen  and  their  country  understand 
tlieir  countrymen.  Let  them  not  be  deceived  in  an  opinion 
that  the  unanimity  of  sentiments  and  force  of  resolutions 
are  greater  than  they  are.  Let  us  not  collect  the  sense  of 
this  country,  and  of  that  district  by  "  virtual  representa- 
tions," and  rely  on  their  zeal  by  unproved  supposition.  If 
there  are  counties  or  districts,  who  choose  to  lessen  the 
weii^ht  of  our  common  country,  by  taking  themselves  out 
of  llie  scale  in  which  "  the  universal  property,  liberty, 
safety,  happiness,  and  prosperity  of  America"  are  now 
wei!;!iing  against  the  opposite  scale  of  tyranny,  let  them 
instantly  declare  tlieuiselves.  Such  discoveries  never  can 
do  less  harm  than  at  this  lime. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  success  of  measures  calculated  for 
the  relief  of  these  Colonic;,  wholly  depends  upon  the 
unanimity  of  the  people.     The  people,  therefore,  should 


be  consulted  in  the  most  particular  manner  that  can  be 
imagined.  The  result  of  that  consultation  will  be  the  evi- 
dence to  be  relied  on  ;  and  that  evidence  should  be  direct 
in  point. 

Besides  other  advantages  arising  from  the  plan  proposed, 
this  will  be  one  very  considerable :  the  Representatives 
for  each  county  will  naturally  form  a  Standing  Commit- 
tee for  that  county,  to  correspond  with  the  Standing  Pro- 
vincial Committee,  appointed  by  the  Provincial  Conven- 
tion, to  act  in  their  behalfs,  as  the  Convention  cannot  be 
kept  continually  assembled.  The  business  of  the  Pro- 
vincial Committee,  then,  will  be  to  correspond  with  the 
other  Colonies,  and  with  the  County  Committees.  The 
County  Committees  may  request  every  small  district  within 
the  county,  whether  called  township,  hundred,  &ic.,  to 
choose  one  person  to  represent  that  township,  hundred,  Jkc, 
and  may  convey  intelligence  to  each  of  these  persons  by 
letters,  or  by  stated  meetings.  Thus  a  most  regular  plan 
might  be  solidly  established  throughout  this  Continent,  for 
communicating  needful  information  to  the  individuals  of  the 
smallest  districts  in  every  county,  (a  point  absolutely  ne- 
cessary,) and  of  receiving  their  sentiments ;  and  both 
these  offices  would  be  performed  by  persons  the  most 
acceptable  to  them.  Unless  some  such  plan  as  this,  is 
framed,  it  requires  not  the  spirit  of  prophecy  to  foresee 
that  the  affairs  of  this  Continent  will  inevitably  be  con- 
fusedly conducted,  to  an  unfortunate  issue. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  GENERAL  ASSOCIATION  OF  CONGRE- 
GATIONAL MINISTERS  IN  CONNECTICUT,  TO  THE  CLER- 
GYMEN   IN    BOSTON. 

Mansfield,  June  22,  1774. 

Reverend  and  dear  Sirs  :  We,  your  brethren  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut,  met  by  delegation  from  the  several 
counties,  in  general  Association  at  our  annual  meeting, 
cannot  but  feel  deeply  impressed  with  the  present  melan- 
choly threatened  situation  of  America  in  general,  and  the 
distressed  state  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular,  suffer- 
ing the  severe  resentment  of  the  British  Parliament,  by 
which  the  subsistence  of  thousands  is  taken  away.  We 
readily  embrace  this  opportunity  to  manifest  our  hearty 
sympathy  with  you  in  your  present  distresses.  We  con- 
sider you  as  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  America — in 
the  cause  of  civil  liberty ;  which,  if  taken  away,  we  fear 
would  involve  the  ruin  of  religious  liberty  also.  Gladly 
would  we  contribute  every  thing  in  our  power  for  your 
encouragement  and  relief;  however,  our  situation  enables 
us  to  do  little  more  than  to  express  our  sincere  and 
affectionate  concern ;  and  with  fervent  addresses,  to 
commend  your  cause,  and  the  cause  of  America — the 
cause  of  liberty,  and  above  all,  the  cause  of  religion,  to  the 
Father  of  Mercies,  who  can  easily  afford  effectual  relief — 
who  has  the  hearts  of  all  at  his  disposal,  and  can  turn  them 
as  he  pleases.  We  feel  deeply  sensible  what  a  heavy  load 
must  lie  upon  the  minds  of  the  Ministers  of  Boston; 
enough  to  sink  their  spirits,  unless  armed  with  vigorous 
Christian  fortitude  and  resolution.  In  hopes  it  may  afford 
you  some  consolation,  we  assure  you  of  our  sincere  condol- 
ence and  unremitting  prayers  in  your  behalf;  and  that  we 
shall,  in  every  way  suitable  to  our  character  and  station, 
use  our  influence  with  the  good  people  of  this  Colony  to 
concur  in  every  proper  measure  calculated  to  afford  relief 
to  America  in  general,  and  to  the  distressed  town  o(  Boston 
in  particular. 

We  pray  that  the  Ministers  of  Boston  may  be  inspired 
by  the  great  Head  of  the  Church  with  wisdom  sufficient 
for  their  direction  in  such  a  critical  day  as  the  present ; 
and  that  God  would  give  them  and  their  people,  firm- 
ness, unanimity,  patience,  pnidence,  and  every  virtue, 
which  they  need  to  support  them  under  their  heavy  trials, 
and  enable  them  to  stand  firm  in  the  glorious  cause  of 
liberty,  and  express  such  a  temper,  and  exhibit  such  an 
example,  as  shall  be  well  pleasing  to  God,  and  recommend 
them  to  the  favour  and  compassion  of  their  fellow-men. 
We  earnestly  pray  that  God  would  humble  us  all  under  a 
deep  sense  of  our  numerous  transgressions  and  criminal 
declensions  ;  show  us  the  absolute  necessity  of  repentance 
and  reformation  ;  humble  us  under  his  mighty  hand  ;  and 
pour  out  a  spirit  of  fervent  supplication  on  you,  on  us,  and 
all  his  people  in  this  land ;  and  we  cannot  but  liope  the 


448 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JUNE,  1774. 


444 


united  prayers  of  America  may  obtain  that  audience  in 
Heaven,  whicii  will  ensure  salvation  to  us. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  General  Association, 

Benjamin  Throop,  Moderator. 
To  the  Reverend  Charles  Chauncy,  D.  D.,  and  the  other 

Ministers  of  the  town  of  Boston. 


COPY    OF  AN    ANSWER   TO  A    LETTER   FROM    THE    GENERAL 

ASSOCIATION    IN     CONNECTICUT,     TO     THE     ASSOCIATED 

PASTORS      IN     BOSTON  ;        PREPARED,     BUT     NOT      SENT, 

THROUGH    THE    CONFUSION    OF    THE    TIMES. 

Boston,  1774. 

Reverend  and  dear  Brethren  :  Your  very  affec- 
tionate and  obliging  letter  of  June  24th,  1774,  was  com- 
municated to  us  at  a  time  when  we  greatly  needed  the 
encouragement  and  support  of  our  Christian  friends. 

You  justly  suppose  that  when  Boston  is  treated  with 
such  unprecedented  cruelty,  and  involved  in  the  deepest 
distress,  a  heavy  load  must  lie  upon  the  Ministers  of  Reli- 
gion in  that  unhappy  town.  We  have  consoled  ourselves 
witii  the  thought,  that  we  are  suffering  in  the  common 
cause  of  America — in  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  with  which 
religious  liberty  hath  a  very  close  connection.  All  circum- 
stances seemed  to  make  it  evident  that  we  were  not  mis- 
taken in  this  view  of  things.  It  gives  us  the  highest 
satisfaction  to  find  that  the  sentiments  of  others  are  con- 
formable to  our  own ;  especially  to  know  that  this  is  the 
opinion  of  so  wise  and  venerable  a  body  as  the  General 
Association  of  Connecticut. 

We  sincerely  thank  you  for  your  tender  sympathy  with 
us  under  our  sufferings,  and  tlie  very  kind  and  obliging 
manner  in  which  you  express  it. 

We  present  our  particular  acknowledgments  for  the 
great  consolation  you  afford  in  the  assurance  you  give  us  of 
your  sincere  condolence  and  unremitting  prayers  in  our 
behalf;  and  that  you  will,  in  every  way  suitable  to  your 
character  and  station,  use  your  influence  with  the  good 
people  of  your  Colony  to  concur  in  every  proper  measure 
calculated  to  afford  relief  to  America  in  general,  and  to  the 
distressed  town  of  Boston  in  particular.  We  trust  God 
hath  heard  your  prayers,  and  tlie  prayers  of  other  friends 
to  religion,  and  to  America,  and  by  his  all-powerful  influ- 
ence, hath  supported  our  brethren  in  this  town,  under  their 
heavy  trials,  enabled  them  to  stand  firm  in  the  glorious 
cause  of  liberty  ;  and  hath  given  some  degree  of  that  firm- 
ness, unanimity,  patience,  and  prudence,  which  you  so 
fervently  implore  for  them  in  this  critical  day. 

We  owe  much  to  our  brethren  in  the  other  Colonies  for 
the  very  generous  assistance  we  have  received.  Such 
were  the  difiiculties  to  which  great  numbers  were  reduced, 
by  the  almost  total  stagnation  of  our  trade,  that  it  must 
have  been  impossible  for  this  town  to  have  subsisted  to  this 
day,  if  the  inhabitants  had  not  been  favoured  with  such 
kind  and  generous  relief  from  abroad. 

Tiie  Colony  of  Connecticut  distinguisiied  themselves  not 
only  by  the  largeness  of  their  donations,  but  by  the  season- 
ableness  of  their  supplies,  which  were  received  and  applied 
for  the  purpose  of  supporting  those  who  were  suffering  by 
means  of  the  cruel  Bill  that  shut  up  our  port,  while  the 
other  Colonies,  by  reason  of  their  distance,  were  not  able 
to  afford  such  immediate  help. 

We  think  ourselves  obliged  on  this  occasion  to  testify, 
that  your  charities  have  been  most  faithfully  applied  to  tlie 
purpose  for  which  they  were  sent.  The  gentlemen  who 
have  undertaken  this  trust,  are  of  the  first  character  for 
probity  and  universal  goodness.  They  generously  employ 
a  very  great  part  of  tiieir  time  in  this  benevolent  work, 
without  the  prospect  of  any  reward  but  what  ariseth  from 
the  pleasure  of  doing  good,  and  of  the  approbation  of  their 
great  Master  and  Lord. 

While  we  think  we  have  a  right  to  complain  to  Heaven 
and  Earth  of  the  cruel  oppression  we  are  under,  we  ascribe 
righteousness  to  God.  We  deserve  every  thing  from  him, 
and  he  punishes  us  less  than  our  iniquities  deserve.  We 
earnestly  entreat  the  continuance  of  your  addresses  to  Him 
who  heareth  prayer,  that  He  would  humble,  pardon,  and 
bless  us. 

Our  own  distresses  by  no  means  employ  all  our  attention. 
We  are  more  deeply  affected  with  the  general  danger  of 
our  countiy,  than  with  our  own  difficulties.    We  encourage 


ourselves  in  that  glorious  Being,  who  hath  ever  been  the 
hope  of  his  Israel,  and  the  Saviour  thereof  in  time  of 
trouble,  and  who  hath  so  often  and  so  wonderfully  appeared 
for  this  people.  We  are  sinful  and  degenerate,  but  we 
trust  there  are  many  who  have  not  forsaken  God,  and  for 
whose  sake  he  will  not  forsake  us.  If  there  had  been  ten 
righteous  found  in  Sodom,  the  city  had  not  been  destroyed. 
And  will  not  God  have  regard  to  the  many  thousands  in 
this  land,  and  who  walk  uprightly  before  him,  and  who 
continually  implore  his  favour  to  their  distressed  country  ? 

The  surprising  union  of  the  Colonies  at  this  day  affords 
the  strongest  ground  of  encouragement ;  and  their  spirited 
measures  cannot,  according  to  a  human  view  of  things,  fail 
of  success  sooner  or  later.  We  are  sensible  at  the  same 
time,  that  all  depends  on  him  who  is  the  great  Governour 
of  the  world.  It  is  an  inexhaustible  source  of  comfort, 
that  the  Lord  God  omnipotent  reigneth.  To  him  we 
refer  all,  in  full  confidence  that  he  will  do  all  things  well. 

We  devoutly  wish  you  the  presence  of  the  great  Head 
of  the  Church  in  all  your  labours  for  the  honour  of  God, 
and  the  good  of  men,  and  are. 

With  the  sincerest  gratitude  and  respect,  your  breth- 
ren, &c. 

Dear  Sir:  According  to  your  desire,  I  send  you  a 
copy  of  the  Letter  which  was  prepared  in  answer  to  that 
which  was  so  kindly  sent  from  the  Association  in  Connect- 
icut.  It  was  owing  to  the  forgetfulness  of  our  dear  brother 
Howe,  that  it  was  not  finished  and  forwarded.  It  was 
read  by  most  of  the  brethren  ;  but  as  it  was  not  formally 
voted,  it  may  be  not  best  to  take  notice  of  it  as  an 
answer  to  yours.  You  may  use  it  as  you  think  proper. 
I  send  it  in  compliance  with  your  desire,  and  it  will,  at 
least,  show  that  we  are  not  wholly  unmindful  of  the  affec- 
tionate regard  expressed  to  us,  though  we  have  not  made 
the  return  we  ought  to  have  done.  I  am  sir,  your  brother 
and  servant,  Andrew  Elliot. 


ADDRESS  of  THE  .TUSTICES  OF  THE  COUNTT  OF  WOR- 
CESTER, IN  MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  GOVERNOUR  GAGE, 
PRESENTED    JUNE  22,  1774. 

To  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Captain- General  and 
Govemour-in-chief  in  and  over  the  Province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  in  New  England. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency: 

The  Justices  of  the  Court  of  General  Sessions  of  the 
Peace,  and  Justices  of  the  Inferior  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  held  at  Worcester,  within  and  for  the  County  of 
Worcester,  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  Ju7ie,  1'74,  beg 
leave,  at  our  first  session,  after  your  safe  arrival,  to  con- 
gratulate your  Excellency  thereon,  and  also  on  your  ap- 
pointment to  the  most  important  office  of  First  Magistrate 
in  this  Province,  in  full  confidence  from  the  amiable  cha- 
racter your  Excellency  has  obtained  in  your  other  import- 
ant departments  in  America,  you  will  ever  delight  in  pro- 
moting the  good  of  this  Government. 

We  find  a  peculiar  difficulty  in  expressing  the  distress 
of  our  minds  relating  to  the  unhappy  circumstances  of  this 
Province  at  this  time,  and  can  with  sincerity  say,  that  we 
have  no  doubt,  from  your  well  known  character,  you  will 
do  all  that  is  within  your  power  to  extricate  us  out  of  our 
distresses,  in  every  way  consistent  with  the  true  interests 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  which  we  hold  insep- 
arable. And  we  do  bear  our  testimony  against  ail  riots, 
combinations,  and  unwarrantable  resolves,  which  we  appre- 
hend have  been  the  unhappy  occasion  of  many  of  our 
troubles ;  and  as  there  are  now  circulating  through  this 
Province  certain  inffammatory  pieces,  signed  by  order  of 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  the  town  of  Boston ; 
and  in  this  county,  by  order  of  certain  persons  calling  them- 
selves a  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  the  town  of 
Worcester,  directed  to  the  several  towns  in  the  county, 
stinuilating  the  people  to  break  off  all  connections  with 
Gnat  Britain,  whicli  havestill  a  tendency  to  alienate  tlie 
affections  of  the  people  of  this  Province  and  couniy  from 
the  mother  country,  and  creiite  discord  and  confusion,  we 
do  assure  your  Excellency  that  we  will  do  every  thing  in 
our  power  to  discountenance  such  proceedings,  and  sup- 


445 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  izc,  JUNE,  1774. 


446 


port  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  render  your  Excel- 
lency's administration  successful  and  prosperous. 

HIS  excellency's  answer. 

Gentlemen  :  I  return  you  my  most  sincere  and  hearty 
thanks  for  your  very  affectionate  and  truly  patriotic  Address. 
Your  disavowal  of  the  malevolent  labour  of  a  desperate 
faction,  who,  by  raising  groundless  fears  and  jealousies,  and 
using  every  sort  of  artifice  and  fraud,  endeavour  to  delude 
and  intimidate  the  people,  and  create  in  them  an  aversion 
and  enmity  towards  their  brethren  in  Great  Britain,  is  a 
proof  that  you  hold  sentiments  the  most  friendly  to  your 
country. 

May  your  designs  to  discountenance  such  proceedings 
meet  with  all  the  success  that  every  real  patriot  must  hope 
and  wish  for ;  and  I  will,  at  all  times,  be  ready  to  advance 
so  laudable  a  work.  Which  alone  can  give  peace  and  happi- 
ness to  the  Province,  and  restore  the  union  so  necessary  to 
be  cemented  with  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 


Williamsburg,  June  23,  1774. 

By  letters  from  Fort  Pitt,  (since  rebuilt,  called  Fort 
Dunmore,)  of  the  7th  instant,  there  is  advice  that  two 
days  before  a  family  on  the  west  side  of  the  Monongahela, 
consisting  of  a  man,  woman,  and  six  children,  were  killed 
and  scalped  by  a  party  of  Indians,  with  many  circum- 
stances of  cruelty ;  and  that  a  man  has  been  killed  near 
Grave  Creek,  on  the  Ohio.  The  day  following  another 
man  was  killed  on  the  Monongahela  by  the  Indians. 


our 


EXTRACT    FROM    THE    PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE    TOWN    OF 
WINDHAM,  IN    CONNECTICUT. 

June  23,  1774. 
We  cannot  close  this  meeting  without  expressing  our 
utmost  abhorrence  and  detestation  of  those  few  in  a  devoted 
Province,  styling  themselves  Ministers,  Merchants,  Barris- 
ters and  Attorneys,  who  have,  against  the  sense  and  opinion 
of  this  vast  Continent,  distinguished  themselves  in  their 
late  fawning,  adulating  Address  to  Governour  Hutchinson, 
the  scourge  of  the  Province  which  gave  him  birth,  and  the 
pest  of  America.  His  principles  and  conduct,  evidenced 
by  his  letters,  and  those  under  his  approbation,  are  so 
replete  with  treason  against  his  country,  and  with  the 
meanest  of  self-exaltation,  as  cannot  be  palliated  by  art, 
nor  disguised  by  subtlety. 

We  esteem  those  Addresses  a  high-handed  insult  on  the 
town  of  Boston,  and  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
in  particular,  and  all  the  American  Colonies  in  general. 
Those  styled  Merchants  may  plead  their  profound  igno- 
rance of  the  constitutional  rights  of  Englishmen,  as  an 
excuse,  in  some  degree.  But  for  those  who  style  them- 
selves Barristers  and  Attorneys,  they  have  either  assumed 
a  false  character,  or  they  must,  in  some  measure,  be 
acquainted  with  the  constitutional  rights  of  Englishmen, 
and  those  of  their  own  Province.  For  them  to  present 
such  an  Address  is  a  daring  affront  to  common  sense,  a 
high  insult  on  all  others  of  the  profession,  and  treason 
against  law.  And  from  that  learned  profession,  who  are 
supposed  to  be  well  acquainted  with  the  English  Constitu- 
tion, and  have  the  best  means,  and  are  under  the  greatest 
advantages  to  defend  the  rights  of  society,  and  who  have 
been  famed  as  the  greatest  supporters  of  English  liberties, 
for  any  of  them  to  make  a  sacrifice  of  their  all  to  this 
Paged  of  vanity  and  fulsome  adulation,  is  mean,  vile,  and 
unpardonable,  and  cannot  be  accounted  for  upon  any  other 
principles  but  those  of  their  master,  who  would  sacrifice  his 
country  to  be  the  independent  head  of  a  respectable  Pro- 
vince, and  the  few  leaders  of  this  infamous  law  band,  would, 
it  seems,  give  their  aid  and  support  therein  to  obtain  the 
first  places  in  this  new  Kingdom.  The  addressing  Clergy 
we  leave  to  the  reproaches  of  their  own  consciences,  but 
lament  to  find  they  are  the  first  in  their  ignominious 
homage  to  their  idol. 


last,  and  again,  from  Williamsburg,  immediately  after  „„. 
dissolution,  enclosing  the  order  for  a  fast,  which  produced 
that  event ;  and  an  account  of  the  subsequent  conduct  of 
the  members  after  the  political  death  inflicted  on  them, 
ihe  day  before  we  were  dissolved  I  had  prepared  a  set  of 
resolutions,  the  two  last  of  which  were  thus  expressed  • 
"  Resolved,  That  the  blocking  up,  or  the  attempting  to 
block  the  harbour  of  Boston,  until  the  people  there  shall 
"  submit  to  the  payment  of  the  taxes  imposed  upon  them 
"  without  the  consent  of  their  Representatives,  is  a  most 
"  violent  and  dangerous  attempt  to  destroy  the  constitu- 
"  tional  liberty  and  rights  of  all  British  America. 

"  Resolved,  That  »»•»«»«,  be  appointed  Depu- 
"  tjes  from  this  House,  to  meet  at  ••*•»«•»»  such 


RICHARD  HENRY  LEE  TO  SAMUEL  ADAMS. 

Chantilly,  Va.,  June  23,  1774. 

Sir:  I  did  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you,  from 
this  place,  before  my  departure  for  our  Assembly,  in  May 


"  Deputies  from  the  other  Colonies  as  they  shall  appoint, 
"  there  to  consider  and  determine  on  ways  the  most  effect- 
"  ual  to  stop  the  exports  from  North  America,  and  for  the 
"  adoption  of  such  other  measures  as  may  be  most  decisive 
"  for  securing  the  rights  of  America  against  the  systematic 
"  plan  formed  for  their  destruction." 

I  have  not  a  remaining  doubt  that  these  resolutions 
would  have  been  agreed  to  had  they  been  proposed.  1 
was  prevented  from  offering  them  by  many  worthy  mem- 
bers, who  wished  to  have  the  public  business  first  finished, 
and  who  were  induced  to  believe,  from  many  conversations 
they  had  heard,  that  there  was  no  danger  of  a  dissolution 
before  it  had  happened.  It  seems  Government  were 
alarmed  at  the  spirit  which  the  order  for  a  fast  denoted, 
and,  fearing  the  consequences,  interposed  a  dissolution. 
The  consequent  conduct  of  the  members  was  surely  much 
too  feeble,  in  opposition  to  that  very  dangerous  and  alaim- 
ing  degree  to  which  despotism  had  advanced.  So  thinking, 
I  did  propose  to  the  dissolved  members  the  plan  of  a 
general  Congress  ;  but  they  made  a  distinction  between 
their  then  state,  and  that  when  they  were  members  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses. 

Most  of  the  members,  and  myself  among  the  rest,  had 
left  Williamsburg  before  your  message  from  Boston  had 
arrived.     Twenty-five  of  them,  however,  were  assembled 
to  consider  of  that  Message,  and  they  determined  to  invite 
a  general  meeting  of  the  whole  body  on  the  1st  of  August, 
to  consider  the  measure  of  stopping  the  exports  and  im- 
ports.    Since  that  an  Indian  invasion  of  our  frontier  has 
compelled  the  calling  a  new  Assembly,  for  which  purpose, 
writs,  returnable  to  the  11  th  August,  are  now  out,  at  which 
time  it  is  thought  the  House  will  meet ;  when,  I  think, 
there  is  no  manner  of  doubt  they  will  directly  adopt  the 
most  effectual  means  in  their  power  for  obtaining  a  redress 
of  grievances.    In  the  mean  time,  the  sense  of  some  coun- 
ties is  taking,  and  two  have  already  declared  their  desire 
to  stop  the  commercial  intercourse  between  Great  Britain 
and  the    West  Indies,  and  this  Colony.     It  seems  very 
clear  to  me  that  there  will  be  a  general  agreement.     Do 
you  not  think,  that  the  first  most  essential  step  for  our 
Assembly  to  take,  will  be  an  invitation  to  a  general  Con- 
gress, as  speedily  as  the  nature  of  things  will  admit,  in 
order  that  our  plan,  whatever  it  may  be,  may  be  unani- 
mous, and  therefore  effectual  ?  I  shall  be  in  Williamsburg 
the  1st  of  August,  and  shall  continue  there  until  the  meet- 
ing of  Assembly  on    the   1 1th.     It  will  be    exceedingly 
agreeable  to  me  to  know  your  sentiments  fully  on  this  most 
important  subject.     I  am  sure  it  will  be  of  real  conse- 
quence to  the  cause  of  liberty  that  your  Committee  of 
Correspondence  write  fully  your  sentiments  to  ours  at  the 
same  time.     It  will  be  well  so  to  time  the  matter,  as  that 
your   letters  may  be  in   Williamsburg  before  the  1st  of 
August,  at  which  time  a  meeting  of  the  late  Representa- 
tives will   take  place,  notwithstanding  the  return  of  the 
writs  to  the  11th  instant. 

I  hope  the  good  people  of  Boston  will  not  lose  their 
spirits  under  their  present  heavy  oppression,  for  they  will 
certainly  be  supported  by  the  other  Colonies ;  and  the 
cause  for  which  they  suffer  is  so  glorious,  and  so  deeply 
interesting  to  the  present  and  future  generations,  that  all 
America  will  owe,  in  a  great  measure,  their  ])olitical  salva- 
tion to  the  present  virtue  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

I  am,  sir,  with  very  singular  regard,  your  most  obedient 
and  humble  servant, 

Richard  Henry  Lee. 
To  Samuel  Adams,  Esquire,  Boston. 


447 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


448 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  RICHARD  HEXRY  LEE. 

Boston,  1774. 

Sir:  I    have   lately  been  favoured  with   three   letters 
from  you,  and  must  beg  you  to  attribute  my  omitting  to 
make  due  acknowledgments  till  this  lime,  to  a  multiplicity 
of  affairs  to  which  I  am  obliged  to  give  my  constant  atten- 
tion.    The  unrighteous  and  oppressive  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament  for  shutting  up  this  harbour,  though  executed 
with  a  rigour  beyond  the  intent  even  of  its  framers,  has 
hitherto  fliiled,  and  will,  I  believe,  continue  to  fail  of  the 
effect  wiiich  the  enemies  of  America  flattered  themselves 
it  would  have.     The  inhabitants  still  wear  cheerful  counte- 
nances; far  from  being  in  the  least  intimidated,  they  are 
resolved  to  undergo  the  greatest  hardships,    rather  than 
submit  in  any  instance  to  the  tyrannical  Act.     They  are 
daily  encouraged  to  persevere    by   the  intelligence  they 
receive  from  their  brethren,  not  of  this  Province  only,  but 
every  other  Colony,  that  they  are  considered  as  suffering 
in  the  common  cause,  and  the  resolution  of  all  to  support 
them  in  the  conflict.     Lord  North  had  no  expectation 
that  we  should  be  thus  sustained  ;  on  the  contrary,  he 
trusted  that   Boston  would  be  left  to  fall  alone.     He  has 
therefore  made  no  preparation  for  tiie  effects  of  an  union. 
From  the  information  I  have  had  from  intelligent  persons 
in  England,  1  verily  believe  the  design  was  to  seize  some 
persons  and  send  them  home  ;  but  the  steadiness  and  pru- 
dence of  the  people,   and  the  unexpected  union  of  the 
Colonies,  evidenced  by  hberal  contributions  for  our  support, 
lias  disconcerted  them,  and  they  are  at  a  loss  to  know  how 
to  proceed  further.     Four  regiments  are  encamped  on  our 
Common,  and  more  are  expected  ;  but  I  hope  the  people 
will  by  circumspect  behaviour,  prevent  their  taking  occa- 
sion to  act.     The  Port  Bill  is  followed  by  two  other  Acts, 
one   for  regulating  the  Government  of  this  Province,  or 
rather  totally  to  destroy  our  free  Constitution,  and  substitut- 
ing an  absolute  despotic  one  in  its  stead ;  the  other  for  the 
more  impartial  administration  of  justice;  or,  as  some  term  it, 
screening  from  punishment  any  soldier  who  shall  murder 
an  American   for  asserting  his  riglits.     A  submission  to 
these  Acts  will  doubtless  be  required  and  expected ;  but 
whether  General  Gage  will  find  it  an  easy  thing  to  force 
the  people  to  submit  to  so  great  and  fundamental  a  change 
of  Government,  is  a  question  I  think  worth  his  considera- 
tion.   Will  the  people  of  America  consider  these  measures 
as  an  attack  on  the  Constitution  of  an  individual  Province, 
in  which  the  rest  are  not  interested,  or  will  they  view  the 
jnodel  of  Government  prepared  for  us  as  a  system  for  the 
whole  Continent  ?     Will  they  as  unconcerned  spectators, 
look  on  it  to  be  designed  only  to  lop  off  the  exuberant 
branches  of  democracy  in  the  Constitution  of  this  Province, 
or  as  part  of  a  plan  to  reduce  them  all  to  slavery.     These 
are  questions,  in  my  opinion,  of  great  importance,  wliich  1 
trust  will  be  thoroughly  weighed  in  a  general  Congress. 
May   God  inspire  that  intended  body  with  wisdom  and 
fortitude,  and  unite  and  prosper  their  counsels. 

The  people  of  this  Province  are  thoroughly  sensible  of 
the  necessity  of  breaking  off  all  commercial  connection 
w^ith  a  country  whose  poUtical  Councils  tend  only  to  en- 
slave them.  They,  however,  consider  the  body  of  the 
Nation  as  kept  in  profound  ignorance  of  the  nature  of  the 
dispute  between  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  and  are  taught 
10  believe  that  we  ai-e  a  perfidious  and  rebellious  jieople. 
It  is  with  reluctance  they  come  into  any  resolutions,  which 
must  distress  those  who  are  not  the  objects  of  their  resent- 
ments ;  but  they  are  urged  to  it  by  motives  of  self-preser- 
vation ;  and  are,  therefore,  signing  an  agreement  in  the 
several  towns,  not  to  consume  any  British  manufactures, 
which  shall  be  imported  after  the  last  day  of  August  next, 
and  that  they  may  not  be  imposed  upon  ;  they  are  to  require 
an  oath  of  those  of  whom  they  purchase  goods.  It  is  the 
virtue  of  the  yeomanry  we  are  chiefly  to  depend  upon. 
Our  friends  in  Maryland  talk  of  withholding  tlie  exporta- 
tion of  tobacco  ;  this  was  hinted  to  us  by  the  gentlemen  of 
tlie  late  House  of  Burgesses  of  Virginia,  who  had  been 
called  together  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Assembly. 
This  would  be  a  measure  greatly  interesting  to  the  mother 
country. 

Should  America  hold  up  her  own  importance  to  the 
bodv  of  the  Nation,  and  at  the  same  time  agree  to  one 


general  Bill  of  Rights,  the  dispute  might  be  settled  on  prin- 
ciples of  freedom,  and  harmony  be  restored  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  Colonies. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  your  friend  and  servant, 

Samuel  Adams. 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Virginia. 


Charlestown,  S.  C,  June  24,  1774. 
Many  generous  and  charitable  persons  in  this  Colony, 
being  desirous  to  send,  and  we  the  subscribers  having  been 
requested  to  receive,  donations  for  the  relief  of  our  distressed 
brethren  in  Boston,  now  suffering  for  the  common  cause  of 
America,  under  the  late  most  cruel,  arbitrary,  and  oppres- 
sive Act  of  the  British  Parliament,  for  the  shutting  up  of 
that  port — in  order  that  so  laudable,  and  at  the  same 
time  necessary  a  mark  of  our  real  sympathy  and  union 
with  our  sister  Colonies,  may  not  appear  to  have  the  least 
slight  shown  to  it :  Give  this  public  notice,  that  whatever 
shall  be  sent  to  us,  or  either  of  us,  for  that  purpose,  shall 
be  faithfully,  and  as  expeditiously  as  possible  forwarded  to 
the  direction  of  gentlemen  of  known  probity,  public  spirit, 
and  honour  in  Boston,  for  tiie  benefit  of  such  poor  persons 
whose  unfortunate  circumstances,  occasioned  by  the  opera- 
tion of  that  unconstitutional  Act,  may  be  thought  to  stand 
in  most  need-  of  immediate  assistance. 

Daniel  Horry,  Paul  Trafier, 

James  Parsons,  William  Elliott,  of 

William  Williamson,  Beaufort, 

Miles  Brewton,  John  Neufville, 

Levinus  Clarkson,  Charles  Elliott, 

Thomas  Lynch,  Charles  Pinckney, 

Thomas  Ferguson,  Christ.  Gadsden. 

N.  B.  Any  rice  that  shall  be  sent  to  Mr.  Gadsdeit's 
wharf,  for  the  above  purpose,  shall  be  there  landed,  shipped, 
and  (if  occasion)  stored  without  a  farthing  charge. 


spottsylvania  county  (Virginia)  resolutions. 

We,  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of 
Spottsylvania,  being  assembled  on  this  24th  day  of  June, 
to  advise  and  consult  with  our  late  Representatives  (agree- 
able to  their  invitation)  on  the  present  state  of  British 
America,  and  having  taken  under  our  most  serious  consid- 
eration several  Acts  of  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain 
made  during  the  present  reign,  respecting  America,  particu- 
larly one  Act  wherein  a  duty  on  tea  is  made  payable  in 
America,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  and  three 
other  Acts  of  the  last  session  of  the  present  Parliament, 
respecting  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  are  of 
opinion : 

That  the  said  several  Acts  of  Parliament  are  unconsti- 
tutional, arbitrary,  and  unjust,  manifestly  calculated  for  the 
destruction  of  the  rights  of  America,  and  the  British 
Constitution  in  general,  and  ought  to  be  opposed  by  all 
well-wishers,  as  well  of  the  mother  country  as  of  the  Colo- 
nies, whose  interests  are  mutual,  and  ought  ever  to  be  con- 
sidered as  inseparable. 

That  the  levies  of  Parliament  are  the  free  gift  of  the 
people,  granted  by  their  Representatives,  who,  as  they 
must  necessarily  contribute  thereto,  and  oftentimes  in  a 
manifold  projiortion,  the  Constitution  presumes  will  not  be 
over-lavish  of  the  people's  money. 

That  the  Legislation  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  free 
Governments,  is  founded  on  the  essential  principle,  that 
the  Representatives  must  be  affected  by  the  laws  of  their 
making  equally  with  their  constituents. 

That  the  Colonies,  since  their  separation  from  Great 
Britain  having  no  representation  in  the  British  Parliament, 
and  having  Pariiaments  of  their  own,  under  the  authority 
of  the  same  King,  adequate  to  all  purposes  of  legislation, 
the  British  Parliament  can  have  no  power  of  making  laws 
for  the  government  of  the  Colonies,  but  in  such  cases 
wherein  tiie  authority  of  the  Colony  Assembly  does  not 
extend. 

Resohed,  therefore.  That  we  owe  all  due  obedience  to 
our  most  gracious  Sovereign  George  the  Third,  lawful  and 
rightful  Sovereign  of  Great  Britain,  France,  Ireland,  and 
of  this  Colony  of  Virginia ;  that  we  will,  with  our  lives 
and    fortunes,   support  and    maintain  the  honour  of  his 


449 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


450 


Crown,  the  happiness  of  his  illustrious  House,  and  prospe- 
rity of  his  Dominions  in  general ;  and  thai  we  will  in  our 
Assembly  (whereof  we  boast  our  most  gracious  Sovereign 
as  the  head)  recommend  and  advise  all  such  laws  as  shall 
be  necessary  for  the  internal  Government  of  this  Colony, 
and  for  the  advancement  of  his  Majesty's  glory  in  general, 
as  the  ability  of  his  loyal  subjects  here  will  admit  of. 

Resolved,  further,  That  we  owe  no  obedience  to  any 
Act  of  the  British  Parliament  that  is,  or  shall  be  made, 
respecting  the  internal  police  of  this  Colony,  and  that  we 
will  oppose  any  such  Acts  witii  our  lives  and  fortunes. 

Resolved,  That  the  said  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament 
respecting  tlie  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  the 
town  of  Boston,  tending  to  enforce  obedience  to  the  afore- 
said unconstitutional  Act,  imposing  a  duty  upon  tea,  for 
raising  a  revenue  in  America,  ought  to  be  considered  as  an 
attempt  against  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America  in  gen- 
eral, and  that  the  same  ought  to  be  opposed  by  the  people 
of  this  Colony. 

Resolved,  That  the  most  effectual  method  of  opposing 
the  said  several  Acts  of  Parliament  will  be  to  break  off  all 
commercial  connection  with  Great  Britain  till  the  said 
Acts  shall  be  repealed.  We,  therefore,  cordially  approve 
the  proposed  meeting  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses,  on  the 
1st  o(  August  next,  and  authorize  and  request  you,  George 
Stuhblejield  and  Mann  Page,  Esquires,  our  late  Burgesses, 
to  represent  us,  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of 
this  county,  at  such  meeting,  there  to  consult  with  the  other 
Deputies  of  the  several  counties  in  this  Colony,  and  adopt 
such  measures  as  shall  seem  best  to  answer  the  general 
tendency  of  the  foregoing  Resolutions,  hereby  engaging,  on 
our  parts,  to  conform  thereto,  and  support  the  same  to  the 
utmost  of  our  power. 


EXTRACtS  OF  LETTERS  RECEIVED  AT  PHILADELPHIA, 
DATED  PITTSBURGH,  JUNE  24,   1774. 

Since  our  last,  of  the  19th,  Conolhj  sent  out  an  armed 
party  to  waylay  the  road  about  six  miles  from  town,  who 
fell  upon  a  party  of  carriers,  abused  them  and  searched 
their  lading,  among  which  they  found  one  load  of  powder, 
sent  up  by  Mr.  Joseph  Spear,  for  the  use  of  the  distressed 
inhabitants  of  this  county,  of  which  (Jonolly's  party  robbed 
tliem,  and  carried  it  to  the  fort.  When  the  master  car- 
rier applied  to  Conolly  for  a  receipt,  he  would  give  him 
none,  but  was  beat  and  abused  in  a  most  cruel  manner  for 
asking  it,  by  one  Aston,  who  is  a  Captain  of  his  appoint- 
ment. 

We  have  certain  accounts  that  the  three  friendly  Indians, 
who  so  faithfully  escorted  the  traders  and  their  party  to  this 
place,  were  waylaid  on  their  return  home,  near  the  mouth 
of  Beaver  Creek,  by  one  of  the  two  parties  which  Conolly 
sent  out  in  the  night  after  them,  and  who  fired  upon  them 
and  shot  one  of  the  Indians  through  the  body,  and  then 
run  off,  it  is  said,  like  brave  fellows!  The  other  two 
Indians  assisted  their  wounded  companion,  and  got  off  with 
him,  without  any  further  damage  than  the  loss  of  part  of 
the  presents  they  had  received  from  our  traders  for  their 
fidelity.  The  party  of  Cono//y'«  consisted  of  twelve  men, 
and  an  officer.  Yesterday  Captain  McKee's  servant,  one 
JVilliam  Herbert,  was  shot  dead  by  one  of  Conolly's  cen- 
tinels,  as  he  went  into  the  fort,  through  the  sally-port ;  but 
we  believe  this  to  be  an  accident. 

The  principal  inhabitants  are  harassed  in  a  manner  that 
cannot  be  borne.  They  are  under  the  very  worst  kind  of 
military  Government.  For  surely  there  can  be  no  law  in 
Virginia,  (supposing  their  laws  to  extend  here,)  which 
can  empower  any  person  whomsoever  to  seize  upon  the 
properly  of  another  and  apply  it  to  his  own  use  without,  or 
even  against,  the  owner's  consent.  Yet  this  is  done  every 
day  about  Pittsburgh.  Do  they  want  provisions — it  is 
only  ordering  out  a  party  to  shoot  down  the  first  they  met 
with  of  any  kind.  It  is  true,  if  any  owner  appears,  they 
are  appraised,  and  he  gets  a  certificate — but  what  is  he 
better  ?  He  must  take  a  journey  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  to  Staunton,  to  get  it  allowed  by  Court,  and  he  must 
take  another  of  the  same  distance  to  get  his  money  ;  and 
all  this  to  a  poor  man  for  perhaps  the  only  cow  he  lias  in 
the  world,  and  on  the  milk  of  which  an  infant  family  is 
depending.     Is  not  this  sporting  with  people's  property  in 

Fourth  Series.  29 


a  more  wanton  and  cruel  manner  than  is  done  in  the  most 
despotic  Governments  on  earth?  It  would  indeed  be 
greater  kindness  not  to  mock  them  with  the  hopes  of  satis- 
faction. 


BERGEN    COUNTY    (nEW-JERSEy)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
the  County  of  Bergen,  in  the  Province  of  New-Jersey, 
convened  agreeable  to  advertisement,  at  the  Court  House 
of  said  County,  on  Saturday,  the  25th  of  June,  1774. 
Peter  Zabriskie,  Esquire,  Chairman. 

This  meeting  being  deeply  affected  with  the  calamitous 
condition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  in  consequence  of  the  late  Act  of 
Parliament  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston ;  and  con- 
sidering the  alarming  tendency  of  the  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 

Do  Resolve,  1st.  That  they  think  it  their  greatest  hap- 
piness to  live  under  the  Government  of  the  illustrious 
House  of  Hanover,  and  that  they  will  stedfastly  and  uni- 
fonnJy  bear  true  and  faithful  allegiance  to  his  Majesty 
King  George  the  Third,  under  the  enjoyment  of  their 
constitutional  rights  and  privileges. 

2d.  That  we  conceive  it  to  be  our  indubitable  privilege 
to  be  taxed  only  by  our  own  consent,  given  by  ourselves, 
or  by  our  Representatives ;  and  that  we  consider  the  late 
Acts  of  Parliament,  declarative  of  their  right  to  impose 
internal  taxes  on  the  subjects  of  America,  as  manifest 
encroachments  on  our  national  rights  and  privileges  as 
British  subjects,  and  as  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  an 
American  Assembly,  or  House  of  Representatives. 

3d.  That  we  will  heartily  unite  with  this  Colony  in 
choosing  Delegates  to  attend  at  a  general  Congress  from 
the  several  Provinces  of  America,  in  order  to  consult  on 
and  determine  some  effectual  method  to  be  pursued  for 
obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  said  Acts  of  Parliament,  which 
appears  to  us  evidently  calculated  to  destroy  that  mutual 
harmony  and  dependence  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies,  which  are  the  basis  and  support  of  both. 

And  we  do  appoint  Theunis  Hey,  John  Demarest, 
Peter  ZabrisTcie,  Cornelius  Van  Voarst,  and  John  Zabris- 
Tcie,  Junior,  Esquires,  to  be  a  Committee  for  corresponding 
with  the  Committees  of  the  other  counties  in  this  Province, 
and  particularly  to  meet  with  the  other  County  Committees 
at  New-Brunswick,  or  such  other  place  as  shall  be  agreed 
on,  in  order  to  elect  Delegates  to  attend  the  general  Con- 
gress of  Delegates  of  the  American  Colonies  for  the  pur- 
poses aforesaid. 

extract  of  a  letter  from  governour  gage  to  the 

earl    of    DARTMOUTH. 

Saism,  26th  June,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  The  General  Court  met  here  on  the  7th 
instant,  and,  after  the  enclosed  Protest,  proceeded  to  busi- 
ness, and  sent  me  the  enclosed  Address.  During  the  short 
sessions  several  private  Bills,  and  a  Tax  Bill,  were  passed. 

A  Committee  of  the  House  sat  for  some  days,  keeping 
their  business  very  secret ;  but,  giving  out,  they  were  upon 
moderate  and  conciliating  measures.  They  made  their 
Report,  I  am  informed,  on  the  17th  instant,  when  the  door 
was  ordered  to  be  locked  ;  but  their  proceedings  getting 
abroad,  I  sent  the  Secretary  to  dissolve  them.  They 
would  not  admit  him,  and  he  was  obliged  to  do  it  by  Proc- 
lamation on  the  outside  of  the  door.  I  transmit  your 
Lordship  the  Resolves  they  have  passed. 

The  Council  sent  me  the  enclosed  libel  on  my  prede- 
cessors in  this  Government,  in  an  Address  ;  on  which 
account  I  refused  to  receive  it,  sending  them  the  reasons 
for  my  refusal,  which  I  also  send  your  Lordship.  If  the 
dissolution  will  be  productive  of  good,  or  not,  remains  to 
be  known  ;  but  the  contrivers  of  all  the  mischief  in  the 
town  of  Boston,  1  am  informed,  are  now  spiriting  up  the 
peo))le  throughout  the  Province  to  resistance,  as  well  to 
the  Port  Bill,  as  to  three  other  Acts  daily  expected,  rough 
draughts  of  which  were  printed  here  about  the  4th  instant ; 
and  die  Speeches  made  upon  them  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, published  in  the  newspaj)ers.  Sensible  and  well 
affected  people  have  told  me,  they  have  no  doubt  that 
their  intention  is  to  try  to  raise  the  Province  to  arms ;  but 


451 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


<«» 


I  hope  they  respect  and  fear  too  much  ;  and,  however 
prone  their  inclinations  may  be  to  so  wicked  a  project,  I 
trust  they  want  power  to  effect  it. 

In  Boston  the  greatest  pains  have  been,  and  are  taking, 
to  oppose  all  measures  tending  to  open  the  port,  by  flattering 
the  people  with  assistance  from  the  other  Provinces,  promises 
of  collections,  and  presents  to  enable  them  to  subsist,  and 
the  happy  effects  of  a  general  Congress,  which,  they  make 
no  doubt,  will  force  Great  Britain  into  their  own  terms. 
On  the  other  hand,  several  gentlemen,  who,  through  fear 
of  the  tyranny  under  which  they  have  lived,  dared  not  to 
act  or  speak,  encouraged  now  by  the  late  resolutions  of 
Government,  have  ventured  to  step  forth,  and  are  endea- 
vouring to  persuade  the  people  to  comply  with  the  Act  of 
Parliament,  as  the  only  means  to  save  their  town  from  ruin. 
Till  they  are  pinched,  and  find  they  are  deceived  in  their 
hopes  of  support,  by  presents  and  collections,  the  affair 
will  probably  rest  in  this  situation  ;  but  the  Act  must  cer- 
tainly, sooner  or  later,  work  its  own  way. 

They  will  not  agree  to  non-importation  either  at  New- 
York  or  Philadelphia,  or  even  in  this  Province,  though  I 
believe  a  Congress,  of  some  sort,  may  be  obtained  ;  but 
when  or  how  it  will  be  composed  is  yet  at  a  distance,  and, 
after  all,  Boston  may  get  little  more  than  fair  words.  I 
got  the  consent  of  Council  to  my  nomination  of  Mr.  Jus- 
tice Broicn,  of  the  Inferiour  Court  of  Essex  County,  to 
succeed  the  late  Judge  Ropes,  as  Judge  of  the  Superiour 
Court,  and  he  is  appointed  and  sworn  in  accordingly. 

The  fourth  and  forty-third  regiments  encamped  on  Bos- 
ton Common  the  14th  and  15tli  instant.  The  latter  came 
into  the  harbour  the  1st  instant,  but  their  tents  having,  by 
mistake,  been  put  in  the  transports  of  the  fourth  regiment, 
they  were  obliged  to  wait  for  them.  Their  arrival  has 
given  spirits  to  the  friends  of  Government,  and  we  are 
looking  out  for  the  troops  from  Ireland ;  three  companies, 
from  thence,  of  the  fifth  regiment,  are  arrived,  and  the 
remainder  may  be  daily  expected. 

Charlestown,  S.  C,  June  27th,  1774. 

They  write  from  Georgia  that  the  Mortar,  a  principal 
Head-man  or  Chief  of  the  Creeic  Indians,  had  sent  down 
ihree  Indians  to  Augusta  with  a  peace  talk,  which  was 
delivered  at  Colonel  Barnard's,  requesting  that  the  trade 
might  again  be  opened.  Mr.  Graham,  a  trader,  was 
attacked  by  some  of  the  friends  or  relations  of  the  Mad 
Turkey,  lately  murdered  at  Augusta,  but  by  the  assistance 
of  some  Chickasaw  Indians  which  Mr.  Graham  had  with 
him  for  his  protection,  they  were  prevented  from  doing 
any  mischief.  The  last  Indian  trader  that  arrived  from 
Augusta  fiom  the  Creek  Country  says  that  Emistisiquo, 
and  the  other  Indians  who  were  lately  at  Savannah,  had 
delivered  their  talk  at  the  Coweta  Town,  and  that  there- 
upon the  leader  of  the  murdering  gang,  with  one  or  two 
more,  had  left  the  place,  whether  through  fear,  or  to  do 
more  mischief,  is  uncertain.  Scouts  are  ordered  out  from 
every  company  of  militia  in  and  about  Augusta,  &.C.,  to 
scour  the  woods,  make  discoveries,  and  give  timely  notice 
to  the  inhabitants  to  provide  for  their  safety  in  case  of 
danger. 

The  last  accounts  from  the  Indian  country  infoiTOS  us 
that  the  Creeks  had  appointed  a  general  meeting  of  all 
the  chief  men  and  warriors  of  their  Nation,  to  be  holden 
on  the  24th  of  last  month.  They  were  greatly  distressed 
by  the  trade  with  them  being  stopped  ;  and  it  is  expected 
that  the  result  of  their  deliberations  at  the  said  meeting, 
will  be  to  give  such  satisfaction  for  the  late  murders  as  has 
been  demanded.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  confidently  assert- 
ed, that  the  Chcrokees  have  engaged  to  join  the  Creeks  in 
case  of  war. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 
Norfolk  and  Portsmouth,  in  Virginia,  held  at  the  Court 
House,  on  Monday,  the  27th  day  of  June,  1774. 

Present,  Matthew  Phripp,  Samuel  Kerr,  James  Taylor, 
William  Harvey,  Paul  Loyal,  Alexander  Skinner. 

Voted,  That  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
County  and  Borough  of  Norfolk  be  earnestly  requested 
to  attend  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  county,  on  Wed- 
nesday, the  6th  day  of  July  next,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the 


forenoon,  that  the  late  Burgesses  may  collect  their  sen- 
timents previous  to  the  meeting  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Williamsburg,  on  the  1st  day  of  August  next. 

William  Davis,  Clerk. 

As  late  Burgesses  {qt  Norfolk  County  and  Borough,  we 
heartily  concur  in  sentiments  with  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence, and  propose  to  attend  at  the  time  appointed. 

Thomas  Newton,  Jun., 
James  Holt, 
Joseph  Hutchings. 


MORRIS  COUNTY  (nEW-JERSEy)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  respectable  body  of  the  Freeholdei-s 
and  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Morris,  in  the  Province 
of  East  New-Jersey,  at  the  Court  House  in  Morristown, 
in  the  said  County,  on  Monday,  the  27th  June,  1774. 

Jacob  Ford,  Esquire,  Chairman. 

1st.  Resolved,  That  George  the  Third  is  lawful  and 
rightful  King  of  Great  Britain  and  all  other  his  Domin- 
ions and  countries,  and  that  as  part  of  his  Dominions  it  is 
our  duty  not  only  to  render  unto  him  true  faith  and  obedi- 
ence, but  also  with  our  lives  and  fortunes  to  support  and 
maintain  the  just  dependence  of  these  his  Colonies  upon 
the  Crown  of  Great  Britain. 

2d.  That  it  is  our  wish  and  desire,  and  we  esteem  it  our 
greatest  happiness  and  security  to  be  governed  by  the 
laws  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  we  will  always  cheerfully 
submit  to  them  as  far  as  can  be  done,  consistently  with 
the  constitutional  liberties  and  privileges  of  freeborn  £n- 
glishmen. 

3d.  That  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament  for  imposing  taxes 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  are 
oppressive  and  arbitrary,  calculated  to  disturb  the  minds 
and  alienate  the  affections  of  the  Colonists  from  the  mother 
country ;  are  replete  with  ruin  to  both,  and  consequently 
that  the  authors  and  promoters  of  said  Acts,  or  of  such 
doctrines  of  the  right  of  taxing  America  being  in  the  Par- 
liament of  Great  Britain,  are,  and  should  be  deemed 
enemies  to  our  King  and  happy  Constitution. 

4th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the  Act 
of  Parliament,  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  is 
unconstitutional,  injurious  in  its  principles  to  the  general 
cause  of  American  freedom,  particularly  oppressive  to  the 
inhabitants  of  that  town,  and  that,  therefore,  the  people  of 
Boston  are  considered  by  us  as  suffering  in  the  general 
cause  of  America. 

5th.  That  unanimity  and  firmness  in  the  Colonies  are 
the  most  effectual  means  to  relieve  our  suffering  brethren 
at  Boston,  to  avert  the  dangers  justly  to  be  apprehended 
from  that  alarming  Act,  commonly  styled  the  Boston  Port 
Bill,  and  to  secure  the  invaded  rights  and  privileges  of 
America. 

6th.  That  it  is  our  opinion,  that  an  agreement  between 
the  Colonies  not  to  purchase  or  use  any  articles  imported 
from  Great  Britain  or  from  the  East  Indies,  under  such 
restrictions  as  may  be  agreed  upon  by  the  general  Congress 
hereafter  to  be  appointed  by  the  Colonies,  would  be  of 
service  in  procuring  a  repeal  of  those  Acts. 

7th.  Tliat  we  will  most  cheerfully  join  our  brethren  of 
the  other  counties  in  this  Province,  in  promoting  an  union 
of  the  Colonies,  by  forming  a  general  Congress  of  Depu- 
ties to  be  sent  from  each  of  the  Colonies  ;  and  do  now 
declare  ourselves  ready  to  send  a  Committee  to  meet  with 
those  from  the  other  counties  at  such  time  and  place  as  by 
them  may  be  agreed  upon,  in  order  to  elect  proper  persons 
to  represent  this  Province  in  the  said  Congress. 

8th.  That  it  is  the  request  of  this  meeting  that  the 
County  Committees  when  met  for  the  purposes  aforesaid, 
do  take  into  their  serious  consideration  the  propriety  of 
setting  on  foot  a  subscription  for  the  benefit  of  the  sufferers 
at  Boston,  under  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  above  mentioned, 
and  the  money  arising  from  such  subscription  to  be  laid  out 
as  the  Committees  so  met  shall  think  will  best  answer  the 
ends  proposed. 

9th,  That  we  will  faithfully  adhere  to  such  regulations 
and  restrictions  as  shall  by  the  members  of  said  Congress 
be  agreed  upon,  and  judged  most  expedient  for  avoiding 
the  calamities,  and  procuring  the  benefits,  intended  in  the 
foregoing  resolves. 


4»3 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


454 


lOth.  It  is  our  request  that  the  Ccmmittee  hereafter 
named,  do  correspond  and  consult  witli  such  other  Com- 
mittees as  shall  be  appointed  by  the  other  counties  in  this 
Province,  and  particularly  that  they  meet  with  the  said 
County  Committee,  in  order  to  elect  and  appoint  Deputies 
to  represent  this  Province  in  a  general  Congress. 

11th.  We  do  hereby  desire  the  following  gentlemen  to 
accept  of  that  important  trust,  and  accordingly  do  appoint 
them  our  Committee  for  the  purposes  aforesaid  :  Jacob 
Ford,  William  Windes,  Abraham  Ogden,  William  De 
Hart,  Samuel  Tuthill,  Jonathan  Stiles,  John  Carle, 
Philip  V.  Cortland,  and  Samuel  Ogden,  Esquires. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK. 

Huntin^on,  (on  Long  Island,)  June  27,  1774. 

As  the  opinion  of  every  part  of  this  Colony  is  requisite 
to  form  a  general  idea  of  the  dispositions  of  the  people,  I 
think  it  of  some  advantage  to  the  cause,  that  the  earliest 
intelligence  should  be  communicated,  have  therefore  en- 
closed the  Resolves  of  this  town,  copied  verbatim  from  the 
original  now  in  my  hands,  signed  by  Mr.  Israel  Wood, 
President,  chosen  Moderator. 

The  profound  attention  of  the  people,  on  the  business 
of  the  day  being  opened,  and  the  unanimity  that  prevailed 
in  the  passing  of  these  Resolves,  indicate  a  serious  attach- 
ment to  the  cause,  and  a  firmness  of  resolution  to  sup- 
port it ;  for  I  am  credibly  informed  that  there  never  was 
so  numerous  a  meeting,  and  not  a  dissenting  voice  or  hand 
to  every  single  Resolve.  Tuesday  next  is  the  day  ap- 
pointed for  holding  a  General  Committee  of  the  county, 
at  the  County  Hall,  to  open  a  correspondence  with  the 
New-York  Committee,  &.c. 


HUNTINGTON,  (sUFFOLK  CO.,  NEW-YORk)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Town  Meeting,  on  the  21st  day  of  June, 
1774,  the  Inhabitants  of  Huntington  came  into  the  follow- 
ing Resolutions : 

1st.  That  every  freeman's  property  is  absolutely  his  own, 
and  that  no  man  has  a  right  to  take  it  from  him  without 
his  consent,  expressed  either  by  himself  or  his  Representa- 
tive. 

2d.  That,  therefore,  all  taxes  and  duties  imposed  on 
liis  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  American  Colonies  by  the 
authority  of  Parliament,  are  wholly  unconstitutional,  and 
a  plain  violation  of  the  most  essential  rights  of  British 
subjects. 

3d.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  lately  passed  for  shut- 
ting up  the  port  of  Boston,  or  any  other  means  or  device, 
under  colour  or  pretext  of  law,  to  compel  them,  or  any 
other  of  his  Majesty's  American  subjects,  to  submit  to 
Parliamentary  taxations,  are  subversive  of  their  just  and 
constitutional  liberty. 

4th.  That  we  are  of  opinion  that  our  brethren  of  Boston 
I     are    now    suffering   in    the  common    cause  of    British 
America. 

5th.  That,  therefore,  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  all 
the  Colonies  upon  this  Continent  to  unite  in  some  effectual 
measures  for  the  repeal  of  the  said  Act  for  shutting  up  the 
port  of  Boston,  and  every  other  Act  of  Parliament  whereby 
they  are  taxed  for  raising  a  revenue. 

6th.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  the  most 
effectual  means  for  obtaining  a  speedy  repeal  of  the  said 
Acts  will  be  to  bieak  off  all  commercial  intercourse  with 
Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  English  West  India 
Colonies. 

7th.  And  we  hereby  declare  ourselves  ready  to  enter 
into  tliese  or  such  other  measures  as  shall  be  agreed 
upon  by  a  general  Congress  of  all  the  Colonies;  and  we  do 
recommend  to  the  general  Congress  to  take  such  measures 
as  shall  be  most  effectual  to  prevent  such  goods  as  are  at 
present  in  America,  from  being  raised  to  an  extravagant 
price. 

And,  lastly,  We  do  choose  and  appoint  Colonel  Piatt 
(Jonkling,  John  Sloss  Hobart,  P>sq.,  and  Mr.  Thomas 
Wiclces,^{or  a  Committee  for  this  town,  to  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Committees  of  the  other  towns  in  the  county 
a.s  a  General  Committee  for  the  county,  to  correspond  with 
he  Committee  of  New-York.         Signed, 

Israel  Wood,  President. 


EXTRACT    of  A  LETTER  FROM  CAPTAIN    JOHN  CONOLLY  TO 
A  GENTLEMAN  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 

Fort  Pitt,  June  27.  1774.  '' 
The  inhabitants  in  general  are  fled  from  this  place,  and 
the  country  is  in  great  confusion.  I  understand  a  party  of 
Shatvanese  warriors  were  about  to  set  out  to  annoy  our 
settlements  towards  Red  Stone,  and  I  have  detached  one 
hundred  active  militia,  under  the  command  of  good  officers, 
to  fall  in  with  them  if  possible,  and  expect  to  hear  of  a 
skirmish  between  them  every  hour.  1  have  sent  down 
the  appraisment  of  the  King's  boats,  which  I  was  obliged 
to  tear  up  in  the  hurry  to  lash  the  pickets.  You  will 
observe  the  necessity  of  keeping  some  of  the  Royal  Irish 
here,  in  order  to  protect  so  valuable  a  part  of  his  Majesty's 
property. 


PENNSYLVANIA   COUNCIL 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Monday,  27th 
of  June,  1774, 

Present :  The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Govern- 
our,  William  Logan,  James  Tilghman,  Richard  Peters, 
Andrew  Allen,  Benjamin  Chew,  Edward  Shippen,  Jun., 
Thomas   Cadwallader,  Esquires. 

The  Govemour  laid  before  the  Board  several  Letters  he 
received  by  different  expresses  from  Westmoreland,  all  in- 
forming him  of  sundry  murders  committed  on  the  frontiers 
of  this  Province  by  the  Indians,  and  representing  the  great 
distress  and  confusion  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country 
from  the  apprehensions  of  an  Indian  war ;  which  being  read 
and  duly  considered,  it  was  the  opinion  and  advice  of  the 
Board,  that  writs  be  issued  for  convening  the  Assembly  on 
the  18th  July  next,  which  was  done  accordingly. 

That  a  letter  be  wrote  by  the  Govemour  to  Sir  William 
Johnson,  acquainting  him  with  the  intelligence  received  of 
these  hostile  transactions  and  troubles,  and  to  request  his  in- 
terposition with  the  Six  Nations  to  use  their  influence  and 
endeavours  with  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares  to  prevent 
fi^rther  hostilities  on  their  part,  and  to  assure  them  of  the 
sincere  intentions  of  this  Government  to  continue  their 
pacific  dispositions  towards  all  our  Indian  brethren.  That 
a  Letter  be  wrote  to  Lord  Dunmore,  on  this  subject,  to  com- 
])lain  of  Dr.  Conolly's  oppressive  and  tyrannical  conduct  at 
Pittsburgh,  and  the  dangerous  tendency  his  military  opera- 
tions, &c.,  have  to  involve  the  Colonies  in  a  general  Indian 
war.  That  a  letter  be  wrote  to  Captain  St.  Clair,  advising 
him  of  the  above  measures ;  that  the  Govemour  approves 
of  what  has  been  done  by  him,  and  the  inhabitants,  for 
preventing  the  desertion  of  the  people,  and  requesting  him 
to  use  his  endeavours  to  encourage  the  people  to  stand  their 
ground  ;  and  Mr.  Tilghman,  Mr.  Allen,  and  Mr.  Shippen, 
are  appointed  a  Committee  to  prepare  draughts  of  the  said 
letter. 

It  appearing,  by  the  letters  received,  that  the  people  in 
Westmoreland  were  in  great  necessity  of  ammunition,  the 
Board  advised  the  Govemour  to  order  a  further  supply  im- 
mediately to  be  sent  to  them. 

Mr.  Tilghman  and  Mr.  Allen  laid  before  the  Board  a 
Report  of  their  proceedings  in  Virginia,  pursuant  to  the 
commission  and  instructions  of  the  7th  of  May  last,  given 
to  them  to  treat  with  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Govemour  of 
that  Province,  concerning  the  several  matters  therein  con- 
tained, together  with  copies  of  their  several  letters  to  his 
Lordship,  and  his  original  letters  to  them,  which  passed  in 
the  course  of  their  negotiation  at  Williamsburg ;  all  which 
were  ordered  to  be  entered  on  the  minutes  of  Council,  and 
follow  in  these  words,  viz  : 

The  Report  of  James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen, 
Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Honourable  John  Penn, 
Esquire,  Govemour  of  Pennsylvania,  to  treat  with  the 
Rioht  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Govemour  of 
Virginia,  on  sundry  public  matters  mentioned  ni  the 
couimision,  and  the  Governour's  instmctions,  bearmg 
equal  date  therewith. 

May  it  please  your  Honour  :  In  pursuance  of  your 
Honour's  commission,  and  your  instructions  attendmg  it, 
we  sat  out  on  our  journey  on  Thursday  the  12th  o(  i«ay, 
1774,  and  on  Thursday,  the  19th,  we  arrived  ar  Williams- 


455 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


456 


burg  and  went  to  Lord  liunmore's.  He  was  not  then  at 
home.  We  waited  on  him  next  morning  to  pay  our  res- 
pects, and  to  know  when  it  would  be  agreeable  to  him  to 
have  our  business  laid  before  him.  Saturday  morning  at 
ten  o'clock  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  him  on  the  occasion. 
We  met  him  at  his  house,  and  infonned  him  our  business 
was  to  apply  to  him  to  pm  the  Proprietaries  of  Fcnnsyl- 
vania  in  a  petition  to  the  Crown  to  appoint  Commissioners 
io  settle  and  run  the  lines  of  Pennsyhania  to  the  westward, 
and  in  the  mean  time  to  agree  with  his  Lordship  upon 
some  line  of  jurisdiction  to  remedy  the  inconveniences  of 
the  present  clasliing  jurisdictions  between  Virginia  and 
Peunsyhania,  and  to  prevent  them  for  the  future.  To  the 
first  he  readily  agreed,  and  said  he  had  already  written  to 
Lord  Dartmouth  on  the  subject,  pointing  out  the  necessity 
<of  setthng  the  boundaries,  but  he  informed  us  that  the 
Colony  o(  Virginia  would  not  bear  any  part  of  the  ex- 

fiense.  As  to  the  other  point.,  his  Lordsiiip  answered  that 
le  should  be  glad  if  our  propositions,  relating  to  a  line  of 
jurisdiction,  were  stated  in  writing,  that  he  might  be  the 
better  able  to  consider  them  and  give  us  an  answer,  and 
desired  to  have  a  sight  of  any  draughts  or  papers  we  had 
which  might  illustrate  the  matter.  This  request  we  prom- 
ised to  comply  with  as  soon  as  possible,  and  on  Monday 
the  23d,  at  ten  o'clock,  we  sent  our  written  proposals, 
ropies  of  wliieh,  and  of  the  several  other  lettei"s  which 
passed  from  us  to  Lord  Difnmore  in  the  course  of  the  ne- 
gotiation, as  also  his  original  letters  to  us,  are  hereunto 
annexed,  nnmbered  in  proper  order,  and  to  which  we  beg 
leave  to  refer,  afld  request  that  they  may  be  taken  as  part 
of  our  Report. 

We  have  the  honour  to  he,  with  great   regard,  your 
Honour's  most  obedient  humble  servants, 

James  Tilghman, 
Andrew  Allen. 
To  the  Honourable  John  Fenn,  Esq, 
Philadelphia,  June  17,  1774. 


JAMES  TILGHMAN  AND  ANDREW  ALLEN  TO  LORD  DUNMORE, 

No.  I. 

Williamsburg,  May  23,  1774.  " 

My  Lord  :  In  compliance  with  your  I^ordship's  request 
we  are  now  to  state  in  writing  our  proposal  of  a  line  or 
lines,  to  ascertain,  for  the  present,  the  jurisdictions  of  the 
Colonies  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania.  And  we  would 
beg  leave  first  to  observe,  that  by  the  terms  of  the  Royal 
grant,  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  is  to  extend  five  de- 
grees of  longitude  from  its  eastern  boundaries,  which  are 
the  river  Delaware  and  the  twelve  mile  circle  of  New- 
castle. And  we  do  presume,  that  all  the  settlements  to 
the  westward,  under  grants  from  Pennsylvania,  are  witliin 
that  extent.  But  in  order  to  ascertain  that  matter,  and  to 
prevent  for  the  future  such  disagreeable  ditferences  and 
disquiets  as  have  of  late  unhappily  subsisted  between  those 
Colonies  by  the  clashing  of  their  jurisdictions,  we  would 
propose  that  as  accurate  a  survey  as  may  serve  the  present 
purpose,  be,  with  all  convenient  speed,  taken  by  Surveyors 
to  be  ajjpointed  by  the  Governments  of  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania,  of  the  courses  of  the  river  Delaware,  from 
the  mouth  of  Christina  Creek,  or  near  it,  where  the  line 
run  between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  by  Messi-s. 
Mason  and  Divon,  intersects  the  said  river,  to  that  part  of 
the  said  river  which  lies  in  the  latitude  of  Fort  Pitt,  and 
as  much  further  as  may  be  needful  for  the  present  purpose. 
That  the  line  of  Dixon  and  Mason  be  continued  to  the  end 
of  five  degrees  of  longitude  from  the  river  Delaware,  and 
from  the  end  of  the  said  five  degrees,  a  line  or  lines  cor- 
responding to  the  courses  of  the  Delaware,  be  run  to  the 
river  Ohio,  as  nearly  as  may  be,  at  the  distance  of  five 
degrees  from  the  said  river  Deloivarc  in  every  part.  And 
that  the  said  line  of  Dixon  and  Mason,  continued  from 
the  western  extent  of  Maryland  to  the  end  of  five  degrees 
of  longitude  from  the  Delaware  and  the  said  line  or  lines, 
similar  to  the  courses  of  the  Delaware,  he  taken,  deemed 
and  reputed  to  be  lines  of  jurisdiction  between  the  Colo- 
nies of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  until  the  boundaries  of 
Pennsylvania  can  be  settled,  and  nm,  and  marked  by  Koyal 
authority ;  for  which  purpose  your  Ijordship  has  been 
pleased  to  consent  to  a  joint  application  with  the  Proprie- 
taries of  Pennsylvania  to  the  Crown.     That  these  lines  of 


jurisdiction  shall  be  established  for  the  good  purpose  only 
of  quieting  the  disturbances  which  at  present  subsist  be- 
tween the  two  Colonies,  without  any  prejudice  to  the 
Crown,  or  the  Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania,  to  the  south- 
ward of  the  said  line  of  Dixon  and  Mason,  continued  as 
far  as  the  fortieth  degree  of  north  latitude,  (all  which  land 
the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  claim,)  until  the  limits 
of  Pennsylvania  can  be  finally  settled  as  aforesaid. 

And  we  would  further  propose  to  your  Lordship,  that 
until  the  said  lines  of  jurisdiction  can  be  run,  the  juris- 
diction of  Virginia  be  suspended  at  Fort  Pitt  and  the 
country  thereabouts,  as  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania  was 
unquestionably  first  extended  and  executed  in  that  part  of 
the  country,  as  we  think  we  can  clearly  satisfy  your 
Lordship. 

If  these  proposals,  or  the  maps  we  send  with  them, 
should  not  be  sufficiently  clear  and  explicit,  we  shall  be 
ready  at  any  time  to  attend  your  Lordship  in  order  to 
explain. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be  your  Lordship's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servants,  James  Tilghman, 

Andrew  Allen. 
To  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Dun- 
more,  Governour  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Colony 
and  Dominion  of  Virginia. 


LORD  DUNMORE  TO  JAMES  TILGHMAN  AND  ANDREW  ALLEN. 
No.  2. 

Williamsburg,  24th  May,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Having  considered  your  proposals  of  a 
boundary  line  or  lines,  to  ascertain,  lor  the  present,  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Colonies  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  terms  of  the  Royal  grant,  1  am  of  opinion  that  the 
latter  cannot  admit  of  the  construction  which  you  give  to 
tliem,  or  that  it  could  possibly  be  the  intent  of  the  Crown 
that  the  western  bounds  of  your  Province  should  have  the 
very  inconvenient,  and  so  difficult  to  be  ascertained  shape, 
as  it  would  have,  if,  as  you  say,  it  were  to  correspond  with 
the  course  of  the  river  Delaware  ;  but  I  think,  from  the 
words  of  the  grant,  rather  that  your  western  boundary 
should  be  determined  by  a  meridian  line  at  five  degrees  of 
longitude  from  the  river  Delaware,  to  be  computed  from 
that  point  upon  it  which  is  at  the  extent  of  the  forty-second 
degree  of  latitude  and  the  line  drawn  from  that  point  to  the 
aforesaid  meridian,  is  your  north  bounds ;  and  your  south 
bounds  should  be  a  straight  line  westward  from  the  circle 
drawn  at  twelve  miles  distance  from  New- Castle,  northward 
and  westward  unto  the  beginning  of  the  fortieth  degree 
of  latitude,  until  that  straight  line  westward  intersect  the 
meridian  above  mentioned,  which  is  the  limits  of  longitude 
mentioned  in  the  Royal  grant,  and  no  other,  as  it  appears 
to  me. 

Conformably  to  this,  I  am  willing  to  agree  to  a  tempo- 
rary line,  that  may  serve  to  ascertain  the  jurisdiction  of 
both  Colonies,  and  quiet  the  disturbances  which  subsist, 
and  prevent  them  in  future  ;  but  if  you  are  already  deter- 
mined not  to  depart  from  the  proposals  now  given  in  to  me, 
I  must  inform  you  that  it  will  be  in  vain  to  treat  any  fur- 
ther upon  the  subject,  as  it  would  be  utterly  impossible  for 
me,  in  compliance  with  my  duty,  to  suspend  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Virginia  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  the  country  tiiereabouts, 
which  you  make  yourselves,  following  your  own  construc- 
tion of  the  Royai  grant,  to  be  only  five  or  six  miles  within 
your  limits  ;  and  if  that  should  not,  but  the  other  which  I 
have  given,  be  the  true  construction,  then  Fort  Pitt,  by 
the  river  Delaware  running  very  much  eastwardly  towards 
your  northern  bounds,  will  probably  be  at  least  fifty  miles 
without  your  limits,  wliich  would  be  a  concession,  1  really 
tliink,  too  great  for  me  to  make,  whether  it  be  or  not  for 
you  to  ask. 

I  must  also  inform  you,  that  I  am  clearly  of  opinion, 
that  were  it  possible  I  could  admit  your  own  construction 
of  the  Royal  grant,  and  your  own  surveys  and  observa- 
tions, your  ascertaining  your  claim  under  the  former  has 
been  done  too  late,  and  your  asceitaining  your  boundary 
by  the  latter  has  consequently  been  to  no  purpose  ;  for  if 
the  lands  described  by  the  Royal  grant,  at  the  time  of  the 
grant  being  passed,  were  clearly  within  the  undoubted  limits 
of  his  Majesty's  Dominions,  which  is  also  a  question,  yet 
still  Fort  Pitt,  and  the  country  thereabouts,  for  want  of  tiie 


457 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


458 


Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  supporting  tlieir  claim,  and 
ascertaining  their  boundary  in  due  time,  was  suffered  to  be 
claimed  and  possessed  by  an  enemy,  from  whom  it  was 
conquered  by  his  Majesty's  arms,  and  by  whom  it  was 
confirmed  to  his  Majesty  in  a  treaty  ;  consequently,  there- 
fore, no  legal  title,  as  it  appears  to  me,  can  be  set  up  to 
any  of  that  territory,  but  under  a  grant  of  the  Crown,  sub- 
sequent to  such  possession,  conquest,  &,c. 

As  to  your  idea  of  tlie  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania 
having  been  fii-st  extended  and  exercised  in  that  part  of 
the  country :  it  was  indeed  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania 
having  been  extended  and  exercised,  not  only  there  where 
you  have  extended  your  claims,  but  even  to  a  hundred  miles 
beyond  any  that  you  have  yet  pretended  to,  that  has  given 
occasion  to  the  inhabitants  over  whom  your  jurisdiction 
was  exercised,  and  who  think  themselves,  according  to  the 
general  sense  of  Virginia,  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  only 
of  the  latter,  to  apply  to  this  Government  for  protection 
and  redress,  which  this  Government,  in  duty,  could  not 
refuse  them,  as  far  as  its  legal  powers  extend.  But  I  am 
so  far  from  thinking,  as  you  suggest,  that  the  jurisdiction 
of  Pennsylvania  having  been  first  extended  and  exercised 
in  that  country,  is  a  reason  that  should  induce  the  Govern- 
ment of  Virginia  to  suspend  its  jurisdiction  there,  that  in 
my  opinion  the  latter  is  entitled  to  some  apology  from  the 
former  for  attempting  a  measure  without  the  participation 
that  ought  to  have  the  sanction  of  both,  as  his  Majesty  had 
not  given  his  to  it. 

I  mention  not  these  circumstances  for  the  purpose  of 
engaging  in  a  dispute  with  the  Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania, 
or  of  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  an  accommodation 
which  I  am  sensible  it  is  the  interest  of  both  Colonies,  and 
the  duty  of  the  Governours  of  them,  to  facilitate ;  but  with 
the  design  of  making  it  appear  that  I  have  not,  upon  very 
slight  grounds,  rejected  proposals  for  settling  the  disputes 
and  differences  subsisting  between  the  two  Colonies,  and 
which  require  no  less  than  that  every  thing  which  is  con- 
tended for  (depending  on  such  a  variety  of  contingencies) 
on  the  part  of  Pennsylvania,  should  be  given  up  on  the 
part  of  Virginia  immediately. 

I  cannot  but  think  that  you  entertain  an  erroneous  opinion 
of  the  boundaries  of  your  Province,  as  described  in  the 
Royal  grants,  but  even  if  not,  that  your  proposals  are  un- 
reasonable, and  that  the  sincerity  of  your  desire  to  settle 
all  disputes  between  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  would 
appear  less  doubtful,  if  you  had  observed  in  your  proposals 
an  equitable  regard  to  the  pretensions  of  this  Government, 
especially  as  nothing  thereby  can  prejudice  the  legal  title  of 
your  Government :  therefore,  unless  you  are  authorized  to 
agree  to  a  plan  that  favours  as  much  the  sentiments  of  this, 
as  of  your  own  Government,  I  see  no  accommodation  that 
can  be  entered  into  previous  to  his  Majesty's  decision,  which 
I  shall  not  fail  to  join  my  application  for  the  obtaining  as 
soon  as  possible. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

DuNMORE. 

Jamet  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,  Esquires. 


JAMES  TILGHMAN  AND  ANDREW  ALLEN  TO  LORD  DUNMORE. 

No.  3. 

Williamsburg,  May  25,  1774. 
Mv  Lord  :  We  are  honoured  with  your  Lordship's  an- 
swer of  yesterday,  to  our  proposals  of  a  boundary  line  or 
lines,  to  ascertain,  for  the  present,  tlie  jurisdiction  between 
the  Colonies  of  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  to  which  your 
Lordsl)ip  will  be  ])lcased  to  indulge  us  in  a  reply  which  we 
are  induced  to  make,  from  a  persuasion  that  if  we  can  be 
so  happy  as  to  support  the  principles  upon  which  we 
founded  our  proposals,  or  to  point  out  just  objections  to 
your  [jordsliip's  reasoning,  we  may  still  come  to  such  an 
understanding  as  may  answer  the  good  purposes  for  which 
we  waited  on  your  Lordship.  We  tliought  the  western 
boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  when  clearly  understood,  ought 
to  be  one  of  the  lines  of  jurisdiction.  Your  Lordship  is 
of  ihe  same  sentiment,  by  offering  to  make  what  you  con- 
ceive to  be  our  western  bounds,  tlic  lino  of  jurisdiction,  but 
you  are  pleased  to  differ  with  us  in  the  construction  of  the 
grant.  If  we  have  a  just  apprehension  of  your  Lordship's 
meaning,  you  suppose  that  a  meridian  line  drawn  from  the 
end  of  five  degrees  of  longitude  from  Delaware,  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  forty-third  degree  of  latitude,  ought  to  deter- 


mine the  western  boundary  of  Pennsylvania.  We  are  at 
a  loss  to  conceive  from  what  expression  of  the  Charter  your 
Lordship  can  collect  that  the  western  boundary  of  Penn- 
sylvania should  be  a  meridian  line,  or  why  that  meridian 
should  be  drawn  rather  from  the  north  than  the  south  boun- 
dary of  the  Province.  The  Charter  expresses  that  the 
Province  shall  extend  five  degrees  of  longitude  from  its 
eastern  boundary.  The  eastern  boundary-  is  the  Delaware 
in  general ;  but  if  the  western  bounds  are  to  be  determined 
by  a  meridian  line,  the  Province  will  extend  in  some  parts 
more,  and  in  others  less  than  five  degrees  of  longitude  from 
its  eastern  boundary.  This  we  conceive  to  be  against  the 
tenns  of  the  grant,  which  we  are  of  opinion  cannot  be 
satisfied  by  any  other  than  a  line  or  lines  corresponding 
with  the  courses  of  the  Delaivare,  and  this  is  the  only  con- 
stniction  we  have  ever  heard  made  of  that  part  of  the 
Charter. 

Your  Lordship,  after  expressing  a  doubt,  whether  that 
part  of  tiie  country  now  in  dispute  was  within  the  King  of 
England's  Dominions,  at  the  time  of  making  the  Pennsyl- 
vania grant,  is  pleased  to  contend  "  That,  though  it  were 
"  possible  for  you  to  admit  our  construction  of  the  Royal 
"  grant  we  contend  for,  should  be  within  the  limits  of 
"  Pennsylvania,  according  to  such  construction,  yet  Fort 
"  Pitt,  and  the  country  thereabouts,  for  want  of  the  Pro- 
"  prietors  of  Pennsylvania  supporting  their  claim,  and  as- 
"  certaining  their  boundaries  in  due  time,  was  suffered  to  be 
"  claimed  and  possessed  by  an  enemy,  from  whom  it  was 
"  conquered  by  his  Majesty's  amis,  and  by  whom  it  was 
"  confirmed  to  his  Majesty,  in  a  treaty,  and  consequently, 
"  that  no  legal  title  can  be  set  up  to  any  of  that  territory, 
"  but  under  the  grant  of  the  Crown,  subsequent  to  such 
"  possession,  conquest,  &c." 

Not  to  enter  in  a  discussion  of  the  facts  of  claim  and  pos- 
session by  an  enemy,  and  conquest  by  his  Majesty's  arms, 
and  the  enemy's  confirmation,  or  the  effect  of  them  upon 
the  right  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  which  we  think  needless, 
we  shall  only  observe,  that  your  Lordship's  argument  mili- 
tates equally  against  Virginia,  as  against  Pennsylvania, 
since  there  has  been  no  new  grant  that  we  know  of  subse- 
quent to  such  possession,  conquest,  &.C. ;  and  that  therefore, 
in  our  opinion,  your  Lordship  ought  not  upon  your  own 
principles,  to  have  extended  the  jurisdiction  of  Virginia 
to  Fort  Pitt,  and  the  country  thereabouts.  Your  Lord- 
ship seems  to  allow  that  there  was  a  prior  exercise  of  juris- 
diction on  the  side  of  Pennsylvania,  and  you  urge  this  as 
a  reason  of  your  interposition,  and  are  pleased  to  think  that 
Virginia  is  entitled  to  an  apology  from  the  Government 
oi  Pennsylvania,  for  thus  exercising  a  jurisdiction,  without 
the  sanction  of  the  Crown's  participation.  Were  it  un- 
deniably true,  that  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  had 
knowingly  extended  their  jurisdiction  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  Charter,  we  should  be  far  from  vindicating  such  a  con- 
duct. And  we  are  certain,  that  if  any  of  our  officers  have 
acted  officially,  beyond  the  known  limits  of  the  Province, 
they  will  be  censured,  rather  than  supported,  by  the  Gov- 
ernment. But,  assured  as  we  arc,  that  Fort  Pitt  must 
be  within  our  Charter  limits,  we  cannot  be  induced  to  think 
that  our  Government  were  improper  in  exercising  their  ju- 
risdiction there  ;  and  we  are  inclined  to  be  of  opinion,  that 
if  your  Lordship,  when  an  application  was  first  made  to 
you,  to  take  that  place  under  the  Government  of  Virginia, 
had  thought  fit  to  have  given  the  least  intimation  of  your 
designs  to  the  Governour  of  Pennsylvania,  much  of  the 
disagreeable  consequence  which  has  followed,  would  prob- 
ably have  been  prevented. 

We  are  really  concerned,  to  find  that  our  conceptions  of 
the  extent  of  Pennsylvania  are  so  very  different,  but  we 
are  not  without  hope,  that  your  Lordship  will,  upon  recon- 
sidering tiie  subject,  be  of  opinion  that  your  construction  is 
liable  to  the  objections  we  have  made.  And,  although  we 
are  satisfied  that  we  shall  be  supported  in  ours,  yet  we  are 
not  so  tenacious  of  our  first  proposals,  as  to  adhere  strictly 
to  them,  while  we  have  any  hopes  that  a  reasonable 
departure  from  them  will  produce  so  desirable  an  effect  as 
the  settlement  of  harmony  and  peace  between  the  two 
Colonies.  And  for  that  valuable  purpose,  we  shall  be 
willintr  to  recede  so  far  from  our  Charter  bounds,  as  to  make 
the  river  Mononcrahela ,  from  the  line  of  Dixon  and  Mason 
do.\nward,  the  "western  boundary  of  jurisdiction,  which 
would  at  once  settle  our  present  disputes,  without  the  great 
trouble  and  expense  of  ronning  lines,  or  the  inconvenience 


459 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


460 


of  keepinj^  the  jurisdictions  in  suspense.  This  we  assure 
your  Lordship,  is  tlie  farthest  we  can  go  in  point  of  conces- 
sion, and  if  your  Lordship  is  determined  to  adhere  to  your 
proposal  of  a  meridian  line,  or  indeed  to  insist  upon  retain- 
ing the  jurisdiction  of  Fort  Pitt,  or  the  lands  to  the  east- 
ward of  the  Monongahela,  we  can  treat  no  farther.  But, 
we  cannot  quit  the  subject,  without  expressing  our  concern 
that  your  Lordship  should  entertain  a  doubt  of  the  sincerity 
of  our  desire  to  settle  all  disputes  between  Virginia  and 
Pennsylvania,  as  we  are  not  conscious  of  having  done  any 
thing  that  could  give  your  Lordship  so  unfavourable  an  im- 
pression. And  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Ijordship, 
that  nothing  less  than  a  most  sincere  wish  and  desire  to 
restore  peace  and  harmony,  and  to  settle  our  disputes,  with 
a  due  regard  to  the  just  pretensions  of  both  Colonies,  could 
have  actuated  our  Government  to  send  us  hither,  or  could 
have  induced  us  to  undertake  a  journey  of  such  length, 
and  so  very  inconvenient  to  us.  We  think  the  proposals 
we  have  made,  contain  the  most  reasonable  concessions, 
and  it  will  give  us  real  concern,  should  your  Lordship's 
ideas  be  so  different  from  ours,  that  the  desired  accommo- 
dation cannot  be  effected.  We  thank  your  Lordship  for 
your  ready  consent  to  join  our  Proprietors  in  an  application 
to  the  Crown  to  settle  our  bounds,  and  have  the  honour  to 
be,  with  great  regard,  your  Lordship's  most  obedient,  and 
most  humble  servants,  James  Tilghman, 

Andrew  Allen. 
His  Excellency  Lord  Dunmore. 


LORD  DCNMORE  TO  JAMES  TILGHMAN  AND  ANDREW  ALLEN. 

No.  4. 

Williamsburg,  May  26,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  I  perceive  you  have  fallen  Into  the  errour, 
that  from  my  having  alleged  the  reasons  which  induced 
me  to  think  your  first  proposal  improper  for  me  to  comply 
with,  I  would  enter  into  a  discussion  at  length,  of  all  the 
points  of  the  claim  of  the  Proprietors  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  I  must  assure  you,  was  in  no  wise  my  design,  nor 
can  I  by  any  means  consent  to.  I  must,  nevertheless,  re- 
peat here,  that  I  think,  from  the  words  of  your  grant,  that 
a  meridian  line,  (which  is  sufficiently  described  in  my 
answer  to  your  first  proposal,)  is  the  line  tiiat  should  deter- 
mine your  western  boundary  ;  and  the  reason  very  plain, 
that  this  meridian  should  be  drawn  rather  from  the  north, 
than  the  south,  because  the  grant  directs  that  the  survey 
shall  begin  at  a  point  on  the  south  part  of  the  boundary, 
and  proceed  northward,  as  far  as  three  and  forty  degrees  of 
latitude,  and  it  being  usual,  in  like  cases,  always  to  proceed, 
consequently  from  thence,  extend  five  degrees  of  longitude  ; 
and  not  return  to  the  south  point  to  draw  it  from  thence, 
which  cannot  any  way  be  inferred,  no  more  than  it  can  be 
supposed  that  it  was  inconsiderately  intended  the  grant 
sliould  extend  five  degrees  of  longitude  from  every  part  of 
the  river  Delaware,  which  would  make  a  line  so  difficult 
if  not  impossible  to  trace  upon  the  land. 

That  you  should  think  the  circumstances,  which  1  cannot 
but  be  of  opinion,  must  render  the  parchment  boundary  of 
Pcnnsyloania,  whatever  it  were,  insufficient  now  to  deter- 
mine the  limits  of  the  Province,  needless  to  be  considered, 
is  a  point  which  must  be  perfectly  indifferent  to  me,  for 
the  reason  I  have  given  in  the  first  part  of  tiiis  letter ;  but 
your  idea  is  a  mistaken  one,  but  leads  you  to  conclude  that 
the  same  circumstances  militate  equally  against  Virginia, 
as  against  Pennsylvania  ;  there  being  no  less  important  a 
difference  than  that  the  one  acts  for  the  King,  and  the 
other  against  him.  The  jurisdiction  of  Virginia  cannot  be 
exercised  over  any  country,  but  for  the  immediate  benefit, 
as  well  as  interest  of  his  )\Iajesty,  to  whom  that  jurisdiction 
secures  the  quitrents,  and  every  advantage  whicli  his 
Majesty  had  proposed  to  draw  from  the  granting  of  his  un- 
appropriated lands,  but  which,  1  presume,  is  not  meant  to  be 
uri'cd  in  vindication  of  the  encroachments  of  Pennsylvania. 
But  in  the  present  instance,  however,  Virginia  has  inter- 
fered only,  as  you  know  before,  in  compliance  with  the 
request  and  formal  petition  of  a  numerous  body  of  inhabit- 
ants, who,  thinking  themselves,  from  the  general  opinion, 
setded  within  the  Hmils  of  this  Government,  applied  to  the 
authority  thereof,  to  be  protected  againn  the  usurped  juris- 
diction of  Pennsylvania,  which  Virginia  did  not  think 
itself  at  liberty  to  refuse  but  which  it  granted,  nevertheless 


without  the  least  design  of  refusing  obedience  to  whatever 
decision  his  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  make  thereupon, 
the  tenor  of  which  attempt,  proceeding  and  determination, 
make  another  essential  consideration,  and  which  renders,  I 
am  inclined  to  believe,  the  case  of  Virginia  in  this  dispute, 
impossible  to  be  assimilated,  as  you  would  endeavour,  to 
that  oi  Pennsylvania. 

Your  interpretation  of  my  first  letter,  to  infer  I  have 
allowed  there  was  a  prior  exercise  of  jurisdiction  on  the 
side  of  Pennsylvania,  obliges  me  to  recall  to  your  view,  the 
transaction  in  Governour  Dinwiddie's  time,  and  to  inform 
you,  if  you  are  ignorant  of  it,  of  a  requisition  from  General 
Gage  to  this  Colony,  as  that  to  which,  by  the  public 
opinion,  the  territory  belonged,  to  appoint  a  Magistrate  at 
Fort  Pitt,  where  there  then  was  none,  and  which  Magis- 
trate was  accordingly  appointed,  which,  while  it  proves 
the  prior  exercise  of  jurisdiction  to  have  been,  not  on  the 
side  of  Pennsylvania,  but  on  that  of  Virginia,  as  these 
were  acts  of  public  notoriety,  and  undertaken  under  the 
authority  of  public  exigence  ;  they  prove  also,  still  more 
the  impropriety  of  Pemisylvania's  having  exercised  their 
jurisdiction  at  all,  in  tliat  district,  without  other  authority 
than  their  own  opinion,  and  motive  than  their  private  ad- 
vantage, and  the  title  still  stronger  of  this  Government  to 
an  apology  for  it. 

You  proceed  to  intimate  that  you  are  certain  if  any  of 
your  officers  have  acted  officially  beyond  the  known  limits 
of  the  Province,  they  will  be  censured,  rather  than  sup- 
ported ;  I  really  think  I  shall  be  justified  in  questioning 
this  assertion  ;  for,  although  much  pains,  as  is  pretended, 
have  been  taken  to  ascertain  your  boundary,  it  would  seem 
very  strange,  I  think  impossible,  that  even  this  very  bound- 
ary is  immediately  unknowingly  exceeded,  I  am  warranted 
to  say,  by  near  a  hundred  miles,  and  yet,  I  have  not  heard 
of  the  dispensation,  even  of  that  gentle  punishment  you 
mention,  though  we  know  of  one  of  your  officers  being  sup- 
ported and  justified,  in  terms  not  very  decent,  in  a  violent 
act,  that  has  been  the  cause  of  whatever  disturbances  or 
disputes  subsist  between  the  two  Colonies.  Nor  can  I 
think,  that  if  I  had,  upon  application  first  made  to  me  to 
take  the  country  in  dispute,  under  the  Government  of  Vir- 
ginia, intimated  my  design  to  the  Governour  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, (which  I  ratlier  believe  you  mention  by  way  of  ror 
crimination)  it  would  have  had  the  effect  you  say,  for  there 
is  surely  as  great  a  necessity  for  preventing  all  disagreeable 
consequences  now,  as  there  was  then,  and  the  pretensions 
of  both  parties  were,  I  suppose,  the  same  then,  as  now. 
And  what  were  your  proposals  to  reconcile  them  ?  Why 
in  your  first  you  propose  that  every  thing  in  dispute  shall 
be  given  up  to  Pennsylvania.  And  in  your  second,  that 
Virginia  shall  be  content,  without  having  any  thing  given 
up  to  it — at  least,  1  can  find  nothing  given  up  by  your 
proposal  of  the  Monongahela,  &ic.  What  else  therefore, 
can  I  conclude  from  both  the  proposals,  but  that  no  real 
intention  is  meant  to  avoid  the  great  and  reciprocal  incon- 
veniences of  a  doubtful  boundary,  which  otherwise  would, 
I  conceive,  as  it  was  not  intended  to  be  final,  have  been  in 
a  manner  that  could  justify  this  Government,  hi  general 
with  the  people,  for  any  departure  from  the  conceived 
opinion  of  the  limits  of  the  Colony  ;  and  myself,  in  particu- 
lar with  his  Majesty,  for  entering  into  any  agreement  that 
mav  eventually  affect  his  right. 

I  join  with  you  in  concern  that  we  should  differ  so 
widely  in  conception  of  the  extent  of  Pennsylvania,  as  it 
affects  Virginia,  but  must  confess  that  your  objections 
have  not  altered  my  opinion  of  the  construction  of  your 
grant,  notwithstanding  you  are  so  confident  of  being  sup- 
ported in  yours.  However,  I  am  less  anxious  about  the 
issue  of  these  different  opinions,  than  I  am  about  the  effects 
of  them,  in  the  mean  time.  Your  proposals  amounting  in 
reality  to  nothing,  could  not  possibly  be  complied  with, 
and  your  resolution,  with  respect  to  Fort  Pitt,  (the  juris- 
diction over  which  place,  I  must  tell  you,  at  all  events, 
will  not  be  relinquished  by  this  Government,  without  his 
Majesty's  orders)  puts  an  entire  stop  to  further  treaty,  and 
makes  me  sincerely  lament  that  you  have  put  i:  out  of  my 
power  to  contribute  to  re-e«tablish  the  peace  and  harmony 
of  botii  Colonies,  and  to  evince  my  good  intentions  as  well 
towards  the  one,  as  the  other. 

I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and  humble 
servant,  Dunmore. 

James  Tilghman  and  Andrew  Allen,  Esquires. 


461 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


462 


JAMES  TILGHMAN  AND  ANDREW  ALLEN  TO  LOKD  DUNMORE. 
No.  5. 

Williamsburg,  May  27,  1774. 

Mr  Lord  :  Since  your  Lordsliip  is  determined,  as  you 
are  pleased  to  say,  at  all  events,  not  to  relinquisii  your 
jurisdiction  over  Fort  Pitt,  a  period  is  put  to  our  treaty ; 
and  we  can  only,  with  your  Lordship,  lament  the  contin- 
uance of  those  reciprocal  inconveniences  of  clashing  and  dis- 
puted jurisdictions,  which  we  are  conscious  of  liaving  done 
every  thing  that  could  be  reasonably  expected  of  us  to 
prevent.  And  we  have  only  to  add  our  thanks  for  the 
polite  attention  your  Lordship  has  been  pleased  to  show 
us,  and  the  despatch  you  have  given  to  our  business.  We 
intend  to  leave  town  to-morrow,  but  before  our  departure, 
we  shall  do  ourselves  the  honour  to  wait  on  your  Lordship, 
for  your  commands  to  the  northward,  where  we  shall  be 
ready  to  render  your  Lordship  any  service  in  our  power. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard,  your 
Lordship's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servants, 

James  Tilghman, 
Andrew  Allen. 
His  Excellency  the  Earl  oi  Dunmore. 


Memorandum,  Tuesday,  June  28,  1774. 
The  Committee  appointed  to  draw  up  the  Letters,  agreed 
on  yesterday,  laid  their  draughts  before  the  Gevernour, 
which  being  approved  by  him,  were  fairly  transcribed,  and 
ordered  to  be  despatched  without  delay.  The  said  Letters 
follow  in  these  words,  viz : 

Philadelphia,  June  28,  1774. 

Sir:  By  the  repeated  accounts  which  I  am  daily  re- 
ceiving from  Pittsburgh,  and  other  parts  of  our  western 
frontier,  there  seems  little  room  to  doubt  but  the  mutual 
hostilities  which  have  unhappily  taken  place  between  some 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia,  and  the  Western  Indians, 
particularly  the  Shawanese,  will  end  in  a  general  war, 
unless  some  prudent  measures  are  speedily  taken  to  pre- 
vent it. 

The  occasion  of  this  unfortunate  breach,  as  well  as  the 
particulars  of  the  murders  which  have  been  committed  on 
both  sides,  have  no  doubt  been  communicated  to  you  by 
the  deputy  agent  for  Indian  affairs  at  Pitishurgh.  It  will, 
tlicrefore,  be  only  necessary  for  me  to  inform  you  in  gen- 
eral, that  a  great  part  of  the  settlers  in  our  back  country 
have  fled  from  their  habitations,  and  that  the  panic  is  daily 
increasing  to  such  a  degree  that  there  is  just  reason  to 
apprehend  a  total  desertion  of  that  country. 

I  have  been  induced,  from  a  representation  of  the  dis- 
tresses of  these  people,  to  issue  writs  to  call  our  Assembly, 
to  meet  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  18th  of  next  month,  to 
enable  me  to  afford  them  the  necessary  relief. 

As  it  is  of  the  utmost  consequence  that  tliis  affair  should 
be  properly  represented  to  the  Six  Nations,  and  that  they 
should,  if  possible,  be  induced  to  become  mediators  between 
us  and  the  Shawanese  and  the  Dclaivarts,  I  must  re- 
quest you  will  take  such  measures  as  you  shall  think  most 
proper  to  satisfy  them  that  any  injuries  which  the  Shawa- 
nese may  have  received,  and  may  consider  as  a  provoca- 
tion for  the  hostilities  committed  on  their  part,  were  by 
no  means  done  by  the  orders  or  consent  of  this  Govern- 
ment, but  that  on  the  contrary,  we  have  been  ever  sincerely 
disposed  to  preserve  peace  and  friendship  with  them,  and 
are  now  very  willing,  notwithstanding  what  has  happened, 
to  listen  to  terms  of  accommodation,  and  to  renew  our 
friendship,  and  forget  every  thing  that  is  past.  Your  in- 
terposition and  influence  in  this  matter  may  very  possibly 
have  tiie  most  salutary  effects. 

If  a  rupture  can  be  prevented  it  appears  to  me  it  must 
be  through  the  Six  Nations ;  however,  I  submit  the 
n)atter  entirely  to  your  consideration.  And  am,  sir,  with 
great  regard,  your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

John  Penn. 
Sir  WilUam  Johnson,  Baronet. 


GOVERNOUR    penn    to    lord    DUNMORE. 

Philadelphia,  Juno  28,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  I  am  very  unhappy  to  find  myself  under  the 
necessity  of  writing  to  your  Lordsliip  on  so  disagreeable  a 


subject  as  an  Indian  war,  which  is  now  like  to  become 
general,  unless  the  Goveniments  of  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania, by  some  prudent  and  timely  interposition,  may 
happily  prevent  the  further  progress  of  hostilities,  which 
have  unhai)pily  taken  place.  I  have  taken  the  best 
measures  in  my  power  to  keep  the  settlements  from  break- 
ing up,  and  have  called  the  Assembly  uiwn  the  occasion, 
in  order  that  every  proper  step  may  be  taken,  either  to 
compose  the  differences  between  his  Majesty's  subjects 
and  the  Indians,  or  to  defend  the  frontiers,  if  pacific 
measures  should  fail. 

I  have  so  many  complaints  of  the  behaviour  of  Doctor 
Conolly,  that  I  am  obliged  to  wish  your  Lordship  to  make 
some  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  which,  if  my  information 
be  true,  is  extremely  oppressive  and  tyrannical,  with 
respect  to  our  people  ;  and  what  is  still  worse,  there  is  great 
reason  to  fear  his  military  operations  may  have  a  dangerous 
tendency  to  involve  the  Colonies  !h  general  in  an  Indian 
war.  He  seizes  upon  the  property  of  the  people,  without 
reserve,  and  treats  the  persons  of  our  Magistrates  with  the 
utmost  insolence  and  disrespect,  and  with  menaces  not 
only  of  imprisoning  them,  but  even  of  pulling  down  their 
houses,  and  it  is  said,  he  has  sent  out,  or  is  to  send  out, 
parties  against  the  Indians,  with  orders  to  destroy  all  they 
meet  with,  whether  friend  or  foe.  These  matters  may  be 
exaggerated,  but  I  cannot  doubt  but  that  Mr.  Conolly  has 
afforded  some  grounds  for  these  complaints  ;  and  although 
your  Lordship  has  been  pleased  to  claim  the  jurisdiction 
of  Pittsburgh,  and  the  country  thereabouts,  I  would  fain 
hope  that  you  would  not  encourage  Mr.  Conolly  in  such 
exorbitances  and  outrages  as  are  laid  to  his  charge. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be  your  Lordship's  most  obedient 
humble  servant,  John  Penn. 

To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Dunmorc,  Govern- 

our  and  Commander-in-chief  of  his  Majesty's  Province 

of  Virginia. 

GOVERNOUR    PENN    TO    ARTHUR    ST.  CLAIR. 

Philadelphia,  June  28,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  accounts  which  you  have  transmitted  of  the 
temper  of  the  Indians,  and  the  murders  they  have  already 
perpetrated,  are  truly  alarming,  and  give  every  reason  to 
apprehend  that  we  shall  not  long  be  exempt  from  the 
calamities  of  a  savage  war.  The  desertion  of  that  country 
in  consequence  of  the  panic  which  has  seized  the  inhabit- 
ants, on  this  occasion,  must  be  attended  with  the  most 
mischievous  effects,  and  prove  ruinous  to  the  immediate 
sufferers,  and  distressing  to  the  Province  in  general.  Every 
measure,  therefore,  should  be  attempted  to  stoji  the  pro- 
gress of  this  evil,  and  to  induce  those  who  have  already 
gone  oft',  to  return  to  their  habitations ;  and,  I  must  rely  on 
you  to  exert  all  your  prudence  and  activity  for  this  pur- 
pose. The  steps  which  have  been  already  taken  appear 
to  me  very  proper,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  but  that  you  will 
continue  your  endeavours  to  restore  the  drooping  spirits  of 
the  people,  and  inspire  them  with  a  resolution  to  stand 
their  ground,  at  least  till  they  are  satisfied  of  the  intentions 
of  the  Indians  towards  this  Province.  You  may  assure 
them  tliat  Government  sensibly  feels  the  distresses  of  their 
situation — that  it  will  be  attentive  to  their  interests,  and 
afford  them  every  assistance  and  protection  in  its  power 
to  give.  With  this  disposition,  I  have  issued  writs  for 
convening  the  Assembly,  on  the  18th  of  next  month  ; 
and  shall  immediately  on  their  meeting,  lay  this  matter 
before  them,  and  have  reason  to  expect  that  such  measures 
will  be  adopted  as  may  effectually  enable  the  Government 
to  extend  to  them  a  relief,  adequate  to  its  wishes,  and  their 
wants.  In  the  mean  time  I  shall  give  orders  for  sucli  fur- 
ther supply  of  ammunition  to  be  sent  up  as  will  be  sufficient 
for  the  present  occasion. 

I  have  wrote  to  Sir  JVilliam  Johnson,  informing  him  of 
the  intelligence  we  had  received  of  these  transactions, 
and  requesting  his  interposition  with  the  Six  Nations,  to 
use  their  influence  with  the  Shaivanese  and  Delawares,  to 
prevent  further  hostilities  on  their  part,  and  to  assure  them 
of  the  sincere  intentions  of  this  Government  to  continue 
their  pacific  disposition  towards  all  our  Indian  brethren. 
1  iiave  also  wrote  to  Lord  Dunmore.  complaining  of  Conol- 
ly's  outrageous  and  tyrannical  behaviour  ai  Pittsburgh,  iind 
represcntfng  tlie  dangerous  tendency  his  military  operations 


463 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


464 


may  have  to  involve  the  Colonies  in  a  general  Indian 
war.     I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

John  Penn. 
To  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Esquire,  at  Ligonier,  in  Westmore- 
land County. 

P.  S.  My  Commissioners  who  attended  Lord  Dun- 
more,  could  not  induce  him  to  come  into  any  reasonable 
temporary  line  of  jurisdiction,  and  therefore  things  must 
remain  in  the  disagreeable  situation  of  interfering  juris- 
dictions. In  this  unhappy  situation  I  am  satisfied,  you 
and  the  otlier  Magistrates  will  act  a  prudent  part.  It 
is  impossible  in  such  a  case  to  give  particular  directions. 
With  respect  to  the  keeping  up  the  rangers  you  have 
raised  for  the  security  of  the  inliabitants,  I  shall  recom- 
mend it  to  the  Assembly  to  defray  the  expense  that  shall 
accrue  in  tiiat  necessary  measure ;  and  I  cannot  have  the 
least  doubt,  that  they  will  approve  of  what  has  been  done 
on  this  occasion,  as  also  the  continuance  of  the  same  forces, 
until  their  sentiments  can  be  known. 


CORRESPONDENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL. 

ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  May  29,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  panic  that  has  struck  this  country,  threatening 
an  entire  depopulation  thereof,  induced  me  a  few  days  ago 
to  make  an  execursion  to  Pittsburgh  to  see  if  it  can  be 
removed,  and  the  desertion  prevented. 

Tlie  only  probable  remedy  that  offered  was  to  afford  the 
people  the  appearance  of  some  protection.  Accordingly 
Mr.  Smith,  Mr.  Mackay,  Mr.  Butler,  and  some  others  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  with  Colonel  Croghan  and  my- 
self, entered  into  an  association  for  the  immediate  raising  an 
hundred  men,  to  be  employed  as  a  ranging  company,  to 
cover  the  inhabitants  in  case  of  danger,  to  which  association 
several  of  the  Magistrates  and  other  inhabitants  have  ac- 
ceded and  in  a  very  few  days  they  will  be  on  foot. 

We  have  undertaken  to  maintain  them  for  one  month,  at 
the  rate  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence  a  man  per  diem  ; 
this  we  will  cheerfully  discharge,  at  the  same  time  we  flat- 
ter ourselves  that  your  Honour  will  approve  the  measure, 
and  that  the  Government  will  not  only  relieve  private 
persons  from  the  burthen,  but  take  effectual  measures  for 
the  safety  of  this  frontier,  and  this  I  am  desired  by  the 
people  in  general  to  request  of  your  Honour. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


miles  this  side  of  Pittsburgh.  There  is  nothing  to  be  seen 
but  desolation  and  distress;  hundreds  of  families  are  flying 
to  the  interior  parts  of  the  Province;  those  who  would 
willingly  make  a  stand  are  discouraged  for  want  of  ammu- 
nition and  arms ;  which  articles  they  cannot  be  supplied  in 
only  from  Philadelphia,  and  I  beg  you  would  use  your 
endeavours  with  tliose  gentlemen  who  have  the  disposing 
of  the  public  money,  if  there  be  any  to  send  a  supply  of 
arms  and  anmiunition. 

It  is  a  pity  to  lose  that  fine  country ;  I  believe  there 
will  be  an  Indian  war,  and  tlierefore  we  ought  to  be  pre- 
pared for  it  in  time ;  I  make  no  doubt  but  the  Governour 
will  call  tlie  Assembly  in  order  to  take  proper  measures  for 
the  protection  of  our  back  country.  It  is  certain  that  a 
party  of  Shawanese  are  out  on  tiie  frontiers,  and  it  is  the 
general  opinion  that  they  will  strike  some  part  of  Tlrginia, 
There  is  one  Campbell  killed  near  Newcomer's  Town,  and  it 
is  feared  that  the  traders  in  the  Shawanese  country  are  cut 
off".  fVhite  Eyes  is  returned  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  says  that  the 
Delaware  Indians  are  well  disposed,  but  the  Shawanese 
are  determined  on  war.  Mr.  Croghan,  I  find,  has  deserted 
the  Virginia  cause,  although  I  have  little  dependance  on 
him,  yet  he  is  capable  of  doing  mischief;  a  number  of  the 
principal  people  over  the  mountains  have  agreed  to  raise 
one  hundred  men  to  range  from  Fort  Pitt  to  Ligonier. 
The  inhabitants  of  what  is  called  the  town  of  Fort  Pitt  is 
about  to  stockade  it  in,  and  to  have  no  connection  with  Mr. 
Conolly.  A  fort  is  to  be  built  at  Hanna's,  thirty  miles  this 
side  Pittsburgh,  one  at  Captain  Proctor's,  seven  miles  from 
Hanna's,  and  one  at  Ligonier,  but  the  want  of  ammunition 
is  a  very  great  discouragement.  There  is  a  great  number 
of  men  in  that  country,  and  I  think  were  they  properly 
encouraged  would  be  able  to  make  a  stand.  I  flatter  myself 
that  you  will  exert  yourself  on  this  occasion. 

I  am,  honourable  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

John  Montgomery. 

P.  S.  This  and  a  letter  for  liis  Honour  goes  by  express 
from  this  place.  I  hope  his  expenses  will  be  paid  by  Gov- 
ernment. 


JOHN  MONTGOMERY  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Carlisle,  June  3,  1774. 
Honourable  Sir:  I  am  just  returned  from  the  back 
country.  I  was  up  at  the  place  where  Courts  are  held  for 
Westmoreland  County  ;  I  found  the  people  there  in  great 
confusion  and  distress ;  many  families  returning  to  this  side 
the  mountains,  others  are  about  building  of  forts  in  order  to 
make  a  stand,  but  they  are  in  great  want  of  ammunition 
and  arms,  and  cannot  get  a  sufficient  supply  in  these  parts. 
I  wish  some  method  would  be  taken  to  send  a  supply  from 
Philadelphia;  and  unless  they  are  speedily  furnished 
with  arms  and  ammunition  they  will  be  obliged  to  desert 
the  country.  There  is  a  fine  appearance  of  crops  over 
the  mountains,  and  could  the  people  be  protected  in 
saving  them,  it  would  be  of  considerable  advantage,  in 
case  we  should  be  involved  in  an  Indian  war,  and  oblig- 
ed to  raise  troops,  to  be  able  to  support  them  with  provi- 
sions in  that  country.  Captain  St.  Clair  has  wrote  your 
Honour  a  full  state  of  affairs  in  the  back  country,  whose 
letter  I  send  by  express  from  this  place. 

I    am,   honourable   sir,   your  Honour's  most   obedient 
humble  servant,  John  MoNTfioMERV. 

To  the  Hon.  John  Penn,  Esq.,  Governour  and  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 


JOHN  MONTGOMERY  TO  WILLIAM  ALLEN,  ESQ. 

Carlisle,  June  3,  1774. 

Honourable  Sir  :   I  have  been  lately  over  the  moun- 
tains as  far  as  Westmoreland  Court  House,  about  thirty 


INDIAN    INTELLIGENCE. 

June  5,  1774. 

Two  messengers  from  the  Newcomer's  Town,  arrived 
with  an  account  that,  five  days  ago,  one  Conner,  a  white 
man,  who  lives  at  the  Snake's  Town,  upon  Muskingum, 
had  returned  home  from  the  place  the  traders  were  making 
their  canoes,  and  informed  that  the  traders  were  all  safe 
to  the  number  of  twenty-five  or  thirty,  and  that  the  Shaw- 
anese had  taken  great  pains  in  protecting  them,  and  had 
sent  them  off  with  their  peltry,  with  some  of  their  young 
men,  and  some  Delawares,  to  protect  them  upon  their  way 
up  the  river  to  Pittsburgh. 

These  messengers  further  say,  that  all  their  towns,  as 
well  as  the  Shawanese.  are  now  quiet,  and  that  their  Chiefs 
have  been  strong  enough  to  prevail  over  their  rash  and 
foolish  men  who  wanted  to  take  revenge  upon  the  white 
people  for  their  loss,  except  two  small  parties,  consisting 
of  thirteen  men  in  the  whole,  who  were  friends  to  the  In- 
dians that  suffered,  and  could  not  be  restrained,  though 
their  Chiefs  did  every  thing  in  their  power  to  prevent  them 
from  the  bad  undertaking ;  that  they  hope  that  their  bretli- 
ren,  the  English,  would  not  blame,  or  think  that  they 
countenance  any  evil  that  might  be  committed  by  those 
rash  men,  who  have  stole  away  from  them  to  do  mischief 
contrary  to  their  Chiefs'  desire,  and  were  all  cliiefly  Min- 
goes  who  have  had  the  most  friends  killed ;  (hat  one  party 
has  been  out  eleven  days,  and  was  to  return  in  fifteen,  and 
intended  against  that  part  of  the  river  where  their  friends 
were  put  to  death,  or  somewhere  else  upon  Virginia  he\ow 
it.  The  above  party  have  declared,  as  soon  as  tliey  have 
taken  revenge  for  their  people,  and  returned,  that  they 
would  then  set  down  and  listen  to  their  Chiefs. 

The  above  messengers  say,  that  the  day  they  left  home 
a  runner  came  from  five  Cherokees  that  were  to  be  in  the 
day  following,  upon  business,  and  that  the  Delawares 
would  inform  us  of  it  as  soon  as  it  was  known.  And  that, 
also,  they  heard  that  one  of  the  before  mentioned  parties 
who  had  gone  to  take  revenge  upon  the  white  people,  was 
returned,  and  had  killed  one  man. 


465 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


466 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVEHNOUR   PENN. 

Laurel  Hill,  Juno  7,  1774. 

Sir  :  When  I  had  last  the  honour  to  write  to  you,  I  ac- 
quainted you  with  a  plan  that  had  been  fallen  upon  to  raise 
some  men  for  the  defence  of  this  country.  The  day  before 
yesterday  about  forty  marched  fiom  Haima's  Town  to 
TurtleCreek,  where  they  would  be  joined  by  another  party. 
The  number  I  do  not  exactly  know,  but  it  is  intended  that 
that  post  should  be  sixty  men  strong  ;  and  a  number  were, 
at  the  same  time,  engaged  for  the  other  necessary  posts, 
so  as  that  the  whole  will  form  a  chain  of  rangers  on  our 
frontier.  The  subscribers  requested  irie  to  take  them  under 
my  direction,  and  in  consequence  I  did  give  them  orders 
which  I  will  send  to  your  Honour  by  the  first  opportuni- 
ty— now  I  have  not  time  to  copy  them  ;  and,  as  I  know  the 
gentleman  who  carries  this,  I  came  here  on  purpose  to  see 
him,  for  should  this  matter  go  farther,  he  has  connections 
in  town  that  have  weight  with  the  House.  Mr.  Croghan's 
views  I  do  not  pretend  to  see,  but  this  you  may  be  assured 
of,  he  is  at  present  a  friend  to  this  country,  and  if  it  depends 
on  him  we  shall  yet  have  no  war ;  hitherto  it  has  been  my 
opinion  we  would  have  no  war;  I  now  begin  to  think  other- 
wise ;  but  my  reasons  for  thinking  so  depend  on  such  cir- 
cumstances as  can  scarce  be  communicated.  The  most 
alarming  one,  however,  is  the  retreat  of  the  Moravian 
Minister.  A  great  town  of  the  Delawares  has  been,  in 
Some  measure,  civilized  by  these  people,  and  spiritual 
guides  in  all  countries  have  ways  of  knowing  the  intentions 
of  their  flocks  ;  another  is,  that  on  Sunday  last  a  Council 
was  intended  with  the  Delawares  and  Six  Nations  at  Mr. 
Croghan's,  but  the  day  before  they  went  off  to  prevent  a 
party  of  Shawanese,  as  they  say,  from  falling  on  the  white 
people.  A  little  time  will  show  whether  that  was  their 
design  or  not.  Mr.  Jennings,  the  late  Sheriff  of  North- 
ampton, who  is  now  here,  will,  I  believe,  be  in  town.  It 
is  not  improbable  he  knows  more  than  he  discovers  to  me. 
He  is  engaged  in  the  Indian  trade,  and  his  partner  is  beloved 
by  all  the  Indians.  Your  Honour  will  judge  if  you  should 
see  him. 

I  will  not  give  your  Honour  any  more  trouble  at  present ; 
and  in  truth  I  am  so  fatigued  with  riding  that  I  doubt  much 
if  what  I  write  is  legible ;  but  it  is  necessary  your  Honour 
should  be  acquainted  with  what  is  passing  here,  and  I  am 
not  fond  of  sending  expresses. 

I  am,  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  In  a  very  particular  manner  our  soldiers  are  di- 
rected to  avoid  every  occasion  of  dispute  with  the  people 
in  the  service  of  Virginia. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  June  8,  1774. 

Sir  :  Since  I  wrote  to  you  yesterday  I  have  received 
two  letters  from  Mr.  Croghan,  which  I  now  enclose. 
Though  he  seems  to  say  that  peace  may  be  continued,  I 
believe  it  is  not  his  sentiments  ;  and  the  circumstance  of 
his  going  to  Williamshurg,  whatever  design  he  may  avow, 
is  to  be  out  of  the  way  of  danger ;  for  he  dare  neither  trust 
the  white  people  nor  the  Indians. 

We  have  a  certain  account  of  some  mischief  having 
been  done  up  Cheat  river.  Eight  or  nine  people  are 
killed ;  but  whether  it  is  only  designed  as  revenge,  or  is 
really  the  beginning  of  a  war,  we  cannot  yet  judge ;  I 
shall,  however,  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  inform  you 
of  what  passes,  and  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

Hon.  John  Venn,  Esq. 


GEORGE    CROGHAN    TO    ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR. 

Juuc  4,  1774. 
Sir  :  The  frequent  reports  brought  from  Manna's 
Town,  of  two  hundred  men  being  raising  there,  has  alarm- 
ed Captain  ConoUy  very  much,  and  though  I  told  Mr.  Jo 
Campbell  the  whole  reason  and  intention  was  no  more  than 
to  have  a  number  of  men  to  scout  between  the  river  Ohio 
and  of  inhabitants  down  to  Ligonier,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  flight  of  that  part  of  said  country  ;  and  in  case  of  great 
necessity  that  those  men  would  be  offered  to  act  with  the 
Virginians  for  the  general  defence  of  the  country. 
Fourth  Series.  30 


Now,  as  both  Conolly  and  Campbell  know  this  measure 
is  the  only  one  to  stay  the  people  from  flying,  and  see  that 
the  country  will  condemn  Conolly  and  his  officers  for  not 
pursuing  the  same  measure,  they  want  to  make  it  appear 
in  another  light,  and  that  the  intention  is  to  invade  the 
rights  of  Virginia, 

Now,  the  greatest  caution  and  prudence  is  necessary,  and 
I  request  that  you  will  station  those  parties  to  scout  back  of 
the  settlements  between  Turtle  Creek  and  Ligonier, 
which  was  our  intention  of  having  them,  and  take  care 
that  no  threats  against  Virginia  be  made  use  of  by  any 
person  concerned,  as,  since  Mr.  Jo  Campbell  came  up,  I 
see  the  design  is  to  create  a  fresh  difference  between  Gov- 
ernour  Penn  and  Lord  Dunmore,  which  ought  to  be  avoided 
with  the  greatest  care.  Since  Campbell  came  up  affidavits 
are  taken  of  every  information  that  is  brought  up,  and  spies 
employed ;  though  when  he  was  informed  of  the  murders 
committed  on  the  Indians,  he  never  took  any  measures  to 
apprehend  them.  He  has  made  two  attacks  on  me,  by  let- 
ters sent  by  a  Sergeant  and  twelve  men,  which  letters  I 
answered,  but  would  not  gratify  him  to  send  them  by  his 
party. 

The  ti-uth  is,  they  found  this  difference  likely  to  be  made 
up  by  the  Indians,  and  find  that  nothing  but  misrepresent- 
ing our  measures,  and  drawing  on  a  fresh  dispute  between 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  can  keep 
this  man  in  command  ;  wherefore  I  have  determined  to  go 
to  Williamsburg  myself,  and  represent  the  state  of  the 
country,  as  soon  as  1  hear  the  event  of  our  last  messages  to 
the  Indians,  by  the  Deputies,  which  I  believe  will  be  in  five 
or  six  days,  and  I  flatter  myself  entirely  satisfactory  to  every 
well-wisher  of  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  his  country. 

Before  I  go  you  and  I  must  have  a  meeting,  that  you 
may  be  able  to  inform  the  Governour  what  I  am  going  about ; 
but  I  would  have  you  settle  the  scouting  party  so  as  to  act 
with  prudence,  and  give  no  cause  for  suspicion  of  any 
design  against  Virginia,  before  you  come  up. 
I  am,  sir,  your  most  humble  servant, 

George  Croghan. 
To  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Esq. 

EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  FROM  ALEXANDER  M'kEE,  ES^., 
AGENT  FOR  INDIAN  AFFAIRS  AT  FORT  PITT,  DATED 
JUNE  10,  1774. 

You  must,  ere  this,  be  acquainted  with  the  critical  situ- 
ation of  this  country ;  the  unhappy  disturbances  which  have 
lately  arose  between  the  Virginians  and  the  Natives,  the 
event  of  which  still  continues  doubtful  whether  matters 
will  be  brought  to  a  general  rupture  or  accommodation. 
Hostilities,  however,  have  been  committed  on  both  sides, 
but  at  present  there  seems  to  be  a  cessation.  Some  wise 
interposition  of  Government  is  truly  necessary,  and  would 
undoubtedly  restore  peace ;  without  it  it  is  impossible,  and 
thousands  of  the  inhabitants  must  be  involved  in  misery  and 
distress.  But  to  do  the  Indians  justice,  they  have  given 
great  proofs  of  their  pacific  disposition,  and  have  acted  with 
more  moderation  than  those  who  ought  to  have  been  more 
rational,  a  few  Mingoes  and  Shawanese  excepted,  who 
have  been  long  refractory.  There  are  more  effectual 
means  of  chastising  them  for  their  insolence  and  perfidy, 
than  by  involving  the  defenceless  country  in  a  war,  which 
there  is  too  much  reason  to  fear,  at  this  time,  will  become 
general,  and  which  must  inevitably  be  the  destruction  of 
this  country. 

ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 

Ligonier,  June  12,  1774. 

Sir  :  In  my  last  letter  I  had  the  honour  to  inform  you, 
that  in  consequence  of  the  ranging  company  which  had 
been  raised  here,  there  was  reason  to  hope  the  people  would 
return  to  their  plantations  and  pursue  their  labours ;  and  for 
some  time,  that  is,  a  few  days,  it  had  that  effect ;  but  an 
idle  report  of  Indians  having  been  seen  within  the  party, 
has  drove  them  every  one  into  some  little  fort  or  other,  and 
many  hundreds  out  of  the  country  altogether.  This  has 
obliged  me  to  call  in  the  parties  from  where  they  were 
posted,  and  have  stationed  tiiem,  twenty  men  at  the  Bul- 
lock Pens,  twenty  men  at  Ilirtlc  Creek,  thirty  at  Manna's 
Town,  twenty  at  Proctor's,  and  twenty  at  Ligonier:  as 
these  places  are  now  the  frontier  towards  the  Alleghany, 


467 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


468 


all  that  great  country  betwixt  the  road  and  that  river  being 
totally  abandoned,  except  by  a  few  who  are  associated  with 
the  people  who  murdered  the  Indians,  and  are  shut  up  in  a 
small  fort  on  Connymach,  equally  afraid  of  the  liidiaTis  and 
officers  of  justice. 

Nothing  can  be  more  surprising  than  the  dread  the  people 
are  under,  and  it  is  truly  shameful  tliat  so  great  a  body  of 
people  should  have  been  driven  from  their  possessions 
without  even  the  appearance  of  an  enemy ;  for  certain  it 
is,  as  yet,  no  attempt  has  been  made  on  what  is  understood 
to  be  Pennsylvania,  nor  any  other  mischief  done  than  the 
killing  the  family  on  Whitclick  Creek,  which  I  informed 
you  of  before,  and  which,  from  every  circumstance,  appears 
rather  to  have  been  private  revenge  than  a  national  stroke. 
A  fresh  report  of  Indiana  being  seen  near  Hanna's  Town, 
and  another  party  on  Braddock's  Road,  set  the  people 
agoing  again  yesterday.  1  immediately  took  horse  and 
rode  up  to  inquire,  and  found  it,  if  not  totally  groundless, 
at  least  very  improbable  ;  but  it  was  impossible  to  persuade 
the  people  so,  and  I  am  certain  I  did  not  meet  less  than  a 
hundred  families,  and  I  think  two  thousand  head  of  cattle, 
in  twenty  miles  riding. 

The  people  in  this  valley  still  make  a  stand ;  but  yester- 
day they  all  moved  into  this  place,  and  I  perceive  are  much 
in  doubt  what  to  do.  Nothing  in  my  power  to  prevent 
their  leaving  the  country  shall  be  omitted,  but  if  they  will 
go  I  suppose  I  must  go  with  the  stream.  It  is  the  strangest 
infatuation  ever  seized  upon  men  ;  and  if  they  go  off  now, 
as  harvest  will  soon  be  on,  they  must  undoubtedly  perish 
by  famine,  for  Spring  crop  there  will  be  little  or  none. 

By  a  letter  from  Mr.  Mackay,  of  yeeterday,  I  had  a  very 
extraordinary  peace  of  intelligence,  "  that  Ixird  Dunmore 
"  had  empowered  Mr.  Conolly  to  settle  a  line  of  jurisdic- 
"  tion  with  the  Pennsylvania  Magistrates."  This,  it  seems, 
he  gives  out  himself,  but  it  is  too  absurd  to  be  believed.  It 
would  give  much  pleasure  to  the  friends  of  Government  in 
this  part  of  the  country,  to  hear  that  your  Commissioners 
had  succeeded  in  that  business,  as  it  seems  to  be  the  only 
thing  that  can  restore  us  peace  and  good  order. 

A  very  little  time  will  discover  the  intentions  of  the  In- 
dians, and  if  they  should  proceed  to  further  hostilities,  I 
will  give  you  notice  by  express,  if  it  appears  to  be  neces- 
sary. I  am,  sir,  your  moat  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  I  have  just  heard  that  Mr.  Conolly  has  sent  a  party 
of  militia  down  to  Wheeling,  with  orders  to  fall  on  every 
Indian  they  meet,  without  respecting  friend  or  foe. 

DEVEREUX  SMITH  TO  GOVERNO0R  PENN. 

Pittsburgh,  June  12,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  acknowledge  your  Honour's  favour  of  the  22d  of 
April,  which  was  forwarded  to  this  place  a  few  days  ago 
from  Staunton.  Mr.  Mackay  waited  on  my  Lord  Dun^ 
more  at  fVilUamsburg,  and  laid  before  him  some  facts  rela- 
tive to  Dr.  Conolly' s  conduct  at  this  place,  upon  which  his 
Lordship  thought  proper  to  enlarge  us.  Mr.  Mackay  wrote 
from  Staunton,  in  order  to  acquaint  your  Honour  thereof,  but 
liis  letter  was  returned  to  this  place  at  the  same  time  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  receiving  yours. 

It  gives  me  great  satisfaction  to  find  that  you  approve  of 
our  conduct,  and  should  be  happy  to  hear  that  those  gen- 
tlemen that  are  gone  to  Williamsburg  might  settle  with  my 
Lord  Dunmore  to  your  satisfaction.  I  am  much  obliged 
by  your  Honour's  kindness  in  directing  Colonel  Wilson  to 
procure  bail  or  credit  for  us.  I  have  been  extremely  well 
treated  by  the  gentlemen  of  Virginia  during  my  confiue- 
ment. 

We  are  in  a  miserable  situation  here  at  present,  wving 
to  the  appearance  of  an  Indian  war  (which  we  think  una- 
voidable) and  the  tyrannical  treatment  we  met  with  from 
Dr.  Conolly.  I  have  wrote  to  Dr.  Smith,  and  gave  him 
as  exact  an  account  of  the  present  state  of  this  country  as 
I  am  capable  of,  and  shall  always  strive  to  render  to  this 
Province  any  services  in  my  power. 

I  am,  with  respect,  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant,  Devereux  Smith. 


DEVEREUX    SMITH    TO    DR,    SMIT^. 

Pittsburgh,  June  10,  1774. 

Sib:  1  letumed  to  ihis  place  the  1 1th  of  May,  and  found 


my  family  in  the  greatest  confusion,  owing  to  the  appear- 
ance of  an  Indian  war,  and  the  tyrannical  treatment  they 
received  from  Doctor  Conolly  in  my  absence.  Before  I 
was  illegally  taken  from  my  family  the  10th  of  April,  I 
understood  from  some  of  the  Shatvanese  Chiefs,  at  a  Coun- 
cil with  Mr.  McKce,  the  Indian  Agent,  under  Sir  William 
Johnson,  that  they  were  much  dissatisfied  at  the  rapid  pro- 
gress the  Virginians  had  made  down  the  Ohio  in  settling 
the  lands  below  the  purchase,  viz :  below  Sciota  river, 
which  they  looked  upon  as  a  great  encroachment  on  their 
liberties  and  properties  ;  they  also  expressed  their  surprise 
to  see  a  number  of  armed  men  assembled  at  this  place 
with  their  colours  at  different  times,  making  a  warlike  ap- 
pearance, and  said,  that  after  the  first  muster  of  the  25th 
of  January,  some  of  the  militia  fired  on  them  at  their  camps 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Saivmill  Run. 

These  Shawanese  Chiefs  were  sent  for  by  Mr.  Croghan 
last  summer,  and  came  here  about  the  25th  of  December, 
and  remained  here  till  the  1st  of  April ;  during  which 
time  they  often  complained  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  place, 
that  Mr.  Croghan  had  sent  for  them  to  do  business,  and 
kept  them  in  great  distress  for  want  of  provisions  and  clotii- 
ing ;  upon  which  the  inhabitants  were  at  some  expense 
supplying  them  during  their  stay,  and  when  they  were  going 
home  made  a  collection  of  goods  for  them,  in  order  to  send 
them  off  satisfied. 

On  the  15th  of  April,  Mr.  William  Butler  sent  off  a 
canoe  loaded  with  goods  for  the  Shawanese  Towns,  and  on 
the  16th  it  was  attacked  about  forty  miles  from  here  by 
three  Cherokee  Indians,  who  had  waylaid  them  on  the  river 
bank.  They  killed  one  white  man,  and  wounded  another, 
and  a  third  made  his  escape.  They  plundered  the  canoe 
of  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  cargo  and  made  off;  but 
as  they  were  Cherokees,  we  were  sure  they  did  this  for 
sake  of  plunder  alone,  therefore  thought  no  more  of  it  than 
the  loss.  As  Mr.  Butler  was  under  the  necessity  of  send- 
ing people  to  assist  in  bringing  his  peltry  from  the  Shawanese 
Towns,  he  sent  off  another  canoe  on  the  24th  of  April,  in 
care  of  two  Indians,  who  were  well  known  to  be  good  men, 
and  two  white  men.  On  the  27th,  about  ninety  miles  from 
here,  they  were  fired  upon  from  shore,  and  both  the  Indians 
were  killed,  by  Michael  Cresap,  and  a  party  he  had  with 
him;  they  also  scalped  the  Indians.  Mr.  Cresap  then 
immediately  followed  the  above  mentioned  Shawanese 
Chiefs  some  small  distance  lower  down,  where  they  were 
encamped,  and  fired  upon  them,  killed  one  and  wounded 
two  more.  The  Indians  fled  to  the  Delaware  Towns, 
which  were  the  nearest,  and  are  greatly  exasperated  at  this 
treatment,  as  they  did  not  expect  any  such  thing  from  the 
English.  About  that  same  time,  a  party,  headed  by  one 
Greathouse,  barbarously  nmrdered  and  scalped  nine  In- 
dians at  the  house  of  one  Baker,  near  Yellow  Creek,  about 
fifty-five  miles  down  the  river.  Owing  to  these  cruelties 
committed  by  Cresap  and  Greathouse,  the  inhabitants  of 
Ruckoon  and  Wheeling  fled  from  that  settlement,  and  are 
chiefly  gone  to  Virginia.  After  Cresap  had  been  guilty 
of  these  cruelties,  he  returned  to  Maryland,  but  has  since 
came  back  with  a  party  of  men.  Cresap  wrote  to  Conolly, 
and  Mr.  McKee,  threatening  that  if  they  did  not  give  them 
security  that  the  Indians  would  not  do  any  mischief  for  six 
months,  that  he,  Cresap,  would  immediately  proceed  to 
commit  further  hostilities  against  the  Indians.  On  the2Ist 
of  April,  Conolly  wrote  a  letter  to  the  inhabitants  of  WTieel- 
ing,  telling  them  that  he  had  been  informed,  by  good  au- 
thority, that  the  Shatvanese  were  ill  disposed  towards  white 
men,  and  that  he,  therefore,  required  and  commanded  tiiem 
to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  repel  any  insults  that 
might  be  offered  by  them.  This  letter  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Cresap,  and  he  says  that  it  was  in  consequence  of  this 
letter,  and  the  murder  committed  by  the  Cherokees  on  Mr. 
Butler's  people,  that  he  committed  the  hostilities  above 
mentioned. 

I  am  informed,  that  on  the  6th  day  of  May,  Mr.  Croghan 
sent  Captain  White  Eyes,  (one  of  the  Indian  Chiefs,) 
in  company  with  some  of  our  traders,  to  acquaint  the 
Shawanese  and  Delawares  that  the  outrages  which  had 
been  committed  by  some  of  our  ill  disposed  white  people, 
were  without  the  least  countenance  from  Government. 
This  Indian  promised  to  use  his  best  endeavours  to  accom- 
modate matters,  and  returned  the  24th  of  May,  and  brought 
with  him  ten  white  men,  who  had  been  protected  by  the 


469 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1*774. 


470 


DeJawares  eight  days,  in  their  towns,  and  guarded  safe  to 
this  place.  He  also  brought  a  speech  from  the  Delawares, 
from  which  we  have  great  reason  to  beheve  they  are  not 
incHned  for  war.  We  also  beheve  that  they  will  endeavour 
to  preserve  the  lives  of  the  traders  that  are  now  amongst 
the  Shawanese.  He  also  brought  from  the  Shawanese 
Chief  (called  the  Hardman)  an  answer  to  a  speech  sent  to 
them  by  Mr.  Croghan  upon  this  occasion,  in  which  he 
signifies  that  the  Shawanese  are  all  warriors,  and  will  not 
listen  to  us  until  they  have  satisfaction  of  us  for  what  inju- 
ries they  have  received  from  the  Virginians,  &.c. 

White  Eyes  informs  us  that  a  Mingo  man  called  Logan, 
(whose  family  had  been  murdered  in  the  number,)  had 
raised  a  party  to  cut  down  the  Shawanese  Town  traders  at 
the  Canoe  Bottom,  on  Hockhocking  Creek,  where  they 
were  pressing  their  peltry  ;  but  we  have  heard  since  that 
the  Shawanese  have  taken  them  under  their  care  until 
matters  are  further  settled,  but  God  knows  what  fate  they 
have  met  with  ;  we  hope  they  are  still  alive,  and  if  it  be  so 
they  have  a  chance  to  come  in,  if  the  outrageous  behaviour 
of  the  Virginians  do  not  prevent  them.  The  sixth  of 
this  month  we  had  an  account  from  Muddy  Creek,  (empties 
into  the  river  Monongahela,  near  Cheat  river,)  that  the  In- 
dians had  killed  and  scalped  one  white  man,  his  wife,  and 
three  children,  and  that  three  more  of  the  same  man's 
children  were  missing,  and  has  since  been  confirmed.  We 
suppose  this  to  be  Logan's  party,  and  that  they  will  do 
more  mischief  before  they  return.  About  the  20th  of  May, 
one  Campbell,  lately  from  Lancaster,  was  killed  and  scalped 
near  Neivcomer's  Town,  and  one  Proctor,  at  Wheeling,  by 
a  party  of  Shawanese  and  Mingoes. 

The  Virginians  in  this  part  of  the  country  seem  deter- 
mined to  make  war  with  the  Indians  at  any  rate.  The 
one  half  of  this  country  is  ruined  to  all  intents  and  purposes, 
which,  a  few  months  ago,  was  in  a  flourishing  way.  Conolly 
lias  embodied  upwards  of  one  hundred  men,  and  will  have 
this  fort  in  good  order  in  a  short  time.  He  is  gathering  in 
all  the  provisions  he  can  possibly  get  from  the  country, 
which,  he  says,  will  be  paid  for  by  the  Government  of  Vir- 
ginia. The  militia  here,  by  Conolly's  orders,  shoot  down 
the  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs,  loelonging  to  the  inhabitants,  as 
they  please  ;  they  also  press  horses,  and  take  by  force  any 
part  of  our  property  they  think  proper,  and  tell  us  that 
they  have  authority  so  to  do;  therefore  you  may  Judge  of 
our  situation  at  present.  Before  I  returned  from  Virginia, 
about  the  5th  day  of  May,  Mr.  Conolly  sent  an  armed 
guard  of  men  to  my  house,  who  attempted  to  take  away 
a  quantity  of  blankets  and  bags  by  force.  Mr.  William 
Butler,  who  lived  at  my  house  at  that  time,  had  a  great 
dispute  in  defence  of  my  property,  and  put  them  out  with 
great  difficulty,  on  which  they  complained  to  Conolly,  who 
immediately  despatched  a  party  of  twelve  men  to  the 
house  in  order  to  put  their  villainous  scheme  in  execution, 
on  which  my  wife  locked  her  doors.  Conolly  came  at  the 
.same  time,  and  began  to  abuse  Mr.  Butler  and  my  wife. 
He  also  threatened  to  sendMr.  Butler  to  Virginia  in  irons, 
and  to  take  every  farthing's  worth  of  his  property  from 
him  ;  damned  my  wife,  telling  her  the  same,  and  that  he 
would  let  her  know  that  he  commanded  here.  Sec,  &.c. 

On  the  27th  day  of  May,  Mr.  Mackay  and  I  rode  out 
about  seven  miles  from  town,  and  on  our  return  was  met 
on  the  road  by  a  man  from  Mrs.  Mackay,  who  came  to  tell 
us  that  Conolly  had  sent  a  party  of  men  to  pull  down  Mr. 
Mackay's  house.  When  we  came  home  we  found  a  guard 
of  six  armed  men  pulling  down  two  outhouses  in  Mr. 
Mackay's  back  yard.  He  ordered  them  to  desist,  saying 
that  he  would  defend  his  property  at  the  risk  of  his  life ; 
upon  which  the  men  agreed  to  wait  until  we  would  talk  to 
Mr.  Conolly  about  the  matter.  We  walked  toward  the 
fort  with  that  intention,  but  was  met  by  one  Aston,  (a 
Captain  of  Conolly's,)  at  the  head  of  about  thirty  armed 
men,  followed  by  Conolly.  Aston  approached,  and  in  a 
blasphemous  manner  accosted  Mr.  Mackay,  ordering  the 
Virginia  Sheriff  to  seize  him ;  upon  which  the  Sheriff, 
Aston,  and  several  others,  seized  him  in  a  valiant  manner ; 
Aston,  presenting  a  rifle  at  Mr.  Mackay,  threatened  to 
shoot  him  down,  which  some  of  the  bystanders  prevented. 
Conolly  came  up  at  the  same  time  in  a  great  rage,  telling 
Mr.  Mackay  that  he  would  send  him  to  Virginia  in  irons. 
We  endeavoured  to  expostulate  with  him,  but  all  to  no  pur- 
pose, but  told  him  that  he  would  tear  down  his  dwelling 


bouse,  if  he  thought  proper.  He  also  accused  Mr.  Mackay 
with  being  refractory  on  many  occasions,  and  a  fomenter  of 
sedition,  fee,  in  opposition  to  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  and 
that  he  had  encouraged  his  servants  to  abuse  one  of  his  men, 
who  was  then  present,  calling  the  man  to  prove  what  he 
asserted,  but  the  man  cleared  Mr.  Mackay  and  his  servant, 
saying  that  it  was  a  man  of  Mr.  Spear's  who  had  struck  him. 
Conolly  being  there  confuted  before  upwards  of  sixty  per- 
sons, said  it  was  all  one,  as  it  was  one  of  the  Magistrates' 
servants. 

Aston  attempted  to  run  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  at  Mr. 
Mackay's  face,  but  was  prevented ;  in  the  mean  time  Con- 
olly suffered  a  forsworn  rascal  (one  Reily)  to  shake  a  stick 
at  Mr.  Mackay,  and  abuse  him  in  an  outrageous  manner, 
without  bringing  him  to  an  account  for  so  doing.  In  this 
manner  Conolly  enforces  all  his  laws. 

The  7th  of  this  inst.,  one  Christy  returned  to  this  place 
from  Williamsburg,  and  brought  Conolly  a  packet  from 
my  Lord  Dunmore ;  he  also  brought  some  late  newspapers, 
in  which  we  had  an  account  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
being  dissolved  by  Lord  Dunmore.  It  happened  that  Mr. 
Mackay  told  this  news  to  a  neighbour  man,  and  that  same 
evening  Conolly  came  to  his  house,  accompanied  by  one  of 
his  officers,  and  began  to  abuse  him  in  a  most  blasphemous 
and  outrageous  manner,  accusing  him  of  being  the  cause  of 
a  meeting  amongst  his  men,  and  alleged  that  he  had  asserted 
there  was  no  provision  made  by  the  House  of  Burgesses 
for  the  payment  of  the  men  under  his  command.  Conolly 
continued  to  threaten  Mr.  Mackay  with  confinement.  He 
read  a  paragraph  of  a  letter  to  us,  in  which  Lord  Dunmore 
acquaints  him  of  the  Commissioners  of  Philadelphia  being 
at  Williamsburg,  and  the  proposals  they  made  in  regard  of 
a  temporary  line  were  so  extravagant  that  nothing  could  be 
done  in  it,  but  that  he,  Conolly,  might  settle  a  line  at  pre- 
sent with  the  Magistrates  of  this  county,  allowing  it  to  be 
twelve,  or  at  least  ten  miles  east  of  this  place.  We  told 
him  that  no  Magistrate  in  this  county  could  pretend 
to  do  any  thing  of  the  kind  without  instructions  from 
the  Government  of  Pennsylvania.  At  this  time  the 
Magistrates  had  raised  a  number  of  men  in  behalf  of 
the  Government  for  the  protection  of  the  frontiers,  and  to 
prevent  the  country  from  being  entirely  depopulated.  About 
thirty  of  them  were  stationed  at  the  Bullock  Pens,  seven 
miles  east  of  this  town.  Conolly  told  us  that  he  was  de- 
termined to  go,  or  send  out  the  next  day,  with  a  party,  to 
dispossess  our  men  of  that  post,  and  if  they  did  not  behave 
themselves  he  would  not  suffer  one  Pennsylvanian  to  live 
on  this  side  the  Laurel  Hill. 

June  12.  Mr.  Conolly  purposes  to  march  from  this 
place  to-morrow  with  two  hundred  men  to  build  a  stockade 
fort  at  Wheeling  Creek,  and  another  near  Hockhocking 
Creek ;  and  says  he  will  send  parties,  at  the  same  time, 
against  the  Shawanese  Towns ;  and  I  am  of  opinion  that 
they  will  make  no  distinction  betwixt  Shawanese  and  Dela- 
wares, as  they  are  determined  to  have  a  general  war.  Mr. 
Croghan  has  set  off  this  morning  to  Williamsburg,  as  he 
says,  to  represent  the  state  of  this  country  to  Lord  Dun- 
more and  Council,  as  also  to  acquaint  them  of  Mr.  Conolly's 
rash  conduct  at  this  place,  which  he  seems  to  disapprove  of. 
We  are  this  day  informed,  that  the  three  children  before 
mentioned,  that  were  missing  near  Muddy  Creek,  were 
found  dead,  and  scalped,  and  two  other  men,  in  sight  of  a 
fort  that  is  lately  built  on  Dunkard  Creek,  up  the  river 
Monongahela,  all  supposed  to  be  done  by  Logan's  party. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  town  are  busily  employed  in  stock- 
ading it  round  about,  yet  have  no  reason  to  expect  any  thing 
better  than  ruin  and  destruction. 

Mr.  Mackay  wrote  to  Govemour  Penn  from  Staunton, 
the  5th  of  Mny,  informing  him  of  our  enlargement.  I  also 
wrote  to  you,  and  Doctor  Smith,  at  the  same  time,  but 
these  letters  were  since  returned  to  us  here  by  Colonel 
Wilson,  as  also  the  Governour's  letter,  which  we  have  an- 
swered. I  would  be  glad  to  hear  the  candid  opinion  of  the 
Govemour  and  Council  concerning  those  extraordinary  dis- 
turbances. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obliged  humble  servant, 

Devereux  Smith. 

P.  S.  Please  to  present  without  delay  the  Governour's 
letter,  which  you  have  enclosed. 

June   13.      We   have   this  morning  received  certain 


471 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


472 


accounts  from  Ten  Mile  Creek,  (which  empties  into  the 
Monongakela  ten  miles  above  Red  Stone  Fort,)  tliat  on 
the  11th  inst.  Francis  McClure  was  killed,  and  one  Samuel 
Kincade  badly  wounded.  These  men  were  heading  a 
party  of  men  in  pursuit  of  Logan,  McClure  as  Captain, 
and  Kincade  as  Lieutenant ;  and  owing  to  their  bad  conduct 
they  advanced  some  considerable  distance  ahead  of  their 
men,  and  were  discovered  by  Logan.  When  the  party 
came  up  they  found  llieir  Captain  killed  and  Lieutenant 
wounded.  Part  of  them  staid  to  take  care  of  the  wounded 
man,  and  tlie  rest  pursued  the  Indiam.  it  is  said  that  one 
of  Logan's  men  was  wounded. 

Devereux  Smith. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  country  are  about  petitioning 
Govemour  Penn  by  this  opportunity. 


JENEAS    MACKAY    TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 

Pittsburgh.  Juno  14,  1774. 
May  it  please  your  Honour  :  The  deplorable  state  of 
affairs  in  this  part  of  your  Government,  at  this  time,  is 
truly  distressing ;  we  are  robbed,  insulted,  and  dragooned 
by  Conolly  and  his  militia  in  this  place  and  its  environs. 
All  ranks  share  of  his  oppression  and  tyranny,  but  the 
weight  of  his  resentment  falls  heaviest  on  me,  because  he 
imagines  I  oppose  his  unwarrantable  measures  most.  On 
the  27tli  of  last  May  he  ordered  a  party  of  his  militia  to 
pull  down  and  destroy  a  sheep  house  and  stable  of  mine,  in 
a  violent  and  outrageous  manner,  and  told  me  at  the  time, 
he  would  take  the  house  I  lived  in,  if  he  wanted  it,  and 
countenanced  a  perjured  villain,  a  constable  of  ours,  that 
deserted  to  him,  before  he  was  three  months  sworn  in,  of 
the  name  of  Reily,  to  shake  a  stick  at  my  nose,  before 
his  face,  without  reproof.  This  circumstance,  together 
with  some  more  of  the  Doctor's  conduct,  I  have  communi- 
cated to  my  Lord  Dunmore  by  letter,  but  what  effect  that 
may  have  time  only  will  show. 

Mr.  Croghan,  who  has  been  grossly  abused  by  our 
Bashaw,  lately  is  gone  to  Williamsburg  to  represent  every 
part  of  his  conduct  to  the  Govemour  and  Council,  in  its 
true  light ;  although  others  doubt,  I  am  very  certain  Mr. 
Croghan  is  earnest  and  sincere  respecting  that  intention, 
for  he  joins  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  in  charging  all  our 
present  calamity  to  the  Doctor's  account. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  do  not  know  what  day  or  hour 
we  will  be  attacked  by  our  savage  and  provoked  enemy, 
the  Indians,  who  hare  already  massacred  sixteen  persons  to 
our  certain  knowledge  about  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Ten  Mile  Creek.  Last  Saturday,  a  party  of  the  militia, 
consisting  of  one  Captain,  one  Lieutenant,  and  forty 
Privates,  were  on  their  march  to  join  Conolly  at.  the  mouth 
of  Wheeling,  where  he  intended  to  erect  a  stockade  fort ; 
when,  on  a  sudden,  they  were  attacked  only  by  four  In- 
dians, who  killed  the  Captain  on  the  spot,  and  wounded 
the  Lieutenant,  and  made  their  escape  without  being  hurt, 
and  the  party  after  burying  their  Captain,  returned  with 
their  wounded  Lieutenant ;  so  that  Conolly's  intended  ex- 
pedition is  knocked  in  the  head  at  this  time. 

1  am  your  Honour's  most  humble  and  most  obedient 
servant,  JEneas  Mackay, 

To  Govemour  Penn. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonior,  Juno  16,  1774. 

Sir  :  There  is  very  little  alteration  in  the  affairs  of  this 
country  since  my  last,  which  was  a  few  day  ago,  only  we 
have  a  certain  account  of  two  or  more  people  being  killed 
by  the  Indians,  one  Mr.  McClure  and  Kincade,  the  person 
for  whom  you  lately  issued  a  special  commission  of  the 
peace.  They  it  seems,  were  leading  a  party  of  forty  men 
to  join  Captain  Conolly  at  Wheeling,  and  were  attacked 
by  four  Indians,  who  made  llieir  escape  without  so  much 
as  being  fired  at. 

Before  this  accident,  Mr.  Conolly  had  detemiined  to 
march  from  Fort  Pitt,  (which  he  now  calls  Fort  Dun- 
more)  with  three  or  four  hundred  men  he  had  embodied 
for  the  purpose  of  chastising  the  Shawanese,  and  to  erect 
forts  at  Wheeling  and  Ilockhocking  to  overawe  the  In- 
dians, and  from  thence  to  carry  the  war  into  their  own 


country  ;  of  this,  he  "was  pleased  to  inform  me  by  letter, 
and  to  desire  I  would  act  in  concert  with  him.  You  may 
be  assured  sir,  1  shall  be  cautious  of  taking  any  step  that 
may  have  the  most  distant  tendency  to  draw  this  Province 
into  an  active  share  in  the  war  they  have  had  no  hand  in 
kindling  ;  but  I  have  since  received  accounts  that  the  above 
murders  instantly  changed  the  plan,  and  Mr.  Conolly  re- 
mains in  garrison.  It  is  said  some  of  his  party  discovered 
a  very  large  body  of  Indians  crossing  the  Ohio,  below 
Wheeling;  if  that  be  true,  as  it  is  not  improbable,  we  may 
expect  soon  to  hear  of  much  mischief  being  done,  as  there 
is  not  the  least  doubt  of  several  small  parties  being  out  at 
this  time.  It  is  some  satisfaction  the  Indians  seem  to  dis- 
criminate between  us  and  those  who  attacked  them,  and 
their  revenge  has  fallen  hitherto,  on  that  side  of  the  Mo- 
nongahela,  which  they  consider  as  Virginia ;  but  least  that 
should  not  continue,  we  are  taking  all  possible  care  to  pre- 
vent a  heavy  stroke  falling  upon  the  lew  people  who  are 
left  in  this  country.  Forts  at  different  places,  so  as  to  be 
most  convenient,  ai'e  now  nearly  completed,  which  gives 
an  appearance  of  security  for  the  women  and  children,  and 
with  the  ranging  parties  which  have  been  drawn  in  to  pre- 
serve the  connnunicalion,  has  in  a  great  degree,  put  a  stop 
to  the  unreasonable  panic  that  had  seized  them,  but  in  all  of 
them  there  is  a  great  scarcity  of  ammunition,  and  severed 
messengers  have  returned  from  below,  without  being  able 
to  purchase. 

1  am  very  anxious  to  know  whether  the  ranging  compa- 
nies are  agreeable  to  your  Honour  or  not,  both  because  the 
expense  of  continuing  them,  will  be  too  heavy  for  the  sub- 
scribers, and  that  I  am  every  day  pressed  to  increase  them. 
This  I  have  positively  refused  to  do,  until  I  receive  your 
Honour's  instructions,  and  I  well  know  how  averse  our 
Assemblies  have  formerly  been  to  engage  in  the  defence  of 
the  frontiers,  and  if  they  are  still  of  the  same  disposition, 
the  circumstance  of  the  white  people  being  the  aggressors, 
will  afford  them  a  topic  to  ring  the  changes  on,  and  conceal 
their  real  sentiments. 

Last  night  I  received  several  petitions  from  several  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  country,  which  I  have  now  the  honour  to 
transmit  to  you  by  Doctor  McKcnzie,  from  Pittsburgh. 
The  disturbances  of  this  country  has  ruined  his  business, 
but  should  the  Province  think  of  raising  troops,  he  would  be 
glad,  I  believe,  to  be  employed.  I  can,  sir,  recommend 
him  to  your  Honour  as  an  expert  surgeon,  and  gentlemanly 
man.     He  has  served  as  a  surgeon  in  the  navy. 

I  was  mistaken  in  saying  that  two  people  were  killed  on 
Ten  Mile  Creek.  Mr.  McClure  was  killed,  and  Kincade 
wounded ;  however,  it  would  have  been  no  great  matter  if 
he  had  been  killed,  as  he  had  accepted  a  commission  in 
the  service  of  Virginia,  so  soon  after  the  notice  you  had 
been  pleased  to  take  of  him,  at  the  request  of  his  father- 
in-law,  Colonel  Wilson.  I  am  afraid  there  are  some  more 
of  our  Virginia  friends  tiiat  do  not  play  us  fair,  but  it  is 
not  a  time  at  present  for  purgation. 

Unless  you  shall  forbid  me,  I  shall  continue  to  write  to 
you  in  this  manner,  whatever  occurs,  as  it  is  the  only  way 
I  have  at  present,  to  show  your  Honour,  that  I  am,  with 
the  greatest  respect,  your  Honour's  most  obedient,  and 
most  humble  servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  For  any  thing  that  has  escaped  me,  I  take  the 
liberty  to  refer  you  to  Doctor  McKenzte. 

The  day  before  yesterday,  I  had  a  visit  from  Mr.  Ward. 
He  informed  me  Mr.  Croghan  set  out  for  Williamsburg, 
the  day  before,  to  represent  the  distresses,  he  says,  of  the 
people  of  this  country.  At  the  same  time,  he  informed 
me,  that  the  Delawares  had  got  notice  of  the  murder  of 
Wipey,  and  that  Mr.  Croghan  had  desired  him  to  come  to 
me  on  that  occasion,  that  he  advised  that  they  should  be 
spoke  to,  and  some  small  present  made  to  them  as  condo- 
lence, and  to  cover  his  bones,  as  they  express  it.  I  do 
not  well  know  wiiat  to  do.  Such  a  present  as  some  few  of 
us  would  be  willing  to  contribute  for,  might  be  thought 
unworthy  of  the  Province,  and  such  an  one  as  might  come 
up  to  my  idea  would  be  great  presumption  to  offer.  This 
however,  is  certain,  the  Delawares  are  still  friendly,  and  it 
may  perhaps,  prevent  a  general  war  if  they  can  be  kept  in 
temper. 

1  believe  I  shall  go  to  Fort  Pitt  to-morrow,  and  will 
consider  well  of  it. 


473 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


474 


WILLIAM    THOMPSON    TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 

Cumberland  County,  June  19,  1774. 

Mat  it  please  your  Hondur  :  By  James  Caveat, 
Esquire,  who  is  just  come  down  from  Westmoreland,  there 
is  a  certain  account  of  a  number  of  people  being  itilled  by 
the  Indians,  on  the  west  side  of  tlie  Monongahela  river. 
Mr.  Caveat  was  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  (believing 
the  Assembly  was  setting,)  to  lay  the  indifferent  situation 
of  the  people  of  Westmoreland  before  your  Honour,  and 
the  Assembly,  and  to  pray  the  aid  of  Government  in  said 
country,  otherwise,  it  must  be  entirely  evacuated. 

They  have  at  their  own  risk  raised  two  hundred  men, 
which  are  stationed  in  the  best  manner  that  number  will 
admit  of,  to  guard  their  frontier  ;  but  they  are  only  raised 
for  one  month  ;  and  indeed  these  poor  people  are  not  able 
to  pay  that  expense,  much  less  are  they  in  a  condition  to 
support  troops  for  any  length  of  time. 

I  took  the  earliest  opportunity  of  acquainting  the  people 
over  the  hills  of  your  friendship  towards  them,  in  procuring 
without  loss  of  time,  a  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition, 
which  was  now  on  the  way  up  for  their  use,  and  also 
assured  them  that  you  would  do  every  thing  on  your  part 
for  their  preservation,  and  hoped  the  like  disposition  would 
be  found  in  the  Assembly  if  called  on  for  assistance. 

As  that  part  of  the  country  was  entirely  witliout  ammu- 
nition, Mr.  Montgomery  and  myself  purchased  and  sent 
ofl',  about  ten  days  since,  all  the  powder  and  lead  we  could 
get  in  Carlisle,  which  I  expect  is  safe  up  before  this. 

It  is  said  the  Indians  have  fixed  a  boundary  betwixt  the 
Virginians  and  us,  and  say,  that  they  will  not  kill  or 
touch  a  Pennsylvanian.  But  it  will  be  best  not  to  trust 
them,  and  I  am  doubtful,  a  short  time  will  show  to  the 
contrary. 

I  am,  your  Honour's  most  obedient,  and  very  humble 
servant,  William  Thompson. 

To  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire. 


LORD    DUNMORE    TO    CAPTAIN    JOHN    CONOLLY. 

Williamsburg,  June  20,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant, 
by  express.  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  murdeirs  commit- 
ted by  the  Indians,  but  hope  the  prudent  steps  you  have 
taken,  will  put  a  stop  to  further  cruelties  of  that  kind.  I 
entirely  approve  of  the  measure  you  have  taken  of  building 
a  fort  at  Wheeling,  and  also  of  marching  into  the  Shawa- 
nese  Towns,  if  you  think  you  have  a  sufficient  force  ;  and  I 
desire  you  will  keep  a  constant  correspondence  with  Colonel 
Andreto  Lewis,  that  you  may  co-operate  in  such  measures 
as  may  be  thought  effectual.  I  hope  you  will  prevail  on 
the  Delatoares,  and  the  well  affected  part  of  the  Mingoes, 
to  move  off  from  the  Shatvanese. 

It  is  highly  necessary  tliat  you  continue  at  Fort  Dun- 
more,  and  I  think  therefore,  that  you  could  not  do  better 
than  send  Captain  William  Crawford  with  what  men  you 
can  spare  to  join  him,  and  to  co-operate  with  Colonel 
Lewis,  or  to  strike  a  stroke  himself,  if  he  thinks  he  can  do 
it  with  safety.  I  know  him  to  be  prudent,  active,  and 
resolute,  and  therefore  very  fit  to  go  on  such  an  expedition, 
and  if  any  thing  of  that  kind  can  be  effected,  the  sooner  it 
is  done  the  better.  I  refer  you  to  my  letter  by  Captain 
Penticost,  by  whom  I  sent  you  some  blank  commissions. 

I  would  recommend  it  to  all  officers  going  out  on  parties 
to  make  as  many  prisoners  as  they  can  of  women  and 
children  ;  and  should  you  be  so  fortunate  as  to  reduce 
those  savages  to  sue  for  peace,  I  would  not  grant  it  to  them 
on  any  terms,  till  they  were  effectually  chastised  for  their 
insolence,  and  then  on  no  terms,  without  bringing  in  six 
of  their  heads  as  hostages  for  their  future  good  behaviour, 
and  these  to  be  relieved  annually,  and  that  they  trade  with 
us  only  for  what  they  may  want.     I  am,  fee, 

DuNMORE. 

To  Captain  LonoUy. 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonior,  June  22,  1774. 

Sir  :  In  my  last  I  informed  you  of  Mr.  Croghan  setting 
out  for  Williamsburg,  since  which  I  had  a  letter  from  him 
from  his  own  house.     He  therein  informed  me  that  he 


found  the  country  so  much  alarmed  at  his  going  down,  that 
he  chose  to  return,  and  trust  his  business  to  letters,  and 
desired  to  see  me  as  soon  as  possible.  Accordingly  I  set 
out  for  Pittsburgh,  the  I'tli  instant,  and  had  the  happiness 
to  find  two  of  the  principal  traders  arrived  there  with  a 
great  quantity  of  peltry,  and  that  they  had  been  conducted 
there  by  some  of  the  Shawanese  Chiefs,  and  that  the  rest 
of  the  traders,  with  their  horses  and  skins,  were  got  as  far 
as  the  Newcomer's  Town,  under  the  protection  of  another 
tihawanese  party. 

The  traders  inform  us  that  they  have  met  with  no  ill 
treatment  from  the  Shawanese ;  but  on  the  contrary,  they 
were  at  the  greatest  pains  to  protect  them  from  the 
Mingoes,  who  had  suffered  most  from  the  white  people, 
and  who  came  to  their  towns  several  times  with  the  inten- 
tion to  murder  them.  It  seems  they  did  not  think  it  pru- 
dent to  bring  the  Shawanese  to  Pittsburgh,  but  conducted 
them  from  some  distance  below  that  place,  through  the 
woods  to  Colonel  Croghan' s.  Mr.  Conolly  ordered  out  a 
party  of  forty  men  to  make  them  prisoners,  as  he  says. 

The  people  of  the  town  were  alarmed  at  seeing  a  party 
march  out  the  rout  they  took,  and  suspected  they  were  in- 
tended to  attack  a  party  of  our  people  stationed  at  the  Bul- 
lock Pens,  about  seven  miles  from  thence,  which  it  seems 
has  some  time  been  threatened,  and  acquainted  me  with 
what  they  feared.  I  immediately  waited  on  Mr.  Conolly, 
and  insisted  in  direct  terms,  he  should  tell  me  if  he  had  any 
such  design.  He  assured  me  he  had  not,  but  that  as  the 
Shawanese  had  committed  depredations  on  his  Majesty's 
subjects,  he  had  ordered  out  that  party  to  make  those 
prisoners  who  had  escorted  the  traders ;  and  that  might 
have  been  his  real  intention  ;  but  I  am  convinced  those 
who  were  to  put  it  in  execution  would  not  have  made  pri- 
soners. We  put  it  out  of  their  power  to  do  either,  by 
sending  them  over  the  river. 

lour  Honour  will  judge  from  this  circumstance  that  the 
crew  about  Fort  Pitt,  (now  Fort  Dunmore,)  are  intent  on 
a  war,  for  were  not  that  the  case,  honour,  generosity,  grati- 
tude, every  manly  principle,  must  have  prompted  them  to 
be  kind,  and  afford  protection  to  those  poor  savages,  who 
had  risked  tlieir  own  lives  to  preserve  the  lives  and  pro- 
perty of  their  fellow-subjects;  but  why  need  I  mention 
this  circumstance,  one  at  least  as  strong  is  that  John  Drin- 
ning,  who  publicly  acknowledged,  or  rather  boasted,  of 
having  killed  the  Indians,  with  Mr.  Cresap,  is  one  of 
Mr.  Conolly's  Lieutenants,  and  is  at  the  present  time  out 
some  where  with  the  command  of  a  party  to  take  scalps, 
from  friends  I  suppose  ;  a  murderer,  I  am  sure,  will  never 
meet  an  enemy  on  fair  terms. 

I  mentioned  something  of  a  condolence  in  my  last,  and 
as  the  Shawanese  were  up,  I  suffered  myself  to  be  per- 
suaded by  Mr.  Croghan  to  collect  a  small  present  of  goods 
for  that  purpose,  which  was  on  Sunday  morning  to  have 
been  divided  and  sent  to  the  three  nations,  the  Six  Nations, 
Shawanese,  and  Delawares  ;  but  Mr.  Conolly's  frolic  pre- 
vented it  that  day.  Next  morning,  the  Indians,  being 
some  Six  Nations,  and  some  Delawares,  were  brought 
down  to  Mr.  Croghan's  and  were  shown  the  condolence, 
and  acquainted  that  it  was  ordered  for  them  by  you,  and  that 
when  their  Chiefs  arrived  they  would  be  spoke  to,  and 
the  present  delivered,  and  a  messenger  was  sent  after  tlie 
Shawanese  to  acquaint  them  likewise.  As  the  Indians 
themselves  make  a  distinction  betwixt  us  and  our  neigh- 
bours, it  may  perhaps  be  a  means  of  keeping  peace  in  our 
quarter  at  least.  I  hope  your  Honour  will  not  be  offended 
at  my  taking  this  upon  myself.  The  value  of  the  goods  is 
but  trifling,  not  exceeding  thirty  or  forty  pounds.  I  have 
inclosed  a  list  of  them,  but  the  person  from  whom  I  got 
them  neglected  to  affix  the  prices. 

Whatever  may  be  Mr.  Croghan's  real  views,  I  am  cer- 
tain he  is  hearty  in  promising  the  general  tranquillity  of  the 
country,  indeed,  he  is  indefatigable  in  endeavouring  to 
make  up  the  breaches,  and  does,  I  believe,  see  his  mistake 
in  opposing  the  interests  of  your  Government ;  and  I  doubt 
not  but  a  very  little  attention  would  render  him  as  service- 
able as  ever.  Real  friendship  you  must  not  expect,  for, 
by  his  interest  alone  he  is  regulated,  yet  he  may  be  useful, 
as  by  and  by  yo\i  will  probably  want  to  make  aiioiher  pur- 
chase. I  purposely  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  opening  a 
correspondence  with  me,  which  he  embraced,  and  from 
what  I  can  see,  he  would  be  glad  to  be  on  better  terms 


475 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


478 


with  your  officers  than  he  has  been ;  but  this  is  only  conjec- 
ture. 

With  this,  your  Honour  will  receive  an  extract  from 
Mr.  McKee's  journal  of  all  the  transactions  with  the  In- 
dians, from  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  as  also  another 
of  Mr.  ConoUy's  advertisements.  I  know  not  well  what 
he  means  by  it,  but  I  believe  his  design  is  to  distress  the 
Indian  trade. 

It  is  true  what  I  mentioned  about  the  boundary.  Mr. 
Conolly  read  me  part  of  a  letter  from  Lord  Dunmore  on 
the  subject.  He  says  the  demands  of  the  Pennsylvanians 
were  so  extravagant,  that  he  could  do  nothing  with  them, 
but  that  he,  (^Conolly)  may  settle  a  line  of  jurisdiction 
with  the  Magistrates  of  Westmoreland,  ten  or  twelve  miles 
eastwaid  of  Pittsburgh,  or  a  more  convenient  distance,  and 
cautions  him  at  the  same  time  to  give  no  just  cause  of 
offence  to  the  Magistrates  acting  under  tlie  authority  of  this 
Province.  1  know  not  how  the  Magistrates  were  to  settle 
lines. 

I  received  your  Honour's  favour  of  the  7th  instant, 
and  am  happy  to  inform  you  the  panic  is  in  some  measure 
over.  The  ammunition  not  yet  come  to  hand ;  but  a 
quantity  arrived  from  Carlisle,  which  eased  the  people's 
mind  a  little  ;  but  the  damage  done  to  the  country  by  the 
desertion  of  tiie  people,  and  the  loss  of  the  Spring  crop,  is 
very  great,  and  if  any  thing  should  happen  to  interrupt  the 
harvest,  we  must  have  an  absolute  famine — this  I  hope  will 
not  be  the  case. 

I  am  most  respectfully,  your  Honour's  most  obedient, 
and  most  humble  servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  Logan  is  returned  with  thirteen  scalps  and  one 
prisoner,  and  says  he  will  now  listen  to  the  Chiefs. 
To  Govemour  Penn. 


JOHN    CONOLLT  S    ADVERTISEMENT. 

Whereas,  the  Shawanese  have  perpetrated  several 
murders  upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  county,  which  has  in- 
volved this  promising  settlement  in  the  most  calamitous 
distress.  And  whereas,  I  have  very  good  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  certain  imprudent  people  continue  to  carry  on  a 
correspondence  with,  and  supply  the  said  enemies  with 
dangerous  commodities  to  the  infinite  prejudice  of  all  his 
Majesty's  subjects,  and  expressly  contrary  to  an  act  of  the 
Assembly,  prohibiting  such  unwarrantable  intercourse: 
These  are  therefore,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  strictly  to  re- 
quire and  command  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  to  take 
notice  hereof,  and  to  deport  themselves  as  the  law  directs, 
as  they  may  be  assured  that  a  contrary  conduct  will  draw 
on  them  the  utmost  severity  thereof. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Fort  Dunmore,  this  18th  day 
of  June,  1774.  John  Conolly. 


EXTRACT  TAKEN  FROM  A  JOURNAL  OF  INDIAN  TRANSAC- 
TIONS. 

May  1 ,  1774.  Information  having  been  given  that  sundry 
depredations  had  been  committed  upon  several  Indian 
parties  going  down  the  river  from  this  place,  by  the  white 
inhabitants  settled  upon  the  Ohio,  near  Wheeling  and  Yel- 
low Creek,  the  following  Message  was  despatched  to  King 
Custologa,  Captains  White  Eyes,  Pipe,  and  such  other 
Chiefs  as  were  most  contiguous  to  this  place. 

"  Brethren  :  We  are  under  the  necessity,  from  some 
disagreeable  intelligence  which  we  have  just  received,  of 
calling  upon  your  immediate  attendance  at  this  place, 
where  we  shall  have  some  things  of  importance  to  com- 
municate to  you,  which  intimately  concerns  the  welfare  of 
us  both  ;  this  will  be  sufficient  we  expect,  to  induce  your 
speedy  appearance  here,  as  delays  upon  this  occasion  may 
be  attended  with  the  most  dangerous  consequences."  (A 
string  of  while  wampum.') 

May  3.  A  meeting  held  at  Colonel  Croghan's  house, 
at  which  was  present.  Captain  Conolly,  the  Commandant 
of  the  militia,  and  several  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  with 
Goyasutha,  the  White  Mingo,  and  a  deputation  of  the  Six 
Nation  Indians,  who  were  here  ujjon  their  way  with 
Speeches  from  Sir  fil,llia7n  Johnson  to  the  Hurons  and 
Wabash  Confederacy. 

"  Brethren  :  We  are  sorry  to  inform  you  that  we  have 


lately  received  accounts  of  some  outrages  being  committed 
upon  several  of  your  people  going  down  the  Ohio,  by  some 
ill  disposed  white  persons  settled  upon  it ;  and  we  take  the 
earliest  opportunity  of  making  you  acquainted  with  what 
we  have  heard,  in  order  to  convince  you  that  we  discoun- 
tenance so  barbarous  a  breach  of  friendsiiip  with  you,  and 
we  can  assure  you  that  it  has  not  been  done  with  the  in- 
tent or  knowledge  of  Government,  and  we  make  no  doubt 
your  brother,  the  Govemour  of  Virginia,  when  he  becomes 
fully  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  the  unhappy 
loss  you  have  sustained  in  so  many  of  your  people,  that 
he  and  his  wise  men  will  fall  upon  the  most  salutary 
measures  of  doing  you  every  justice  that  can  be  expected. 
In  the  mean  time  we  have  to  recommend  to  you,  in  the 
most  earnest  maimer,  your  affording  every  assistance  in 
your  power  to  accommodate  this  unfortunate  breach  which 
has  happened,  as  you  must  be  sensible  that  a  general  war 
between  us  must  be  attended  with  the  greatest  calamity 
on  both  sides."     {A  belt  of  wampum.) 

After  some  time  they  returned  for  Answer : 
"  Brethren:  (the  English.)  We  have  considered  what 
you  have  said  to  us,  and  as  the  Chiefs  of  the  Delaivares 
are  expected  in  this  night,  or  to-morrow,  we  will  consult 
with  them,  and  then  know  what  reply  to  make.  But  you 
may  depend  upon  it,  that  we  shall  do  every  thing  in  our 
power  to  keep  things  quiet,  which  we  make  no  doubt  can 
be  done,  from  the  general  peaceable  disposition  of  our  own 
people,  provided  you  will  be  strong  upon  your  parts,  in 
preventing  your  rash  people  from  commencing  any  further 
hostilities  upon  the  Indians."     (^A  string  of  vjampum.) 

May  4.  Arrived  Captains  White  Eyes,  Pipe,  and 
Samuel  Compass,  brother  to  one  of  the  Delaware  Indians 
lately  murdered  in  the  traders'  canoe,  with  several  other 
Chiefs  and  principal  men  of  the  Delawares.  The  same 
evening  they  proceeded  to  the  Six  Nation  Village,  at  Pine 
Creek,  in  order  to  consult  with  the  Chiefs  there,  and  be 
informed  of  what  had  passed  already  between  them  and  us. 

May  5.     At  a  Condolence  held  with  the  Six  Nations, 
Delawares,  Shawanese,  Munsies,  Mohegans,  and  Twigh- 
twees,  who  are  the  several  Nations  that  have  been  sufferers 
in  the  late  unfortunate  disturbances. 
Present: 

Captain  Conolly,  Commandant,  and  a  number  of  other 
gentlemen. 

Six  Nation  Indians. — Guyasutha,  IVhite  Mingo,  and 
the  Six  Nation  Deputies  as  before  mentioned,  with  a 
number  of  other  Chiefs,  and  principal  men. 

Delawares. — Captains  White  Eyes,  Pipe,  Keykewe- 
num,  and  Samuel  Compass,  with  a  number  of  other  In- 
dians of  that  Nation. 

Brethren  :  It  was  with  the  deepest  concern  that  we 
informed  you  two  days  ago  of  the  late  unhappy  death  of 
some  of  your  friends,  and  it  adds  much  to  our  grief  upon 
this  occasion,  when  we  consider  that  some  of  our  rash  in- 
considerate people  have  been  accessory  thereto.  We  con- 
dole with  you,  and  bewail  the  misfortunes  you  have 
suffered,  and  as  a  testimony  of  our  sincerity,  we  deliver 
you  these  strings  of  wampum.    (^A  string  to  each  Nation.) 

Brethren  :  We  wipe  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and 
remove  the  grief  which  this  melancholy  circumstance  may 
have  impressed  upon  your  hearts,  that  you  may  be  enabled 
to  look  upon  your  brethren  the  (English)  with  the  same 
friendship  as  usual,  aud  listen  to  them  with  the  like  good- 
ness of  heart,  as  formeriy,  when  no  evil  disturbed  your 
minds.     (A  string  to  each  Nation.) 

Brethren  :  We  now  collect  the  bones  of  your  deceased 
people,  and  wrap  them  up  in  those  goods  which  we  have 
prepared  for  that  purpose,  and  we  likewise  inter  them, 
that  every  remembrance  of  uneasiness  upon  this  head, 
may  be  extinguished,  and  also  buried  in  oblivion.  (Deliv- 
ered a  condolence  ■present.) 

Brethren  :  We  have  now  conformably  to  you  custom, 
condoled  with  you  in  the  usual  manner  upon  such  occasions; 
and  we  are  to  request  some  of  your  Chiefs  present,  who 
have  the  most  influence  with  the  distant  tribes  to  proceed 
to  tiiem  with  the  greatest  expedition  with  what  you  have 
now  heard,  as  it  is  highly  necessary  tliat  we  should  be 
made  acquainted  without  delay,  with  the  result  of  their 
Councils  upon  the  present  circumstances  of  affairs,  as  well 


47T 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


478 


as  it  may  be  useful  for  them  to  be  informed  of  our  senti- 
ments thereupon  ;  and  tliat  the  stroke  they  have  received, 
is  not  only  contrary  to  the  judgment  of  every  wise  man 
amongst  us,  but  all  authority,  which  consequently  will  be 
exerted  to  do  them  justice  ;  therefore,  these  facts  ought  to 
have  great  weight  in  their  determination  at  this  time  ;  and 
as  a  further  proof  of  our  uprightness  towards  them,  two  of 
the  gentlemen  here  present  will  accompany  you  in  the 
execution  of  this  good  work.  (A  string  of  wampum.') 
Captain  ConoUy  then  addressed  the  Indians  as  follows  : 

"  Brethren  :  I  am  very  sorry  to  find  that  a  dispute  has 
happened  between  our  people  and  yours,  which  has  been 
attended  with  bad  consequences  to  both  parties.  You 
ought  to  be  certain,  brothers,  that  our  wise  men  had  no 
act  or  part  in  what  has  happened,  and  that  it  was  entirely 
owing  to  the  folly  and  indiscretion  of  our  young  people, 
which  you  know,  like  your  own  young  men,  are  unwilling 
to  listen  to  good  advice.  As  to  the  particulars  of  what  has 
happened,  we  yet  do  not  know ;  we  are  sure,  however, 
that  people  are  killed  on  both  sides,  but  we  hope  as  the 
dispute  happened  only  between  the  young  and  foolish 
people,  that  it  will  not  engage  our  wise  men  in  a  quarrel 
in  which  none  of  us  had  a  part.  It  is,  however,  brothers, 
very  unlucky  that  any  difference  should  have  happened 
between  us  at  this  time,  as  the  great  Headman  of  Virginia 
and  all  his  wise  people  are  just  going  to  meet  together  to 
counsel  about  the  settling  in  this  country,  bought  from  you 
the  Six  Nations  ;  and  to  give  orders  to  their  young  men, 
which  may  come  to  be  your  neighbours,  to  be  kind  and 
friendly  towards  you.  And,  likewise,  I  expect  they  will 
buy  goods  to  clothe  your  old  people  and  children,  to 
brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us,  and  to  con- 
vince you  that  we  will  be  as  friendly  towards  you  as  your 
late  neighbours  from  Pennsylvania  were.  And,  therefore, 
I  desire  you,  brothers,  not  to  listen  to  what  some  lying 
people  may  tell  you  to  the  contrary,  for  although  we  are 
always  ready  to  fight  our  enemies,  yet  we  will  show  our 
true  and  steady  friendship  upon  every  occasion,  when 
necessary.     (^A  string  of  wampum.') 

Captain  White  Eyes,  on  behalf  of  the   Indians  present, 
made  the  following  Answer : 

"  Brethren  :  (the  English,)  We  have  heard  with 
satisfaction  the  several  Speeches  you  have  now  delivered 
to  us,  and  we  return  you  our  sincere  thanks  for  the  friend- 
ship and  concern  you  have  been  pleased  to  express  for  us 
upon  this  occasion  ;  we  cannot  doubt  of  your  uprightness 
towards  us,  and  that  the  mischief  done  to  us,  has  been 
done  contrary  to  your  intent  and  desire,  which  we  believe 
has  arose  entirely  from  the  evil-minded  persons  who  have 
been  the  perpetrators  of  it ;  therefore  it  is  incumbent  upon 
us  to  aid  you  with  our  best  assistance.  As  the  great  and 
good  work  of  peace  has  been  established  between  us,  by 
the  labour  and  pains  of  our  greatest  and  wisest  men,  it 
ought  not  to  be  disturbed  by  the  folly  or  imprudence  of  any 
rash  people  whatever,  who,  hereafter,  refusing  to  pay  due 
obedience  to  good  advice,  or  offering  to  slip  their  hands 
from  the  chain  of  friendship,  it  will  be  our  duty  to  chastise, 
should  not  those  examples  of  violence  before  their  eyes 
have  this  effect.  Brethren,  I  will  carry  your  Messages 
to  the  other  Nations :  they  are  intended  for  myself,  as  it  is 
a  business  too  serious  to  be  trifled  with,  or  boys  to  be  em- 
ployed on  ;  it  is  the  happiness  of  ourselves,  our  women 
and  children,  and  every  thing  dear  to  us,  that  we  are  en- 
deavouring to  preserve.  Therefore  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  1  shall  speak  my  sentiments  fully  and  truly  to  all 
Nations  upon  it."     {A  large  string  of  white  wampum.) 

Guyasutha  then  returned  Captain  White  Eyes  thanks  on 
behalf  of  the  Six  Nations  present,  and  told  him  as  he  had 
delivered  their  sentiments  fully  in  the  foregoing  Speech,  it 
was  needless  for  them  to  say  any  thing  more  upon  the 
subject,  but  desire  him  to  be  strong  in  restoring  the  tran- 
quillity of  the  country,  and  that  one  of  his  people  should 
accompany  him  in  this  good  undertaking. 

May  9.  A  Speech  delivered  by  several  Chiefs,  Six 
Nations  and  Delawares. 

"  Brother  :  (the  Govemour  of  Virginia,)  No  doubt 
you  have  been  informed  by  the  officer  commanding  at  this 
place  of  the  misfortunes  which  have  lately  happened  in 
this  country.     And  we  now  declare  to  you,  as  well  as  to 


all  our  brethren,  (the  English,)  that  we  had  no  suspicion  of 
so  much  mischief  being  done,  as  we  have  always  on  our 
parts  made  it  our  constant  study  to  promote  the  peace 
subsisting  between  our  bretliren  (the  English)  and  us,  and 
we  also  assure  you  that  we  still  continue  to  preserve  that 
chain  of  friendship ;  and  we  hope  that  such  of  you,  our 
brethren,  the  white  people,  who  are  in  authority,  will  do 
every  thing  in  your  powers  to  prevent  your  rash  people 
from  committing  further  hostilities  upon  us. 

"  Brother  :  We  have  to  request  you  in  a  particular 
manner  to  be  strong,  and  consider  what  may  be  best  to  be 
done  with  those  flagrant  offenders  of  our  peace. 

"  As  to  us,  we  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  you,  that 
we  have  received  a  message  from  the  Lower  Towns,  in- 
forming us  that  all  the  Indians  there  remained  quiet,  and 
that  they  have  submitted  the  loss  they  have  sustained  to 
the  candour  and  justice  of  your  wise  people."       (^A  belt.) 

May  16.  A  Message  delivered  by  five  principal  men 
of  the  Delawares  from  Custaloga. 

"  Brethren  :  (the  English,)  I  have  received  your 
several  messages  since  the  outrages  committed  upon  the 
Indians,  and  with  respect  to  my  people,  I  assure  you,  that 
we  are  perfectly  well  pleased  with  them.  Our  young  men 
are  following  their  employments  as  usual,  relying  entirely 
upon  your  sincerity  and  the  hopes  of  your  great  men  doing 
every  thing  in  their  power  to  redress  the  breach  in  our 
friendship  ;  therefore,  we  have  also  to  hope  that  what  you 
have  said  to  us  upon  this  head  comes  from  your  hearts,  and 
not  with  a  design  to  amuse  or  deceive  us,  as  we  are  upon 
our  parts  heartily  disposed  to  preserve  the  strictest  friend- 
ship with  you."     (A  string.) 

May  17.  "  Urotheu  :  [Custaloga.)  We  are  glad  to 
find  by  your  Message,  that  you  and  your  tribe  are  so  well 
satified  with  our  endeavours  to  reconcile  the  bad  conduct 
of  some  rash,  unthinking  people,  so  injurious  to  the  peace 
subsisting  between  you  and  us.  The  measures  however, 
as  well  as  concern,  we  have  shown  you  upon  this  occasion, 
must  be  sufficient  to  convince  you  of  the  desire  we  have  to 
live  in  amity  with  all  our  Indian  brethren,  and  although 
the  folly  of  a  few  individuals  have  given  you  some  cause  of 
complaint,  yet  the  general  conduct  of  your  brethren,  (the 
English)  towards  you  must  evince  to  you  their  sincerity 
as  well  as  justice."     (^A  string.) 

May  21.  Arrived,  two  messengers  from  Newcomer  s 
Town,  and  delivered  the  following  Speech  in  writing : 

"  Newcomer's  Town,  May  13,  1774. 

"  This  day  assembled  in  Council,  King  Newcomer, 
Captain  Kill  Buck,  and  Thomas  McKee,  together  with 
several  other  chief  men  of  the  Delawares.  They  have 
received  a  Speech  from  John  Thompson  they  did  not 
approve  of;  and  they  now  thought  proper  to  acquaint 
their  brothers  at  Fort  Pitt  of  him,  and  would  be  very 
glad  that  our  brothers  would  not  take  any  notice  of  what 
he  has  to  say  to  them,  as  he  only  speaks  of  himself,  and 
there  was  none  of  us  present ;  so  we  would  be  glad  that 
our  brothers  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  would  not 
hear  his  speech.  He  tells  us  that  he  will  speak  to  our 
brothers  of  Pennsylvania,  that  they  should  speak  to  the 
people  of  Virginia,  and  give  them  some  physic  to 
drink  that  will  bring  them  to  their  senses  again  ;  this  is 
what  he  has  to  say,  but  we  hope  that  our  brothers  will 
not  take  any  notice,  or  think  any  thing  of  it,  as  he  cannot 
speak  for  us  all." 

"  To  our  brothers  Colonel  Croghan,  Captain  McKee, 
and  Captain  Conolly." 

Returned  the  following  Answer : 

"  May  21.  Brethren  :  (Chiefs  of  the  Delawares,)  We 
received  your  Speech  of  the  13th  instant,  by  the  two  mes- 
sengers you  sent  us,  and  we  return  you  thanks  for  putting 
us  on  our  guard  against  the  bad  man  you  have  mentioned 
in  it,  (though  he  was  known  to  us  before,)  and  you  may 
be  assured  that  we  shall  not  pay  any  regard  to  what  he 
says  to  us,  or  to  any  other  man  that  does  not  come  with 
sufficient  authority  from  you.  Brethren,  we  desire  you  to 
be  strong,  and  speak  to  your  grand  children,  the  Shawa- 
nese,  and  let  them  know,  that  any  unruly  conduct  of  theirs 
at  this  time  will  only  produce  more  fatal  consequences 
than  has  already  happened,  and  that  the  number  of  people 
who  yet  desire  to  live   and  preserve  the  peace  of  this. 


479 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


480 


country  are  far  superior  to  those  bad  people  who  desire 
the  contrary,  so  that  il'  they  study  their  real  interest  they 
will  not  delay  to  inform  us  of  their  sentiments,  as  they 
must  be  convinced  that  our  whole  country  are  now  collected 
in  bodies  and  waiting  to  hear  from  them.  Brethren,  we 
desire  your  young  men  may  be  informed,  that  we  shall  be 
glad  to  see  them  come  here  and  trade  as  usual."  (^A  string.) 

May  25.  White  Eyes,  after  delivering  the  Condolence 
Speeches  to  the  Delawares  at  the  Newcomer's  Town,  re- 
ceived the  following  Answer,  directed  to  their  brethren, 
tlie  English  : 

"Brethren:  Wc  are  glad  to  receive  your  messages  now 
delivered  to  us  by  Captain  JVhite  Eyes  upon  the  late  dis- 
turbances which  have  happened  between  our  young  men, 
and  we  return  you  thanks  for  the  speedy  measures  you 
have  taken  to  speak  to  us  upon  it.  We  are  entirely  satis- 
fied upon  this  account,  and  banish  everything  which  could 
give  us  uneasiness  from  our  hearts,  as  you  desire  us,  and 
we  likewise  request  that  you  will  do  the  same,  that  nothing 
may  remain  upon  either  side  to  discontent  us."  {A  string.) 

"  Brethren  :  We  have  too  great  a  regard  for  the  ancient 
friendship  established  between  you  and  us.  and  which  has 
so  long  subsisted  between  our  forefathers,  to  suffer  the 
conduct  of  foolish  men  to  have  any  bad  effect  upon  it,  or  to 
weaken  our  good  intentions  in  the  least,  so  as  to  loosen  our 
hands  from  the  hold  we  have  of  it ;  therefore  we  do  not 
look  towards  the  evil  that  has  been  done,  with  any  resent- 
ment in  our  minds,  but  with  a  desire  to  have  it  buried  in 
oblivion,  as  well  as  every  thing  else  which  has  an  appear- 
ance of  disturbing  our  future  tranquillity.  Be  strong 
brethren,  and  think  favourably  of  our  peace  as  we  do,  and 
we  shall  be  too  powerful  for  any  bad  people,  who  are  not 
inclined  to  listen  to  or  preserve  it  as  we  do.  Brethren, 
when  our  wise  people  concluded  the  peace  which  subsists 
between  us,  it  was  mutually  agreed  between  them,  that 
though  probably  we  might  lose  people  on  both  sides  by 
the  rashness  or  folly  of  bad  men,  that  it  ought  not,  nor 
should  not,  have  any  evil  effect  upon  the  amity  settled  by 
them,  and  this  is  still  what  we  adhere  to.  Brethren,  last 
of  all  we  spoke  to  our  grandchildren,  the  Shawanese,  upon 
this  head,  and  desired  them  to  keep  their  young  imprudent 
men  from  doing  mischief,  and  this  advice  we  have  again 
given  them  at  this  time.     (^A  belt.) 

"  Brethren  :  The  road  which  you  have  cleared  between 
you  and  us,  we  now,  by  this  string  of  wampum,  upon  our 
parts,  remove  every  obstacle  that  may  impede  our  travel- 
ling it  with  satisfaction,  and  we  desire  that  our  young  men 
may  be  permitted  to  continue  their  trade  as  usual.  Those 
white  people  who  are  in  our  towns  to  the  number  of  eleven, 
you  will  see  in  a  few  days,  who  are  going  to  Pittsburgh 
under  the  protection  of  your  brethren  the  Delazvares,  and 
as  soon  as  matters  wear  a  more  favourable  aspect  we  shall 
expect  them  to  return  to  our  towns."     (^A  string.) 

The  Shawanese  then  delivered  the   following  Answer  to 
the  Condolence  Speeches  and  Message  sent  them  : 

"  Brothers  :  (Captain  ConoUy,  Mr.  McKee,  and  Mr. 
Croghan,)  We  have  received  your  Speeches  by  White 
Eyes,  and  as  to  what  Mr.  Croghan  and  Mr.  McKee  says, 
we  look  upon  it  all  to  be  lies,  and  perhaps  what  you  say 
may  be  lies  also ;  but  as  it  is  the  first  time  you  have  spoke 
to  us,  we  listen  to  you  and  expect  that  what  we  may  hear 
from  you  will  be  more  confined  to  truth  than  what  we 
usually  hear  from  the  white  people.  It  is  you  who  are 
firequenlly  passing  down  and  up  the  Ohio,  and  making 
settlements  upon  it,  and  as  you  have  informed  us  that  your 
wise  people  were  met  together  to  consult  upon  this  matter, 
we  desire  you  to  be  strong  and  consider  it  well. 

"  Brethren  :  We  see  you  speak  to  us  at  the  head  of 
your  warriors,  who  you  have  collected  together  at  sundry 
places  upon  this  river,  where  we  understand  they  are 
building  forts,  and  as  you  have  requested  us  to  listen  to 
you,  we  will  do  it,  but  in  the  same  manner  that  you  appear 
to  speak  to  us.  Our  people  at  the  Lower  Towns  have  no 
Chiefs  amongst  them,  but  are  all  warriors,  and  are  also 
preparing  themselves  to  be  in  readiness,  that  they  may  be 
better  able  to  hear  what  you  have  to  say. 

"  You  tell  us  not  to  take  any  notice  of  what  your  people 
have  done  to  us  ;  we  desire  you  likewise  not  to  take  any 
notice  of  what  our  young  men  may  now  be  doing,  and  as 


no  doubt  you  can  command  your  warriors  when  you  desire 
them  to  listen  to  you,  we  have  reason  to  expect  that  ours 
will  take  the  same  advice  when  we  require  it,  that  is,  when 
we  have  heard  from  the  Governour  of  Virginia. 

"Brethren:  (of  Pennsylvania,)  It  is  some  years  ago 
since  we  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  you  at  Pittsburgh,  when 
you  came  there  to  renew  the  ancient  friendship  that  sub- 
sisted between  our  forefathers;  and  it  gave  us  great  pleasure 
to  assist  you  in  the  great  work,  when  the  path  was  opened 
between  you  and  us,  and  we  now  tell  you  that  your  traders 
who  have  travelled  it,  shall  return  the  same  road  in  peace, 
and  we  desire  our  grandfathers,  the  Delawares,  to  be  strong 
in  conducting  them  safe  to  you."     {^A  strins;.) 

May  26.  The  Indians  expressing  a  desire  of  hearing 
their  brethren  of  Pennsylvania  speak  to  them.  Captain 
St.  Clair,  on  behalf  of  that  Province,  addressed  them  as 
follows  : 

"  Brothers  :  (Six  Nations  and  Delaivares,)  We  have 
heard  your  good  Speeches,  and  1  am  come  from  your 
brother  of  Pennsylvania  to  thank  you  for  the  care  and 
pains  you  have  taken  to  preserve  the  general  peace.  We 
are  determined  to  do  all  in  our  power  to  maintain  the 
friendship  that  subsists  between  us  and  our  brethren  the 
Six  Nations  and  Delawares  entire  ;  but  as  our  people  are 
alarmed  at  what  has  happened  with  the  Shaicanese,  we 
recommend  it  to  you  to  prevent  your  people  from  hunting 
amongst  us  for  some  time,  as  our  people  will  not  be  able  to 
distinguish  betwixt  them  and  others.  We  wish,  and  will 
endeavour  to  keep  the  path  open  to  our  brethren,  and  keep 
bright  that  chain  of  friendship  betwixt  us  which  was  so 
long  held  fast  by  their  and  our  forefathers. 

"  Signed,  Ar.  St.  Clair." 

The  Delawares  then  returned  tlianks  for  the  good 
opinion  their  brethren  of  Pennsylvania  had  expressed  of 
them,  and  that  their  sentiments  corresponded  so  nearly 
with  their  own,  with  respect  to  keeping  whole  their  ancient 
friendship,  and  they  called  upon  their  uncles,  the  Si-x  Na- 
tions, to  be  witness  to  their  now  declaring  that  they  were 
determined  to  preserve  it  unshaken  and  unhurt  from  the 
attacks  of  bad  peo()le. 

Guyasutha  then  told  his  nephews,  the  Delawares,  that 
he  was  rejoiced  to  find  them  so  determined  upon  supporting 
the  good  order  and  peace  of  the  country.  That  they 
might  always  depend  upon  being  backed  by  the  Sit 
Nations  in  so  laudable  a  resolution,  who  were  so  strongly 
linked  in  friendship  with  the  English,  that  it  was  not  to  be 
broken ;  therefore,  what  they  had  now  heard  from  them 
was  very  agreeable. 

May  26.  A  Speech  delivered  the  Delawares  upon  re- 
ceiving their  answer  to  the  Condolence  Messages  tiiat  had 
been  sent  them,  and  which  was  delivered  by  Captain 
White  Eyes  : 

"  Brothers:  We  are  glad  to  find  that  our  former  friend- 
ship is  not  to  be  hurt  by  what  has  happened  between  our 
young  people  and  yours,  and  as  we  have  been  very  sorry 
for  it,  we  now  at  your  request,  remove  the  trouble  from 
our  hearts,  and  desire  that  you  may  do  the  same,  so  that 
nothing  but  friendship  may  he  thought  of  between  us. 

"  Brothers:  We  arc  glad  to  find  that  you  are  so  friendly 
and  considerate  as  not  to  allow  the  rash  actions  of  young 
foolish  people  to  break  in  upon  our  former  friendship,  and 
as  you  desire  it  may  be  forget,  we  hope  it  will,  and  that 
we  never  have  cause  of  future  disturbance.  You  may  be 
assured  that  we  are  strong  on  our  parts  to  maintain  the 
strictest  friendship  with  our  brethren  the  Delawares,  and 
are  sure  that  wo  will  be  able  for  any  bad  people  that  may 
want  to  interrupt  it ;  what  you  observe  as  to  the  good  un- 
derstanding between  us  and  you,  we  have  an  eye  to,  and 
think  as  you  do,  that  the  rashness  of  foolish  young  men 
should  not  interrupt.  We  thank  you  for  tlie  pains  you 
have  taken  to  speak  to  your  grandchildren,  the  Shawanese, 
and  for  the  advice  you  have  given  them.     (A  string.) 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  the  Shavjanese  Answer  to 
our  Message  by  you,  and  we  understand  it ;  we  are  sorry 
that  they  should  be  so  foolish  as  not  to  listen  to  reason  ; 
but  since  we  think  they  will  not,  we  must  desire  our 
brethren,  the  Delawares,  to  withdraw  themselves  from 
amongst  them,  that  no  evil  may  happen  them  by  accident, 
which  would  give  us  great  concern.     We,  likewise,  once 


481 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


4Bi 


more  desire  such  of  our  brethren,  the  Six  Nations,  as  may 
be  amongst  them  to  come  away  also,  and  listen  to  their 
own  Chiefs  as  they  have  been  often  desired.  We  are  sorry 
to  think  that  the  Shaioantse  want  to  destroy  themselves, 
and  be  no  longer  a  people ;  for  if  tliey  attempt  to  kill  any 
of  us,  for  what  has  happened  owing  to  bad  young  men,  our 
warriors  will  fall  upon  them,  and  they  must  expect  nothing 
but  chastisement ;  therefore,  I  must  desire  you  my  brothers 
to  remove  yourselves  from  those  bad  people,  that  we  may 
know  our  friends.  They  say  that  the  traders  among  them 
shall  return  safe.  I  hope  they  speak  true,  as  that  may  be 
a  great  means  to  prevent  mischief.     (A  belt.) 

"  Brethren  :  We  clearly  see  that  the  road  between  you 
and  us  is  open  if  it  were  not  for  bad  people,  but  we  hope 
that  will  not  prevent  our  intercourse  with  you  as  usual. 
We  thank  you  for  the  mark  of  your  friendship  in  bringing 
in  our  people,  the  traders,  safe  to  us  ;  and  we  promise  when 
matters  are  better  settled,  they  shall  trade  with  you  as 
formerly."     {A  string.) 

Captain  White  Eyes  then  Replied: 

"  Brethren  :  We  are  very  glad  to  hear  what  you  have 
now  said,  and  we  find  that  you  would  willingly  preserve  the 
peace.  We  shall  inform  all  the  Nations  in  friendship  with 
us  of  what  has  passed  between  us  at  this  time,  and  in  one 
month  will  be  able  to  complete  this  design,  and  then  we 
shall  be  able  to  distingnish  those  who  are  inclined  to  listen 
to  our  wise  people  and  preserve  the  peace  from  those  that 
choose  to  speak  by  their  warriors  ;  this  will  afford  time 
for  those  who  are  inclined  to  remove  themselves  to  their 
Chiefs,  and  give  an  opportunity  to  the  warriors  to  speak  to 
one  another." 

June  1.  A  party  of  Moravian  Indians  came  in,  with 
one  of  the  missionaries  residing  amongst  them  and  his 
family,  with  a  quantity  of  peltry  belonging  to  our  traders. 

Those  Indians  say  that  they  were  informed  on  their 
way  hither,  that  a  principal  man  of  the  Delatvares,  who 
had  gone  to  the  lower  Shaioanese  Town  after  White  Eyes' 
messages  were  delivered  to  the  Shawanese,  in  order  to 
hear  news,  has  returned,  and  brought  an  account  that  the 
traders  there  were  still  alive,  and  that  the  Shawanese 
Chiefs  there  had  spoke  boldly  in  defence  of  them  to  the 
3Engoes,  who  were  the  only  people  constantly  attempting 
to  put  them  to  death  ;  but  that  the  Shawanese  had  told 
the  Mingoes  that  they  had  brought  the  traders  amongst 
them,  and  were  determined  to  protect  them  in  their  bosoms 
until  they  could  return  them  safe  home ;  and  that  if  the 
Mingoes  could  not  be  satisfied  without  taking  revenge 
upon  the  white  people  for  the  loss  they  had  sustained,  that 
they  must  look  for  it  a  greater  distance  than  in  their  towns 
upon  the  people  wiiom  they  had  pledged  their  faith  to 
preserve.  Those  Indians  further  say,  that  the  chief  dis- 
turbances amongst  them  appears  to  be  only  at  a  small 
village  upon  Muskingum,  called  Waketummakie,  composed 
mostly  of  the  friends  of  the  people  who  have  been  killed. 
And  that  the  Mngoes,  as  the  greatest  sufferers,  are  most 
enraged ;  however,  that  the  party  collected  to  strike  the 
Virginians  were  not  gone  a  few  days  ago,  and  that  if  they 
could  not  be  prevented  from  their  rash  undertaking,  that 
the  Newcomer,  Chief  of  the  Delawares,  was  determined 
to  send  runners  to  apprise  us  of  them,  as  they  attempted 
to  proceed  to  war. 

June  5.  Two  messengers,  from  the  Newcomer,  arrived 
with  an  account  that  five  days  ago,  one  Conner,  a  white 
man,  who  lives  at  the  Snake's  Town  upon  Muskingum, 
had  returned  home  from  the  place  the  traders  were 
making  their  canoes,  and  informed  them  that  the  traders 
were  all  safe,  to  the  number  of  twenty-seven  or  thirty, 
and  that  the  Shaivanesc  had  taken  great  pains  in  protect- 
ing them,  and  was  about  sending  them  off  with  their 
peltry,  with  some  of  their  young  men,  and  some  Dela- 
wares, to  protect  them  upon  their  way  up  to  Pittsburgh. 

These  messengers  furdier  say,  that  all  the  towns  as  well 
as  the  Shananese  are  now  quiet,  and  that  their  Chiefs 
have  been  able  to  prevail  over  their  rash  and  foolish  young 
men  who  wanted  to  take  revenge  on  the  white  people  for 
their  loss,  except  two  small  parties  consisting  of  thirteen 
men  in  the  whole,  who  were  friends  of  the  Indians  that 
suffered  and  could  not  be  restrained,  though  their  Chiefs 
did  every  thing  in  their  power  to  prevent  them  from  the 

Fourth  Series. 


bad  undertaking ;  that  they  hoped  their  brethreiv  the 
English  would  not  blame  them,  or  think  that  they  counte- 
nanced any  evil  that  might  be  committed  by  these  rash 
men,  who  have  stole  away  from  them  to  do  mischief  con- 
trary to  their  Chiefs'  advice,  and  are  chiefly  all  Mingoes 
who  have  had  the  most  relations  killed ;  that  one  party  has 
been  out  eleven  days,  and  was  to  return  in  fifteen,  and 
intended  against  that  part  of  the  river  where  their  friends 
were  put  to  death,  or  somewhere  else  below  that,  upon 
Virginia.  The  above  party  having  declared  that  as  soon 
as  they  have  taken  revenge  for  their  people,  and  returned 
home,  that  they  would  then  sit  down  and  listen  to  their 
Chiefs. 

The  above  messengers  also  say  that  the  day  they  left 
home  a  runner  came  in  there  from  five  Cherokees  that 
were  to  be  in  the  day  following  upon  business,  and  that  the 
Delawares  would  inform  us  of  it  as  soon  as  it  was  knowTi. 
And  they  also  say  that  they  heard  that  one  of  the  before 
mentioned  parties  who  had  gone  to  take  revenge  upon 
the  white  people  were  returned,  and  had  killed  one  man. 

They  then  produced  some  belts  of  wampum,  which  had 
been  delivered  to  them  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  several 
years  ago,  desiring  them  to  collect  themselves  together, 
and  sit  in  the  centre  between  their  brethren  the  white 
people.  Six  Nations,  and  Western  Indians,  where  they 
were  required  to  hold  fast  by  the  middle  of  the  chain  of 
friendship,  and  that  they  were  thereby  empowered  to  speak 
strongly  to  any  Nation  who  might  attempt  to  disturb  it. 

Answer : 

"  Brethren  :  We  return  you  thanks  for  the  trouble  you 
have  taken  to  bring  us  the  news  we  have  now  heard  from 
you,  and  we  esteem  it  as  a  proof  of  your  sincerity  and  good 
inclination  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country,  as  well  as 
those  belts  you  have  laid  before  us,  convinces  us  that  you 
still  bear  in  remembrance  the  former  friendship  that  has 
been  contracted  with  you.  Be  strong  brethren  in  doing 
what  you  have  been  desired  upon  them  ;  you  have  now 
an  opportunity  of  exerting  your  good  intentions  that  way, 
by  speaking  to  those  foolish  people,  who  have  not  listened 
to  the  accommodation  our  wise  people  were  endeavouring 
to  make  of  the  late  unhappy  disturbances,  for  you  must  be 
convinced  that  every  mischief  that  may  be  committed  at 
this  time,  is  widening  the  breach,  and  of  consequence 
involving  us  on  both  sides  in  greater  difficulties.  There- 
fore we  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  you  at  present,  than 
to  recommend  to  you  to  follow  the  advice  that  has  been 
sent  to  you  by  Captain  fVhite  Eyes,  which  was  to  abstract 
yourselves  from  bad  people  who  may  be  obstinate  in 
pursuing  their  own  destruction." 

Answer  to  the  Speech  of  the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations 
and  Delawares,  dated  Pittsburgh,  May  7,  1774. 

"Brothers:  I  have  been  informed  of  the  misfortunes 
that  have  lately  happened  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pitts- 
burgh, and  have  received  your  speech  on  the  occasion ;  and 
I  lament  no  less  those  that  have  befallen  my  brothers,  the 
Indians,  than  those  that  have  happened  to  my  fellow- 
subjects,  the  English. 

From  the  accounts  I  have  received  however,  the  Indians 
have  been  the  aggressors,  and  thereby  the  occasion  of  the 
fatal  consequences  which  have  ensued.  But  as  you  my 
brethren  say,  that  you  always  on  your  parts  have  made  it 
your  constant  study  to  promote  the  peace  subsisting 
between  you  and  us,  and  still  continue  to  preserve  that 
chain  of  friendship,  so  I  take  this  opportunity  of  assuring 
you  that  your  brethren,  the  Virginians,  do  cordially  love 
you,  and  hope  always  to  live  in  peace,  amity,  and  good 
correspondence  with  you.  And  to  that  end,  if  you  can 
point  out  the  offenders  against  our  peace,  we  will  on  our 
parts  omit  nothing  in  our  power  to  overtake  the  transgres- 
sors on  our  side  with  the  punishment  due  to  such  crimes. 

I  rejoice  at  the  information  you  give  me  of  the  good  dis- 
position of  the  Indians  of  the  Lower  Towns,  and  you  may 
assure  them  that  their  complaints  when  they  reach  us  shall 
be  attended  to  with  that  candour  and  justice  to  w  Inch  they 
submit  them,  and  which  is  due  to  them.       Dunmore." 

Williamsburg,  May  29,  1774. 

June  9.  A  Message  sent  with  Lord  Dunmore's  Speech 
to  the  Six  Nations  and  Delawares. 

31 


483 


COUNCIL  OF  PENNSYLVANIA,  JUNE,  1774. 


4M 


^^  "  Brethrev  :  We  herewith  send  you  the  head-man  of 
Virginia's  answer  to  your  message  of  the  7th  Mai/,  1774, 
who  is,  you  see,  much  concerned  for  the  unKicky  disputes 
which  liappened  between  us  and  you,  and  you  must  ob- 
serve his  speech  is  very  friendly  and  good  towards  the 
Six  Nations  and  Delawares. 

"  But,  bretiiren,  as  tlie  Mingocs  and  Shawanese  have 
since  struck  us,  notwitiistanding  our  endeavours  to  restore 
friendsliip,  we  have  now  upon  this  account,  again  to 
desire  your  jieople  to  withdraw  from  amongst  tliem  that 
no  injury  may  happen  to  you.  Brothers,  you  will  send 
the  head-man  of  Virginia's  speech  to  Captain  White 
Eyes,  and  our  brothers  of  the  Sir.  Nations,  in  order  to 
show  them  that  he  is  determined  to  hold  fast  by  the 
ancient  chaui  of  friendship." 


a: 


WILLIAM    THOMPSON    TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 


f  Cumborland  County,  22d  June,  1774. 

May  it  please  your  Honour  :  I  have,  by  the  bearer, 
Dr.  McKcnzie,  received  many  letters  from  the  people  of 
fVestmoreJand  County,  informing  me  of  one  McClure  being 
killed,  and  one  Kincade  being  wounded,  at  Ten  Mile 
Creek,  the  particulars  of  which  the  Doctor  will  acquaint 
you  with.  Tlie  people  have  requested  I  should  lay  their 
distresses  before  your  Honour,  and  in  their  names  pray  your 
assistance  in  granting  such  support  as  may  enable  tliem  to 
keep  possession  of  the  country,  and  say  that  if  immediate 
relief  is  not  sent  them,  all  the  country  west  of  the  Alle- 
ghany Mountains  will  be  evacuated. 

As  the  Doctor  takes  down  a  number  of  petitions,  and  I 
have  wrote  you  a  few  days  since  concerning  the  difficulties 
of  the  back  inhabitants,  1  shall  trouble  you  no  more  at  this 
lime,  and  hope  their  alarming  situation,  and  the  expectation 
they  have  that  I  will  assist  them,  as  well  with  your  Honour 
as  in  the  Assembly,  will  excuse  the  liberties  taken  by  your 
Honour's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

William  Tho.mpsok. 
To  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  June  26th,  1774. 

Sib  :  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  a  memorial  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh  to  your  Honour,  with  some  re- 
marks upon  Mr.  ConoUy's  conduct  in  support  of  it,  which 
came  to  my  hands  a  few  minutes  ago.  It  is  most  certain,  sir, 
they  are  most  injuriously  treated.  The  only  piece  of  news 
from  above,  since  my  last,  is,  that  Mr.  Conolly  sent  two 
parties  down  the  river  in  pursuit  of  the  Shawanese  who 
escorted  tlie  traders,  who  intercepted  them  at  Beaver  Creek, 
fired  on  tliem,  and  wounded  one,  and  then  ran  off  in  the 
most  dastardly  manner.  What  may  be  the  consequence 
God  knows,  but  it  is  well  if  the  traders  do  not  suffer  yet ; 
their  horses  and  peltry  are  not  yet  arrived. 

Mr.  McFarlane  has  just  arrived  from  Virginia,  and  re- 
ports that  four  companies  are  on  their  march  to  Pittsburgh. 
I  think  he  must  be  mistaken,  both  as  their  militia  law  is 
expired,  and  that  it  is  not  an  easy  matter  to  conduct  so 
large  a  body  through  an  uninhabited  country,  where  no 
magazines  are  established.  Any  occurrences  worthy  of 
your  notice  shall  be  intimated  by  every  opportunity. 

I  am,  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  hum- 
ble servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 


memorial  to  GOVERNOUR  PENN  EROM  THE  INH.\BITANTS 
OP    PITTSBURGH. 

Pittsburgh,  June  25,  1774. 
To  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq.,  Governour  and  joint 
Proprietor  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  &.c. 
The  memorial  of  the  subscribers,  in  behalf  of  themselves 
and  the  remaining  few  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh  who  have 
adhered  to  the  Government  of  Pennsylvania,  humbly 
sheweth.  That  your  memorialists  Iiave  suffered  in  an  unpre- 
cedented manner  by  the  arbitrary  proceedings  of  Doctor 
Conolly,  since  the  commencement  of  his  tyrannical  Govern- 
ment at  Pittsburgh.  Tlie  principal  facts  we  shall  beg  leave 
to  lay  before  your  Honour,  as  foUoweth  :  Soon  after  the 


return  of  the  Magistrates  of  this  place  from  Staunton  jail 
in  Virginia,  Mr.  Conolly  being  extremely  enraged  that 
Mr.  Mackay  should  acquaint  Lord  Dunmore  with  his  tyran- 
nical behaviour,  took  all  opportunities  to  affront  and  use  Mr. 
Mackay  ill,  so  that  in  a  few  days  after  he  ordered  Mr. 
Mackay's  outhouses  to  be  pulled  down,  and  the  materials 
to  be  carried  to  his  garrison ;  and  when  Mr.  Mackay  com- 
plained of  such  oppressive  measures,  he  was  threatened  by 
Doctor  Conolly  to  be  sent  in  irons  to  Williamsburg. 

Mr.  William  Butler,  (one  of  the  subscribers,)  and  an 
eminent  trader  at  this  place,  has  been  cruelly  treated  by  Mr. 
Conolly,' way,  was  threatened  to  be  shot  down,  for  dating 
to  refuse  carrying  arms  at  Mr.  ConoUy's  militia  array,  &,c. 
That  your  memorialists  are  of  opinion  that  Mr.  Conolly 
has  taken  all  the  pains  in  his  power  to  foment  the  dis- 
turbance between  us  and  the  Indians,  for  several  rea- 
sons, particularly  when  a  number  of  the  traders  arrived 
here  lately  from  the  Shawanese  Towns,  escorted  by  three 
Shawanese  Chiefs,  who  were  sent  to  the  care  of  Colonel 
Croghan,  till  a  handsome  present  was  made  for  thcin,  by 
the  traders  for  their  fidelity.  Doctor  Conolly  ordered  out 
forty-one  of  his  militia  to  take  them  at  all  events,  and  to 
send  them  to  his  guard  house,  which  hellish  plot  being  dis- 
covered, Mr.  Butler, unii  some  other  friends,  conveyed  the 
Indians  and  their  presents  o\'er  the  river,  just  as  the  guard 
surrounded  Mr.  Croghan's  house,  for  which  Mr.  Butler 
has  been  severely  threatened. 

That  a  number  of  the  subscribers,  fee,  have  been  very 
severely  treated  by  Mr.  Conolly  for  our  adherence  to  the 
Pennsylvania  Government,  which,  for  brevity  sake,  must 
be  omitted. 

The  premises  considered,  your  memorialists  most  eam- 
estl;  request  your  Honour  will  fall  uj)on  some  speedy  methoil 
to  relieve  our  distresses,  and  to  send  us  directions,  as  soon 
as  possible,  how  to  act  on  this  very  critical  occasion. 

For  a  further  explanation  of  our  distresses  we  beg  leave 
to  refer  your  Honour  to  the  enclosed  remarks,  which  are 
absolute  facts. 


^neas  Mackay, 
Pcvereux  Smith, 
John  Ornisby, 
Richard  liritter, 
William  Butler, 
James  O'Hara, 
James  Fowler, 
Joseph  Spear, 
Andrew  Robinson, 


Frederick  Farry, 
Robert  McCully, 
Gaorge  Mct-'ully, 
John  Shannon, 
Gabriel  Walker, 
Jolin  Walker, 
Benjamin  Elliott, 
Alexander  Wayne, 
Ralph  Nailer, 


William  Evans, 
William  Amberson, 
William  Hamilton, 
James  Smith, 
John  Irwin, 
Robert  Elliott, 
Richard  Carson, 
Joseph  Carrel, 
Stephen  Groves. 


REMARKS  ON  THE  PROCEEDINGS  OF  DR.  CONOLLY. 

Pittsburgh,  June  25th,  1774. 

The  distressed  inhabitants  of  this  place  have  just  cause 
to  charge  tlieir  present  calamity  and  dread  of  an  Indian 
war  entirely  to  the  tyrannical  and  unprecedented  conduct  of 
Doctor  Conolly,  whose  design,  as  we  conceive,  is  to  better 
his  almost  dcs])erate  circumstances  upon  the  distress  of  tlifi 
public,  and  the  ruin  of  our  fortunes,  as  will  appear  fi-ora 
tlie  following  facts: 

1st.  On  the  25th  day  of  January  last,  a  number  of  disor- 
derly persons  assembled  themselves  here  in  consequence  of 
his  advertisements,  (as  militia,)  who,  when  dispersing,  wan- 
tonly and  maliciously  fired  upon  some  friendly  Indians  in 
their  huts  on  the  Indian  shore,  which  conduct,  together 
with  so  unexpected  an  appearance  of  so  many  people  in 
anus,  at  a  time  when  they  expected  no  hostile  intentions 
on  our  part,  greatly  alarmed  them,  as  appeared  by  a  com- 
plaint made  by  them  at  a  council  with  Alexander  McKee, 
Esq.,  Indian  Agent,  and  soiue  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
place,  a  few  days  after. 

2d.  Michael  Cresap,  in  vindication  of  his  own  conduct, 
alleges,  that  it  was  in  consequence  of  a  circular  letter  from 
said  Conolly,  directed  to  the  inhabitants  on  the  Ohio,  that 
he  murdered  the  Indians,  and  that  in  a  manner  that  savage 
ferocity  could  scarcely  equal,  and  in  cold  blood,  without 
the  least  provocation,  amongst  whom  was  some  Delawares 
that  had  been  employed  by  Mr.  William  Butler  to  carry 
goods  and  hands  to  the  relief  of  his  brother,  who  was  at 
that  time  in  the  Indian  country,  all  which  property  they 
have  been  deprived  of  to  a  considerable  amount.  Also, 
every  part  of  said  Conolly  s  conduct  to  our  friendly  Indians 
convinces  us  that  he  means  to  force  them  to  a  war,  as  he 
both  refuses  to  protect,  and  endeavours  to  murder  those, 
that,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives,  came  with  our  traders  to  pro- 


485 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


486 


tect  them,  and  to  deliver  assurances  of  their  friendship  to 
tlie  pubHck,  which  can  be  produced  if  required. 

3d.  A  large  body  of  armed  men  broke  open  Mr.  Mackay's 
mid  Mr.  Smith's  back  yard  gates,  and  rescued  the  villain 
Reily,  who  was  sworn  constable  for  Westmoreland  County 
at  that  time,  and  was  confined  for  abusing  said  Mackay  in 
his  own  house ;  five  of  those  men  presented  their  guns  at 
Mr.  Mackay  and  Mr.  Smith.  Also,  one  of  tlie  party  struck 
at  Mr.  Mackay  with  his  gun  and  broke  it  in  pieces,  while 
another  presented  his  rifle  through  his  parlour  window, 
swearing  that  he  would  shoot  down  Mrs.  Mackay  if  she  did 
not  immediately  set  open  the  doors  of  her  house ;  upon 
which  she  fled,  but  was  immediately  assaulted  by  one 
Aston  (a  Captain  of  said  Conoliy's  appointment)  with  a 
drawn  sword,  who  stabbed  her  in  the  arm.  Mr.  Spear 
was  also  abused,  and  scratched,  by  said  Aston,  at  the 
same  time. 

4th.  Said  Conolly,  with  an  armed  force  of  two  hundred 
men,  surrounded  the  Court  House,  &;c. 

5th.  He  sent  JEncas  Mackay,  Devereux  Smith,  and 
Andrew  McFarlane,  Magistrates,  under  an  armed  guard, 
to  Staunton  jail,  in  Virginia,  then  proceeded  to  shoot 
down  our  cattle,  sheep  and  hogs,  taking,  by  force  of  arms, 
any  part  of  our  property  he  pleases  ;  also,  pressing  our 
horses  without  applying  for  them,  or  rendering  any  satisfac- 
tion to  the  sufferers  for  so  doing. 

6th.  He  sent  an  armed  guard  to  town  to  plunder  the 
house  of  Mr.  Dtvercux.  Smith,  but  was  prevented  by  Mr. 
William  Butler  at  the  risk  of  his  life, 

7th.  He,  Conolly,  with  his  whole  force,  came  to  the 
house  of  Mr.  Mackay,  broke  open  his  gates,  and  pulled 
down  a  log  stable  and  sheep  house,  threatening  to  pull 
down  his  dwelling  house  if  he  thought  proper.  He  came 
again,  accompanied  by  one  of  his  officers,  to  Mr.  Mackay's, 
and  abused  him  in  a  blasphemous,  outrageous  manner, 
threatening  to  send  him  in  irons  to  Virginia  the  next  day. 

8th.  He  sent  an  armed  guard  to  town  with  a  general 
search  warrant  to  search  every  house  in  town  without  ex- 
ception, for  the  effects  of  a  man  that  died  the  evening 
before  in  their  fort,  that  some  of  themselves  had  robbed  his 
corpse  off.  In  the  course  of  their  search  they  broke  open 
a  chest  in  a  man's  house  that  bears  a  good  character  here, 
and  took  out  several  articles,  and  at  the  same  time  insulted 
tJje  owner. 

9th.  He  sent  a  party  who  robbed  Mr.  Joseph  Spears 
carriers  of  one  horse  load  of  gunpowder,  about  six  miles 
from  town,  which  was  sent  by  said  Spear  for  the  use  of 
the  inhabitants  of  this  county,  if  necessity  required.  This 
robbery  vras  committed  by  a  party  headed  by  the  aforesaid 
Aston,  who  beat  and  insolently  abused  the  person  who 
had  said  powder  in  charge,  when  he  demanded  a  receipt 
for  the  same. 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  many  distresses  we  labour 
under,  and  without  protection  and  speedy  redress  cannot 
long  support  ourselves  under  such  grievances,  persecution 
and  tyranny. 


THE  COSDIITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE  Or  PENNSYLVANIA 
TO  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  MASSA- 
CHUSETTS   BAY. 

Philadelphia,  June  28,  1774. 

Gentlemen:  Your  favour  of  the  28th  ult.,  communi- 
cating to  us,  by  order  of  your  House,  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, "  To  discontinue,  in  such  manner,  and  for  such  time, 
"  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and  discharging, 
"lading  and  shipping,  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchandise, 
"  at  the  town,  and  within  the  harbour  of  Boston,"  &,c.,  is 
now  before  us,  and  we  shall  take  the  earliest  opportimity 
to  lay  it  before  the  House  of  Representatives  of  this 
Province. 

We  cannot  consider  this  measure  in  any  otiier  light  than 
an  additional  proof  of  a  resolution  in  the  mother  state  to 
draw  a  revenue  from  the  subject  in  America  without  his 
consent.  And,  on  this  principle,  we  conclude  that  every 
British  American  Colony  will  esteem  tliemseives  inti- 
mately concerned  in  it.  Under  this  idea  of  die  intention 
of  Parliament,  it  certainly  behooves  us  coolly  and  dispas- 
sionately to  meditate  on  the  consequences,  and  to  leave  no 
rational  or  probable  means  unessayed  to  avoid  them,  and 


to  obtain  that  relief  which  our  rights  as  English  subjects 
entitle  us  to  demand. 

What  those  means  ouglit  to  be,  we  think  the  several 
branches  of  the  American  Legislatures,  in  which  the  peo- 
ple are  constitutionally  represented,  and  who  are  vested 
with  their  whole  powers,  ought  to  determine.  We,  there- 
fore, only  presume  to  give  you  our  private  sentiments, 
which  must  ever  be  subject  to  the  amendment  and  controul 
of  the  body,  of  which  we  are  only  members,  when  we 
again  mix  with  them. 

We  hope,  and  earnestly  recommend,  that  the  great 
cause  of  American  rights  may  be  left  to  the  management 
of  the  Representatives  of  the  people  in  every  Colony,  as 
they  alone  are  vested  with  a  constitutional  power  of  inquir- 
ing into,  and  redressing  those  grievances,  under  which  the 
subject  may  at  any  time  be  oppressed.  Until  this  measure 
shall  be  fairly  attempted,  and  a  failure  shall  ensue,  we  can- 
not conceive  the  present  dispute  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  Colonies,  can,  with  any  propriety  or  prudence,  be 
assumed  by  any  other  pei-son  whatever,  or  that  in  other 
hands  any  good  consequences  can  be  rationally  expected. 
And  as  we  are  in  a  state  ol"  society  where  order,  reason, 
and  policy,  ougiit  to  prevail,  every  measure  which  can  only 
serve  to  irritate,  and  not  convince,  every  act  of  violence, 
or  even  the  appearance  of  it,  should  be  carefully  avoided, 
as  they  cannot,  under  our  present  circumstances,  obtain  us 
that  relief  we  desire,  and  have  a  right  to  expect ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  may  involve  all  America  in  difficulties  which 
no  after-wisdom  or  prudence  can  surmount. 

A  Congress  of  Delegates,  chosen  either  by  the  Repre- 
sentatives in  Assembly,  or  by  them  in  Convention,  appears 
to  us  the  first  proper  step  to  be  taken.  Nor  are  we  dubious 
but  that  it  may  be  happily  effected  in  a  short  lime,  should 
calm  and  prudent  measures  be  pursued  to  obtain  it.  In 
this  Congress,  composed  of  the  Representatives,  constitu- 
tionally chosen,  of  all  concerned,  and  who  would  of  course 
act  with  weight  and  authority,  something  might  be  pro- 
duced, by  their  united  wisdom,  to  ascertain  our  rights,  and 
establish  a  political  union  between  the  two  countries,  with 
the  assent  of  both,  which  would  effectually  secure  to  Ame- 
ricans their  future  rights  and  privileges.  Any  thing  short 
of  this  will  leave  the  Colonies  in  their  present  precarious 
state ;  disunited  among  themselves,  unsettled  in  their 
rights,  ignorant  of  their  duties,  and  destitute  of  that  con- 
nection with  Great  Britain  which  is  indispensably  neces- 
sary to  the  safety  and  happiness  of  both.  We  are,  &c., 
Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker.  ^ 
Samdel  Rhoads,  'h 

William  Rodman,  '" 

Isaac  Pearson, 
Committee  of  Correspondence.* 

To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay.  :. 

P.  S.  The  Assembly  of  this  Province  are  summoned, 
by  the  Governour's  writs,  to  meet  on  the  18th  of  next 
month. 

•  New. York,  July  14,  1774. — The  Philadelphia  paper  of  Monday 
last  contains  a  letter  from  Joseph  Galloway,  (who  stylos  himself 
f^peaker,)  and  three  others,  who  call  themselves  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  to  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

It  dofs  not  appear  by  what  authority  these  gentlemen  have  taken 
upon  themselves  to  act  as  a  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the 
Province  on  tliis  affair.  The  papers  give  an  account  of  a  more 
numerous  Committee,  composed  of  men  of  very  different  characters. 
The  stylo  and  substance  of  the  letter  itself,  though  such  as  might 
be  expected  from  the  author  of  a  well  known  piece  publislied  some 
years  ago,  signed  Americanits,  (in  favour  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  arbi- 
trary power,)  is  by  no  means  consistent,  in  style  or  sentiment,  with 
the  letters  and  resolves  of  any  of  the  other  Colonies  ;  but,  on  the  con. 
trary,  has  a  manifest  tendency  to  discourage  tlie  jieoplo  from  doing  any 
thing  to  the  purpose  on  tlio  present  emergency.  It  does  not  so  much 
as  imply  a  censure  upon  the  tyrannical  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament, 
nor  deny  their  authority,  nor  propose  any  means  of  preventing  their 
effect,  but  ratlier  suggests  a  submission  to  them.  It  denies  the  power 
of  the  people  to  do  any  tiling,  and  absurdly  asserts,  that  the  sole  power 
is  constitutionally  vested  in  the  Representatives  chosen  by  the  people 
for  tlie  ordinary  General  Assembly  ;  as  if  the  people  had  no  right  to 
cliooso  Delegates  for  any  otiicr  ))iirpose,  or  as  if  those  chosen  for  the 
ordinary  business  of  Assemlilics  were  without  a  special  commission 
from  tlie  ji'^ople,  authorized  to  determine  upon  so  extraordinary  and 
important  a  case  as  tliis.  In  slioit,  it  appears  that  Mr.  Galloway,  and 
the  three  other  signers,  have  ofHciously  taken  upon  them  to  write  this 
letter,  without  any  due  autliority  from  tlie  pco|il(!  of  the  Province,  who 
will  disown  tlie  whole  of  it,  and  authorize  tlieir  true  Committee  to 
write  a  letter  that  will  really  be  to  the  purpose. 


487 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JUNE,  1774. 


488 


Boaton,  June  27, 1774. 

The  present  dispute  seems  confined  to  tljese  two  senti- 
ments :  either  to  pay,  or  not  to  pay  for  tlie  tea.  They 
are  very  opposite ;  therefore,  without  doubt,  it  will  be  a 
long  time  before  we  are  united  on  this  point.  Those  wlio 
are  for  paying,  bring  these  arguments  to  support  it :  that 
"  the  tea  belonged  to  private  persons,  consequently  was 
•'  private  property,  and  it  is  but  an  act  of  justice  we  should 
*'  pay  for  it,  by  whicli  means  our  harbour  will  be  opened, 
"  and  trade  carried  on  as  usual." 

Be  not  deceived,  my  countrymen ;  examine  well  these 
principles  before  you  endeavour  to  put  them  in  execution. 
Our  unhappiness  in  this  case  is,  we  do  not  look  far 
enough — we  skim  the  surface  of  this  Ministerial  manoeuvre ; 
but  let  us  drop  the  plumb  and  endeavour  to  find  out  its 
sounding.  Every  one  knows  the  fatal  consequences  of 
the  East  India  Company's  sending  their  teas  into  America. 
It  appeared  to  be  a  Ministerial  measure  to  secure  the  reve- 
nue and  establish  a  monopoly.  We  were  alarmed  at  the 
consequences,  and  received  it  as  an  attack  upon  our  liberty. 
Frequent  meetings  were  held  to  ward  off  this  impending 
evil,  but  all  to  no  purpose.  Our  Committees  were  treated 
with  disdain,  our  very  Assemblies  were  looked  upon  as 
riots.  The  })eople  were  reduced  to  this  deplorable  circum- 
stance, either  to  submit  to  their  ruin,  or  destroy  it.  Could 
Americans  long  halt  between  two  opinions  ?  No,  they 
destroyed  it.  The  affair  goes  over  to  England ;  we  hear 
little  about  it  until  an  Act  of  Parliament  is  passed  to  block 
up  the  port  of  Boston ;  and  all  for  what  ?  Because  we 
destroyed  tiiis  cargo  of  India  tea.  We  hear  not  a  word 
of  any  private  company  appearing  in  this  whole  transac- 
tion, not  a  mention  of  private  property,  but  Government 
takes  the  matter  up,  and  chastises  us  by  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment. Ships  and  troops  are  sent  out  on  Government 
expense,  and  the  whole  plan  of  resentment  is  Govern- 
mental. 

Considering  circumstances  as  they  really  are,  and  view- 
ing all  measures  from  beginning  to  end,  can  we  with 
any  propriety  talk  of  private  interest,  or  think  of  paying 
for  it  on  those  principles  ?  As  well  might  we  pay  for  the 
expense  of  powder  and  ball  used  on  the  night  of  the  5th 
of  March  to  destroy  our  fellow-inhabitants.  Sending  the 
tea  was  a  Ministerial  measure  to  establish  the  revenue  plan, 
and  happily  for  us  we  showed  our  resentment  and  nipped 
it  in  the  bud.  I  cannot  see,  unless  we  give  up  the  very 
point  in  question,  viz  :  the  right  of  taxation,  the  propriety 
of  our  paying  for  this  tea.  Their  sending  it  was  as  much 
designed  to  establish  the  revenue,  as  the  powder  and  ball 
used  by  the  soldiers  was  designed  to  destroy.  If  designed 
to  establish  the  revenue,  our  opposition  to  it  was  uniform, 
and  we  could  not  suffer  it  to  be  landed  consistent  with  our 
declared  sentiments.  We  have,  in  the  course  of  this 
debate  with  Great  Britain,  paid  for  many  things  we  did ; 
destroying  the  Governour's  house,  making  restitution  to 
the  Stamp  Master,  and  many  otlier  officers,  &;c.  We 
have  been  at  great  expenses  in  smaller  matters ;  such  as 
charges  on  re-shipping  goods  in  the  non-importation ;  all 
which  we  have  paid,  hoping  to  conciliate  measures  ;  but 
behold  what  have  been  their  effect.  We  are  loaded  with 
fresh  impositions ;  new  plans  are  entered  into,  taking 
encouragement  from  our  former  charges,  that  we  shall  still 
continue  to  do  so  ;  therefore  try  the  matter  on,  not  doubt- 
ing, if  we  destroy,  the  conscientious  Americans  will  satisfy 
all  who  suffer,  by  a  satisfactory  payment.  In  this  way 
peace  cannot  be  established,  but  new  measures  will  be  for 
ever  plotting  to  ruin  and  destroy  us.  Therefore,  in  con- 
science to  the  cause,  the  regaid  I  have  for  the  liberties  of 
my  country,  and  my  aversion  to  all  measures  intended  to 
destroy  those  liberties,  I  must  declare  against  paying  for 
the  tea,  though  asked  for  on  much  more  simple  terms  than 
required  in  the  late  Act,  or  without  any  restrictions  of 
wharfs,  &.C.,  whatever.  But  what  greatly  astonishes  me 
is,  that  the  people  who  pretend  to  be  friends  to  American 
liberty,  should  so  strongly  urge  a  payment,  and  comply 
with  the  terms  of  the  Act. 

No  man  who  understands  the  nature  of  the  English 
Constitution,  can,  with  any  degree  of  spirit,  read  over  so 
arbitrary  an  edict ;  the  blood  of  an  Englishman  must  boil  at 
every  sentence.  Magna  Charta,  tliat  secures  the  ])roperty 
and  person  of  the  meanest  beggar,  is  basely  leaped  over, 
and  the  people  who  pretend  to  the  least  shadow  of  liberty, 


must,  so  far  from  feeling  any  inclination  to  comply  with  it, 
rather  starve  than  harbour  such  despicable  notions.  The 
properties  of  a  peojjle  are  taken  from  them,  their  wharfs 
or  waiehouses,  which  perhaps  are  their  only  support,  are 
rendered  useless,  or,  at  best,  lay  at  the  will  of  some  infa- 
mous man  in  power.  Where,  then,  is  our  security  ?  The 
day  we  pay  for  that  tea,  under  the  present  restrictions,  that 
very  day  we  become  slaves.  Whatever  may  be  our 
boasted  liberties,  we  are  slaves  in  the  most  extensive 
degree.  No  people  are  free,  when  any  power  can  take 
from  tlienj  any  part  of  their  property  without  their  consent ; 
much  more  that  people,  whose  whole  property  lays  at  the 
mercy  of  a  foreign  edict.  Consider,  my  countrymen, 
before  you  take  any  measures  in  the  case,  the  liberties  of 
America  depend  on  the  determination  of  this  late  Act. 
We  are  now,  though  reduced  by  the  stoppage  of  com- 
merce, freemen,  but  remember,  and  let  it  sink  deep  into 
your  heans,  the  day  we  comply  with  the  stricture  of  that 
Act,  we  are  slaves.  Let  this  consideration  stop  you  in  the 
career  of  settling  this  important  point.  It  is  the  cause  of 
the  whole  ;  let  not  a  few  individuals  pretend  to  settle  a 
])oint  that  so  nearly  concerns  the  whole.  Our  brethren  in 
Virginia  view  it  in  this  light ;  they  look  upon  it  as  an 
attack  upon  the  liberties  of  all  the  Colonies.  For  the 
same  power  that  destroys  the  liberties  of  one  Colony,  will 
destroy  the  whole. 

Here  some  may  stop  and  say,  "  We  do  not  mean  to 
"  give  up  the  rights  of  the  Colonies  ;  we  doubt  not,  when 
*'  we  have  discharged  the  debt  of  the  tea,  and  paid  all  offi- 
"  cers  their  demands,  his  Majesty  and  his  Privy  Council 
"  will  pity  our  situation,  and  restore  our  wharfs,  as  usual."' 
Dreadful,  indeed,  at  this  time  of  day  1  An  American's 
property  and  liberty  are  become  n)atters  of  indulgence, 
rather  than  right.  It  then  lays  entirely  at  his  Majesty's 
and  Privy  Council's  mercy,  whether  any  freeholder  shall 
enjoy  the  suffrages  of  his  own  estate.  I  hope  these  are 
not  the  real  sentiments  of  these  people,  but  only  flights  of 
confused  ideas,  which  poverty  and  famine  have  raised. 
Such  submissive  sentiments  cannot  come  from  the  hearts 
of  friends  to  American  liberties.  I  must  assert  that  the 
Act  passed  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston  is  a  more 
violent  attack  upon  the  liberties  of  America,  than  any 
measure  before  taken  by  Administration,  and  the  man  who 
would  comply  with  the  terms  of  it,  deserves  to  have  his 
name  erased  from  the  catalogue  of  freemen,  and  become 
unworthy  the  character  of  an  American.  We  do  not  pre- 
tend to  hold  our  property  on  the  fickle  tenure  of  indulgen- 
cies  of  Parliament,  but  on  the  firm  foundation  of  right. 
Neither  can  we  tamely  give  our  compliance  to  an  edict, 
let  it  come  from  whence  it  will,  that  strikes  at  an  essential 
pier  of  that  foundation.  But  I  will  give  full  scope  to  this 
last  argument:  "  They  doubt  not  his  Majesty  will  pity  our 
situation,  and  restore  our  wharfs,"  &ic.  From  whence 
have  they  received  tliese  strong  hopes  ?  I  augur  we  shall 
find  it  a  much  more  difficult  case  to  get  our  wharfs  restored 
by  a  speedy  compliance,  than  our  standing  out  in  opposi- 
tion. We  cannot  put  our  trust  in  Princes,  neither  in  any 
son  of  man.  It  is  hard  trusting  to  some  ruhng  men,  and 
heaving  ourselves  entirely  on  their  mercy.  Before  we 
have  some  certainty  we  must  doubt  it.  If  measures  are 
pursued  correspondent  with  their  declared  sentiments,  we 
have  great  reason  to  doubt  it.  A  certain  noble  Lord,  1 
cannot  diink,  would  act  so  inconsistent  with  his  own  senti- 
ments, as  to  give  up  tlie  darling  point  of  chastising  a  num- 
ber of  men,  by  rendering  their  property  useless,  when  it  is 
in  his  power  so  to  do.  For,  remember,  you  heave  your- 
selves on  the  mercy  of  those  who  made  this  Act,  and  all 
you  now  ask  aie  matters  of  indulgence.  Please  not  your- 
selves with  such  chimeras.  When  the  rights  of  Americans 
hang  on  the  friendly  will  of  men  now  in  power,  farewell 
American  liberty. 

Let  us  examine  the  transactions  of  late  years,  and  see 
if  we  can  find  any  one  action  that  will  justify  our  favour- 
able surmises.  Grcnville,  flushed  with  the  expectation 
of  a  large  revenue  from  America,  brought  forward  the 
Stamp  Act.  America  united  to  oppose  it,  and  it  was 
repealed.  Immediately  they  passed  a  Declaratory  Act, 
whose  intent  needs  no  comments.  About  twelve  months 
after  came  out  the  Revenue  Act,  and  to  this  day  continues 
in  force.  Petitions  after  Petitions  were  sent,  but,  far  from 
granting  a  favourable  ear,  they  were  treated  with  contempt. 


SI89 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JUNE,  1774. 


490 


Troops  and  navies  have  been  sent  to  force  us  into  a  com- 
pliance ;  every  art  has  been  used  to  intimidate  us.  Every 
one  who  is  acquainted  with  the  late  transactions,  must  be 
convinced  of  a  settled  plan  to  enslave  this  country.  What 
expectance,  then,  can  we  have  on  those  who  have  endea- 
voured to  effect  this  plan  ?  Nothing,  I  doubt,  but  a  fearful 
looking  for  of  judgment.  A  speedy  compliance  with  this 
Act  seems  parallel  to  the  case  with  Sampson  and  the 
Philistines,  who,  after  the  enticing  Delilah,  had  found 
where  his  strength  lay,  and  clipped  him  of  his  lock,  came 
upon  him,  bound  the  poor  man  neck  and  heels,  and  sent 
.him  to  prison.  So,  when  a  certain  noble  Lord  has  found 
out  how  nearly  affected  we  are  with  this  plan,  he  will 
plume  himself  on  our  ready  compliance,  perhaps  reduce 
us  to  the  condition  of  prisoners,  and  draw  new  terms  of 
reconcihation ;  construing,  in  their  greatest  latitude,  the 
import  of  several  clauses  in  the  Act.  Blocking  up  our 
harbour  will  ever  be  a  rod  suspended  in  the  British  Com- 
mons to  chastise  whatever  opposition  Massachusetts,  oi  any 
other  Province  or  Colony,  may  make  to  Parliamentary 
measures.  Therefore,  my  countrymen,  be  not  buoyed  up 
with  false  notions,  be  not  speedy  in  your  doings,  but  wait 
patiently  until  we  can  hear  from  the  other  Colonies,  and  I 
doubt  not  we  shall  come  into  determinations  effectually  to 
frustrate  this  late  Act.  Be  not  terrified  with  the  bugbear 
of  your  enemies,  about  troops  being  quartered  in  your 
houses,  but  convince  the  world  that  Americans  fear  notliing 
but  slavery. 


TOWN    MEETING    IN   BOSTON. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  town  of  Boston,  by  adjournment,  at  Fanueil  Hall, 
June  27th,  1774. 

Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  Moderator. 

Upon  a  motion.  Voted,  That  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence be  directed  to  lay  before  the  town  the  Letters 
wrote  to  the  other  Colonies,  as  well  as  those  sent  to  the 
other  towns  in  the  Province,  since  the  receipt  of  the  Bos- 
ton Port  Bill. 

The  Hall  not  being  sufficient  to  contain  all  the  inhabit- 
ants assembled,  the  meeting  was  adjourned  to  the  Old 
South  Meeting  House. 

The  town  being  again  met,  according  to  adjournment,  a 
motion  was  made  and  passed,  that  all  Letters  received,  as 
well  as  the  Answers  returned,  be  laid  before  the  town  and 
read. 

After  the  Town  Clerk  had  accordingly  read  a  number 
of  said  letters,  a  motion  was  made  that  the  said  Vote  be  so 
far  considered,  as  that  the  reading  of  all  other  letters  pre- 
vious to  the  Covenant  sent  into  the  country  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  and  the  letters  accompanying 
the  same,  be  suspended  for  the  present,  and  that  the  town 
proceed  to  the  reading  of  the  said  Letter  and  Covenant, 
and  any  other  letters  that  may  be  particularly  called  for. 
The  said  Covenant,  and  a  number  of  letters,  liaving  been 
read,  a  motion  was  made  that  some  censure  be  now  passed 
by  the  town  on  the  Coiiniiittee  of  Correspondence,  and 
that  said  Committee  be  annihilated. 

Mr.  Adams,  the  Moderator,  then  moved,  that  as  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  this  town,  of  which  he 
had  the  honour  of  being  a  member,  was  now  to  be  con- 
sidered, another  Moderator  might  be  chosen  ^ro  tem. 

The  Honourable  Thomas  Cashing,  Esq.,  was  accordingly 
chosen  Moderator  during  that  debate. 

The  motion  for  censuring  and  annihilating  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  was  considered,  and  the  gentle- 
men in  favour  of  the  motion  patiently  heard,  but  it  being 
dark,  and  they  declaring  that  they  had  further  to  offer,  it 
was  voted  that  the  consideration  thereof  be  referred  to  the 
next  meeting,  and  the  meeting  was  accordingly  adjourned. 

Tuesday,  June  2dih,  ten  o'clock:  Met  according  to 
adjournment. 

The  motion  for  censuring  and  annihilating  the  Commit- 
tee of  Correspondence  was  again  considered,  and  after  long 
debates,  the  question  was  accordingly  put,  which  passed 
in  the  negative  by  a  vast  majonty. 

It  was  then  moved  that  the  following  Vote  be  passed,  viz: 

"  That  this  town  bear  open  testimony  that  Uiey  are  abuu- 


"  dantly  satisfied  of  the  upright  intentions,  and  much  ap- 
"  prove  the  honest  zeal  of  the  Committee  of  Correspon- 
"  dence,  and  desire  that  they  would  persevere  with  their 
"  usual  activity  and  firmness,  continumg  stedfast  in  the 
"  way  of  well  doing." 

And  the  question  being  put,  passed  in  the  affirmative  by 
a  vast  majority. 

The  Committee  on  ways  and  means  for  employing  the 
poor,  acquainted  the  town  that  they  had  met,  and  had 
received  very  encouraging  accounts  of  the  readiness  of 
their  sister  Colonies  to  assist  us,  and  various  proposals 
from  sundry  persons  for  employing  the  poor,  upon  which 
they  were  deliberating,  but  were  not  yet  prepared  to  report, 
required  farther  time,  which  was  allowed  them. 

Mr.  Adams  again  in  the  Chair. 

A  motion  made  that  this  meeting  be  adjourned  to  Tues- 
day, the  19th  of  July,  at  ten  o'clock,  A.  M.,  to  meet  at 
Fanueil  Hall ;  and  the  meeting  was  adjourned  accordingly. 
Attest,  William  Cooper,  Town  Clerk. 


Boston,  June  29th,  1774. 
Protest  against  the  Proceedings  of  the  Town  Meeting 
in  Boston,  on  the  21th  of  June,  1774. 

Whereas  at  a  meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other 
Inhabitants  of  this  town,  held  at  Fanueil  Hall,  the  27th 
instant,  and  from  thence  adjourned  to  the  South  Meeting 
House,  copies  of  certain  circular  letters,  wrote  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  so  called,  for  this  town,  to  the 
other  towns  in  the  Province,  and  other  places  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  answers  thereto  from  the  several  towns  and 
Colonies,  were  read  ;  likewise  a  certain  circular  letter,  ac- 
companied with  a  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  of  a  most 
dangerous  nature  and  tendency,  which  hath  been  drawn 
up  by  the  said  Committee  of  Correspondence,  copies 
whereof  have  been  by  them  clandestinely  dispersed  through 
the  Province,  without  the  consent  or  knowledge  of  the  town, 
and  recommended  to  the  people  of  the  county  to  execute 
without  loss  of  time,  "  least  their  enemies  should  defeat 
its  purpose."  These  points  being  fully  spoke  to,  with 
candour  and  moderation,  by  gentlemen  of  different  senti- 
ments, it  was  at  length  motioned  and  seconded,  that  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  be  censured  by  the  town, 
and  dismissed  from  any  further  service  in  that  capacity. 
After  some  discussion  on  the  subject,  and  other  letters  pro- 
duced and  read,  the  question  was  put,  and  passed  in  the 
negative. 

Wherefore,  we,  the  dissentients,  do  now  make  this  pub- 
lic and  solemn  Protest  against  the  doings  of  the  said  Com- 
mittee, as  such,  against  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant 
aforementioned,  and  against  the  proceedings  of  the  town, 
so  far  as  they  have  adopted  the  illegal  proceedings  of  the 
said  Committee  of  Correspondence,  for  the  following  rea- 
sons, viz : 

First,  because,  with  regard  to  the  Solemn  League  and 
Covenant  aforementioned,  we  look  on  it  to  be  a  base,  wicked, 
and  illegal  measure,  calculated  to  distress  and  ruin  many 
merchants,  shopkeepers,  and  others,  in  this  metropolis, 
and  affect  the  whole  commercial  interest  of  this  Province  ; 
to  put  a  check  at  once  to  our  industry,  by  stopping  the 
exportation  of  all  the  staple  articles  of  our  trade  ;  such  as 
oil,  pot  and  pearl  ash,  flax  seed,  naval  stores,  lumber  of  all 
sorts,  and  likewise  codfish,  by  way  of  Spain  and  Portugal, 
the  proceeds  of  which  go  to  Great  Britain  as  remittances 
for  goods.  Also  will  put  an  end  to  a  very  valuable  branch 
of  trade  to  the  Province  of  ship-builders ;  to  create  unhappy 
divisions  in  towns  and  in  families  ;  to  open  a  door  for  the 
most  wicked  perjuries,  and  to  introduce  almost  every  spe- 
cies of  evil  that  we  have  not  yet  felt,  and  cannot  serve 
any  good  purpose. 

Secondly,  because  that  the  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence, in  many  of  their  letters,  held  forth  principles,  vyhich, 
instead  of  extricating  us  from  our  difficulties,  serve,  in  our 
opinions,  still  further  to  involve  us,  to  which  principles  we 
cannot  accede. 

Thirdly,  because  that  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
in  some  letters  that  were  read  from  them  to  Miv-York, 
Philadelphia,  and  other  places,  particularly  two  to  New- 
For/,;,  of  the  28th  and  30th  3%,  have  falsely,  maliciously, 
and  scandalously,  vilified  and  abused  the  characters  of  many 


'49i 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JUNE,  1774. 


492 


of  us,  only  for  dissenting  from  them  in  opinion  ;  a  right 
wliich  we  shall  claim  so  long  as  we  hold  any  claim  to  free- 
dom or  liberty. 

Benjamin  Gridley,  Francis  Greene, 

Bonjamiti  Clark,  Nathaniel  Coffin, 

WilUain  Taylor,  Ezekicl  Goliltliwait, 

Gilbert  Deblois,  Silvester  Gardiner, 

John  Taylor,  liytiekl  Lytic, 


Benjamin  Green,  Jr.,   Jonatlian  Simpson, 


Thomas  Knight, 
William  Bowes, 
Peter  Johonnot, 
George  Leonard, 
Thomas  Aptlirop, 
James  Selkrig, 
David  Greene, 
Lewis  Deblois, 
James  Asby, 
John  Inman, 
Richard  Sharwin, 
Andrew  Barclay, 
William  Knntlon, 
William  Perry, 
David  Mitchelson, 
Richard  Hirons, 
Nathaniel  Coffin,  Jr., 
Samuel  Minott, 
Archibald  Wilson, 
Hawes  Hatch, 
William  Codner, 
Edward  King, 
William  Burton, 
Hopestill  Capen, 
Gregory  Townsend, 
Ziphion  Thayer, 
Henry  Lee, 
Fetor  Hughes, 
Samuel  Hughes, 
Benjamin  Phillips, 


George  Bethunc, 
Rufus  Greene, 
AVilliani  Coffin, 
Joromiiih  Greene, 
James  Boutincau, 
Thomas  Gr.iy, 
Henry  Lloyd, 
Samuel  Fitch, 
WilUam  Coffin,  3d, 
Joseph  Taylor, 
Archibald  McNeil, 
Robsrt  Jarvis, 
James  Hall, 
John  Berry. 
Hugh  Tarbott, 
Abraham  Ellison, 
Patrick  McMastor, 
Joseph  Wilson, 
Frederick  Roberts, 
Jolm  Agling, 


Harrison  Gray, 
Joseph  Grooue, 
George  Erving, 
Jolin  Vass.iU, 
John  Tiinmins, 
Benjamin  Davis, 
Benjamin  Greene, 
Stephen  Greenleaf, 
Isaac  Win.slow, 
Richard  Lechmore, 
Joshua  Winslow, 
Danijl  Hubb  ird, 
John  Er\'ing,  Jun., 
James  Perkins, 
Isaac  Winslow,  Jan., 
Richard  Smith, 
John  Atkinson, 
Nathaniel  ('ary, 
Samuel  H.  Sparhawk, 
Edward  Foster, 
Edward  Co.t, 
Thomas  Aylwin, 
Ebonczer  Bridgham, 
John  Jarvis, 
George  Spooner, 
William  Blair, 


Benjamin  1\I.  Holmes,  Harrison  Gray,  Jun., 


Henry  Loddel, 
Jonathan  Snelling, 
Tlieophilus  Lillie, 
John  Semplo, 
William  Dickson, 
Henry  Laughton, 
John  (ireenlaw, 
John  Winslow,  Jun., 
Edward  Stow, 


Nathaniel  Greenwood,  John  White, 

Job  Wheelwright,         Nathaniel  Hurd, 

John  Burroughs,  Jr., 

George  Leesh, 

AVilliani  Hunter, 

Samuel  Greenwood, 

William  Hutchios, 


Williant  Gazneau, 
Martin  Gay, 
Jolm  Haskins, 
Willi  im  Jackson, 
AVilliam  McAlpiue, 


James  Anderson, 
Philip  Dumarosq, 
John  Cotton, 
George  Briudloy, 
Thomas  Brindlcy, 
John  Coffin, 
Colborn  Barrell, 
James  Forrest, 
William  Apthrop, 
John  Gore, 
Adino  Paddock, 
Jolin  Joy, 
Joseph  Scott, 
A.  F.  Pliillips, 
Samuel  Rogers, 
Joseph  Greene. 


PROVINCE    OF    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY. 

By  the  Governour. — A  Proclamation  for  Discouraging 
certain  illegal  Combinations, 

Whereas  certain  persons,  calling  themselves  a  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  for  the  town  of  Boston,  have 
lately  presumed  to  make,  or  cause  to  be  made,  a  certain 
unlawful  instrument,  purporting  to  be  a  Solenm  League 
and  Covenant,  intended  to  be  signed  by  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  whereby  they  are  most  solenmly  to  covenant 
and  engage  to  suspend  all  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
Island  of  Great  Britain,  until  certain  Acts  of  the  British 
Parliament  shall  be  repealed.  And  whereas  printed  copies 
of  the  said  unlawful  instrument  have  been  transmitted  by 
the  aforesaid  Committee  of  Correspondence,  so  called,  to 
the  several  towns  in  this  Province,  accompanied  with  a 
scandalous,  traiterous,  and  seditious  letter,  calculated  to 
inflame  the  minds  of  the  people,  to  disturb  them  with 
ill-grounded  fears  and  jealousies,  and  to  excite  them  to 
enter  into  an  unwarrantable,  hostile  and  traitorous  com- 
bination, to  distress  the  British  Nation,  by  interrupting, 
obstaicling  and  destroying  her  trade  with  the  Colonies, 
contrary  to  their  allegiance  due  to  the  King,  and  to  the 
form  and  effect  of  divers  statutes  made  for  securing, 
encouraging,  protecting  and  regulating  the  said  trade,  and 
destructive  of  the  lawful  authority  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, and  of  the  peace,  good  order  and  safety  of  the  com- 
munity. And  whereas  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province, 
not  duly  considering  the  high  criminality  and  dangerous 
consequences  to  themselves,  of  such  alarming  and  unpre- 
cedented combinations,  may  incautiously  be  attempted  to 
join  in  the  aforesaid  unlawful  League  and  Covenant,  and 
thereby  expose  themselves  to  tiie  fatal  consetjuences  of 
being  considered  as  the  declared  and  open  enemies  of  the 
King,  Parliament,  and  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 

In  observance,  therefore,  of  my  duty  to  the  King,  in 
tenderness  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province,  and  to  the 
end  tliat  none  who  may  hereafter  engage  in  such  dangerous 
combinations,  may  plead,  in  excuse  of  iheir  conduct,  that 
they  were  ignorant  of  ihe  crime  in  which  they  were  involving 
themselves,  I  have  thought  (It  to  issue  this  Proclamation, 
hereby  earnestly  cautioning  all  persons  whatsoever  within 


this  Province  against  signing  the  aforesaid,  or  a  similar 
Covenant,  or  in  any  manner  entering  into,  or  being  con- 
cerned in  such  unlawful,  hostile  and  traitorous  combina- 
tions, as  they  woidd  avoid  the  pains  and  penalties  due  to 
such  aggravated  and  dangerous  offences.* 

And  1  do  hereby  strictly  enjoin  and  command  all  Magis- 
trates and  other  officers  within  the  several  counties  in  this 
Province,  that  they  take  effectual  care  to  apjjrehend  and 
secure  for  trial  all  and  every  person  who  may  hereafter 
presume  to  publish,  or  offer  to  others  to  be  signed,  or  shall 
themselves  sign  the  aforesaid,  or  a  similar  Covenant,  or  be 
in  any  wise  aiding,  abetting,  advising,  or  assisting  therein. 

And  the  respective  Sheriffs  of  the  several  counties  within 
this  Province,  are  hereby  required  to  cause  tliis  Proclama- 
tion forthwith  to  be  posted  up  in  some  publick  place  in 
each  town,  within  their  respective  districts.  Given  under 
my  hand,  at  Salem,  the  29th  day  of  June,  1774,  iu  the 
fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign. 

Thomas  Gace. 

By  his  Excellency's  command,     T.  Flucker,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 


RICHMOND    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  respectable  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Free- 
men of  the  County  of  Richmond,  Virginia,  after  due 
notice  to  attend  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  county,  on 
Wednesday,  the  29th  of  June,  1774,  in  order  to  give  their 
sentiments  to  their  late  Representatives,  invited  to  meet  in 
Williamsburg  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  to  deliberate 
on  matters  of  the  utmost  importance  to  this  country,  they, 
after  making  choice  of  the  Reverend  Isaac  William 
GiBERNE  as  Moderator,  came  to  the  following  Resolutions : 

1st.  That  it  is  the  undoubted  right  of  the  people  of 
British  America  to  be  taxed  only  by  their  respective  Pro- 
vincial Assemblies,  which  right  they  claim  from  Charter, 
natural  justice,  and  constant  usage,  ever  since  their  first 
settlement  in  America ;  and  that  an  attempt  to  force  one 
Colony  to  pay  a  tax  imposed  by  the  British  Legislature, 
where  they  had  not,  nor  could  have,  any  Representative, 
is  a  violent  attack  on  their  constitutional  rights. 

2d.  They  do  respect  the  Bostonians,  in  their  sister 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  as  suffering  in  the  common 
cause  of  British  America ;  and  that  the  hostile  attack 
now  niade  on  them  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain, 
in  blocking  up  their  harbour,  and  violently  taking  away  the 
property  of  many  individuals,  by  preventing  them  the  use 
of  their  wharfs,  quays,  &.C.,  is  an  avowed  intention  to 
reduce  all  America  to  a  state  of  slavery. 

8d.  It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  nothing  will 
be  more  conducive  to  prevent  such  oppressions,  than  im- 
mediately to  stop  all  imports  from  Great  Britain,  and  at 
a  short  day,  hereafter  to  be  fixed,  to  stop  all  exports  to 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  until  there  is  a  total 
repeal  of  not  only  the  Act  called  the  Boston  Port  Act, 
but  also  of  all  the  several  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament 
laying  taxes  on  the  Americans  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
a  revenue,  and  those  other  Acts  made  against  the  rights  of 
the  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  on  account  of  their 
virtuous  opposition  to  the  said  Revenue  Acts. 

4th.  It  is  also  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  imme- 
diately on  the  non-exportation  plan  taking  place,  the  gen- 
tlemen of  the  bar  shall  not  bring  any  suit  for  the  recovery 
of  any  debts,  or  prosecute  further  any  suit  already  brought, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  former  resolution,  it  being 
utterly  inconsistent  with  such  scheme  for  a  man  to  be  com- 
pelled to  pay  without  the  means  wherewith  he  may  pay. 

*  So  far  are  the  people  of  this  Province  from  discovering  the  "  high 
criminality"  of  "  a  certain  instrument,  purporting  to  be  a  "  Solemn 
League  and  Covenant,"  that  it  has  made  more  rapid  progress  through 
many  towns,  since  Thuraday  last,  than  ever  before.  By  what  Act  of 
the  British  Parliament,  or  cla\ise  in  the  Oath  of  Allegiance,  are  we 
inhibited  from  raising  our  own  flax  and  wool,  or  encouraging  onr  own 
manufactures  in  preference  to  tliose  of  any  other  country  ?  If  there 
be  no  Act  of  the  Briti-ih  Parliament,  or  of  the  Provinci',  against  it, 
what  are  the  "  dangerous  consequences"  which  we  are  told  will  ensue  ? 
A  cool  observer  of  the  times  cannot  but  smile  to  hear  some  connois. 
seurs  say,  that  the  trade  of  the  Colonics  is  of  no  more  importance  to 
the  mother  country  than  a  single  thread  in  a  whole  piece ;  while  others, 
with  as  high  a  tone,  assure  us,  that  to  "  susjiend  all  commercial  inter, 
course"  with  her,  in  one  Province  only,  will  "  distress  the  Dritiah 
Nation." — Boston,  July  4,  1774. 


493 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JUNE,  1774. 


494 


5tb.  This  meeting  do  most  heartily  concur  with  their 
late  Representatives  in  their  resolve  for  the  total  disuse  of 
tea;  and  do  further  Resolve,  that  they  will  not  purchase 
any  East  India  commodity  whatsoever,  except  saltpetre, 
until  they  have  their  grievances  fully  redressed. 

6th.  They  do  declare  they  are  ready  to  submit  to  any 
resolutbn  that  may  be  entered  into  either  by  the  Deputies 
of  the  several  counties  in  this  Colony,  at  fVilliamsbnrg, 
or  by  the  Congress  of  the  several  Colonies  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  intended  these  resolutions  only  as  instructions 
to  their  Deputies,  that  tliey  may  know  how  to  conduct 
themselves. 

7th.  It  is  Resolved,  that  so  soon  as  the  non-exportation 
agreement  begins,  we  will,  every  man  of  us,  keep  our  pro- 
duce, whether  wheat,  tobacco,  or  com,  or  any  thing  else, 
unsold  on  our  respective  plantations,  and  not  carry,  or  suf- 
fer them  to  be  carried,  to  any  publick  warehouse  or  landing 
place,  except  of  grain ;  where  the  same  be  so  done  an 
oath  being  first  made  that  such  grain  is  for  the  use  or  con- 
sumption of  any  other  Colony  in  JSlorth  America,  and  not 
for  exportation  from  the  Continent,  whilst  the  said  agree- 
ment subsists.  And  this  is  the  more  necessary  to  prevent 
a  few  designing  men  from  engrossing  and  buying  up  our 
tobacco,  grain,  Sic,  when  they  are  low  in  value,  in  order 
to  aviiil  tliemselves  of  the  very  high  prices  that  these  arti- 
cles must  bear  when  the  ports  are  open  and  foreign  mar- 
kets empty. 

8th.  This  meeting  do  appoint  Robert  WormeJey  Carter 
and  Francis  L.  Lee,  gentlemen,  as  their  Deputies  for  the 
purposes  aforesaid  ;  and  they  do  request  that  they  fail  not 
to  attend  in  fVilliamsburg  on  the  said  first  day  of  August, 
and  that  they  do  not  trust  to  their  meeting  in  Assembly  on 
tlie  11th  of  the  same  month, as  it  is  in  the  power  of  Gov- 
ernment either  to  prorogue  the  Assembly  to  a  future  day, 
or  dissolve  the  same,  by  which  means  the  sense  of  the 
Colony  may  not  be  known. 

Ordered,  by  the  meeting,  That  these  Resolves  be  forth- 
with transmitted  to  both  the  Printing  Offices  in  Jfilliams- 
burg.  to  be  inserted  in  each  Gazette. 

Leroy  Peachet,  Clerk. 


EXTRACT    or    A    LETTER    TROM    A  GENTLEMAN  IN  LONDON. 

London,  June  30,  1774. 

We  are  all  in  high  expectation  of  the  event  of  the  late 
measures  adopted  respecting  Boston,  which  caiTy  with 
tliem  rather  the  harsh  and  rigid  aspect  of  power,  than  that 
of  paternal  affection,  v^hich  wishes  to  reclaim  while  it  chas- 
tises. The  Crown  has,  for  a  long  time  past,  been  gaining 
power,  at  the  expense  of  the  liberties  of  the  people,  by  a 
gradual  system  of  corruption,  which  the  people  themselves 
have  not  virtue  enough  to  counteract.  But  now  the  strides 
towards  despotism  are  enormous.  I  wish  the  Americans 
may  be  able  to  fall  on  some  prudent  and  effectual  measures 
in  the  present  important  crisis.  But  I  fear  the  greatest 
difficulty  will  be  in  the  want  of  an  union  and  confidence 
among  themselves  in  the  different  Colonies,  without  which 
any  expedients  tliey  may  think  proper  to  adopt  will  avail 
Uttle. 


PRINCE  George's  county  (virginia)  resolutions. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabit- 
ants of  Prince  George's  County,  Virginia,  the  following 
Resolves  were  proposed  and  unanimously  agreed  to : 

Resolved,  That  we  will,  at  all  times  whenever  we  are 
called  upon  for  that  purpose,  maintain  and  defend,  at 
the  expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  his  Majesty's  right 
and  title  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  his  Domin- 
ions in  America,  to  whose  royal  person  and  Government 
we  profess  all  due  obedience  and  fidelity. 

Resolved,  That  the  right  to  impose  taxes  or  duties  to 
be  paid  by  the  iniiabitants  within  this  Dominion,  for  any 
purpose  whatsoever,  is  peculiar  and  essential  to  the  General 
Assembly,  in  whom  the  Legislative  authority  of  the  Colony 
is  vested. 

Resolved,  That  every  attempt  to  impose  such  taxes  or 
duties,  by  any  other  authority,  is  an  arbitrary  exertion  of 
jiovver,  and  an  infringement  of  the  constitutional  rights  and 
libeities  of  the  Colony. 


Resolved,  That  to  impose  a  tax  or  duty  upon  tea  byi 
the  British  Parliament,  in  which  the  Commons  of  thei 
North  American  Colonies  can  have  no  representation,  to 
be  paid  upon  importation  by  the  iphabitants  of  the  said- 
Colonies,  is  an  Act  of  power  without  right;  is  subversive  of 
the  liberties  of  the  said  Colonies ;  deprives  them  of  their 
property  without  tlscir  own  consent;  and  thereby  reduces- 
them  to  a  state  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  cruel,  unjust,  and  sanguinary. 
Acts  of  Parliament,  to  be  executed  by  military  force  and- 
ships  of  war,  upon  our  sister  Colony  of  the  Massachmetts . 
Bay,  and  town  of  Boston,  is  a  strong  evidence  of  the  cor- 
rupt infiuence  obtained  by  the  British  JNlinistry  in  Parlia-- 
ment,  and  a  convincing  proof  of  their  fixed  intention  to 
deprive  the  Colonies  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  hb- 
erties. 

Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  the  town  of  Boston  is  the 
common  cause  of  all  the  American  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  and  interest  of  all  the- 
American  Colonies  firmly  to  unite  in  an  indissoluble  union 
and  association,  to  oppose,  by  every  just  and  proper 
means,  the  infringement  of  their  common  rights  and  liber- 
ties. 

Resolved,  That  a  General  Association  between  all  the 
American  Colonies,  not  to  import  from  Great  Britain  any 
commodity  whatsoever,  except  negroes,  clothing,  and  tools, 
Irish  linen,  medicines,  and  paper,  ought  to  be  entered 
into,  and  not  dissolved,  until  the  just  rights  of  the  said 
Colonies  are  restored  to  them,  and  the  cruel  Acts  of  the 
British  Parliament  against  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and 
town  of  Boston,  are  repealed. 

Resolved,  Tliat  no  friend  to  tlie  rights  and  liberties  of 
America  ought  to  purchase  any  commodity  whatsoever, 
except  as  is  before  excepted,  which  shall  be  imported  from 
Great  Britain,  after  the  General  Association  shall  be  agreed 
upon. 

Resolved,  That  every  kind  of  luxury,  dissipation  and 
extravagance  ought  to  be  banished  from  amongst  us. 

Resolved,  That  manufactures  ought  to  be  encouraged, 
by  opening  subscriptions  for  that  purpose,  or  by  any  other 
proper  means. 

Resolved,  That  the  African  trade  is  injurious  to  this 
Colony,  obstructs  the  population  of  it  by  freemen,  prevents 
manufacturers  and  other  useful  emigrants  from  Europe 
from  settling  amongst  us,  and  occasions  an  annual  increase 
of  the  balance  of  trade  against  this  Colony. 

Resolved,  That  the  raising  sheep,  hemp,  and  flax,  ought 
to  be  encouraged. 

Resolved,  That  to  be  clothed  in  manufacturers  fabri- 
cated in  the  Colonies  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  badge 
and  distinction  of  respect  and  true  patriotism. 

Resolved,  That  the  dissolution  of  the  General  Assembly, 
by  order  of  the  British  Ministry,  whenever  they  enter 
upon  the  consideration  of  the  rights  and  liberty  of  the 
subject  against  attempts  to  destroy  them,  is  an  evidence  of 
the  fixed  intention  of  the  said  Ministry  to  reduce  the  Colo- 
nies to  a  state  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  Colony,  being  by 
such  dissolution  deprived  of  a  legal  representation,  ought  to 
nominate  and  appoint  for  every  county  proper  Deputies  to 
meet  upon  the  first  day  of  August,  in  the  City  of  Wil- 
liamsburg,  then  and  there  to  consult  and  agree  upon  the 
best  and  most  proper  means  for  carrying  into  execution 
these  or  any  otlier  resolutions  which  shall  be  judged  more 
expedient  for  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  Richard  Bland,  and  Peter  Poythress, 
Esquires,  our  late  worthy  Representatives,  be,  and  they 
are  hereby  nominated  and  appointed  Deputies,  upon  the 
part  of  tiie  freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  this  county,  to 
meet  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed  by  the  other 
counties  and  corporations  within  this  Colony,  in  the  City 
of  fVilliamsburg,  upon  the  first  day  of  August  next,  or  at 
any  otlicr  time  or  place  for  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  at  this  important  and  alarming  conjunc- 
ture it  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the  said  Deputies,  at 
the  said  General  Convention,  that  they  nominate  and 
a])point  fit  and  proper  persons,  upon  the  part  of  this  Col- 
ony, to  meet  such  Deputies,  in  a  general  Congress,  as 
shall  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  other  Continental 
Colonies  in  America,  to  consult  and  agree  upon  a  firm  and 
indissoluble    union  and  association  for  preserving  by  the 


495 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JUNE,  1774J 


496 


best  and  most  proper  means,  their  common  rights  and  lib- 
erties. 

Resolved,  That  this  Colony  ought  not  to  trade  with 
any  Colony  which  shall  refuse  to  join  in  any  union  and 
association  that  shall  be  agreed  upon,  by  the  greater  part 
of  the  other  Colonies  upon  this  Continent,  for  preserving 
their  common  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  meeting  transmit  to 
the  Printers  of  both  Gazettes  copies  of  these  resolutions, 
with  the  earnest  request  of  this  county  that  the  other 
counties  and  corporations  within  the  Colony  will  appoint 
Deputies  to  meet  at  the  time  and  place,  and  for  the  pur- 
poses aforesaid.  Theodorick  Bland, 

Clerk  of  the  Meeting, 

THE  BRITISH  AMERICAN,  NO.  V. 

Williamsburg,  Virginia,  Juno  30,  1774. 
Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and   Countrymen: 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  inflame  your  minds  by  pointing 
out  the  many  privileges  you  have  already  lost,  but  to  rouse 
you  to  a  steady  opposition  to  the  measures  now  pursuing  to 
deprive  you  of  wiiat  few  still  remain.  I  shall,  therefore, 
instead  of  entering  minutely  into  every  branch  of  the  old 
English  Constitution,  whose  sole  object  is,  or  rather  was, 
political  liberty,  confine  myself  to  that  part  of  it  which 
relates  to  legislation  and  taxation  only.  But  in  order  to  be 
thoroughly  understood,  it  will  be  necessary  to  premise, 
that  in  ancient  times,  besides  the  palaces  for  the  residence, 
there  were  particular  funds  and  lands  set  apart,  whose 
yearly  profits  supplied  the  domestic  expenses  and  supported 
the  splendour  of  the  Kings  of  England.  These  were  called 
the  ancient  demesne  of  the  Crown,  and  were  not  only 
abundantly  sufficient  to  answer  those  purposes,  but  some- 
times enabled  our  Monarchs  to  repel,  at  their  own  private 
expense,  any  sudden  or  unforeseen  hostile  attacks  upon 
the  Kingdom.  Thus  the  great  Queen  Elizabeth,  (under 
whose  reign  our  ancestors  first  emigrated,)  instead  of  ask- 
ing money  of  her  Parliament,  generally  demanded  reim- 
bursement only  for  what  she  had  actually  advanced  for  the 
general  good.  And  even  these  s!ie  often  generously  remit- 
ted to  her  subjects. 

The  Legislature  of  England  consisted  of  three  distinct 
branches.  The  first  was  the  Monarch,  whose  ample  hered- 
itary revenues,  enabling  him  to  support  the  dignity  of  his 
rank,  removed  all  temptation  to  oppress  either  of  the  other 
two,  because,  nobly  provided  for  himself,  he  was  under  no 
necessity  of  asking  any  supplies  from  his  Parliament  but 
such  as  were  necessary  for  the  general  good  of  the  whole 
community.  Independent  of  any  power  on  earth  for  the 
support  of  himself  and  lamlly,  he  was  equally  above  the 
temptation  of  being  corrupted  himself,  or  of  endeavouring 
to  corrupt  the  Parliament. 

The  second  consisted  of  the  House  of  Lords,  a  body  of 
men  who,  on  account  of  their  great  wealth  or  merit,  and 
generally  both,  were  ennobled  by  Jhe  Monarch,  and  their 
titles  and  power,  when  once  created,  were  hereditary,  they 
were  not  only  independent  but  were  equally  interested  in 
preserving  the  legal  prerogatives  of  the  Crown,  and  the 
just  privileges  of  the  People  :  the  prerogatives  of  the 
Crown,  because  as  they  derived  their  very  existence  from 
the  Monarch,  if  his  legal  power  was  annihilated,  theirs 
must  necessarily  be  extinguished  with  it,  as  the  stream  will 
cease  to  flow  when  the  fountain  from  whence  it  sprung  is 
dried  up.  As  hereditary  guardians  of  the  Realm  it  was 
equally  their  interest  to  preserve  the  privileges  of  the  peo- 
ple, because  however  distinguished  by  rank  or  title,  they 
themselves,  as  ])art  of  the  community,  must  finally  feel 
any  oppression  exercised  by  the  Sovereign  over  their  fel- 
low-subjects. 

The  tliird  branch  of  the  Legislature  consisted  of  the 
People  at  large,  in  which  every  native  had  a  right  to  vote, 
for  in  those  days  it  was  thought  unreasonable  that  the  life, 
liberty,  or  property  of  a  freeman  should  be  affected  by 
any  law  which  he  did  not  consent  to,  or  at  least  which  he 
had  not  a  right  to  oppose. 

But  these  tunndtuous  assemblies  of  the  People  being 
found  from  experience  not  only  inconvenient  but  absolutely 
impracticable,  as  a  majority  of  the  whole  Kingdom  could 
never  meet  at  any  one  place  to  deliberate  upon  ti)e  affairs 
of  the  Kingdom,  it  became  customary  for  the  inhabitants 


of  different  counties  and  large  cities  and  towns  to  delegate 
the  wisest  of  their  neighbours  to  represent  them  in  the 
Legislature,  and  to  speak  the  sentiments  of  their  electors 
on  the  general  concerns  of  the  Kingdom.  These  formed 
the  House  of  Commons.  In  process  of  time  this  right 
of  delegation  was  confined  to  those  who  had  a  freehold  in 
lands,  of  a  particular  value,  because,  as  I  have  observed  in 
a  former  letter,  the  owners  of  the  soil  were  not  oidy  sup- 
posed to  be  the  best  judges  of  what  was  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Kingdom,  but  because  they  were  less  liable  to  be  cor- 
rupted to  prejudice  a  country  in  which  they  themselves 
were  permanently  interested. 

Happy  had  it  been  for  England  that  this  wise  regulation 
had  never  been  altered ;  and  happier  still  if  the  right  for 
voting  for  Representatives  had  been  confined  to  freeholders 
of  counties  only,  and  not  extended  to  towns  and  corpora- 
tions, which,  however  populous  and  opulent  formerly,  are 
now  scarce  the  shadow  of  what  they  were.  But  to  return 
to  my  subject. 

The  Monarch  was  vested  with  the  power  of  convening 
the  other  two  bodies  of  the  Legislature,  of  laying  before 
them  the  state  of  the  Kingdom  with  respect  to  foreign 
alliances,  and  of  reconmiending  to  their  consideration  all 
things  which  he  judged  for  the  benefit  of  the  Nation  ;  and 
after  having  done  this  he  retired  and  left  them  to  deliberate 
and  to  form  what  resolutions  they  pleased,  either  upon  the 
plans  thus  recommended  or  upon  any  others  which  they 
thought  proper;  and  so  far  as  related  to  legislation  only,  the 
Lords  and  Commons  had  an  equal  right  of  proposing  and  of 
altering  and  amending  resolutions  proposed  by  each  other. 
The  King  had  no  power  of  altering  and  amending,  but,  by 
withholding  his  assent,  might  reject  any  resolution  of  the 
other  two  branches  altogether. 

To  have  invested  him  with  a  power  of  altering  would 
have  been  dangerous  to  liberty ;  because,  of  all  laws  res- 
pecting the  subject,  the  Lords,  who  were  the  representa- 
tives of  the  higher,  and  the  Commons,  who  represented  the 
lower  ranks  of  the  people,  were  the  most  proper  judges, 
because  they  would  share  in  the  advantages  and  disadvan- 
tages of  those  laws.  But  as  the  King  might  receive  the 
emoluments,  but  could  not  share  in  the  inconveniences,  if 
he  had  been  allowed  to  have  interfered  in  altering  and 
amending  such,  the  Nation  might  have  been  cruelly  op- 
pressed, for  as  all  honours  flowed  from  the  Crown,  a  desire  of 
acquiring  those  honours  might  have  induced  the  Commons. 
Hope  of  enlarging  those  already  conferred  might  have 
influenced  the  Lords  to  have  shown  such  complaisance  to 
the  alterations  of  the  Crown  as  would  have  been  consist- 
ent with  the  good  of  the  community.  Wisdom,  as  well  as 
delicacy,  therefore,  excluded  the  temptation.  The  King's 
right  of  rejecting  altogether  was  a  sufficient  barrier  against 
all  encroachments  on  the  rights  of  the  Sovercio-n,  since  no 
resolutions  had  the  force  of  laws  till  they  received  the  con- 
currence of  a  majority  of  the  Lords  and  Commons,  and 
were  approved  of,  and  assented  to,  by  the  King. 

Taxation  was  fixed  upon  a  very  different  foundation. 
The  House  of  Commons  claimed  and  exercised  the  sole 
right  of  proposing  taxes,  of  pointing  out  the  ways  and 
means,  of  levying  supplies,  and  of  framing  the  bills  by  the 
authority  of  which  they  were  to  be  collected  ;  and  so 
extremely  jealous  were  they  of  this  privilege  that  they 
never  would  suffer  either  of  the  other  branches  of  the  Le- 
gislature to  make  the  smallest  alteration,  either  in  the  form 
or  substance  of  a  Supply  Bill. 

This  exclusive  privilege  was  founded  upon  very  just 
grounds.  The  reasons  1  have  already  given  in  treating  of 
legislation,  are  doubly  cogent  to  restrain  the  King  (who 
was  to  apply,  or  rather  expend,  the  money  raised,)  from 
exercising  any  other  power  over  a  Money  Bill  than  that  of 
rejecting  ;  to  which  may  be  added  another,  that  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  a  people  must  ever  be  more  capable  than 
their  Prince  of  judging  of  the  abihties  of  their  constituents, 
and  of  knowing  how  much,  and  what  species  of  their  pro- 
perty they  can  spare  to  preserve  the  remainder.  Nor  are 
there  wanting  many  and  just  reasons  to  exclude  the  Lords 
from  interfering  with  this' right  exercised  by  the  Commons. 
In  the  first  place,  the  whole  wealth  of  a  Nation  arises  fi-om 
the  farmer,  the  grazier,  the  mechanick,  and  the  trader  ;  and 
as  they  are  the  very  creators  of  money  they  ought  to  have 
the  publick  disposition  of  it,  because  they  know  its  value, 
and  have  experienced  the  difficulty  with  which  it  is  acquired. 


497 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


498 


On  the  other  hand,  the  Lords  possessed  of  immense  wealth, 
transmitted  to  them  by  their  ancestors,  and  born  (if  I  may 
be  allowed  the  expression)  with  silver  spoons  in  their 
mouths,  might  be  lavish  of  the  national  treasures,  without 
duly  considering  wilh  what  anxiety,  difficulties,  and  dangers 
the  bulk  of  the  people  have  acquired  the  small  share  of  it 
they  possess.  Again,  a  supply  granted  to  the  Crown,  which, 
with  respct  to  the  enormous  fortunes  of  the  nobility,  would 
scarce  deserve  the  name  of  liberality,  might  amount  almost 
to  a  confiscation  of  the  estates  of  the  lower  ranks  of  the 
people,  and  reduce  thousands  of  their  fellow-subjects  to  dis- 
tress, poverty,  and  ruin.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  difficult 
to  suppose  that  the  Representatives  of  the  labouring  or  trad- 
ing part  of  the  Nation,  would,  or  could,  be  so  extravagant 
in  their  supplies  as  to  injure  the  estates  of  the  nobility ; 
and  if  such  an  unnatural  case  could  exist,  the  House  of 
Lords,  by  exercising  their  right  of  rejecting,  would  effect- 
ually ward  off  the  blow.  But  if  they  had  a  power  of  even 
altering  a  Money  Bill,  they  might  model  it  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  exonerate,  in  a  great  measure,  their  own  estates, 
and  lay  the  whole  burthen  upon  the  Commons,  or  at  least 
it  would  be  a  constant  source  of  feuds  and  dissensions 
between  the  two  Houses,  which  would  offer,  to  an  enterpris- 
ing Monarch,  such  opportunities  of  ingratiating  himself 
occasionally  with  each  as  might  endanger  the  Constitu- 
tion.* 

From  this  state  of  the  English  Constitution  it  is  ob- 
vious to  the  most  common  observer,  that  if  any  one  of  its 
branches  encroached  upon  the  rights  of  another,  it  became 
the  interest  of  the  other  two  to  unite  in  repelling  the 
aggressor,  since  if  either  branches  are  annihilated,  or  even 
weakened,  the  other  must  necessarily  fall  a  prey  to  the 
victor.  If  the  Commons  attacked  the  Lords,  the  Crown 
necessarily  interposed  its  authority  to  support  the  injured 
rights  of  the  nobility  ;  for,  if  they  succeeded  in  destroying 
the  rights  of  the  nobihty,  such  an  acquisition  of  power  as 
would  then  devolve  on  them,  would  soon  enable  them  to 
weaken,  if  not  destroy,  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown. 
If  the  Lords  encroached  upon  the  privileges  of  the  Com- 
mons, our  history  afforded  too  many  instances  of  the  dread- 
ful consequences  of  the  overgrown  power  of  the  Barons 
to  suffer  the  King  to  be  an  idle  spectator  whilst  his  nobles, 
by  crushing  the  Commons,  would  arrogate  to  themselves 
the  power  of  petty  Princes,  and  endanger  the  safety  of 
the  Kingdom  with  internal  commotions.  If  the  King 
attacked  the  privileges  of  either  of  the  other  branches,  or 
either  of  the  others  encroached  upon  the  prerogatives  of 
the  Crown,  the  third  branch  was  too  much  interested  in 
the  dispute  to  stand  neuter,  but  readily  assisted  the  injured 
party,  sensible  that  the  only  method  of  preserving  the  true 
equilibrium  of  Government  was  to  suffer  neither  branch  to 
oppress  or  even  weaken  the  other. 

*  I  have  read  other  arguments  against  the  House  of  Lords  exercising 
a  right  of  altering  Money  Bills,  but,  I  confess,  they  were  not  to  me  so 
convincing  as  the  above.  For  instance,  one  was,  that  the  wealth  of  the 
Lords  compared  to  that  of  the  Commons  of  England,  was  but  as  a 
drop  of  water  to  the  Ocean.  Suppose  this  to  be  true,  (though,  by  the 
by,  it  is  a  very  large  drop,  and  which,  by  their  intermarriages  with  the 
rich  heiresses  of  the  Commons,  is  constantly  increasing,)  yet  a  single 
drop,  when  incorporated  with,  becomes  as  much  a  part  of  the  Ocean 
tLB  any  other  drop,  and  by  the  same  parity  of  reasoning,  the  whole 
Ocean  might  drop  by  drop  be  excluded  till  it  ceased  to  be  even  a  rivulet. 
I  am  induci;d  to  make  this  remark  from  having  read  a  similar  argu- 
ment in  a  late  pamphlet  of  a  Reverend  author,  who,  after  observing  that 
each  member  of  the  House  of  Commons,  when  chosen,  becomes  the 
Representative  of  the  whole  Kingdom,  he  has  the  following  note : 
"  Surely  the  Nation  might  have  expelled  Mr.  Wilkes,  or  have  struck 
"  his  name  out  of  the  list  of  the  Committee,  had  it  been  assembled, 
"  or  had  it  thought  proper  so  to  do.  What  then  should  hinder  the 
"  Deputies  of  the  Nation  from  doing  the  same  thing  ?  And  which 
"  ought  to  prevail  in  this  case,  the  Nation  in  general  or  the  County  of 
"  Middlesex  ?"  Let  it  be  observed  that  if  the  whole  body  of  the  people 
had  been  assembled  upon  the  National  Councils,  no  such  Committee 
could  have  existed ;  the  case  thus  supposed  is,  therefore,  a  nonentity. 
But  admitting  it  otherwise,  even  a  Committee  of  the  House  of  Com. 
mons  cannot  exclude  any  member  of  that  Committee,  but  must  apply 
to  the  House  who  constituted  them  a  Committee  to  make  such  exclu. 
sion.  That  the  House  of  Commons  have  a  right,  by  expelling  any 
member,  to  appeal  to  the  people  who  sent  him  whether  such  member 
is  unworthy  to  represent  them,  there  can  bo  no  doubt,  but  if,  after 
such  an  appeal,  the  people  re-elect  him,  they  are  surely  bound  to  receive 
him.  In  such  an  Assembly  as  the  Reverend  author  speaks  of,  there 
can  be  no  doul)t  but  a  majority  of  the  whole  Kingdom  may  exclude  the 
inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Middlesex  from  any  share  in  the  National 
Councils,  but  from  that  instant  they  cannot  exercise  a  constitutional 
right,  cither  of  legislation  or  taxation,  over  the  County  of  Middlesex; 
and  just  so  great  a  power  as  a  majority  of  the  Nation  can  exereiso 
over  the  inhabitants  of  a  single  county,  a  majority  of  the  Represent- 
atives of  the  Nation  may  exercise  over  tlie  Representatives  of  a  single 
county.     But  the  consequence  must  be  the  same  in  both  cases. 


Thus  constituted,  thus  mutually  interested,  to  support 
each  other,  the  King,  Lords,  and  Commons  of  England, 
formed  the  wisest  system  of  legislation  that  ever  did,  or 
perhaps  ever  will,  exist ;  for  the  three  favourite  forms  of 
Government,  viz :  Monarchy,  Aristocracy,  and  Democracy, 
jpossessed  of  their  distinct  powers,  checked,  tempered,  and 
improved  each  other.  Nor  was  this  excellence  confined  to 
forms  alone.  The  characteristick  principles  of  Monarchy, 
Aristocracy,  and  Democracy,  viz:  honour,  moderation, 
and  virtue,  were  here  so  happily  blended  as  totally  to 
exclude  fear,  that  despicable  slave  of  despotism  and  arbi- 
trary sway.  The  honour  of  Monarchy  tempered  the  im- 
petuosity of  Democracy,  the  moderation  of  Aristocracy 
checked  the  ardent  aspiring  honour  of  Monarchy,  and  the 
virtue  of  Democracy  restrained  the  one,  impelled  the  other, 
and  invigorated  both.  In  short,  no  Constitution  ever  bid 
so  fair  for  perpetual  duration  as  that  of  England,  and  none 
ever  half  so  well  deserved  it,  since  political  liberty  was  its 
sole  aim,  and  the  general  good  of  mankind  the  principal 
object  of  its  attention.  Had  this  happy  state  but  recurred  a 
little  oftener  to  its  first  principles  it  would  have  remained  the 
envy — the  admiration  of  the  whole  world,  and  the  delight 
of  its  most  distant  Dominions,  till  time  shall  be  no  more. 
But,  alas  1  all  human  institutions  are  subject  to  decay  ;  the 
very  vitals  of  this  amiable  Constitution  are  wounded,  the 
glorious  fabrick  already  totters,  and  the  time  is  approaching 
when  it  may  be  said  of  this  beautiful  Byzantium  : 

"  That  down  the  precipice  of  fate  she  goes. 
And  sinks  in  moments  what  in  ages  rose," 

To  trace  the  steps  of  this  disorder,  and  point  out  what 
is  likely  to  occasion  this  ever  to  be  lamented  misfortune, 
shall  be  the  subject  of  my  next. 

I  shall  conclude  this  with  a  word  of  advice  to  my  fellow- 
citizens  of  Virginia :  Since  my  last  the  writs  have  issued 
for  choosing  your  Representatives,  returnable  the  1 1th  day 
of  August  next.  Postpone  your  meeting  in  Williamsburg 
till  that  day,  so  short  a  delay  will  be  attended  with  little 
inconvenience.  If  the  Govemour  should  then  meet  you 
in  Assembly,  you  will  have  a  constitutional  opportunity  of 
declaring  the  sentiments,  and  of  vindicating  the  rights,  of 
those  you  represent.  But  be  not  deceived.  It  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  Govemour  will  not,  cannot,  call  the  Assem- 
bly together  till  he  receives  letters  from  the  Minister  in 
England,  and  that  it  will  be  prorogued  before  the  11th  of 
August.  If  it  should,  still  let  the  new  Representatives  of 
the  people  meet  at  that  time  ;  though  they  cannot  as  a 
legislative,  yet  they  may  as  a  collective  body,  declare  the 
sentiments  of  their  constituents,  and  it  is  necessary,  not 
only  that  our  Sovereign,  but  that  the  British  Parliament 
should  know  those  sentiments  as  soon  as  possible,  other- 
wise an  artful  Minister  may  impose  upon  them,  and  induce 
them  to  believe  you  have  actually  submitted  to  a  measure 
which  I  am  convinced  you  never  will  submit  to,  because 
you  ought  not. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LONDON,  DATED 

JULY  1,  1774. 

I  am  sorry  to  learn,  by  late  letters  from  Philadelphia, 
that  you  are  likely  to  have  an  Indian  war,  by  the  impru- 
dence of  some  of  the  back  inhabitants.  1  most  sincerely 
wish  that  steps  may  be  taken  to  prevent  it ;  for  you  may 
be  assured  the  people  in  power  here  wish  for  it.  They 
say'  it  will  be  the  means  of  humbling  and  reducing  the  re- 
bellious Americans  to  obedience.  This  they  are  deter- 
mined to  do,  let  the  consequence  be  what  it  may.  I  am 
much  grieved  to  hear  that  the  unjust  and  tyrannical  steps 
taken  by  Government  here,  against  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  are  not,  by  the  other  Colonies,  looked  upon  as  an 
attack  upon  all  America,  but  intended  only  against  that 
Province.  The  policy  of  this  country  is  to  divide  and 
conquer ;  and  if  the  other  Colonies  sit  quiet  and  suffer  the 
people  of  New  England,  for  want  of  their  uniting  and 
making  it  one  common  cause,  to  be  reduced  to  the  neces- 
sity of  subscribing  to  such  terms  as  Government  here  shall 
hold  out  to  them,  they  will  attack  the  other  Colonies,  and 
then  farewell  to  the  liberties  of  America ;  for  the  Ameri- 
cans will  be  soon  as  absolute  slaves  as  the  Frenchmen. 
The  infamous  Quebeck  Bill,  which  establishes  popery  and 
arbitrary  power  through  a  country  capable  of  maintaining 
more  people  than  England,  France,  and  Spain,  is  intended 


Fourth  Series. 


32 


499 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


500 


to  keep  the  old  Colonies  in  owe ;  and  people  here  in 
power  make  no  secret  of  saying,  that  by  keeping  the 
Canadian  militia  well  disciplined,  they  shall  be  able  with 
them  and  the  fleet,  to  keep  the  Colonies  always  in  sub- 
jection. Would  you  believe,  that  out  of  all  the  Bishops, 
only  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph  had  virtue  enough  to  vote 
against  this  Bill?  I  hope  we  shall  never  suflcr  one  of 
them  to  step  his  foot  in  America.  Nothing  can  save 
America  but  their  uniting  and  religiously  entering  into  an 
agreement,  and  sacredly  keeping  it,  not  to  import  any 
goods  from  Great  Britain,  nor  to  export  any  goods  eitiier 
to  Great  Britain  or  the  Islands,  until  justice  is  done  liiem 
by  this  country,  and  their  liberties  settled  on  a  firm  and 
solid  basis.  This,  in  less  than  twelve  months,  would  bring 
the  people  of  this  country  to  reason,  and  force  them,  con- 
trary to  their  inclinations,  to  do  the  Americans  justice  ;  for 
they  have  no  trade  but  what  is  against  them,  save  to 
Ireland  and  America. 


JAMES    CITY    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    KESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  James  City  County, 
on  the  first  of  July,  1774,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Mam 
Allen,  in  order  to  consult  witii  their  late  Representatives 
what  measures  were  most  necessary  to  ward  off  the  im- 
pending evils  which  seem  to  threaten  all  British  America, 
those  maltei-s  being  calmly  and  maturely  entered  into, 
the  following  Resolves  were  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  import  any  article  whatever 
from  Great  Britain, 

Resolved,  That  we  will  stop  all  exports  to  Great 
Britain  after  such  a  day  as  shall  be  appointed  by  the 
general  meeting  on  the  first  of  August  next. 

Resolved,  That  a  subscription  paper  be  handed  about 
among  the  people  of  James  City  to  raise  money,  corn, 
wheat,  or  any  other  commodity  wiiich  may  be  most  agree- 
able to  the  subscribers,  for  the  relief  of  the  people  of 
Boston. 

Resolved,  That  in  order  to  testify  our  gratitude  to  our 
late  worthy  Representatives,  and  our  entire  approbation  of 
their  conduct  in  the  late  General  Assembly,  it  is  the  unani- 
mous opinion  of  this  meeting  that  they  be  thanked  for 
their  former  services,  and  that  Robert  Carter  Nicholas, 
Esquire,  be  pleased  to  accept  of  a  treat  from  the  freehold- 
ers of  the  county  on  the  day  appointed  for  the  election  of 
Burgesses. 

Portsmoutli,  New-Hampshire,  July  1,  1774. 
Last  Saturday,  June  25th,  arrived  here  Captain  Brown, 
in  a  mast  ship,  in  eight  weeks  from  London,  and  unluckily 
for  this  place,  there  were  on  board  twenty-seven  chests  of 
that  pernicious,  destructive,  troublesome  commodity,  called 
tea,  which  for  a  long  time  has,  and  still  keeps  the  whole 
Continent  in  a  ferment,  the  duty  on  which,  operates  in  so 
violent  a  manner  on  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants,  not  only 
in  the  seaport  towns,  but  the  whole  country  in  general, 
that  it  will  require  the  most  cooling  medicines,  and  the 
best  skill  of  the  ablest  political  physicians,  to  prevent  the 
body  politic  from  going  into  convulsions.     However,  upon 
its  being  certified  that  there  actually  were  twenty-seven 
chests  of  tea  consigned  to  Edward  Parry,  Esquire,  of  this 
town,  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  were  imme- 
diately called,  and  a  Special  Committee  chosen  to  wait 
upon  Mr.  Parry,  the  consignee,  to  know  whether  he  would 
consent  to  certain  proposals  which  were  made  to  him  ;  that 
the  tea  should  not  be  sold  here,  but  re-shipped  ;  who,  in  a 
genteel  manner  gave  them  all  the  reasonable  satisfaction 
they  could  desire,  and  a  watch  of  twenty-five  men  were 
appointed  by  the  town  to  watch  two  days  and  two  nights, 
and  the  third  day  it  was  put  on  board  another  vessel,  and 
sent  out  of  this  harbour  with  a  fair  wind,  committed  to  the 
watery  element,  and  hope  in  due  time  the  owners  will 
receive  the  nett  proceeds,  and  for  the  future  take  care  how 
they  send  any  disagreeable  commodity  to  this  Province, 
with  a  duty  thereon. 

Every  transaction  was  conducted  with  the  greatest 
decency  and  good  order  possible,  which  could  have  done 
honour  to  any  society.  The  whole  being  of  one  heart  and 
one  mind  that  the  tea  should  go  out  of  this  port  and  harbour 
iiiunediately,  and  not  to  be  landed  in  this  Province. 


CONSTITUTIONAL   AMERICAN    POST    OFFICE. 

Baltimore,  July  2,  1774. 

li'illiam  Goddard,  Printer  of  the  Maryland  Journal, 
with  great  pleasure,  acquaints  the  publick  that  his  proposal 
for  establishing  an  American  Post  Office  on  constitutional 
principles,  hath  been  \\armly  and  generously  patronised  by 
the  friends  of  freedom  in  all  the  great  commercial  towns  in 
the  Eastern  Colonies,  where  ample  funds  are  already 
secured ;  Postmasters  and  riders  engaged ;  and,  indeed, 
every  proper  arrangement  made  for  the  reception  of  the 
Southern  mails,  which,  it  is  expected,  will  soon  be  extended 
tliither.  As  therefore  the  final  success  of  the  undertaking 
now  depends  on  the  publick  spirit  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Maryland  and  Virginia,  it  is  not  doubted,  from  the  recent 
evidence  they  have  given  of  their  noble  zeal  in  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  their  country,  but  they  will  cheerfully  join 
in  rescuing  the  channel  of  publick  and  private  intelligence 
from  the  "horrid  fangs  of  Ministerial  dependents:"  a 
measure  indispensably  necessary  in  the  present  alarming 
crisis  of  American  affairs.* 

The  following  Plan  has  been  published  and  universally 
approved  of  at  the  Eastward  : 

PLAN    FOR    ESTABLISHING  A  NEW  AMERICAN  POST   OFFICE. 

The  present  American  Post  Office  was  first  set  up  by  a 
private  gentleman  in  one  of  the  Southern  Colonies,  and 
the    Ministry  of  Great  Britain  finding    that  a  revenue 

*  EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  LORD  NORTH,  LONDON,  FEBRUARY  5,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  As  an  American,  give  me  leave  to  assure  your  Lordship 
that  I  think  the  dismissing  Dr.  Franklin,  from  the  Postmast'jr  Gen. 
cral  in  North  America,  at  this  particuhir  crisis,  one  of  the  most 
fortunate  events  that  could  have  happened  for  that  county.  It  wag 
that  gentlemen  that  brought  the  Post  Office  in  America  to  be  of  some 
consequence,  and  to  yield  somsthing  of  a  revenue  to  the  mother 
country.  Tlie  people  there  never  liked  the  Institution,  and  only 
acquiesced  in  it  out  of  their  unbounded  aifaction  for  the  person  that 
held  the  office,  who  had  taken  infinite  pains  to  render  it  convenient 
to  the  several  Colonies.  But  what  will  follow  now,  my  Lord  ?  I  will 
tell  you ;  the  Post  from  Philadelphia  to  Boston  is  that  alone  which 
produces  any  profit  worth  mentioning ;  the  others,  taken  together,  do 
not  more  than  maintain  themselves;  and  between  i'/i(7«rfp/p/r'o  and 
Boston  you  may  depend  on  it,  the  Americans  will  immediately  sot  up 
a  carrier  of  their  own,  which  you,  with  all  your  brethren  in  power, 
together  with  Lord  Hillsborough's  abilities,  cannot  prevent,  and 
thereby  they  will  entirely  starve  your  Post  between  lliose  capital 
cities.  And  tlius  will  happily  end  your  boasted  Post  Office,  so  often 
given  as  a  precedent  for  taxing  the  Americans. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM    A    GENTLEMAN    AT    NEW.YORK   TO    IlIS   FRIEND 
IN    BOSTON,    DATED    FEBRUARY  28,    1774. 

Your  steadiness  and  activity  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty  ha« 
induced  me  to  address  you,  without  any  apology,  upon  a  very  inter- 
esting matter,  in  which  the  cause  of  American  freedom  is  deeply 
concerned ;  I  mean  the  Post  Office  establishment,  upon  which  every 
other  unconstitutional  Act  has  been  grounded,  as  our  tame  submission 
to  it  has  been  constantly  urged,  by  the  enemies  of  our  country,  as  a 
precedent  against  us;  and  as  I  am  fully  convinced  of  the  propriety 
and  eligibillity  of  opposing  it  at  present,  and  we  cannot  fail  of  success 
if  the  opposition  be  made  with  a  manly  firmness.  I  am  determined  to 
give  the  bearer,  Mr.  Goddard,  every  aid  in  my  power,  towards  the 
execution  of  his  plan,  which  is  so  well  calculated  to  save  the  cause 
of  liberty,  and  relieve  my  country  from  such  an  arbitrary  and  uncon- 
stitutional Act  of  the  British  Legislature.  I  nmst  therefore  earnestly 
request  that  you  will,  provided  your  sentiuients  should  coincide  with 
mine,  use  all  your  influence  in  the  town  of  Boston,  and  give  him 
every  assistance  in  your  power,  to  forward  so  great  and  necessary  an 
undertaking ;  and  should  we  succeed  in  this  attempt  of  abolishing 
the  Post  Ofiice,  of  which  I  have  not  the  least  shadow  of  a  doubt,  I  am 
convinced  it  will  put  an  entire  stop  to  tlieir  placing  any  further 
unconstitutional  burdens  upon  us  ;  especially  when  they  find  that  we 
are  determined  to  make  reprisals  upon  every  such  occasion,  and  that 
they  will  bo  reduced  to  the  unfortunate  situation  of  the  dog  in  the 
fable,  who  by  greedily  grasping  at  the  shadow,  lost  the  substance.  As 
I  am  much  indisposed  at  i)resent,  I  cannot  enlarge  upon  the  subject, 
nor  do  I  think  any  arguments  necessary  to  convince  you  of  tlie 
propriety  of  the  measure,  or  to  induce  you,  who  have  so  constantly 
exerted  yourself  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  to  aiford  it  your  sanction  and 
support. 

Boston,  March  17,  1774.— Last  Monday  arrived  here  Mr.  William 
Goddard,  Printer  in  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore.  The  cause  of  that 
gentleman's  tour  is  interesting  to  all  the  Colonies,  and  we  are  happy 
to  find  that  all  of  them  through  which  he  has  come  are  thoroughly 
engaged  in  it. 

Mr.  Goddard  has  long  been  noted  as  the  proprietor  and  employer  of 
a  very  free  press,  and  some  four  or  five  years  ago  he  began  to  feel  him- 
self distinguislied  on  that  account,  till  at  length  the  exactions  of  the 
King's  post  rider  became  so  enormous,  that  they  amounted  to  an  entire 
prohibition  of  tlio  continuance  of  his  business  in  the  City  of  Phila. 
delphia,*  Marylrnd,  a  great  part  of  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
Jersies,  througli  which  his  paper  had  circulated,  became  inflamed  at 
the  insult;  esi>ecially  when  it  was  known  that  Mr.  Goddard  had 
complained  to  the  Postmaster,  the  solo  arbiter  in  the  case,  and  could  not 

•The  sum  of  fifty-two  pound*  fterl'mp,  Peniist/tvanio  cnrrrncy,  per  nnnum,  waJ 
ilcmande*!  at  the  Post  Office  ('iir  the  cairiflKe  of  nixtut  three  htiiitlR-«l  ami  tifty    iiewt- 

SDne>i-t, one  hiiiidred  aud  thirty  miles,  liajable  in  wetkl)  payments,  as  the  papers  wet« 
eUTeml  to  tlie  I'tnl*. 


501 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


503 


Hiight  arise  from  it,  procured  an  Act  of  Parliament  in  the 
nintli  year  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne,  to  enable  them  to 
take  into  their  own  hands,  and  succeeding  Administrations 
have  ever  since,  taken  upon  them  to  regulate  it — have 
committed  the  management  of  it  to  whom  they  pleased, 
and  avail  themselves  of  its  income,  now  said  to  be  at  least 
£i  3,000  sterling  per  annum  clear. 

By  this  means  a  set  of  officere.  Ministerial  indeed,  in 
their  creation,  direction,  and  dependence,  are  maintained 
in  the  Colonies,  into  whose  hands  all  the  social,  commer- 
cial, and  political  intelligence  of  the  Continent  is  neces- 
sarily committed ;  which  at  this  time,  every  one  must 
consider  as  dangerous  in  the  extreme.  It  is  not  only  our 
letters  that  are  liable  to  be  stopped  and  opened  by  a 
Ministerial  mandate,  and  their  contents  construed  into 
treasonable  conspiracies,  but  our  newspapers,  those  neces- 
sary and  important  alarms  in  time  of  publick  danger,  may 
be  rendered  of  little  consequence  for  want  of  circulation. 
Whenever  it  shall  be  thought  proper  to  restrain  the  liberty 
of  the  press,  or  injure  an  individual,  how  easily  may  it  be 
effected  ?  A  Postmaster  General  may  dismiss  a  rider  and 
substitute  his  hostler  in  his  place,  who  may  tax  the  news- 
papers to  a  prohibition  ;  and  when  the  master  is  remon- 
strated to  upon  the  head,  he  may  deny  he  has  any  concern 

obtain  the  shadow  of  a  redress.  Nearly  the  whole  town  of  Baltimore, 
the  first  merchants  and  gentlemen  in  Philadelphia,  assisted  Mr.  God- 
dard  in  establishing  a  rider  between  those  two  capitals,  and  have 
recommended  the  plan  to  all  the  Colonies.  Mr.  Goddard  has  received 
the  greatest  encouragement  from  every  Colony  through  which  he  has 
passed,  and  all  declare  their  readiness  to  come  into  the  measure, 
provided  it  is  adopted  here.  To  be  satisfied  in  this  point  a  very 
respectable  meeting  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  town  was 
called,  at  which  an  unanimous  resolution  was  come  into  to  second  our 
worthy  brethren  in  the  Southern  Colonies,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power. 
Subscriptions  will  be  immediately  opened,  and  every  measure  taken  to 
demonstrate  that,  in  so  glorious  a  motion  for  the  recovery  of  American 
liberty,  Boston  will  by  no  means  fall  short  of  the  most  sanguine 
expectations  of  her  honest  countrymen. 

Mr.  Hutchinson's  declaration,  tiiat  his  Majesty  (he  lihould  have  said 
Ministry)  highly  disapproves  of  Provincial  Committees  of  Correspon- 
dence, with  the  steps  above  mentioned,  and  many  others,  to  be  related 
in  duo  season,  are  sufficient  indications  of  the  mind  of  Administration 
respecting  a  free  communication  of  sentiment  throughout  these  much 
injured  communities;  a  junction  of  the  whole  is  dreaded;  and  thanks 
to  Heaven,  the  measures  taken  to  prevent  serve  only  to  hasten  it, 
beyend  conception. 

How  unworthy  of  the  wisdom  and  spirit  of  Americans  would  it  be  to 
bear  any  longer  with  the  insolence  of  a  tool  who  should  impudently 
tell  an  assertor  of  the  rights  of  his  country  that  he  could  not  expect 
the  favours  of  Government  in  carrying  his  papers,  while  he  was  so 
free  in  defaming  its  measures  ?  How  naturally  must  such  hauteur 
exasperate  a  people  who  consider  the  Post  Office,  in  its  present  condi. 
tion  as  a  dangerous  ursurpation — as  the  boasted  precedent  of  all  the 
innovations  with  which  an  abandoned  Administration  have  presumed 
to  vex  the  Colonies — as  the  stated  course  of  intelligence  and  inform- 
ation on  which  our  very  existence  as  a  free  people  depends,  and  on 
which  the  enemy  d. spends,  and  on  which  the  enemy  of  our  rights  can 
lay  his  hand  whenever  he  pleases  ?  And  in  consequence,  how  cheer- 
fully will  every  well-wisher  to  his  country  lay  hold  on  the  present 
opportunity  to  recover  a  right  of  importance  conceivable  by  few, 
simply  considered  by  hardly  any  one  in  its  consequences.  One  of  these 
tremendous  consequences  is,  "  the  creation  of  new  offices,  with  new 
"  foes,  without  consent  of  our  Parliaments,"  and  open  violation  of 
Magna  Charta. 

Salem,  March  29,  1774. — Yesterday  evening  came  to  town,  Mr. 
William  Goddard,  Printer  at  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore.  He  has 
brought  letters  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston  to 
the  Committee  here,  on  the  subject  of  establishing  Post  Offices  and 
Post  Riders  on  a  new  plan,  independent  of  the  unconstitutional  laws 
of  a  British  Parliament.  We  hear  that  a  meeting  on  the  affiiir  will 
be  held  some  time  to-morrow,  when  there  is  no  doubt  that  every  well- 
wisher  to  his  country  will  cheerfully  lay  hold  of  an  opportunity  to 
arrost  the  cliannel  of  public  and  private  intelligence  out  of  the  hands 
of  a  power  openly  inimical  to  its  rights  and  liberties. 

New-London,  April  4,  1774. — The  following  are  the  heads  of  a  Sub. 
Bcription  which  was  laid  bofore  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at 
Boston : 

Whereas,  in  our  present  struggles  with  the  British  Administration, 
it  is  of  the  last  importance  to  have  a  free  and  safe  communication 
throughout  the  whole  extent  of  iJn^i/sA  ^Iwterica,  a  channel  established 
by  an  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  tlie  express  purpose  of  raising 
a  revenue  here,  and  under  the  absolute  controul  of  the  British  Minis- 
tor,  being  both  in  principle  and  operation  highly  dangerous ;  and 
whereas,  wo  are  certified  from  sev.ral  of  the  Southern  Colonies  that  a 
Post  Office  has  been  erected  in  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania,  on  the 
]irinciples  of  a  voluntary  subscription,  and  we  have  good  reason  to 
believe  the  salutary  Institution  will  be  generally  adopted  by  all  the 
intermediate  Colonies,  as  well  as  those  on  both  extremes;  and  whereas, 
the  said  Institution,  if  generally  adopted,  will  defeat  one  Revenue  Act, 
and  obviate  all  its  pernicious  consequences,  will  unite  all  the  friends  of 
America  in  one  common  bond  of  alliance,  and  reduce  the  postage  of 
letters  one-tliird,  as  well  as  insure  the  transmission  of  interesting 
advice  to  the  place  of  destination  :  We,  the  subscriljers,  do  severally 
promise  to  pay  to  tlie  Postmaster,  wlio  shall  bo  lieroaftcr  appointed  by 
a  major  vote  of  our  body,  the  several  sums  annexed  to  our  names,  or 
to  the  successor  in  said  office,  to  be  by  him,  or  tliem,  employed  in  fur- 
nishing post  riders  to  the  several  stages,  we  may  agree  upon  and  secur- 
ing himself,  or  deputies,  from  any  losses  and  damages  that  may  accrue 


in  the  matter,  and  tell  the  Printer  he  must  make  his 
terms  with  the  Post. 

As,  therefore,  the  maintenance  of  this  dangerous  and  un- 
constitutional precedent  of  taxation  without  our  consent — 
as  the  parting  with  very  considerable  sums  of  our  money  to 
support  officers  of  whom  it  seems  to  be  expected  that  they 
should  be  inimical  to  our  rights — as  the  great  danger 
of  the  increase  of  such  interest  and  its  connections,  added 
to  the  considerations  above  mentioned,  must  be  alarming 
to  a  people  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  fatal  tendency  of 
this  Parliamentary  establishment,  it  is  therefore  proposed : 

1st.  That  subscriptions  be  opened  for  the  establishment 
and  maintenance  of  a  Post  Office,  and  for  the  necessary 
defence  of  Post  Officers  and  Riders  employed  in  the  same. 

2d.  That  the  subscribers  in  each  Colony  shall  annually 
appoint  a  Committee  from  among  themselves,  consisting  of 
seven  persons,  whose  business  it  shall  be  to  appoint  Post- 
masters in  all  places  within  their  respective  Provinces, 
where  such  offices  have  hitherto  been  kept,  or  may  here- 
after be  judged  necessary,  and  to  regulate  the  postage  of 
letters  and  packets,  with  the  terms  on  which  newspapers 
are  to  be  carried  ;  which  regulations  shall  be  printed  and 
set  up  in  each  respective  office. 

3d.  That  the  Postmasters  shall  contract  with  and  take 

unto  him,  or  them,  by  means  of  their  offices  ;  meaning  and  under- 
standing this  present  instrument  to  bo  a  doposite  and  security  to  the 
said  Postmaster,  to  bo  recoverable  by  him,  in  whole  or  in  proportion  to 
the  smns  subscribed,  and  to  make  up  the  deficiencies,  if  any  there 
appear,  to  a  Committee  of  our  body  chosen  to  inspect  accounts,  after 
the  whole  amount  of  the  moneys  received  for  postage  shall  have  been 
placed  to  our  credit.     In  testimony,  &.c.  &c. 

Portsmouth,  April  15,  1774. — The  establishment  of  a  constitutional 
conveyance  of  intelligence,  public  and  private,  proposed  by  Mr.  William 
Goddard,  of  Philadelphia,  and  so  warmly  seconded  by  our  Southern 
brethren,  appears,  to  the  friends  of  freedom  in  this  capital,  as  neces- 
sary and  useful,  as  it  is  honourable,  safe,  and  practicable.  The  letters 
brought  by  the  above  mentioned  gentleman  from  the  Southward,  wo 
find,  have  been  received  at  Boston,  &c.,  with  that  cordial  satisfaction 
which  brethren,  united  by  common  interest,  and  conmion  danger, 
experience  in  finding  each  part  of  such  combined  interest  generously 
sharing  its  full  proportion  of  the  common  service;  and  the  letter  from 
the  Boston  Committee  to  that  of  this  town,  hath  met  with  every  pos- 
sible mark  of  respectful  attention. 

At  the  last  meeting  of  our  Committee  with  the  merchants,  traders, 
and  other  inhabitants  of  this  town,  a  subscription  was  unanimously 
agreed  upon,  similar  to  one  already  opened  at  Boston ;  and  we  doubt 
not,  from  the  glorious  beginning,  but  it  will  be  soon  filled  up  with  the 
names  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  all  ranks,  or  their  proxies.  Mr, 
Goddard  having  been  furnished  with  letters  from  the  respective  Com- 
mittees of  all  the  Southern  Colonies,  set  out  from  hence  on  Wednesday 
lost,  via  Newburyport,  Salem,  and  Marblekead,  after  expressing  the 
respectful  and  grateful  sentiments  ho  entertained  of  the  patriotick 
spirit  and  urbanity  of  those  to  whom  he  had  the  pleasure  of  being 
introduced  in  this ;  and  it  is  generally  thought  he  will  have  such 
report  to  make  of  his  doings,  and  their  success,  as  will  gratify  every 
friend  to  the  rights  of  America.  Previous  to  Mr.  Goddard'a  departure 
he  transmitted  his  plan,  with  a  number  of  letters,  to  the  friends  of 
liberty  at  Casco  Bay. 

We  hear  that  the  spirited  inhabitants  of  Newburyport  have  warmly 
patronised  the  plan  for  establishing  a  Constitutional  Post  Office  in 
America.  At  their  last  meeting  on  the  business,  they  agreed  to  raise 
a  fund  sufficient  to  bring  the  mails  from  Boston  to  that  place  at  least. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM    A    GENTLEMAN    IN    PHILADELPIirA  TO  HIS  COR. 
RESPONDENT    IN    WILLIAMSBDRG. APRIL    21,    1774. 

The  vast  noise  and  bustle  which  has  lately  appeared  in  almost  all 
the  papers  relative  to  the  Post  Office  in  America,  without  doubt,  has 
alarmed  many  people  on  this  Continent,  who  would  willingly  axiopt 
every  prudent  measure  to  redress  themselves  in  so  important  a  matter  ; 
and,  indeed,  I  cannot  conceive  how  the  mother  country  can  pretend  to 
the  profits  arising  from  that  Department,  nor  is  it  obvious  to  me,  that 
the  money  produced  therefrom  can  tend  to  the  emolument  of  the 
Crown,  as  I  have  been  credibly  informed  the  chief  part  of  it  goes  to 
the  support  of  a  set  of  harpies  at  home,  who  have,  in  a  most  miprece- 
dcntad  manner,  pretended  to  claim  thereto,  and  are  upheld  therein  by 
every  ministerial  influence.  Doubtless  the  Post  Office,  thus  establish- 
ed, is  an  infringoinent  upon  the  liberties  of  America,  and  no  man  can 
wish  more  fervently  than  myself  for  a  total  abolition  of  it  upon  so 
unjustifiable  a  footing.  But  when  I  reflect  upon  the  consequences  that 
will  natually  ensue  in  bringing  this  about,  from  a  pretty  thorough 
knowledge  of  the  principles  and  character  of  the  gentleman  who  seems 
most  to  interest  himself  in  the  afiair,  I  cannot  say  I  have  very  flatter- 
ing ideas  of  its  success.  I  believe,  sir,  you  aro  entirely  unacquainted 
with  Mr.  Goddard,  who  has  been  lately  so  much  complimented,  indeed 
you  need  no  intimacy  with  him  ;  hard  is  the  lot  of  that  man  who  has 
not  one  well-wisher.  Mr.  Goddard  may  have  received  his  encomiums 
from  two  or  three  intimates,  but,  confident  I  am,  he  is  not  regarded 
even  by  tliose  who  once  caressed  and  supported  him.  A  private  post 
is  set  up  from  this  city  to  Baltimore,  but  tho  merchants  here  would 
not  suffer  Mr.  Goddard  to  have  the  direction  of  it,  notwithstanding 
his  early  application  and  profusion  of  patriotism;  they  have  more 
prudently  preferred  Mr.  Bradford. 

Boston,  Ajiril  21,  1774. — ^Yesterday  arrived  in  this  town  from  tho 
Eastward,  Mr.  William  Goddard,  by  whom  letters  are  received  from 
tho  Committees  of  Correspondence  of  Portsmouth,  Newbury,  New. 
buryport,  Sttlem,  &.C.,  exjjressive  of  the  hearty  concurrence  of  the 
gentlemen  of  those  towns  with  the  proposal  of  erecting  a  Post  Office, 
upon  constitutional  principles,  throughout  the  Continent.     Subscrip. 


503 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


504 


bonds,  with  sufficient  securities,  of  suitable  persons  to  per- 
form the  same  duty  as  hath  heretofore  been  performed  by 
Post  Riders,  subject  to  the  regulation  and  controui  of  the 
Committee. 

4th  That  tiie  several  mails  shall  be  under  lock  and  key, 
and  liable  to  the  inspection  of  no  person  but  the  respective 
Postmasters  to  whom  directed,  who  shall  be  under  oath 
for  the  faithful  discharge  of  the  trust  reposed  in  them. 

5th.  That  a  Postmaster  General  shall  be  annually 
chosen  by  the  written  votes  of  all  tiie  Provincial  Commit- 
tees, enclosed  and  sent  to  the  Chairman  of  the  New-York 
Committee,  who,  on  receiving  all  the  votes,  and  giving  one 
month's  publick  notice  in  all  the  iVejo-Yorfc  papers,  of  the 
time  and  place  appointed  for  that  purpose,  shall  open 
them  in  Committee,  in  presence  of  all  such  subscribers  as 
shall  choose  to  attend,  and  declare  the  choice,  which  choice 
shall  be  immediately  communicated  to  all  the  other  Pro- 
vincial Committees  by  a  certificate  under  the  hand  of  the 
said  Chairman. 

6th.  That  the  Postmaster  General  shall  be  empowered 
to  demand  and  receive  the  accounts  from  the  several  Posi- 
tions are  set  on  foot  in  each  of  them,  and  they  have  already  sue- 
ceeded  beyond  tlie  most  sanguine  expectation  in  all. 

The  remoyal  of  Dr.  Franklin  from  the  Post  Office  had  added  fresh 
spirit  to  the  promoters  of  this  salutary  plan,  as  several  viewed  an  oppo- 
sition to  his  interest,  at  a  time  when  he  had  signally  served  the  cause 
of  America,  as  a  very  disagreeable  object ;  but  all  reluctance  from  that 
quarter  must  no»v  vanish,  and  all  the  friends  of  liberty  rejoice  that  they 
have  now  an  opportunity  of  taking  up  a  gentleman,  discarded  by  an 
unrighteous  Ministry  for  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  duty,  and  placing 
him  above  a  depandenee  on  their  eapriee,  in  the  grateful  arms  of  his 
applauding  countrymen. 

Boston,  May  5,  1774 ^We  have  the  pleasure  of  assuring  the  public 

that  the  subscription  for  establishing  a  new  American  Post  Office,  was 
opened  late  on  Saturday  last,  April  30tk,  and  hath  been  patronised  by 
the  first  gentlemen  of  eharaeter  and  fortune  in  town.  The  second  gen- 
tleman to  whom  it  was  presented  generously  engaged  fifty  pounds,  law- 
ful money,  and  many  others  have  done  as  Ivandsomely  in  proportion  to 
their  circumatinees.  With  this  indubitable  evidence  of  the  disposition 
of  Boatonians,  added  to  the  noble  conduct  of  the  patriotick  inhabitants 
of  Portsmouth,  Ntuoburyport,  Salem,  &c.,  Mr.  Goddard  will  set  out 
on  his  return  lioraeward  this  week,  rejoicing  in  the  great  success  wliich 
has  attended  his  endeavours  to  rescue  the  channel  of  publick  and  pri- 
vate intelligence  from  the  horrid  fangs  of  ministerial  despotism. 

New-Yoek,  May  19,    1774 A   report   having  been   industriously 

propagated,  that  several  of  the  principal  merchants  in  Philadelphia 
had  withdrawn  their  subscriptions  from  the  Constitutional  Post  Office, 
you  are  desired  to  inform  tlie  publick,  that  the  said  report  is  entirely 
false,  as  appears  by  letter  from  thence  on  that  subject. 

It  may  not  be  improper,  at  this  time,  to  mention,  that  the  account 
which  was  invidiously  inserted  in  some  of  the  papers,  that  the  Consti- 
tutional Post  Rider  between  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  had  absconded 
with  a  large  sum  of  money  entrusted  to  his  care,  was  a  misrepresonta. 
tion.  The  person  who  absconded  with  the  money  was  not  tlie  under- 
taker of  that  business,  whose  name  is  Stinson,  a  man  of  property  and 
character,  well  known  and  respected  in  Philadelphia,  but  a  villain  he 
had  the  misfortune  to  hire,  whose  name  is  Bryan.  And  should  he 
escape  with  his  booty,  there  is  no  doubt  but  the  friends  of  the  institu- 
tion will  open  a  subscription  for  the  indemnification  of  the  master,  who 
is  known  to  be  a  man  of  integrity. 

Accidents  similar  to  tlie  above  have  often  happened  to  the  Govern- 
ment Post  Office,  particularly  one  lately  in  Enffland.  But  that  office 
refuses  to  be  accountable  for  money  delivered  to  the  riders. 

New-York,  June  2,  1774. — On  Saturday  last,  Mr.  William  God. 
dard  arrived  here  from  Boston,  with  important  despatclies  for  all  the 
Southern  Colonies,  for  which  he  set  out  on  Monday  morning.  The 
plan  for  establishing  a  Constitutional  American  Post  Office,  having  met 
with  the  greatest  success  in  all  tlie  great  commercial  towns  in  the 
Northern  Colonies,  it  is  not  doubted,  from  the  encouragement  already 
given  to  the  Southward,  but  the  important  design  will,  in  a  few  weeks, 
be  carried  into  complete  execution. 

London,  Jutu  16,  1774. — In  the  Boston  papers  of  2d  May,  is  inserted 
A  Plan  for  the  establishment  of  the  new  American  Post  Office,  in  oppo- 
sition to  that  established  by  Government.  It  is,  however,  supposed, 
that  as  soon  as  General  Gage  arrives  he  will  stop  the  career  of  the  new 
Post  Riders,  and  their  employers;  for,  by  the  ninth  of  Queen  Anne, 
chapter  10th,  section  17th,  it  is  decreed,  "  that  no  person  or  persons, 
"  body  politick  or  corporate  whatsoever,  in  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  the 
"  West  Indies,  or  America,  other  than  the  Postmaster  General,  ap- 
"  pointed  by  his  Majesty,  shall  presume  to  take  up,  order,  despatch, 
"  convey,  carry,  re-carry,  or  deliver,  any  letter  or  letters,  or  set  up  or 
**  employ  any  foot  post,  horse  post,  or  packet-boat,  on  pain  of  forfeiting 
"  five  pounds  British  money  for  every  several  oifence ;  and  also  tlio 
"  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  of  like  British  money,  for  every  week 
"  during  the  continuance  of  the  oft'ence."  Ship-masters  are  also  made 
liable  to  a  penalty  of  five  pounds  British  money,  if  they  do  not  deliver 
their  letters  at  the  General  Post  Office. 

EXTRACT   OF    i    LETTER   FROM   PHILADELPHIA    TO    WILLIAMSBURG,    DATED 
JULY    6,  1774. 

I  confess  that  no  man  wishes  more  for  the  establishment  of  a  Con- 
stitutional Post  Office  in  America,  than  myself;  yet,  as  I  anticipated 
in  a  former  letter,  Mr.  Goddard's  scheme  seems  to  bear  but  an  indiffer- 
ent prospect  of  success.  He  returned  hero  a  few  weeks  ago.  At  Bos. 
ton,  and  otlier  parts  of  iVeie  England,  he  told  them  the  Pliiladelphians 
had  unanimously  resolved  to  eslablish  a  Constitutional  Post ;  and,  for 
a  confirmation  of  his  assertion,  a  merchant  at  Boston  wrote  to  a  gen- 
tleman in  tliis  city,    I  am  not  acquainted  with  the  contents  of  the 


masters  throughout  the  Colonies  connected  with  this  Post 
Office,  and  shall  adjust  and  liquidate  tlie  same,  and  by  his 
order,  transfer  in  just  proportion,  the  surplusages  of  one 
office  to  make  good  the  deficiencies  of  another,  if  .tny  such 
should  appear;  and  in  case  of  a  deficiency  upon  the  whole, 
he  shall  have  power  to  draw  for  the  same  on  the  several 
Committees  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  the  subscrip- 
tions in  their  departments ;  and,  at  the  year's  end  transmit 
to  the  said  Connnittees  a  fair  and  just  account  of  the  whole 
Post  Office  under  his  inspection. 

7th.  That  the  several  Postmasters  shall  charge  »  »  »  per 
cent,  on  all  the  monies  received  into  their  respective  offices, 
for  their  services;  and  also,  »  •  •  per  cent,  for  the  use  of 
the  Postmaster  General,  which  they  shall  remit  to  him 
quarterly,  witli  their  accounts. 

8th.  That  whateyer  balances  may  remain  in  the  hands 
of  the  several  Postmasters,  after  all  charges  are  paid,  shall, 
by  the  direction  of  the  subscribers  in  the  Province  or  Prov- 
inces where  such  Postmasters  reside,  be  appropriated  to 
the  enlargement  of  the  present  Institution  withili  tlieir  re- 
spective Provinces. 

answer,  though  I  have  great  reason  to  conclude  them  unfavourable  to 
Mr.  Goddard.  He  attended  a  meeting  of  mechanicks  here  one  night, 
pretending  to  have  letters  of  consequence  from  Boston,  New-York, 
&c.,  two  or  three  of  whicli  were  read,  and  gave  some  satisfaction  ;  but 
the  others,  mentioning  the  regulation  of  the  Post  Office,  they  refused 
to  read  them  through,  observing  America  had  enough  upon  her  hands 
without  meddling  with  the  affairs  of  a  Post  Office.  Mr.  Goddard 
was  much  cliagrined  and  vexed,  and  shortly  atler  left  the  city. 

Baltimore,  July  16th,  1774. — The  present  Deputy  Postmasters 
General  of  North  America,  are,  it  appears,  in  great  distress,  least 
their  unconstitutional  Institution,  by  wliich  America  hath  been  so 
long  fleeced,  sliould  be  annihilated  by  the  publick  spirit  and  con. 
sistent  firmness  of  the  people,  who,  since  tlio  infamous  dismission 
of  the  worthy  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  hostile  attack  of  the  town  and 
port  of  Boston,  are  unalterably  determined  to  support  a  now  Con- 
stitutional Post  Office,  "  on  the  ruins  of  one  that  hath  for  its  basis 
the  slavery  of  America."  To  frustrate  the  endeavours  of  those  who 
are  now  exerting  themselves  to  bring  about  an  event  of  this  kind, 
and  from  a  vain  hope  of  reconciling  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  to 
their  Parliamentary  establishment,  which  levies  a  tax  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  Colonies,  and  is,  in  fact,  more  oppressive  and  arbitrary  than  the 
tea  duty,  the  high  and  mighty  Deputi  s  in  office,  from  their  own  free 
will  and  mere  motion,  without  waiting  to  bo  most  humbly  petitioned, 
are  now  about  employing  an  additional  Post  Rider  to  come  hither 
weekly  from  Philadelphia  ;  a  measure,  by  the  way,  the  town  could  not 
bo  indulged  in,  until  these  Generals  began  to  tremble  for  the  emolu. 
ments  of  their  places.  Tiiis  instance,  therefore,  of  their  grace  and 
favour,  being  so  much  out  of  season,  will  not,  it  is  presumed,  gain  them 
much  credit  with  a  discerning  people,  especially  as  a  new  Post  Offioe 
will  shortly  ha  opened  in  this,  and  every  considerable  commercial  town 
from  Virginia  to  Casco  Bay,  and  riders,  of  the  most  unexceptionable 
character,  be  iet  going  with  the  Provincial  mails,  when  letters,  &,c., 
will  be  carried  with  the  utmost  safety,  much  cheaper  than  the  Ministe- 
rial prices  of  a  Foxcroft  or  a  Finlay.  Thus  much  it  is  thought  neces. 
sary  to  mention  at  this  time.  On  the  return  of  a  particular  agent, 
who  is  just  setting  off  for  Virginia,  the  publick  will  have  further  intel- 
ligence of  the  state  of  tlio  enterprise  in  question,  which  the  friends  of 
freedom  and  their  country  wish  to  see  completed  by  the  first  of  Sep. 
tember  next,  tliat  being  the  time  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  grand 
Congress  at  Philadelphia ;  a  body  that  cannot,  with  any  degree  of 
consistency  or  safety,  entrust  or  encourage  the  tools  of  those  who  have 
forged  our  chains,  and  are  striving  to  rule  us  with  a  rod  of  iron. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  WILLIAMSBURG,  FROM  BALTIMORE 
TOWN,  IN  MARYLAND,  DATED  JULY  25,  1774. 

It  is  with  inexpressible  pleasure  that  I  can,  at  this  juncture,  from 
indubitable  authority,  assure  you,  and  the  respectable  people  of  Vir. 
ginia,  that  a  complete  plan  of  establishing  a  new  American  Post 
Olficc,  has  been  lately  e.xecuted  throughout  the  different  Governments 
in  JVeic  England.  It  has  been  liberally  encouraged,  and  warmly 
patronised,  by  a  very  considerable  number  of  our  priucipal  gentlemen  ; 
and  no  doubt  seems  now  to  remain  of  its  soon  being  carried  into  exccu. 
tion  all  over  the  Continent.  Indeed,  under  the  present  dreadful  situa- 
tion of  our  affairs,  the  great  and  general  utility  of  such  an  establish, 
ment  must  be  obvious  to  every  one  ;  for,  if  we  consider  the  footing  on 
which  the  present  American  Post  Office  is,  we  must  hold  it  to  be  a 
specious,  baneful,  and  unjust  taxation  ;  at  least  equally  dangerous  with 
any  other  that  wo  have  opposed.  Mr.  William  Goddard,  Printer,  here, 
who  has  conducted  this  business  hitherto,  intends  setting  out  for  Wil. 
liamsburg  in  a  few  days,  that  he  may  be  present  at  the  general  meeting 
of  your  late  House  of  Representatives,  and  to  lay  before  your  Com. 
mittee  of  Correspondence  the  several  approving  and  recommendatory 
letters  he  has  received  from  otlier  Committees  on  this  subject ;  and  if 
they  give  their  sanction  to  this  scheme,  (of  which  I  have  little  doubt, 
when  we  reflect  upon  the  noble  struggles  in  support  of  their  country's 
freedom,)  it  will  be  iuimediatoly  executed,  in  a  manner,  it  is  presumed, 
that  will  give  general  satisfaction,  and  rescue  American  correspondenco 
out  of  the  hands  of  our  wicked  and  designing  enemies. 

Williamsburg,  August  11,  1774. — Mr.  Goddard's  proposals  and 
plan  for  establishing  an  American  Post  Office  on  constitutional  princi- 
ples, which  appears,  by  Letters  from  the  Committees  of  Correspond, 
ence,  and  principal  gentlemen  of  many  respectable  Provinces  and 
towns,  to  have  met  with  tiie  most  generous  patronage  and  warmest 
approbation,  were  agitated  at  the  late  Convention  of  the  Represent, 
atives  of  this  Colony,  who  justly  considered  the  object  Mr.  Goddard 
is  pursuing  of  great  importance  to  America,  highly  worthy  the  atten. 
tion  of  the  general  Congress,  and,  as  such,  particularly  recommended  it 
to  the  gentloraeu  appointed  Delegates  from  this  Colony. 


505 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


506* 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  IN  NEW-TORK,  DATED 

BOSTON,  JULir  3,  1774. 

I  arrived  at  this  devoted  town  a  few  days  ago ;  every 
thing  here  has  a  most  melancholy  appearance,  except  the 
countenances  of  the  worthy  inhabitants,  wliich  are  as  calm 
and  serene  as  if  they  were  in  the  height  of  their  trade, 
though  they  are  really  distressed  more  than  you  can  easily 
imagine  ;  every  method  has  been  used  for  that  purpose  by 
those  engines  of  tyranny,  who  have  done  almost  every 
thing  in  their  power,  short  of  open  hostilities,  to  intimi- 
date and  frighten  them  into  compliance. 

Their  conduct  upon  this  occasion  is  worthy  of  them- 
selves ;  their  patience,  resolution,  and  finnness,  under  the 
present  oppression,  and  the  many  insults  they  daily  meet 
with  from  different  quarters,  is  truly  astonishing  to  their 
friends,  and  confounding  to  their  enemies.  It  is  highly 
mortifying  to  the  Jacobites,  Tories,  and  some  of  the  mili- 
tary, to  see  the  people  here,  in  general,  act  with  so  much 
prudence,  calmness,  and  at  the  same  time  determined  reso- 
lution, never  to  submit  to  tyranny.  This  conduct  entirely 
frustrates  the  wicked  scheme  of  provoking  the  inhabitants 
to  become  the  aggressors.  Their  unexampled  patience 
and  discretion,  has  reduced  the  director  of  this  extraordi- 
nary expedition,  to  such  a  terrible  dilemma,  that  I  believe 
lie  hardly  knows  how  to  act.  A  non-consumption  agree- 
ment has  circulated  through  almost  every  county  in  this 
Province ;  and  it  is  very  generally  signed,  in  some  counties 
almost  to  a  man.  In  this  agreement  they  do  in  the  most 
solemn  manner  engage  not  to  purchase  nor  use  any  British 
manufactures  that  shall  arrive  after  a  certain  time,  I  think 
the  last  of  August  next. 

Tlie  Governour  on  hearing  of  the  above,  issued  his 
Proclamation  (without  advice  of  the  Council — a  stretch  of 
prerogative  never  before  exercised  in  this  Province) 
cautioning  every  person  from  signing  the  agreement, 
(which  he  calls  a  Solemn  League  and  Covenant,)  and 
commanding  all  Magistrates  to  prosecute  any  person  who 
should  attempt  to  sign  it,  calling  it  a  traiterous  combination, 
and  the  Committee  who  proposed  it  a  set  of  traitors.  But 
the  Proclamation  had  an  effect  quite  contrary  to  the  design 
of  it — many  who  did  not  before  now  intend  to  sign  it — so 
that  almost  every  measure  taken  by  arbitrary  power  to 
subject  the  people  here  to  slavery,  has  an  effect  directly 
opposite  to  the  intention  of  the  contrivers.  A  report  pre- 
vails in  town,  that  as  soon  as  the  soldiers  are  landed,  six  or 
seven  of  the  leading  men  are  to  be  taken  up,  and  put  on 
board  of  the  man-of-war,  to  be  sent  home,  or  executed 
here  ;  and  that  the  Governour  intends  to  erect  his  standard, 
and  order  the  inhabitants  to  bring  in  their  arms.  Whether 
the  report  is  true  or  not,  I  do  not  know,  but  some  of  the 
principal  people  here  firmly  believe  it;  and  all  the 
manoeuvres  for  some  days  past,  seem  to  indicate  such  an 
intention.  For  my  part,  I  think  it  only  intended  to  in- 
timidate ;  but,  if  so,  it  will  certainly  be  lost  labour. 

The  train  of  artillery  landed  yesterday,  and  encamped 
on  the  Common,  with  the  other  two  regiments  that  were 
there  before.  The  fifth  and  thirty-eighth  arrived  last  week, 
and  are  to  be  landed  to-morrow.  Admiral  Graves  in  the 
Preston,  of  fifty  guns,  arrived  on  Friday;  and  next  Wed- 
nesday Admiral  Montagu  sails  for  England — perhaps  this 
is  the  ship  intended  to  carry  home  the  state-prisoners. 
God  forbid  that  any  such  attempt  should  be  made,  as  tlie 
consequences  would  certainly  be  very  terrible. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  PHILADELPHIA, 
DATED  CARLISLE,  JULY  4,  1774. 

Our  last  accounts  fi-om  Fort  Pitt,  are  very  good  in  one 
sense :  the  traders  are  all  arrived  safe  with  their  goods  at 
tliat  place,  being  escorted  and  protected  by  some  Shawa- 
nese  Indians,  who  were  sent  to  Colonel  Croghan's,  as  it 
was  imagined  they  would  not  be  safe  at  the  Fort ;  the 
Virginians  having  a  party  of  militia  under  arms  at  that 
place.  Conolly,  their  Captain,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the 
Indians  being  at  Croghan's,  sent  forty  of  his  men  to  take 
them  prisoners,  notwithstanding  their  kindness  to  our 
people  ;  but  the  traders  giving  them  notice  of  the  design, 
they  immediately  went  off";  Conolly' s  party  followed  and 
overtook  them,  fired  upon  and  wounded  one  of  them  ;  the 
other  two  took  the  wounded  Indian  off,  and  made  tlieir 


escape,  and  a  day  or  two  afterwards  met  a  party  of  Indians, 
escortmg  another  of  the  traders  with  his  effects  from  the 
lakes.  The  escorting  party  of  the  Indians  no  sooner  saw  the 
wounded  man,  but  they  immediately  ordered  the  skins  to 
be  unloaded,  and  held  a  Council  what  was  best  to  be  done. 
But  the  traders  who  had  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt,  fearing  some 
bad  consequences  might  happen  from  the  conduct  of  the 
party,  which  Conolly  had  sent  out,  immediately  followed 
the  Indians,  and  came  up  with  them  the  day  after  they 
had  met  with  the  other  party,  and  advised  them  to  return 
to  their  own  country  ;  at  the  same  time  telling  them,  that 
Pennsylmnia  had  no  part  in  the  mischief  already  done, 
and  that  the  Virginians  were  entirely  in  fauk. 

We  hear  from  Virginia,  that  a  large  body  of  men  are 
going  cut  against  the  Indians  by  order  of  Government ; 
the  rendezvous  to  be  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanhatca 
river,  and  there  to  build  forts  and  fortify  themselves. 

We  are  informed  that  young  Cresap,  who  first  began 
the  quarrel  with  the  Indians,  and  murdered  a  number"  of 
them  in  a  cowardly  manner,  has  received  a  letter  of  thanks 
from  Lord  Dunmore.  From  hence  it  appears  that  a 
scheming  party  in  Virginia  are  making  a  tool  of  their 
Governour,  to  execute  the  plans  formed  by  them  for  their 
private  emolument,  who  being  mostly  land-jobbers,  would 
wish  to  have  those  lands  which  were  meant  to  be  given  to 
the  officers  in  general. 

ORANGE  TOWN  (nEW-YORk)   RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
Orange  Town,  and  Province  of  New-  York,  on  Monday, 
the  4th  day  of  July,  1774,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Yoast 
Mabic,  m  said  town,  the  following  Resolves  were  agreed 
upon  and  passed,  viz  : 

1st.  That  we  are  and  ever  wish  to  be,  true  and  loyal 
subjects  to  his  Majesty  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great 
Britain, 

2d.  That  we  are  most  cordially  disposed  to  support  his 
Majesty,  and  defend  his  Crown  and  dignity,  in  every  con- 
stitutional measure,  as  far  as  lies  in  our  power. 

3d.  That  however  well  disposed  we  are  towards  his 
Majesty,  we  cannot  see  the  late  Acts  of  Pariiament  impos- 
ing duties  upon  us,  and  the  Act  for  shutting  up  the  port 
of  Boston,  without  declaring  our  abhorrence  of  measures 
so  unconstitutional  and  big  with  destruction. 

4th.  That  we  are  in  duty  bound  to  use  every  just  and 
lawful  measure,  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  Acts,  not  only  de- 
structive to  us,  but  which  of  course  must  distress  thousands 
in  the  mother  country. 

5th.  That  it  is  our  unanimous  opinion,  that  the  stop- 
ping all  exportation  and  importation  to  and  from  Great 
Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  would  be  the  most  effectual 
method  to  obtain  a  speedy  repeal. 

6th.  That  it  is  our  most  ardent  wish  to  see  concord  and 
harmony  restored  to  England  and  her  Colonies. 

7th.  That  the  following  gentlemen,  to  wit :  Colonel 
Abraham  Lent,  John  Haring,  Esquire,  Mr.  Thomas  Out- 
water,  Mr.  Gardiner  Jones,  and  Peter  T.  Haring, 
Esquire,  be  a  Committee  for  this  town,  to  correspond  with 
the  City  of  New-York;  and  to  conclude  and  agree  upon 
such  measures  as  they  shall  judge  necessary,  in  order  to 
obtain  a  repeal  of  said  Acts. 


EXTRACT  FROM  LONDON,  DATED  JULY  4,  1774. 

Private  letters  from  Boston  give  us  rather  an  unfavour- 
able account  of  the  state  of  that  town,  in  a  mercantile  view. 
The  generality  of  the  faction  have  little  trading  intercourse 
with  England,  being  mostly  composed  of  men  who  are 
engaged  in  smuggling  companies,  or  mechanicks;  yet  there 
are  some  merchants  among  them,,  but  these  merchants  are 
mostly  indebted  in  England,  are  violent  party  men,  and 
attribute  the  non-payment  of  their  debts  to  the  three-penny 
duty  on  tea,  and  to  the  exercise  of  the  just  rights  of  the 
British  Legislature  over  them ;  therefore,  the  merchants 
who  either  will  not,  or  cannot  make  remittances,  the  smug- 
glers the  mechanicks,  and  those  who  are  facinated  with  the 
extravagant  notion  of  independency,  all  join  to  counteract 
the  majority  of  the  merchants,  and  the  lovers  of  peace  and 
good  order.     Seditious  Committees  have  been  appointed, 
who  have  endeavoured  to  influence  the  other  Colonies  to 


507 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


508 


shut  up  their  ports,  to  ruin  themselves,  and  to  starve  the 
West  Indies,  in  order  to  enable  the  herd  of  faction  at 
Boston  to  conquer  ungrateful  England,  In  this  extraord- 
inary scheme,  the  unsuccess  of  the  Boston  rebels  has  been 
adequate  to  the  folly  of  the  proposal. 

Some  of  the  other  Colonies  have  publickly  declared  that 
they  will  not  enter  into  any  non-iinjxirtation  agreement 
with  the  people  of  Boston,  because  the  faction  of  that  town 
had  most  infamously  deceived  them  in  a  former  agreement 
of  the  same  kind.  What  the  Boston  faction  themselves 
have  published  concerning  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island 
and  New-Hampshire  joining  in  their  frantick  scheme,  is 
partly  true.  These  Colonies  have  verbally  joined  the 
Bostonians;  but,  if  we  can  credit  private  letters  from 
Boston  itself,  it  is  not  expected  that  those  Colonies  will 
observe  in  practice  what  they  have  promised  in  writing ; 
and  there  are  also  letters  in  town  from  merchants,  who 
constitute  part  of  the  faction  (that  is  to  say,  the  honest  and 
the  misled  part,  whose  eyes  are  now  partly  opened,)  and 
they  declare  amidst  their  asseverations  of  defending  wliat 
tliey  call  their  rights  and  privileges,  that  they  will  take 
proper  care  not  to  be  cheated  by  their  brother  confederates, 
as  they  were  in  the  last  non-importation  agreement.  From 
this  intelligence  we  may  readily  conceive  that  no  consistent, 
permanent,  or  vigorous  measures,  will  be  adopted  by  the 
Boston  rebels ;  for  where  there  exists  a  suspicion  in  the 
minds  of  men  acting  together,  of  a  want  of  faith  among 
tliemselves,  or,  to  speak  in  plainer  terms,  where  one  party 
of  them  expects  to  be  cheated  by  the  other,  in  such  an 
association,  unanimity  cannot  long  subsist,  more  especially 
as  their  confederacy  is  fundamentally  wrong  and  unvAai- 
rantable ; — a  house  built  upon  a  sandy  foundation,  and 
divided  against  itself,  cannot  stand. 

Such  are  the  contents  of  many  letters  from  Boston  by 
the  two  last  vessels ;  and  such  advices  have  had  a  proper 
effect,  or  at  least,  it  is  supposed,  will  have,  on  the  mer- 
chants here,  as  several  vessels  that  were  expected  to  sail 
in  a  few  weeks  for  the  Massachusetts,  will  either  be 
obliged  to  remain  here,  or  to  sail  in  ballast.  Private  letters 
also  mention,  that  some  ovv'ners  of  vessels  have  laid  up 
their  ships  on  the  supposition  that  the  English  merchants 
will  not  ship  any  goods  till  the  faction  has  submitted,  and 
till  the  blockade  is  withdrawn.  Other  letters  hint  that 
some  who  are  called  merchants  have  in  contemplation  a 
removal  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi,  as 
in  such  remote  regions  tliey  will  have  little  chance  of 
hearing  from  their  friends  in  England.  In  general,  the 
private  accounts  bear  the  complexion  of  the  writers  ;  some 
who  wish  for  the  opening  of  tlie  port,  are  nevertheless, 
well  pleased  that  such  an  effectual  measure  has  been  taken 
as  the  most  seditious,  now  begin  to  feel  their  own  little- 
ness ;  and  have  also  drawn  upon  themselves  the  reproaches 
of  the  more  moderate.  And  as  some  of  the  heads  of  the 
faction  have  no  concerns  in  lawful  trade,  the  majority  of 
the  merchants  complain  much  against  them  for  involving 
the  town  in  such  distress.  It  is  likewise  said,  that  if  the 
Act  had  been  conditional,  and  if,  upon  their  voting  the  com- 
pensation for  the  tea,  its  operation  would  have  been 
prevented,  that  the  money  would  have  been  instantly 
granted  ;  for  the  real  cause  of  all  the  rebellious  insolence 
committed  at  Boston  was,  the  continued  assurances  sent  to 
Boston  by  their  agent,  that  Britain  was  too  enfeebled, 
and  Administration  too  timorous,  for  to  take  any  spirited 
measures  to  repress  them.  The  fatal  effects  of  listening  to 
such  insidious  advices  are  now  clearly  seen  by  every  person 
possessed  of  common  sense. 

The  publick  accounts,  which  the  faction  have  published 
from  their  friends,  (as  they  mistakenly  call  tiiem)  in  Lon- 
don, give  us  the  strongest  evidence  of  the  base  falsehoods 
employed  to  mislead  the  ignorant  people  of  Boston. 
Among  these  many  pages  of  falsehoods,  we  shall  only 
select  one  article,  which  is,  "that  when  the  regiments 
"  were  ordered  to  embark  for  Boston,  many  of  the  ofliccrs 
"  resigned  tlieir  commissions,  refusing  to  be  the  instruments 
"  of  oppression."  This  may  serve  as  a  specimen  of  the 
encouragement  which  the  factious  miscreants  here  infuse 
into  the  Bostonians  on  purpose  to  seduce  them.  Another 
piece  of  admirable  advice  given  them,  by  some  knave  here, 
is,  "  that  as  their  port  was  to  be  blocked  up,  it  would  be 
"  wise  in  them  not  to  pay  any  of  their  debts  to  this 
"  country."     Thinking  men  now  will  not  be  surprised  that 


there  have  been  the  most  unjustifiable  commotions  and 
insurrections  in  Boston,  as  they  find  that  the  people  whom 
the  Bostotiians  confide  in,  and  entrust  with  the  manage- 
ment of  their  affairs  here,  have  written  their  correspondents 
the  loetl  established  truth  of  the  officers  resigning  their 
commissions ;  and  also  sent  them  the  honest  advice  not  to 
pay  their  just  debts  ! 


TO  THE  INH.4BITANTS  OF  THE  PROVINCE   OF  SOUTH-CARO- 
LINA, ABOUT  TO  ASSEMBLE  ON  THE  6th  OF  JULY. 

Charlcstown,  July  4,  1774. 

Gentlemen:  The  hour  is  approaching,  the  determin- 
ation of  which  will  affect  posterity  to  the  remotest  gener- 
ation. An  unparalleled  stretch  of  arbitrary  power  has 
lately  taken  away  the  chartered  privileges  of  a  sister 
Colony,  and  granted  to  his  Majesty  the  property  of  thou- 
sands against  whom  nothing  had  been  proved.  The  same 
Ministerial  tools  who  refused  to  admit  the  Letters  of 
Hutchinson  and  Oliver  to  be  evidence  in  support  of  the 
Assembly's  Petition  against  them,  have  condemned  a 
whole  town  unheard,  on  the  sole  evidence  of  their  private 
Letters.  The  last  evening  of  May,  thousands  of  brave 
Americans  lay  down  possessed  of  lands,  wharfs,  &tc.,  con- 
firmed by  Royal  Charters  ;  the  rising  sun  of  the  ensuing 
day  beheld  them  stripped  of  all  legal  right  to  those  pos- 
sessions. The  loyal  sufferers  supplicate  our  aid,  to  con- 
cert some  general  plan  of  conduct.  An  auspicious  day 
will  soon  behold  the  numerous  Sons  of  Liberty  assemble 
at  her  call. 

Give  me  leave  to  present  to  your  view  our  happy  situa- 
tion before  the  year  1765.     When  money  or  troops  were 
wanted,  a  requisition  was  made  to  our  Assemblies,  whose 
compliances  in  general  did  them  great  honour,  particularly 
in  the  last  war,  when  they  were  supposed  to  have  con- 
tributed more  than  their  quota.*     A    mutual  confidence 
reigned  between   British  subjects  on   botli   sides  of  the 
Atlantick.     Taxation  being  mutually  acknowledged  to  re- 
side in  the  Deputies  of  each,  and  legislation  in  the  Par- 
liament of  Great  Britain.     Within  these  few  years,  such 
is  the  encroaching  nature  of  power,  they  began,  for  the 
first  time,  to  lay  taxes  for  the  raising  of  a  revenue.    Hence 
the  accursed  Stamp  Act,  Declaratory  Act,  and  the  imposi- 
tion of  duties  on  paper,  paints,  glass,  tea,  &;c.    The  Ame- 
ricans, determined  to  oppose  the  raising  a  revenue  of  them 
by  Representatives  they  never  chose,  agreed  to  parry  the 
Tea  Act,  by  stopping  the  importation  of  it.    The  Ministry, 
unwilling  thus  to  be  baulked,  request  the  aid  of  the  East 
India  Company.     They,  knowing  the  measure  to  be  dan- 
gerous, because  it  was  unjust,  hesitate  ;  but,  after  they 
were   indemnified  from  all  losses,  they  undertake  to  ex- 
port large  cargoes  of  tea,  loaded   with    a   duty  for   the 
raising  a  revenue,  to  be  paid  in  our  ports,  with  our  money. 
In  what  light  is  the  EaH  India  Comj)any  to  he  considered 
in    this  matter  ?     As  mercliants  trading  here    under  the 
sanction  of  the   law  of  nations,  or  as  a  banditti  hired  to 
attack  our  privileges  ?    In  what  light  could  the  Americans 
consider  their  commodity  ?    As  the  sacred  property  of  the 
honourable  trader  ?     No  ;  but  as  an  engine  by  which  the 
enemies  of  America  meant  to  subvert  its  privileges.    Tea, 
so  circumstanced,  brought  with  such  a  design,  so  involved 
in   the  dispute,  lost  the  sacred  sanction  of  common  pro- 
perty, and  may  figuratively  be  said  to  have  changed  its 
nature,  and  become  an  instrument  of  war.     In  this  view 
of  the  matter,  the  Bostonians  seem  to  have  done  no  more 
than  the  spirited  traveller  who  breaks  the  sword  or  pistol 
of  a  robber  presented  to  the  breast.     Pardon  tiie  com  par- 
son, ye  pensioned  hirelings  of  power,  though  interest  blinds 
your  eyes,  the  free-born  sons  of  America  know,  that,  not- 
withstanding the  vast  Atlantick  vo\h  between,  a  subject  born 
in  tins  Continent  has  a  constitutional  right  to  the  same 
privileges  as  if  he  had  received  his  first  existence  in  the 
Island  of  Great  Britain;  and  that,  of  consequence,  no 
power  on  earth  has  any  more  right  to  demand  his  money, 

•  In  the  year  1G90,  Neto  England  alone  furnished  three  thousand 
troops,  and  forty  transports,  against  Canada.  They  sent  six  tliousand 
men,  under  Gensrul  Hill,  for  the  same  purpose,  in  Queen  Annexe  wars. 
In  1739,  they  raised  four  thousand  men  to  serve  against  Carlhagena. 
In  1746,  they  alone  made  a  conquest  of  Cape  Breton.  In  1759,  at  the 
request  of  Admiral  Saunders,  sailing  against  Quebeck,  they  sent  him  a 
number  of  their  best  sailors,  who  served  in  the  fleet  during  the  remain- 
der of  the  war.  They  also  sent  a  large  body  of  troops,  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Lyman,  to  the  Havana.    AH  this  they  did  willingly. 


509 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


510 


without  his  consent,  than  the  assassin  who  robs  on  the 
highway.  They  also  know,  that  Great  Britain  claims  a 
riglit  of  obliging  the  Colonists  to  buy  manufactures  of  none 
but  British  merchants  ;  and  that,  of  consequence,  a  duty 
laid  on  them  for  raising  a  revenue,  is  a*  tax  to  all  intents 
and  purposes. 

Figure  to  yourselves,  my  countrymen,  the  abject  situa- 
tion you  are  in.  It  is  inconvonient  to  manufacture  for 
yourselves  ;  indeed  Great  Britain  says  you  shall  not,  as  in 
iier  prohibition  of  slitting  mills,  and  the  transporting  of  any 
American  woollen  manufactures  whatsoever,  or  hats,  by 
land  or  water,  from  one  Colony  to  another,  she  also  com- 
mands you  to  buy  from  her.  How  complete,  then,  is  your 
slavery,  if  she  has  a  right  to  lay  taxes  at  pleasure  on  those 
articles  of  commerce,  which  she  will  neither  permit  you  to 
make  for  yourselves,  nor  buy  from  any  but  herself?  This 
short  review  of  the  dispute  evinces  the  justice  of  our 
opposition  to  the  payment  of  taxes  on  British  manufac- 
tures. By  tamely  submitting  to  this  usurped  claim,  you 
not  only  reduce  yourselves  to  be  tenants  at  will  to  the 
British  House  of  Commons,  but  also  lay  a  foundation  for 
overturning  the  Constitution  of  England  herself.  Her 
excellent  form  of  Government  is  supported  on  the  tripple 
pillars  of  Kings,  Lords,  and  Commons ;  either  of  these 
being  defective  or  overgrown,  the  fabrick  will  at  least  totter, 
if  not  tumble.  The  Americans,  in  one  century,  will 
exceed  the  inhabitants  of  England.  If,  then,  their  prop- 
erty should  be  at  the  disposal  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
they  will  grow  too  strong  for  the  other  branches  of  Legis- 
lature, and  erect  a  Government  of  five  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  tyrants  in  the  place  of  the  present '  admirably  equi- 
poised Constitution. 

From  what  has  been  said,  it  appears,  that  the  duty  on 
tea  is  founded  on  the  same  principles  with  the  Stamp  Act, 
and  ought  to  be  opposed  with  equal  firmness.  America, 
through  a  long  tract  of  two  thousand  miles,  remonstrated 
against  the  precedent,  and  resolved  that  the  tea  should 
sooner  be  destroyed  than  landed.  Hapless  Boston!  Not 
one  whit  more  guilty  than  the  other  towns,  thy  fate  was 
predetermined !  Thou  wert  deliberately  ensnared,  that 
tliou  mightest  be  superlatively  punished.f  Delenda  est 
Carthago,  was  the  motto  of  thine  enemies.  Thou  didst 
break  the  dagger  that  was  pointed  at  the  heart  of  Ameri- 
can liberty,  and  therefore  the  property  of  the  innocent,  as 
well  as  the  guilty,  has  been  ravished  from  them,  and  their 
lives  made  to  depend  on  those  "  whose  tender  mercies 
are  cruelty." 

Here  let  me  pause,  and  ask,  why  is  the  attack  made  on 
only  one  Province,  when  all  are  equally  guilty  ?  Divide 
and  destroy,  is  the  only  answer  which  can  be  given.  Why 
are  they  punished  so  much  beyond  the  demerit  of  the 
offence  ?  To  intimidate  every  American  who  would  dare 
to  dispute  the  omnipotence  of  Parliament.  Why  is  the 
duty  on  tea  so  warmly  supported,  when  it  scarcely  pays 
the  cost  of  collecting  ?J  Not  for  the  trifling  sum  of  three 
])ence  a  pound,  but  to  establish  a  precedent  to  tax  us  at 
pleasure.  Yes,  my  countrymen,  you  may  depend  on  it,  a 
design  is  formed  against  your  liberties  ;  and  that,  one  by 
one,  you  will  be  victims  to  Ministerial  despotism,  unless 
you  unite  in  the  most  vigorous  self-denying  opposition. 
The   exhausted   treasury  of  England  is  unequal  to   the 

•  I  reject  the  division  of  taxes  into  external  and  internal.  Any 
duty  laid  to  raise  a  revenue  is  properly  a  tax.  What  is  commonly 
called  an  external  tux,  is  no  more  than  a  regulation  of  trade  ;  and 
thougli  the  revenue  iniglit  be  accidentally  increased  by  such  regula- 
tions, they  are  very  different  from  duties  laid  expressly  to  raise  money. 

t  Many  things  make  this  probable.  Admiral  Montagu,  writing 
concerning  the  destruction  of  the  tea,  has  these  words :  "  During  the 
"  whole  of  the  transaction,  nsither  the  Magistrates,  owners,  nor  rev- 
"  enue  officers,  ever  called  for  my  assistance ;  if  they  had,  I  could 
"  easily  have  prevented  tlie  execution  of  the  plan."  Why  did  Hutch, 
inson  necessitate  the  destruction  of  the  tea  by  the  refusal  of  a  pass  ? 
His  btters  complaining  of  their  Charter ;  the  clauses  in  the  Bill  de- 
signed to  impoverish  Hancock,  Rowe,  &.O.,  and  many  other  things, 
make  it  liighly  probable  that  the  whole  was  a  premeditated  juggle 
Ijetwoon  Hutchinson  and  the  Ministry. 

t  The  expense  of  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  is  between 
four  and  five  thousand  pounds  a  year ;  and  yet,  says  the  Author  of 
"  The  Regulations  of  the  Colonies,"  the  whole  remittance  from  all  the 
taxes  in  tlie  Colonies  before  this  establishment,  at  an  average  of  thirty 
years,  did  not  amount  to  one  tliousand  nine  hundred  pounds  a  year. 
The  smallness  of  this  sum  proves  that  these  duties  were  regulations  of 
trade ;  and  the  coeval  existence  of  the  new  Revenue  Laws,  and  the 
Board  of  CJommissionors,  make  it  obvious  to  every  man  that  the  trifling 
tax  on  tea  is  designed  only  to  try  our  temper,  and  to  prepare  the  way 
for  much  heavier. 


support  of  the  increasing  number  of  placemen  and  pen- 
sioners, and  therefore  they  would  fain  augment  their 
resources  by  plundering  the  fair  possessions  which  your 
industrious  forefathers  have  hewn  out  of  the  wilderness  of 
uncultivated  America.  Golden  showers  have  rained  down 
on  the  abettors  of  these  accursed  schemes,  and  disgrace 
fallen  on  every  honest  man  who  opposed  them.  Witness 
the  promotion  of  Bernard,  Oliver,  and  the  ex])ectations 
of  Hutchinson.  Pardon  me,  illustrious  FnmMin !  if  I 
mention  thy  venerable  name  in  the  same  unhallowed  page 
which  is  stained  with  those  of  Hutchinson  and  Bernard. 
Though  you  disarmed  the  Heavens  of  her  thunder,  and 
taught  the  lightnings  to  play  harmless  around  our  heads, 
yet,  because  you  opposed  the  subjugation  of  your  native 
land,  therefore  you  have  been  disgraced. 

Suppose  the  Bostonians  were  wrong  in  destroying  the 
tea :  we  should  vigorously  unite  against  the  present  mea- 
sure, as  that  mode  of  punishment  is  a  fatal  precedent.  If 
a  few  people,  even  if  the  whole  town  was  guilty,  will  this 
justify  the  taking  the  Charter  from  the  whole  Colony  ?  If 
restitution  was  to  be  made,  is  that  a  sufficient  reason  that 
the  lands,  wharfs,  and  property  of  thousands,  should  be 
given  to  the  King  for  ever?  If  these  Acts  of  Parliament 
are  suffered  to  operate,  landholders  may  consign  the  deeds 
by  which  they  hold  their  property  to  the  tallow  chandlers 
and  pastry  cooks.  If  the  security  of  property  is  the 
object,  why  is  it  not  tried  at  common  law  ?  No,  my  coun- 
trymen, nothing  less  is  designed  than  to  beggar  three  or 
four  worthy  patriots  of  that  town,  new-model  their  Consti- 
tution, and  establish  a  precedent  for  the  enslaving  this  free 
country.  Do  you  need  arguments  to  prove  that  it  is  a 
common  cause,  and  that  we  should  all  unite,  heart  and 
hand,  in  some  vigorous  measures  of  opposition  ?  Surely 
no.  Methinks  I  hear  almost  every  one  resolve,  that 
tyranny  and  injustice  should  not  enter  in  till  the  body  of 
the  last  freeman  lies  in  the  breach.  Sorry  am  I  to  hear, 
that  some,  insulting  the  misery  of  the  Bostonians,  ludic- 
rously compare  them  to  a  fox,  "  who,  having  lost  his  tail, 
"  largely  inveighed  against  the  use  of  tails,  and  persuaded 
"  the  other  foxes  to  cut  off  theirs."  Ye  assassins  of  Ame- 
rica !  (for  I  cannot  forbear,)  who,  though  you  have  re- 
ceived your  existence  from  her  indulgence,  trample  on  her 
rights  !  What  name  shall  I  give  you  ?  Ye  are  not  men  ; 
for,  is  it  manly  to  hug  yourselves  in  wanton  ease,  uncon- 
cerned at  the  sufferings  of  your  brethren,  bleeding  in  the 
common  cause  !  Ye  are  not  brutes  !  for  "  the  ox  knoweth 
"  his  owner,  and  the  ass  his  master's  crib  ;  but  ye  neither 
"  know  nor  consider."  The  surly  dog  will  lick  the  hand 
and  fawn  upon  the  man  who  gives  him  bread ;  but  you, 
more  ungrateful,  join  in  the  most  unnatural  opposition  to 
that  country,  the  bounty  of  which  enables  you  to  bask  in 
the  sunshine  of  prosperity.  1  trust,  my  countrymen,  you 
have  too  much  good  sense  to  be  influenced  by  such  unfeel- 
ino-  wretches,  and  that  neither  ease  nor  interest  will  deter 
you  from  affording  vigorous  assistance  to  your  injured 
brethren.  At  your  proposed  meeting,  make  the  plan  of 
operation  as  perfect  as  possible.  Perhaps  it  is  the  last 
time  you  will  be  indulged  the  liberty  of  consulting  together, 
on  pain  of  being  fired  upon,  by  malicious  men,  privileged 
to  murder.  A  Ministerial  Parliament  has  made  it  unlawful 
for  your  neighbours  to  assemble  ;  and  many  reasons  make 
it  highly  probable  that  this  is  but  act  one  of  the  begun 
tragedy  of  American  liberty.  I  would,  therefore,  recom- 
mend to  you  the  passing  of  some  resolves  on  the  late 
oppressive  Acts  of  Parliament ;  the  choosing  of  Deputies 
for  a  general  Congress  ;  the  entering  into  solemn  agree- 
ment not  to  import  goods  ;  (a  very  few  articles  excepted  ;) 
the  apjiointment  of  Committees  to  procure  subscriptions 
to  this  agreement,  and  to  enforce  the  observance  of  it ; 
and  also  to  collect  money  for  ihe  suffering  poor  in  Boston 
and  amongst  yourselves.  These  measures  are  hard ;  but 
unless  we  willingly  impose  them  on  ourselves,  much  harder 
are  likely  to  be  imposed  by  our  unrighteous  task-masters. 
1  repeat  it  again,  (for  it  cannot  be  too  often  insisted  upon,) 
that  all  evils  of  this  kind  fly  up,  and  kick  the  beam,  when 
weighed  against  the  consequences  of  our  giving  up  the 
point.  What  though  you  should  be  obliged  to  wear  the 
same  garb  your  slaves  hitherto  have  done,  or  though  every 
fourth  man,  thrown  out  of  business,  should  be  supported 
by  the  liberal  and  wealthy.  Better  to  remain  in  this 
slate,  calling  the  little  we  have  our  own,  than  to  commit 


511 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


512 


treason  against  the  Majesty  of  Heaven,  by  lamely  acknowl- 
edging the  claim  of  Parliament  to  dispose  of  your  houses, 
lands,  wharfs,  money,  and  even  your  lives,  at  their  dis- 
cretion. 

The  inconveniencies  of  non-importation,  however  dis- 
couraging they  may  apjjcar  to  the  imagination  of  the  timid, 
shrink  into  nothing  when  compared  with  those  it  will  pre- 
vent. The  planters  are  greatly  in  arrears  to  the  mer- 
cJiants ;  a  stoppage  of  importation  would  give  them  all 
an  opportunity  to  extricate  themselves  from  debt.  The 
merchants  would  have  time  to  settle  tlieir  accounts,  and 
be  ready  with  the  return  of  liberty  to  renew  trade.  We 
can  live  independent,  as  our  country  abounds  with  all 
things  necessary  for  our  support.  Who  that  has  the  spirit 
of  a  man,  but  would  rather  forego  the  elegancies  and  lux- 
uries of  life,  than  entail  slavery  on  his  unborn  posterity  to 
the  end  of  time  ?  If  gentlemen  of  influence  lead  the  way, 
the  honest  industrious  patriot  will  appear  more  graceful  in 
sober  homespun,  than  the  gayest  butterfly  dressed  in  all 
his  gaudy  decorations.  Nothing  but  custom  makes  the 
curl-pated  beau  a  more  agreeable  sight  with  his  powder 
and  pomatum,  than  the  tawney  savage  with  his  paint  and 
bear's  grease.  Too  long  has  luxury  reigned  amongst  us, 
enervating  our  constitutions  and  shrinking  the  human  race 
into  pigmies.  "  Hysterick  and  hypochondriack  diseases, 
"  were  formerly  confined  to  the  chambers  of  the  great,  are 
"  now  to  be  found  in  our  kitchens  and  workshops."  Our 
gray-headed  fathers  tell  us,  that,  in  the  present  genera- 
tion, there  is  a  sensible  diminution  of  the  strength  and 
stature  of  their  predecessors,  "  who  nobly  independent 
lived." 

Let  us,  then,  be  content  to  eat,  and  drink,  and  wear, 
what  our  country  can  afford,  at  least  till  it  is  determined 
whether  we  are  to  work  for  ourselves,  or  the  devourino- 
bloodsuckers  of  another  quarter  of  the  globe.  Thus  cir- 
cumstanced, a  non-importation  agreement  will  not  only 
prove  a  means  of  restoring  our  liberty,  but  also  be  produc- 
tive of  many  salutary  purposes. 

The  number  of  people  in  England  has  been  computed 
to  be  equal  to  seven  millions,  and  that  the  cultivation  of 
the  land  cannot  employ  more  than  every  seventh  man, 
the  other  six  millions  being  supported  by  manufacturing. 
Writers  on  trade  suppose  that  America  consumes  nearly 
one  half  of  their  wares,  and,  therefore,  virtually  supports 
almost  three  millions  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  Island. 
By  a  strict  observance  of  a  prudent  non-importation  agree- 
ment, we  can  reduce  this  number  to  a  starving  condition  ; 
and  if  non-exportation  should  also  take  place,  it  would 
lessen  the  revenue  two  millions  sterling  a  year.  Thus, 
Hannibal  like,  we  can  plant  the  war  in  our  oppressor's 
country.  Think  with  yourselves,  my  countrymen,  how 
confidently  you  may  expect  redress,  when  you  have  the 
eloquence  of  three  millions  of  such  miserable  subjects 
pleading  in  your  behalf!  A  despotic  Ministry  has  been 
deaf  to  your  cries;  but  how  can  they  be  deaf  to  the  cries 
of  so  many  of  their  own  subjects  pinched  w^th  poverty  and 
hunger?  Will  it  suffice  that  Lord  North  should  exhort 
them  to  patience  till  he  subjugates  three  millions  of  free 
bom  Americans  1  Surely  no.  Something  more  than  bare 
words  and  empty  promises  is  necessary  to  satisfy  the  inex- 
orable cravings  of  a  hungry  belly.  In  vain  has  Chatham 
plead,  in  vain  has  Camden  exhausted  the  powers  of  lan- 
guage in  demonstrating  our  right  of  exemption  from  Par- 
liamentary taxation  ;  but  not  in  vain  will  these  pinched 
millions  plead.  If  we  can  subdue  pride  and  luxury  in 
ourselves,  and  widihold  our  commerce,  in  six  months  we 
can  distress  the  West  Indies  and  Great  Britain,  so  that 
the  cry  of  famine,  re-echoed  from  thousands,  rising  in 
mobs,  will  oblige  the  Parliament  to  adopt  other  measures. 
These  are  the  constitutional  weapons  with  which  we  can 
fight  the  enemies  of  our  Continent.  Courage,  then,  my 
countrymen.  Remember  the  success  that  crowned  your 
opposition  to  the  Stamp  Act.  L^naniniity  and  perse- 
verance, in  our  good  cause,  will  make  us  invincible. 
Think  of  your  ancestors  who  fled  from  tyranny  and  per- 
secution to  this  uncultivated  land,  fearing  less  from  savage 
beasts  and  savage  men,  than  slavery,  the  worst  of  savages. 
By  their  industry  this  wilderness  has  blossomed  as  a  rose. 
Will  you  tamely  suffer  your  possessions,  improved  by  their 
labour,  and  bought  with  their  blood,  to  be  wrested  from 
you,  and  given  to  placemen  and  pensioners  ?     Think  of 


your  posterity,  and  transmit  to  them  the  fair  inheritance  of 
liberty,  handed  down  from  your  glorious  progenitors.  Kin- 
dle with  the  complicated  idea,  and,  upon  this  trying  occa- 
sion, sacrifice  every  private  consideration  to  the  publick 
good. 

When  I  review  the  annals  of  the  world,  I  am  con- 
strained to  believe  that  great  things  await  America.  When 
Liberty  was  well  nigh  banished  from  every  quarter  of  the 
globe,  she  found  an  asylum  in  this  savage  land.  Learning, 
liberty,  and  every  thing  that  ennobles  the  human  mind, 
have  constantly  been  travelling  westward.  I  never  can 
believe,  that  in  this  sacred  land  slavery  shall  be  so  soon 
permitted  to  erect  her  throne  on  the  ruins  of  freedom.  It 
is  contrary  to  the  analogy  of  things,  which  gradually  have 
their  rise,  progress  and  declension.  Be  firm,  be  of  one 
mind  ;  abandon  luxury  and  indolence,  encourage  industry 
and  frugality.  Choose  your  Deputies  for  a  general  Con- 
gress ;  solemnly  enter  into  a  non-importation  agreement, 
and  religiously  adhere  to  it.  Thus  persevering,  as  sure  as 
God  is  in  Heaven  you  will  obtain  a  speedy  redress  of  all 
your  grievances. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUR  WENTWORTH  TO 
THE    EARL,    OF    DARTMOUTH. 

New.Hampshire,  July  4,  1774. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  at  night,  arrived  here  the  Grosve- 
nor,  mast-ship,  from  London,  with  twenty-seven  chests  of 
bohea  tea,  consigned  to  a  merchant  in  Portsmouth ;  some- 
time before  the  arrival  of  the  ship,  it  was  reported  that  a 
quantity  of  bohea  tea  was  expected.  Hereupon  1  took 
effectual  precautious  to  counteract  the  universal  disquiet  of 
America,  from  contravening  the  Acts  of  Parliament  in  this 
instance,  or  destroying  the  property.  By  my  desire  the 
consignee  wrote  a  letter  to  the  master  of  the  ship,  with 
directions  how  to  proceed  on  his  arrival.  This  letter  I 
gave  to  Captain  Cochran  of  his  Majesty's  Castle  William 
and  Mary,  who  effected  my  orders  in  delivering  it  at  sea. 
The  26th  being  Sunday,  nothing  was  done.  On  the  27th 
the  master  and  merchant  went  early  to  the  Custom  House, 
and  entered  the  ship  and  cargo.  At  noon  day  the  ship's 
boats  came  to  the  wharf  with  twenty-seven  chests  of  tea ; 
carts  were  prepared  and  the  tea  immediately  carried  to  the 
Custom  House  and  there  stored  before  any  people  could 
assemble  to  obstmct  it.  The  town,  not  suspecting  any 
movement  until  my  return  from  Dover,  about  ten  miles  off, 
where  I  purposely  staid  during  this  first  operation  to  secure 
the  event,  which  I  foresaw  would  be  carried  quietly,  by 
withdrawing  suspicion,  having  confided  my  plan  to  proper 
Magistrates,  who  I  knew  would  not  be  disappointed.  In 
the  afternoon  a  town  meeting  was  convened  upon  the 
occasion.  I  came  into  tow"n  and  passed  on  horseback 
through  the  concourse,  who  treated  me  with  their  usual 
kindness  and  respect.  At  the  meeting,  it  was  represented 
to  the  people,  that  the  tea  being  now  lodged  in  the  Custom 
House,  the  question  was  totally  changed  ;  that  nothing  could 
be  done,  but  by  the  consent  of,  and  agreement  with,  the 
merchant.  The  meeting  proceeded  with  coolness  and  tem- 
per beyond  almost  my  hope.  It  was  proposed  that  a 
Committee  should  be  chosen  and  invested  with  powers  to 
treat  with  the  merchant.  In  this  Committee  of  eleven, 
were  many  principal  gentlemen,  discreet  men,  who  I  knew 
detested  every  idea  of  violating  property  ;  men  disposed 
to  prevent  mischiefs.  The  town  also  chose  a  guard  of 
freeholders,  to  protect  and  defend  the  Custom  House  and  the 
tea  from  any  attempt  or  interruption,  which  being  sincerely 
intended,  was  faithfully  executed.  On  the  28th  the  con- 
signee accepted  and  agreed  to  the  proposals  of  the  Com- 
mittee, to  export  the  tea  to  any  market  he  chose,  upon 
condition  the  town  would  re-ship  and  protect  it  while  in 
the  harbour.  This  they  gladly  acceded  to,  and  the  town 
upon  adjournment  confirmed  the  proceedings ;  accordingly 
the  Committee  and  the  consignee,  together,  were  at  the 
Custom  House,  where  the  duty  was  op-enly  and  regularly 
paid,  and  the  tea  again  carted  through  the  streets  publickly 
in  the  day  time,  without  noise,  tumult  or  insult.  About  nine 
o'clock  P.  M.,  three  overheated  mariners  (two  of  them 
strangers)  endeavoured  to  excite  a  mob,  to  destroy  the  tea 
and  vessel  hired  to  export  it.  Whereupon  I  sent  for 
Colonel  Fenton  who  gathered  a  few  gentlemen,  repaired  to 
the  vessel,  and  with  laudable  spirit  and  prudence  they 


513 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


514 


l)ersonally  guarded  both  vessel  and  cargo  in  safety  till  the 
next  morning.  On  the  29tli,  A.  M.,  the  Comptroller  of 
the  Customs  informed  me  that  these  mariners  had  got 
drums,  and  were  assen)bling  thoughtless  people  to  destroy 
the  tea  and  sloop.  At  the  same  time  I  received  a  letter. 
No.  1,  a  copy  herewith  enclosed,  from  the  consignee, 
desiring  my  aid  and  assistance  to  take  possession  of  the 
sloop  and  cargo.  Hereupon  I  directed  the  Sheriff  instantly 
to  summon  die  Council  and  every  Magistrate  and  peace 
officer  to  meet  me  forthwith  on  the  wharf,  where  the  vessel 
lay,  determining  to  disperse  any  riotous  attempts,  and  order 
the  vessel  to  the  Castle ;  while  I  was  going  out  on  this  my 
duty,  a  messenger  came  to  tell  me  that  some  Magistrates 
and  two  of  the  Council,  Mr.  Warner  and  Mr.  Rindge,  who 
hap])ened  to  be  in  the  way,  hearing  the  noise,  had  repaired 
to  tlie  place,  and,  with  many  other  freeholdei-s,  silenced 
the  drums,  and  prevailed  on  the  people  to  disperse,  without 
any  outrage.  At  this  time  I  received  a  second  letter,  No. 
2,  lierewith,  from  the  consignee,  to  the  same  purport  as 
the  first.  1  lost  no  time  in  writing  an  order  to  Captain 
Cochran,  immediately  to  take  possession,  defend,  protect, 
and  safely  deliver  the  said  vessel  and  cargo  to  the  mer- 
chant, or  to  his  orders  ;  and  the  Sheriff,  John  Parker,  Esq., 
to  take  command  of  the  Castle  in  his  absence,  as  will  ap- 
pear fully  by  the  enclosure.  No.  3.  In  the  evening,  about 
half  past  six,  observing  the  wind  to  be  contrary,  1  despatch- 
ed a  second  order  to  Captain  Cochran,  still  to  continue  in 
the  orders  of  the  morning,  as  by  the  enclosure,  No.  4. 
Those  orders  were  directly  carried  into  effect,  with  a 
prudence  and  firmness  that  does  honour  to  both  the  offi- 
cers. On  the  30th  the  owner  of  the  sloop,  the  master,  and 
the  supercargo,  to  whose  care  the  consignee  committed 
the  tea,  came  on  board,  with  proper  Custom  House  clear- 
ances, and  authority  from  the  consignee.  Captain  Cochran 
examined  the  twenty-seven  chests  of  tea,  found  them 
perfectly  safe,  and  in  good  order,  desired  the  three  last 
mentioned  persons  to  examine  the  same,  which  they  did, 
and  then  received  both  vessel  and  cargo  into  their  posses- 
sion, and  forthwith  sailed  for  Halifax.  Mr.  Parker,  the 
Sheriff,  and  Captain  Cochran,  returned  to  their  respective 
duties,  and  have  made  return  of  their  doings  on  my  orders, 
as  in  the  enclosures.  No.  5  and  6.  During  these  transactions, 
viz.,  on  tiie  evening  of  the  27th,  and  morning  of  the  28th, 
1  told  the  Collector  and  Comptroller,  also  the  consignee, 
that  if  they  wanted  any  aid  or  assistance,  or  were  appre- 
hensive of  danger,  I  was  ready,  whenever  they  would 
apply  to  me,  and  would  not  only  issue  orders,  but  would  in 
person  defend  them ;  that  I  was  confident  the  magistrates 
and  freeholders  would  not  desert  me :  but  they  would  not 
apply,  declaring  they  then  apprehended  no  danger. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A  VERY  RESPECTABLE  GEN- 
TLEMAN IN  LONDON,  TO  A  CORRESPONDENT  IN  PHILA- 
DELPHIA. 

London,  July  5,  1774. 

The  present  state  of  political  affairs  furnishes  nothing 
less  disagreeable  than  my  last  informed.  The  (Quebec  Bill, 
we  apprehend,  will  produce  the  most  distressing  jealousies 
among  the  Protestant  inhabitants  of  that  country,  and 
indeed  of  all  America.  With  us  the  staunchest  friends  to 
Hanoverian  succession  have  not  scrupled  publickly  to 
pronounce  it  the  most  daring  stretch  of  the  prerogative  of 
the  Crown,  and  the  most  sinful  violation  of  the  rigiUs  of 
a  free  people,  that  the  annals  of  Britain,  or  any  other 
Nation  in  the  world,  register.  Enclosed  you  have  the  ad- 
dress and  petition  of  the  Lord  Mayor,  Alderman  and  Com- 
mons of  this  city  to  his  Majesty,  which  is  considered  one 
of  the  grandest  and  most  spirited  addresses  ever  handed  to 
a  Throne,  insomuch  that  many  hundreds  of  them,  elegantly 
framed  and  glazed,  have  been  purchased  as  household 
pictures  by  the  nobility,  gentry,  &.C.,  to  transmit  to  future 
ages  the  virtue,  sincerity,  and  honest  boldness  of  so  respect- 
able a  body  of  men.  The  coin  of  prophecies  is  now 
become  current  here,  and  we  have  too  much  reason  to  fear, 
that  some  presage,  of  dreadful  import,  will,  ere  long,  be 
realized.  Very  much,  all,  indeed,  depends  on  the  hardi- 
hood and  publick  virtue  of  the  Americans.  If  the  brave 
Bostoniam  maintain  theirs,  at  this  trying  juncture,  all  will 
be  well ;  for  their  conduct  will  furnish  a  criterion  whereby 
to  regulate  Government  here,  in  a  judgment  of  the  suc- 


cess of  the  iniquitous  measures  they  purpose  adopting 
throughout  the  Continent.  It  is  strongly  imagined  that 
many  presses,  I  mean  printing  presses,  in  the  Colonies,  are 
at  present  fettered  in  golden  chains,  sent  over  by  the 
Ministry  for  that  purpose.  One  or  two  to  the  Northward 
of  you  have  been  publickly  mentioned,  but  as  a  litde  time 
must  discover  the  truth  or  falsity  of  this  suspicion,  I  shall 
forbear  entering  into  particulars.  The  publick  prints  from 
your  city,  as  well  as  those  from  Virginia,  are  in  admired 
request  with  all  ranks  of  people,  except  the  tools  of 
despotism  ;  but  should  the  Ministry  succeed  in  the  enter- 
prises they  have  already  undertaken,  with  respect  to  the 
Colonies,  you  will  assuredly  be  robbed  of  that  tiarling  pri- 
vilege the  freedom  of  the  press ;  for  effecting  which,  a 
scheme,  1  am  well  informed,  is  now  agitating  in  the 
Cabinet,  upon  a  new  plan,  lately  hatched  by  a  certain 
Lord,  whose  name  is  always  opposite  to  the  sun  in  its 
meridian,  and  who  has  publickly  declared,  that  he  is  deter- 
mined strenuously  to  oppose  the  meridian  of  your  glory  in 
the  Western  world. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  DEPUTY  GOVERNOUR  PENN 
TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Philadelphia,  July  5,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  In  my  last,  of  the  31st  of  May,  I  had  the 
honour  to  inform  your  Lordship  of  my  expectation  that  a 
petition  would  be  presented  to  me  for  calling  the  Assembly. 
I  have  since  received  such  a  petition,  and  herewith  transmit 
you  a  copy  of  it,  as  also  of  my  answer.  In  consequence 
of  my  refusal  to  call  the  Assembly,  there  was  a  general 
meeting  of  the  people  of  this  city  and  county,  which,  I 
am  informed,  was  not  so  full  as  might  have  been  expected 
on  such  an  occasion. 

Their  proceedings  I  am  only  acquainted  with  by  the 
newspapers,  one  of  which  I  send  your  Lordship,  which 
contains  the  transactions  of  the  day.  The  general  temper 
of  the  people,  as  well  here  as  in  other  parts  of  America, 
is  very  warm.  They  look  upon  the  chastisement  of  the 
people  of  Boston  to  be  purposely  rigorous,  and  held  up 
by  way  of  intimidation  to  all  America ;  and,  in  short,  that 
Boston  is  suffering  in  the  coiDmon  cause.  Their  delin- 
quency in  destroying  the  East  India  Company's  tea,  is 
lost  in  the  attention  given  to  what  is  here  called,  the  too 
severe  punishment  of  shutting  up  the  port,  altering  the 
Constitution,  and  making  an  Act,  as  they  term  it,  screening 
the  officers  and  soldiers  shedding  American  blood.  The 
plan  which  seems  to  be  universally  adopted  is  the  procur- 
ing a  general  Congress,  in  order  to  state  the  rights,  and 
represent  the  grievances  of  America  to  the  Throne  ;  and 
to  agree  upon  such  measures  as  may  be  thought  most 
likely  to  relieve  Boston,  and  restore  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies. 

The  measures  generally  talked  of  is  the  non-import- 
ation and  non-exportation  from  and  to  England.  Some 
are  for  making  it  general,  and  others  for  limiting  it,  but  all 
for  associating  against  the  use  of  East  India  goods  of 
every  kind,  except  saltpetre  and  spices.  In  the  mean 
time,  as  great  numbers  of  people  will  be  reduced  to  absolute 
indigence  for  want  of  their  usual  employment,  collections 
are  making  here,  and  in  all  other  parts  of  America,  for 
their  relief. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUK  GAGE  TO  THE 
EARL  OF    DARTMOUTH. 

Silem,  July  5,  1774. 
My  Lord  :  Since  my  letter.  No.  3,  of  the  26th 
ultimo,  a  number  of  the  better  sort  of  people  attended  a 
town  meeting  at  Boston,  with  design  to  make  a  push  to 
pay  for  the  tea,  and  annihilate  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, but  they  were  out  voted  by  a  great  majority  of 
the  lower  class.  The  minority  drew  up  a  Protest,  which 
I  transmit  your  Lordship  from  a  newspaper. 

The  above  Committee  had  sent  a  circular  letter  through 
the  Province,  accompanied  with  a  paper  called  a  League 
and  Covenant,  of  so  pernicious  a  tendency,  that  I  judged  it 
])roper,  without  loss  of  time,  to  publish  a  Proclamation  to 
prevent  the  ill  effect  of  it  as  much  as  possible.  I  enclose 
your  liordship  a  copy  of  the  Proclamation,  together  with 
printed  copies  of  the  letter  and  covenant,  and  also  part  of 
the  newspaper,  containing  as  much  of  the  proceedings  of 


Fourth  Series. 


33 


515 


CORRESPOIVDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


516 


the  above  mentioned  town  meeting  as  the  faction  chose  to 
publisli,  and  a  Protest  of  a  number  of  gcntiemen  of  the 
County  of  fVorcester,  against  ail  riotous  disorders.,  and 
seditious  practices. 

Your  Lordsliip  will  perceive,  that  the  Proclamation  is 
not  published  witli  the  advice  of  Council.  There  was  no 
time  to  lose  ;  I  had  a  right  to  issue  it  without  their  consent, 
as  I  was  confident  I  could  not  obtain  it.  I  gave  notice 
afterwards  for  a  Council  to  assemble,  intending  to  lay  tlie 
letter  and  covenant  before  them  ;  but,  on  the  day  appointed 
for  the  meeting,  one  who  had  been  sunmioned  did  not 
appear,  so  tl)at  there  was  not  enough  to  make  up  a  quorum; 
some  of  those  who  attended  gave  me  to  understand  that 
they  should  desire  a  General  Council  to  be  called  before 
they  entered  upon  such  business. 

I  have  done  all  in  my  power  to  spirit  up  every  friend  to 
Government,  and  the  measures  taken  by  Administration 
encourage  many  to  speak  and  act  publickly,  in  a  manner 
they  have  not  dared  to  do  for  a  very  long  time  past.  Your 
Lordship  will  observe,  tliat  there  is  now  an  open  opposition 
to  the  faction,  carried  on  with  a  warmth  and  spirit  unknown 
before,  which  it  is  highly  proper  and  necessary  to  cherish 
and  support  by  every  means ;  and  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
very  long  before  it  produces  very  salutaiy  effects.  Your 
Lordship  is  acquainted  with  the  usurpation  and  tyranny 
established  here  by  edicts  of  town  meetings,  enforced  by 
mobs,  by  assuming  the  sole  use  and  power  of  the  ])ress, 
and  influencing  the  pulpits  ;  by  nominating  and  intimidat- 
ing of  juries,  and,  in  some  instances,  threatening  the  judges  ; 
and  this  usurpation  has,  by  time,  acquired  a  firmness  that, 
1  fear,  is  not  to  be  annihilated  at  once,  or  by  ordinary 
methods.  A  free  and  impartial  course  of  justice,  whereby 
delinquents  can  be  brought  to  punishment,  I  apprehend  to 
be  the  chief  thing  wanting;  the  terrour  of  mobsis  over,  and 
the  press  is  becoming  free. 

Although  I  do  not  credit  many  reports  and  opinions  sent 
me,  yet  I  do  not  hold  it  prudent  totally  to  disregard  them; 
and,  on  that  account,  I  have  ordered  the  transports  which 
brought  the  fourth  regiment  here,  to  proceed  to  the  port  of 
New-York,  and  wait  their  for  further  orders.  1  intend,  if 
I  see  occasion  for  it,  to  bring  a  regiment  here  from  thence  ; 
and  the  transports  of  the  forty-third  are  kept  in  readiness 
to  sail  for  Halifax  on  the  same  errand ;  these  motions,  I 
hear,  give  spirit  to  one  side  and  have  thrown  a  damp  on  the 
other. 

1  heard  yesterday,  that  all  the  transports  from  Ireland 
liad  come  in,  except  one  of  the  fifth  regiment,  with  Lord 
Percy  on  board,  and  she  was  seen  a  day  or  two  past,  so 
that  I  hope  to  find  her  in  the  harbour  to-morrow,  on  my 
getting  to  Boston,  where  I  propose  to  pass  some  days, 
finding  that  my  presence  there  will  be  necessary. 

I  have,  &;c.  Thomas  Gage. 

Postscript. — Boston,  6th  Ju!y. — I  have  the  pleasure 
to  acquaint  your  Lordship,  that  the  last  transport  with 
Ijord  Percy  on  board,  is  arrived  ;  as,  also,  the  store-ship, 
with  many  officers  belonging  to  the  regiments  in  America. 

T.  G. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  JUSTICES  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  PLYMOUTH, 
MASSACHUSETTS,  TO  COVERNOUR  GAGE,  PRESENTED 
JULY  6,  1774. 

To  his  Excellency  the  Honourable  ThomasGage,  Captain- 
General  and  Commander-in-chief  in  and  over  the  Pro- 
vince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  Nciv  England ;  Vice 
Admiral  of  the  same,  and  Lieutenant-General  of  his 
Majesty's  Forces  in  North  America  : 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  to  accept  tlie  cordial 
congratulations  of  the  Justices  of  the  Courts  of  the  Gen- 
eral Sessions  of  the  Peace,  and  Inferiour  Court  of  Com- 
mon Pleas,  for  the  County  of  Plymouth,  on  yom-  appoint- 
ment to  the  high  office  of  First  Magistrate  of  this  Province, 
nnd  upon  your  safe  arrival.  And  permit  us  to  acknowl- 
edge our  gratitude  to  our  most  gracious  Sovereign,  that  he 
has  been  pleased  to  place  at  the  head  of  our  affairs  a 
person  in  whom  are  centered  all  the  qualifications  neces- 
sary for  the  discharge  of  that  important  trust. 

We  are  sensible  that  the  unwearied  entieavours  of  your 
immediate  predecessor  to  support  the  dignity  of  Govern- 
ment, and  to  maintain  peace  and  good  order,  were  not 


attended  with  the  desired  success;  and  we  fear  that  the 
various  arts  and  stratagems  of  some  designing  person:} 
(who  persevere  in  their  plan  of  subverting  the  Constitu- 
tion) will,  in  some  degree,  perplex  your  Excellency's  Ad- 
ministration. But  we  console  ourselves  with  the  considera- 
tion that  your  Excellency  has  not  only  inclination  but  also 
authority  to  check  the  clamours  of  the  seditious,  and  to 
secure  to  us  all  our  constitutional  privileges. 

Of  late  we  have  seen  with  serious  concern  the  inhabitants 
of  some  of  our  towns, — influenced  by  certain  persons  call- 
ing themselves  Committees  of  Correspondence,  and  we  are 
soiTy  to  say,  encouraged  by  some  whose  business  it  is  to 
preach  the  Gospel  of  Christ,  and  to  inculcate  principles  of 
loyalty  and  obedience  to  the  laws.)  entering  into  a  league 
which  seems  to  us  calculated  toincrease  the  displeasure  of 
our  Sovereign,  to  exasperate  our  parent  country,  and  to 
interrupt  and  destroy  the  harmony  of  society.  Against 
this  league  and  covenant,  and  all  such  illegal  combinations, 
their  aiders  and  abettors,  we  do  bear  our  testimony,  and 
we  assure  your  Excellency  that  we  will  endeavour,  by 
every  means  in  our  power,  to  discountenance  such  pro- 
ceedings ;  and  we  will  exert  ourselves  that  justice  be  duly 
administered,  the  laws  kept  inviolate,  and  good  order 
maintained  in  this  country. 

THE    GOVERNOUr's  ANSWER. 

Gentlemen:  This  very  loyal  and  affectionate  Address 
claims  my  best  thanks,  and  my  wannest  acknowledgments. 
I  cannot  but  lament  that  so  many  people,  by  nature  well 
inclined,  should  be  so  far  led  astray  by  the  stratagems  and 
artifices  of  designing  persons,  as  to  forget  the  duty  and 
obedience  they  owe  their  King  and  country,  and  become 
blind  to  their  interest  and  happiness;  but  when  men,  from 
whose  mouths  we  ought  to  expect  the  doctrines  of  sound 
religion,  peace,  virtue,  and  morality,  so  shamefully  pervert 
the  duties  of  their  sacred  functions,  as  to  employ  them- 
selves to  ensnare  the  weak,  and  captivate  the  unweary  to 
the  commission  of  actions  unworthy  of  faithful  patriots  and 
honest  citizens,  it  is  no  wonder  that  ignorant  people  should 
be  prevailed  upon  to  do  things  which,  if  not  deceived,  they 
would  detest  and  abhor. 

That  such  an  usurpation  and  almost  total  subversion  of 
all  legal  Government  should  make  confusion  in  the  Pro- 
vince is  not  surprising ;  but  you  will  be  satisfied,  that  you 
have  a  gracious  Monarch,  who  sees  your  distress,  and  who 
holds  forth  his  hand  to  protect  and  defend  his  loyal  subjects, 
and  that  I  will  take  every  step  in  my  power  to  secure  to 
you  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all  your  constitutional 
privileges,  and  to  give  that  free  course  to  the  laws,  on 
which  every  state  depends  for  its  support,  and  without 
which  no  Government  can  subsist. 


GOVERNOUR  WENTWORTH   TO    THE  EARL    OF  DARTMOUTH. 

New-Hampshirs,  July  6,  1774. 

May  it  please  your  Lordship  :  Upon  hearing  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence,  chosen  by  the  late  Assem- 
bly of  this  Province,  had  issued  letters  to  those  members 
to  meet  this  day  in  the  Representatives'  Chamber,  in  Ports- 
mouth, there  to  deliberate  and  act,  particularly  to  choose 
Delegates  for  a  general  American  Congress,  and  that  some 
of  the  said  persons  were  convened,  I  have  considered  it 
to  be  my  duty  to  his  Majesty  to  use  my  endeavours  to  dis- 
perse and  separate  so  illegal  and  unwarrantable  an  attempt. 
I  have,  therefcre,  convened  his  Majesty's  Council,  ordered 
the  Sheriff  to  attend  me,  and  requiring  their  attendance  on 
me,  I  went  into  the  room,  and  immediately  read  the  enclos- 
ed Speech  to  them ;  afterwards  I  directed  tlie  Sheriff  to 
make  open  proclamation,  for  all  persons  to  disperse  and 
keep  the  King's  peace,  which  was  done  before  they  had 
entered  on  any  business,  and  I  expect  will  be  obeyed.  As 
this  letter  must  be  forwarded  by  express  sixty-six  miles  to 
Boston,  and  reach  there  to-night,  in  hopes  to  have  convey- 
ance by  Admiral  Montagu,  what  further  may  occur  I 
shall  take  due  care  to  transmit  to  your  I..ordship  as  soon  as 
possible.  All  which  is  most  humbly  submitted,  dutifully 
lioping  your  Lordship's  ftivourable  representation  of  my 
best  zeal,  unremitted  diligence  and  fidelity,  in  discharge  of 
my  duty,  may  hippily  be  honoured  with  his  Majesty's 
approbation.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  tiie  most  per- 
fect respect,  &c.,  J.  Wentworth. 


517 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JULY,  1774. 


518 


LIEUTENANT  OOVERNOUR  COLDEN  TO  THE  EARL  OF 
DARTMOUTH. 

New-York,  July  G,  177-1. 

In  my  letter  of  June  1st,  I  informed  your  Lordship  that 
the  people  of  this  city  had  chosen  a  Committee  of  fifiy- 
one  persons  to  correspond  witii  the  sister  Colonies  on  tiie 
present  political  aftliirs  ;  that  many  of  this  Conmiittee  were 
of  the  most  considerable  merchants,  and  men  of  cool  tem- 
pers, who  would  endeavour  to  avoid  all  extravagant  and 
dangerous  measures.  They  have  had  a  continual  struggle 
with  those  of  a  different  disposition,  and  having  for  several 
weeks  succeeded  in  suspending  any  resolutions,  I  was  in 
hopes  they  would  have  maintained  the  only  conduct  which 
can  excuse  them.  But  accounts  repeatedly  coming  to 
hand  from  different  parts  of  the  Continent,  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  Deputies  to  meet  in  a  general  Congress,  this  mea- 
sure was  so  strenuously  pushed,  that  it  was  carried  in  the 
Committee  of  fifty-one  on  Monday  last,  and  five  persons 
were  named  for  the  Deputies  from  this  Province  ;  the 
persons  named  are,  James  Duane,  and  John  Jay,  two 
eminent  lawyers,  Isaac  Low,  Philip  Livingston,  and  John 
Alsop,  merchants.  I  am  told  that  a  violent  effort  was  made 
in  the  Committee  to  have  John  3Iorin  Scott,  an  eminent 
lawyer,  and  Alexander  McDougall,  named  in  the  place  of 
Jay  and  Alsop ;  it  is  said  that  the  ])eople  are  to  be  invited 
to  meet  on  Thursday,  to  approve  of  the  Deputies  named 
by  the  Committee.  These  transactions  are  dangerous,  my 
Lord,  and  illegal,  but  by  what  means  shall  Government 
prevent  them  ?  An  attempt  by  the  power  of  the  Civil 
Magistrates  would  only  show  their  weakness,  and  it  is  not 
easy  to  say  upon  what  foundation  a  military  aid  should 
be  called  in  ;  such  a  measure  would  involve  us  in  troubles, 
which  it  is  thought  much  more  prudent  to  avoid ;  and  to 
shun  all  extremes,  while  it  is  yet  possible  things  may  take 
a  favourable  turn.  The  purpose  of  the  Congress,  it  is  said, 
is  to  petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  and  to  consider  of 
a  plan  for  settling  the  controversy  with  Great  Britain. 
But  no  insti:uctions  for  the  Deputies  have  yet  appeared  that 
1  know  of 

The  present  political  zeal  and  phrenzy  is  almost  entirely 
confined  to  tiie  City  of  New-York,  the  people  in  the 
counties  are  no  ways  disposed  to  become  active,  or  to  bear 
any  part  in  what  is  proposed  by  the  citizens.  I  am  told 
all  the  counties  but  one  have  declined  an  invitation  sent  to 
tliem  from  New-York,  to  appoint  Committees  of  Corres- 
pondence. This  Province  is  every  where,  my  Lord, 
except  in  the  City  of  New-York,  perfectly  quiet  and  in 
good  order,  and  in  Neio-York  a  much  greater  freedom  of 
speech  prevails  now  than  has  done  heretofore.  An  oppo- 
sition has  been  declared  to  the  vile  practice  of  exhibiting 
effigies,  which  I  hope  will  prevent  it  for  the  future. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  BOSTON. 
Aljxandria,  Virginia,  July  6,  1774. 

Tlie  following  subscription  for  the  benefit  and  relief  of 
those  (the  industrious  poor  of  the  town  of  Boston)  who, 
by  a  late  cruel  Act  of  Parliament,  are  deprived  of  dieir 
daily  labour  and  bread,  to  prevent  the  inhabitants  sinking 
under  the  oppression,  or  migrating,  to  keep  up  that  manly 
spirit  which  has  made  them  dear  to  every  American. 
though  the  envy  of  an  arbitrary  Parliament,  is  from  the 
County  of  Fairfax,  in  this  Colony,  viz  :  two  hundred  and 
seventy-three  pounds  sterling,  in  specie,  (equal  to  lawful) 
thirty-eight  barrels  of  flour,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
bushels  of  wheat.  This  subscription  being  but  a  few  days 
on  foot,  we  have  not  had  an  opportunity  to  present  it  to 
tiie  country  in  general ;  a  large  sum  will  be  given.  Mr. 
Henly  yesterday  returned  from  Dumfries,  after  consultinf 
the  Committee  of  Prince  Willinm  County,  in  which  a 
subscription  is  going  on  generously  ;  this  day  he  sets  out 
to  consult  the  Committees  of  Loudoun  and  Frederick 
counties,  in  .each  of  which  a  spirit,  becoming  generous  and 
freeborn  sons  of  liberty,  are  in  the  like  manner  testified. 
Indeed,  all  Virginia  and  Maryland  are  contributing  for  the 
relief  of  Bostnn.  The  subscription  is  to  be  laid  out  in 
corn  and  flour,  to  be  shipped  and  consigned  to  the  Hon. 
James  Bowdoin,  and  John  Hancock,  Esqrs.,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams,  Isaac  Smith,  Esq.,  and  the  gendemen  Committee 
of  Correspondence  in  Boston,  to  be  distributed  in  such 
manner  as  they  shall  think  most  proper,  among  the  persons 


reduced  to  want  and  indigence,  by  means  of  the  cruel  and 
unjust  Act  of  Parliament.  We  are  in  the  expectation  of  our 
schooner  Nassau  every  day,  and  shall  load  her  with  a  cargo 
to  be  presented,  as  by  the  enclosed  paper.  Our  Associa- 
tion was  put  off,  as  die  people  from  the  country  could  not 
attend,  being  in  the  midst  of  harvest,  and  bad  weather,  they 
would  have  lost  much  grain.  But  be  assured  Virginia 
and  Maryland  are  determined  to  unite  with  the  Colonics. 
Firmness  and  intrepidity  is  their  character. 


NORFOLK   BOllOUGH  (viRGINIa)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders,  Merchants,  Traders, 
and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  County  and  Borough  of  iVor- 
folk,  held  at  the  Court  House,  on  Wednesday,  the  6th  of 
July,  1774. 

Thomas  Newton,  Jun.,  Moderator. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the  common  cause 
of  America,  and  that  every  Colony  on  the  Continent  is  in 
duty  bound  to  unite  in  the  most  effectual  means  to  obtain 
a  repeal  of  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up  the 
harbour  of  Boston,  which  we  deem  a  most  tyrannick 
exercise  of  unlawful  power. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
Acts  for  altering  the  Constitution  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  and  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  are 
most  violent  and  dangerous  infractions  of  the  solemn 
chartered  rights  of  these  Colonies ;  utterly  destructive  of 
trials  by  the  vicinage,  and  a  very  melancholy  proof  of 
the  despotick  spirit  of  the  times. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavom-s  at  the  ensuing  Convention 
at  Williamsburg,  to  procure  a  general  Association  against 
all  importations  and  exportations  (medicines  excepted)  to 
and  from  Great  Britain,  as  the  most  effectual  means  to 
ensure  redress ;  and  that  the  said  Association  against  im- 
portations may  take  place  in  as  short  a  time  as  possible 
after  the  opening  of  the  said  Convention  ;  also,  that  the 
Association  against  exportation  may  take  place  at  so  long 
a  day  as  may  give  time  for  the  discharge  oi  British  dehis, 
leaving  it  to  the  discretion  of  the  Convention  to  fix  the 
day. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  procure  a  like  Association  against  every  such  town, 
county,  or  Province,  on  this  Continent,  as  may  decline  or 
refuse  to  adopt  similar  measures  with  the  majority  of  the 
Colonies,  within  one  month  after  the  0])ening  of  the 
intended  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Govern- 
ments on  the  Continent. 

llesolved.  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavours,  that  the  Deputies  to  be 
sent  from  this  Colony  to  the  intended  Congress,  be  partic- 
ularly instructed  by  the  Convention,  that,  if  necessary,  the 
whole  sum  exacted  by  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  may  be  par- 
celled out  into  different  quotas,  to  be  raised  by  the  publick 
spirited,  charitable,  and  humane,  in  the  several  Colonies, 
according  to  tiie  respective  abilities  and  circumstances 
thereof;  and  that  such  moneys  be  paid  to  the  several 
Colonies,  into  such  hands  as  the  people  of  Boston  may 
direct. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavours,  that  subscripdons  be 
opened  in  the  several  counties  of  this  Colony  for  the 
relief  of  the  starving  distressed  poor  in  the  blockaded 
town  of  Boston. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  recommend  Annapolis  to  the  Convention  as  the  proper 
place  to  be  proposed  to  the  other  Colonies  for  the  holding 
of  the  Congress  ;  which  we  earnestly  desire  may  be  as 
soon  as  ))ossible  after  the  first  day  of  August. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed 
to  use  their  endeavours  that  the  Convention  may  partic- 
ularly recommend  it  to  the  several  counties,  that  large 
Committees  of  respectable  men,  fixed  and  settled  inhabit- 
ants of  their  respective  counties,  be  a|)pointed  to  guard 
against,  and  take  every  lawful  step  to  prevent,  any  breach 
of  such  agreements  or  Association  as  may  be  adopted. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  measures  determined  on  at  the  approaching  Convention 


519 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


520 


ought  to  be  observed  by  the  whole  Colony,  as  acts  of  a 
most  solemn  nature ;  and  that  it  is  the  declared  intention 
of  this  meeting,  faithfully  to  adopt  such  Association  as  may 
then  be  agreed  on. 

Resolved,  That  the  above  Resolutions  be  printed  for 
the  inspection  of  all  the  freeholders  of  die  county. 

William  Davies,  Clerk. 

THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH  TO  DEPUTY  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Whitehall,  July  G,  1774. 

Siu:  I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  3d  and  -Slst  of 
May,  and  have  laid  them  before  the  King,  and  I  have  the 
satisfaction  to  acquaint  you  that  his  Majesty  is  graciously 
pleased  to  acquiesce  in  the  apology  you  make  for  having 
omitted  to  transmit  to  me  an  account  of  the  proceedings  at 
Philadelphia  upon  the  arrival  of  the  tea  ship. 

By  the  account  contained  in  your  letter  of  the  31st  of 
May,  of  the  reception  given  to  the  proposal  that  came 
i'rom  the  town  of  Boston,  there  did  not  appear  then  to  be 
any  strong  inclination  to  adopt  it.  What  has  since  passed 
in  Virginia  may  perhaps,  as  in  other  like  instances,  become 
an  example  to  the  neighbouring  Colonies,  and  should  this 
be  the  case  it  will  be  your  duty  to  exert  every  power 
which  the  Constitution  has  placed  into  your  hands  to  defeat 
any  attempt  to  trample  upon  and  insult  the  authority  of 
this  Kingdom.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  humble 
servant,  Dartmouth. 

Deputy  Governour  Penn. 


THE  earl    of   DARTMOUTH    TO    LIEUTENANT   GOVERNOUR 
GOLDEN. 

Whitehall,  July  6,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  received  your  letters  No.  1  and  2,  and  have 
laid  them  before  the  King. 

As  there  is  nothing  in  these  letters  which  requires  any 
particular  instruction,  I  have  only  to  express  my  wishes 
that  his  Majesty's  subjects  of  New-  York  may  not  be  led 
into  any  further  rash  and  hasty  proceedings,  that  may 
expose  them  to  the  just  resentment  of  Parliament,  and  that 
persons  of  credit  and  character  in  the  Colony  will  exert 
their  influence  to  put  a  stop  to  that  licentious  spirit  which 
has  led  to  measures  so  disgraceful  to  the  City  of  New- 
York. 

Sir  M^lliam  Johnson  having  acquainted  me  that  two 
Seneca  Indians  have  been  committed  to  the  jail  in  Tryon 
County,  as  accomplices  in  the  murder  of  four  Frenchmen 
in  the  last  year,  his  Majesty  is  graciously  pleased,  upon 
report  to  him  of  the  circumstances  of  their  case,  to  signify 
his  pleasure  that  they  be  both  set  at  liberty  forthwith,  and 
you  will  not  fail  to  take  the  proper  steps  for  that  purpose. 

It  being  under  consideration  to  re-establish  the  Military 
Posts,  either  at  Crown  Point  or  Ticonderoga,  or  at  both, 
it  is  the  King's  pleasure  that  the  lands  reserved  by  Sir 
Jeffery  Amherst  for  the  convenience  and  accommodation  of 
tliese  posts,  be  excepted  out  of  any  future  sales  or  grants 
of  lands  whatsoever.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  hum- 
ble servant,  Dartmouth. 
Lieutenant  Governour  Colden. 


the   BRITISH    AMERICAN,    NO.  VI. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  July  7,  1774. 
Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and  Countrymen: 

It  is  the  general  opinion,  that  the  great  defect  in  the 
present  Constitution  of  Britain  is  the  enormous  power  of 
the  Crown.  However  singular  I  may  be  thought  in  so 
doing,  I  consider  this  as  a  vulgar  errour  ;  for  the  first  stab 
given  to  the  Constitution  was  the  Crown's  losing  its  inde- 
pendence on  the  other  two  brandies  of  the  Legislature. 
Queen  Elizabeth  transmitted  the  English  Constitution,  in 
its  highest  purity,  to  her  successor,  James  the  First ;  but 
he,  equally  a  stranger  to  its  true  principles,  his  own  inter- 
est, and  the  arts  of  Government,  in  his  first  Speeches  to 
his  Parliament,  arrogated  to  himself  powers  he  was  not 
entitled  to,  and  soon  after  indiscreetly  lavished  away  those 
which  would  have  rendered  the  others  he  claimed  unne- 
cessary ;  for,  by  alienating  a  great  pan  of  the  ancient 
revenues  of  the  Crown  in  ill-placed,  unnecessary,  and  ex- 
travagant grants  to  its  favourites,  tools  and  parasites,  he 
made  himself  dependent,  in  some  measure,  for  the  very 


support  of  his  household,  upon  the  other  two  branches  of 
the  Legislature,  at  the  very  time  he  alarmed  them  to  unite 
against  him,  by  arbitrary  and  impotent  threats  of  govern- 
ing absolutely  ;  and  then,  to  increase  that  weight  his  own 
folly  had  lessened,  and  to  replenish  his  coflers,  he  had 
recourse  to  the  last  expedient  of  weakened  majesty,  that 
of  creating  a  number  of  Peers,  which,  though  it  put  off  the 
evil  day,  increased  the  disorder  of  die  state.  His  suc- 
cessor, Charles  the  First,  nurtured  in  tiie  principles  of  his 
father,  pursued  the  same  plan  of  lessening  his  hereditary 
revenues,  and  of  provoking  those  upon  whom  he  was  de- 
pendent, till  they  would  no  longer  support  him  ;  and  then, 
by  endeavouring  to  carry  into  execution  those  measures 
his  father  had  threatened  only,  he  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the 
errours  of  education.  Monarchy,  and  nobility  its  attend- 
ant, being  thus  extinguished,  when  it  was  restored  in  the 
person  of  Charles  the  Second,  was  it  surprising  that  the 
Nation,  still  bleeding  at  the  wounds  it  had  received  from 
the  usurpations  of  the  Crown,  contented  itself  with  restor- 
ing it  to  those  prerogatives  only  it  possessed  at  its  fall, 
without  adding  the  independent  hereditary  revenue,  which 
its  two  preceding  Kings  had  indiscreetly  alienated  ? 
Untaught  by  his  own  misfortunes,  and  the  fate  of  his 
father,  Charles  the  Second  adopted  the  plan  of  Govern- 
ment pursued  by  his  House  ;  only,  as  he  was  sagacious 
enough  to  see  he  could  not  force,  he  endeavoured  to  cor- 
rupt the  Nation  to  submit  to  despotick  sway  ;  and  in  so 
doing  dissipated  so  great  a  part  of  what  few  ancient 
demesnes  of  the  Crown  his  ancestors  had  left,  that  his 
brother  James  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  giving  up 
the  hereditary  despotick  notions  of  his  family,  or  of  recur- 
ring to  force.  He  chose  the  latter,  and  by  that  means  was 
obliged  to  abandon  his  Crown,  but  left  the  Constitution 
with  a  stab  in  its  vitals,  which  has  been  festering  ever 
since ;  for,  at  the  accession  of  his  glorious  successor, 
though  the  Nation  recurred  to  many  of  its  first  principles, 
it  had  suffered  too  much  from  its  four  preceding  Kings  to 
think  of  restoring  the  ancient  independence  of  the  Crown. 
Succeeding  Monarchs,  therefore,  in  order  to  preserve  any 
kind  of  weight  in  the  state,  were  reduced  to  the  necessity 
of  corrupting  the  people,  by  creating  lucrative  offices, 
granting  pensions,  and  increasing  the  number  of  Peers  ; 
this,  though  it  increased  the  power  of  the  Minister,  really 
weakened  that  of  his  master. 

The  great  increase  of  manufactures,  arising  from  the 
settlement  of  America,  by  drawing  the  inhabitants  to  the 
sea  ports  and  other  towns  more  conveniently  situated  for 
carrying  them  on,  in  a  great  measure  depopulated  the 
ancient  boroughs  of  the  Kingdom,  so  that  the  entire  pro- 
perty of  many  of  them  were  purchased  up  by  the  nobility, 
who,  by  that  means,  acquired  a  right  of  naming  their 
Representatives  in  Parliament ;  the  electors  of  others 
were  so  reduced  in  their  numbers  and  circumstances,  diat 
it  became  easy  for  the  wealthy,  with  a  majority  of  their 
voices,  to  purchase  seats  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and, 
by  treating  with  the  Prime  Minister  for  some  of  the  newly 
created  lucrative  offices,  they  were  generally  reimbursed 
the  purchase  money. 

Thus  the  spirit  of  traffick  extended  itself  to  all  ranks  of 
people,  and,  as  it  too  often  happens  in  commercial  nations, 
all  those  things  which  ought  to  have  been  the  reward  of 
merit  were  given  only  for  money,  and  the  people  univer- 
sally corrupted  by  the  dint  of  it,  grew  indifferent  to  pub- 
lick  concerns ;  the  electors  and  elected,  passionately  fond 
of  lucre,  grew  careless  of  the  Government,  and  every  thing 
belonging  to  it,  and  waited  quietly  for  their  salaries.  As 
soon  as  it  became  obvious  that  wealth  would  purchase  a 
majority  of  the  seats  of  the  Representatives  of  the  people, 
Sir  Robert  Walpole  endeavoured  to  apply  tlie  national 
wealth  to  that  purpose,  and  succeeded  to  admiration  in  it 
for  a  long  time,  but,  too  open  in  the  practice  of  corruption, 
he  overshot  his  mark,  and  pointed  out  to  tiie  wealthy,  that, 
by  uniting  togetiier,  they  could  wrest  the  power,  even  of 
appointing  his  own  Minister,  and  other  servants,  out  of  the 
hands  of  their  Sovereign,  and  by  that  means  arrogate  to 
themselves  not  only  the  persons  who  shall  fill  all  lucrative 
offices,  but  of  directing  the  whole  concerns  of  the  Nation. 
The  nobles  who  possessed  boroughs,  and  the  wealthy 
Commons  who  could  purchase  them,  united  cordially  in 
this  scheme,  and,  inviting  some  of  their  ablest  dependants 
to  join  them,  soon  carried  all  before  them,  destroyed  that 


521 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


522 


beautiful  system  of  legislation  I  described  in  my  last,  and 
set  up  an  absolute  aristocracy  in  its  place.* 

Had  Mr.  Pitt  directed  the  reigns  of  Government  a  few 
years  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  if  his  talents  in  the 
arts  of  peace  had  been  equal  to  his  abilities  in  carrying  on 
a  wai-,  or  (if  I  may  be  allowed  the  metaphor)  could  he 
have  been  as  wise  in  taking  every  advantage  of  wind  and 
tide,  as  he  was  skilful  in  avoiding  rocks  and  quicksands  in 
a  storm,  (and  the  noble  stop  he  put  to  corruption  during 
his  administration  give  us  strong  reason  to  think  he  would,) 
Providence,  at  that  period,  pointed  out  to  a  wise  and 
upright  Minister  the  means  of  placing  the  natural,  the 
necessary  independence  of  the  Kings  of  England,  upon  a 
permanent  foundation.  But  the  Minister  who  succeeded 
that  great  man  was  too  intent  upon  enriching  his  country- 
men to  serve  his  Prince,  and,  more  like  a  pedlar  than  a 
statesman,  sold  an  inheritance  of  his  master  (which  would 
liave  restored  him  to  a  King  of  England's  ancient  weight 
in  the  national  councils)  for  a  mess  of  pottage ;  and  the 
present  Minister  is  at  this  instant  either  unthinkingly  or 
diabolically  pursuing  the  same  infernal  plan.  Was  our 
Sovereign,  even  now,  to  place  a  little  more  confidence  in 
his  American  subjects,  there  are  many  amongst  them 
whose  knowledge  of  their  country  would  enable,  and 
whose  affectionate  loyalty  to  him  would  impel,  them  to 
point  out  constitutional  modes  of  placing  him  in  a  very  dif- 
ferent situation  from  what  a  corrupt,  selfish  British  aris- 
tocracy wish  to  see  ;  for,  however  humiliating  the  reflec- 
tion may  be  to  a  Briton,  it  is  the  virtue  of  America  only 
that  can  preserve  Great  Britain  from  becoming  the  prey 
of  the  most  despotick  aristocracy  that  ever  yet  was  erected, 
which  will  be  the  more  firmly  established,  because,  by 
retaining  the  ancient  forms  of  the  Constitution,  it  will  not 
easily  alarm  the  Nation  to  rouse,  and  to  recur  to  its  first 
principles,  whilst  the  aristocracy  posted  in  both  Houses  of 
Parliament,  possessed  of  a  large  majority  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  of  a  superiour  influence  in  the  House  of  Lords, 
and  of  an  absolute  command  over  all  the  powers  of  mon- 
archy, with  swarms  of  placemen  and  pensioned  authors  to 
trumpet  forth  their  praises  without  doors,  bears  down  all 
before  it  with  such  irresistible  impetuosity,  that  I  should 
not  be  surprised  if,  after  the  next  general  election,!  it 
should  pursue  its  late  victory  over  the  County  of  Middle- 
sex, nominate  the  Representatives  of  every  shire  in  Bri- 
tain, and  utterly  exclude  from  the  House  of  Commons 
every  member  that  should  dare  to  arraign  its  conduct,  if  it 
sliould  rapaciously  seize  the  remaining  wealth  of  the  East 
India,  and  every  other  trading  Company,  and  oblige  every 
merchant  and  shop-keeper  in  Britain  to  account  with  its 
officers  for  whatever  share  of  the  profits  of  their  trade  it 
should  think  proper  to  demand.  In  short,  nothing  can  put 
a  stop  to  its  carrying  into  execution  every  act  of  despo- 
tism it  shall  attempt,  but  the  check  it  is  likely  to  receive 
from  the  opposition  of  America. 

It  is  not,  therefore,  the  interest  of  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  that  America  should  surrender  up  her  liberties, 
and  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  this  arbitrary,  self-created 
aristocracy,  though  assuming  the  specious  name  of  a  Bri- 
tish Parliament.  But  before  I  enter  upon  the  measures 
necessary  to  be  taken  to  ward  off  the  blow  aimed  at  Ame- 
rican hberty,  I  shall  consider  the  connections  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  in  order  to  consider  how 
far  those  Colonies  may  legally  and  constitutionally  oppose 
the  acts  of  a  British  Parliament. 

As  the  laws  of  every  country  are  made  for  the  benefit  of 
its  inhabitants,  and  the  privileges,'the  advantages  and  pro- 
tection they  expect  to  receive  from  those  laws,  are  the  con- 
siderations which  induce  a  submission  to  them,  any  one,  or 
any  number  of  those  inhabitants,  may,  by  a  voluntary 
banishment,   and  by  renouncing  the  protection,  with  all 

*  If  any  one  doubts  that  the  Britinh  Constitution  is  now  purely 
aristocratical.  lot  him  attentively  read  the  history  of  England,  and  the 
debates  of  Parliament,  from  the  decision  Of  the  Chippenham  election 
to  the  present  time,  and  carefully  compare  facts  with  the  characteristick 
attendants  of  a  corrupt  aristocracy,  which,  by  being  destitute  of  its 
principles  of  moderation,  is  become  despotick,  and  he  will  no  longer 
withhold  his  assent  to  the  above  position. 

+  For  the  distemper  of  the  state  is  too  far  advanced  to  hope  for  any 
relief  from  a  new  election.  The  Representatives,  indeed,  may  bo 
changed  by  a  nabob's  outbidding  an  Alderman;  but  the  only  real  dif- 
ference will  be,  the  nabob  becomes  one  of  the  aristocracy,  and  the 
Alderman  is  excluded,  or,  in  other  words,  the  master  may  bo  changed, 
but  the  slavery  will  remain. 


other  advantages  of  the  laws,  withdraw  themselves  from 
the  subjection  of  the  country  in  which  they  were  accident- 
ally born,  if  they  find  it  for  their  interest  so  to  do.  And 
even  admitting  that,  like  vegetables,  they  cannot  remove 
from  the  spot  that  produced  them  without  tiie  consent  of 
the  state,  no  man  will  deny  that  any  subject  of  England 
formerly  might,  and  that  any  subject  of  Great  Britain 
may  now,  with  the  leave  of  their  Sovereign,  quit  that 
Kingdom,  and  settle  in  any  foreign  Dominion  ;  that  our 
ancestors,  therefore,  when  they,  with  the  leave  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  of  King  James  the  First,  left  England  and 
discovered  America,  if  they  had  been  so  disposed,  might 
have  incorporated  themselves  with  the  native  inhabitants, 
laid  aside  all  thoughts  of  reluming,  and  dropped  all  corres- 
pondence with  England,  is  undeniable ;  and  if  they  had 
done  so,  in  all  human  probability,  neither  their  former 
Sovereign,  or  his  Parliament,  would  have  ever  given  them- 
selves the  trouble  of  inquiring  what  was  become  of  them.* 
And  as  they  had  a  right  to  incorporate  themselves  with  the 
natives,  so,  with  respect  to  England,  they  had  an  equal 
right,  at  their  own  private  risk  and  expense,  to  acquire,  by 
purchase  or  conquest,  from  nations  not  in  alliance  with 
England,  a  settlement  for  themselves  and  their  posterity, 
totally  independent  of  England ;  for  as  they  were  no 
longer  under  her  protection,  they  no  longer  were  under 
subjection,  and,  therefore,  might  have  provided  for  their 
own  safety  by  any  laws  they  thought  proper.  But,  instead 
of  doing  this,  a  natural  fondness  for  their  native  country,  a 
predilection  for  her  laws,  an  admiration  of  the  most  beau- 
tiful system  of  Government  in  the  world,  and  the  hopes 
of  protection,  induced  them  to  wish  to  remain  connected 
with  England.  But  how  ?  As  partakers  of  her  Constitu- 
tion, by  acknowledging  allegiance  to  her  King  ;  as  friends 
to  their  brethren,  by  reciprocal  acts  of  kindness  ;  but  not 
as  slaves  to  their  fellow-subjects,  by  a  humiliating,  servile 
subjection  to  a  British  Parliament,  in  which,  from  their 
situation,  they  neither  were,  or  could  be  represented. 

With  these  views  they  generously  offered  to  let  England 
partake  of  the  advantages  of  these  conquests,  in  considera- 
tion of  securing  to  themselves  the  rights  of  Englishmen 
in  their  new  settlements,  (not  made  at  the  expense  of  the 
Nation,  as  hath  been  falsely  suggested,  but)  discovered  at 
the  risk,  and  acquired  by  the  blood  and  treasure  of  private 
adventurers,  who,  having  left  their  native  country  with  the 
consent  of  their  Sovereign,  now  returned  to  him,  not  as 
repenting  prodigals  begging  to  be  received  and  forgiven, 
but  as  generous  conquerors,  offering  to  make  him  Sovereign 
of  a  new  world  upon  reasonable  and  equitable  conditions. 

Is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  that,  thus  circumstanced,  he 
acceded  to  their  terms  ?  Or,  had  the  British  Parliament 
any  right  to  complain  of  the  Charters  granted  to  them,  by 
which  the  Colonies  have  always  enjoyed  a  supreme  Legis- 
lature of  their  own,  and  have  always  claimed  an  exemption 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  a  British  Parliament.  But  even 
suppose  that  the  territories  of  America  (though  conquered 
by  private  adventurers)  became  subject  to  Great  Britain, 
because  those  adventurers  were  English  subjects,  still  it 
by  no  means  follows  that  those  territories  were  dependent 
upon  the  British  Parliament ;  and  as  this  is  proved  to  a 
demonstration  by  a  late  ingenious  author,  I  shall  not  injure 
him  so  far  as  to  repeat  his  arguments,  but  conclude  this 
Letter  with  requesting  the  printer  to  republish  the  following 
Extract  of  his  work,  f 

CULPEPPER    COUNTY,    (vIKGINIa)   RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Culpepper,  in  Virginia,  assembled  on  due 
notice,  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  County,  on  Thursday, 
the  7th  of  July,  1774,  to  consider  of  the  most  effectual 
method  to  preserve  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America  : 
Henry  Pendleton,  Esq.,  Moderator. 

Besolved,  That  we  will,  whenever  we  are  called  upon 
for  that  purpose,  maintain  and  defend  his  Majesty's  right 
and  title  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  other 

»  For  it  is  observable  that  each  Colony  was  suffered  to  struggle  with 
every  diiEculty  in  their  new  settlements,  unprotected,  unassisted,  and 
even  unnoticed  by  the  Crown  itself,  from  twenty  to  fifty  years,  and 
even  then  the  Royal  care  was  no  further  extended  towards  them  than 
to  send  over  Governours  to  pillage,  insult  and  oppress  tliem. 

[  t  See  Letter  to  Lord  North,  Folio  337-340.  ] 


523 


CORRESPOiNDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


524 


Ills  Dominions  thereunto  belonging,  to  wiiose  royal  person 
and  Government  we  profess  all  due  obedience  and  fidelity. 

Resolved,  That  the  right  to  impose  taxes  or  duties,  to 
be  paid  by  the  iniiabitants  of  this  Colony  for  any  purpose 
whatsoever,  is  peculiar  and  essential  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly, in  whom  the  Legislative  authority  is  vested. 

Resolved,  That  every  attempt  to  impose  taxes  or  duties 
by  any  other  authority  is  an  arbitrary  exertion  of  power, 
and  an  mfringement  of  the  constitutional  and  just  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  Colony,  and  that  we  will  at  all  times,  at 
the  risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  oppose  any  Act  imposing 
such  taxes  or  duties,  unless  we  are  legally  represented ; 
and  that  tlie  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  imposing  a 
duty  on  tea  to  be  paid  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies 
upon  importation,  is  evidently  designed  to  fix  on  the 
Americans  those  chains  forged  for  them  by  a  corrupt 
Ministry. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  cruel  and  unjust  Acts  of  Par- 
liament, to  be  executed  by  force  uj)on  our  sister  Colony  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  and  town  of  Boston,  is  a  convinc- 
ing proof  of  the  unjust  and  corrupt  infiuence  obtained  by 
the  British  Ministry  in  Parliament,  and  a  fixed  determi- 
nation to  deprive  tlie  Colonies  of  their  constitutional  and 
just  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in 
tlie  common  cause  of  the  American  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  an  Association  between  all  the  Ameri- 
can Colonies  not  to  import  from  Great  Britain,  or  buy  any 
goods  or  commodities  whatsoever,  except  negroes,  cloaths, 
salt,  saltpetre,  powder,  lead,  nails,  and  paper,  ought  to  be 
entered  into,  and  by  no  means  dissolved,  until  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  the  Colonies  are  restored  to  them,  and 
the  tyrannical  Acts  of  Parliament  against  Boston  are 
repealed. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  opinion  that  no  friend  to  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  America  ought  to  purchase  any 
goods  whatsoever,  which  shall  be  unported  from  Great 
Britain,  after  a  General  Association  shall  be  agreed  on, 
except  such  as  are  before  excepted. 

Resolved,  That  every  kind  of  luxury,  dissipation,  and 
extravagance,  ought  to  be  banished  from  amongst  us. 

Resolved,  That  the  raising  sheep,  hemp,  flax,  and  cot- 
ton, ought  to  be  encouraged ;  likewise  all  kinds  of  manu- 
factures, by  subscriptions,  or  any  other  proper  means. 

Resolved,  That  the  importing  slaves  and  convict  servants, 
is  injurious  to  this  Colony,  as  it  obstructs  the  population  of 
it  with  freemen  and  useful  manufacturers,  and  that  we  will 
not  buy  any  such  sjave  or  convict  servant  hereafter  to  be 
imported. 

Resolved,  That  every  county  in  this  Colony  ought  to 
appoint  Deputies  to  meet  upon  the  first  day  of  August, 
in  the  City  of  Williamsburg,  then  and  there  to  consult 
upon  the  most  proper  means  for  carrying  these  or  any 
other  resolutions  which  shall  be  judged  more  expedient  for 
obtaining  peace  and  tranquillity  in  America  into  execution. 

Resolved,  That  Henry  Pendleton,  and  Henry  Field, 
Junior,  Esquires,  be  appointed  upon  the  part  of  the 
freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  this  county,  to  meet  and 
consult  with  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed  by  tlie 
other  counties. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  transmit  these  Resolves  to 
the  press,  and  request  the  Printer  to  publish  them  without 
delay.     By  order  of  the  Meeting, 

John  Jameson,  Clerk. 

By  his  Excellency  the  Right  Honourable  John  Earl 
o/DuNMORE,  his  Majesty's  Lieutenant  and  Governour- 
General  of  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia, 
and  Vice  Admiral  of  the  same  : 

A  Proclamation. — Virginia,  to  wit  : 
Whereas  the  General  Assembly  is  summoned  to  meet 
on  Thursday,  the  11th  of  next  month,  but  I  find  no  urgent 
occasion  for  their  meeting  at  that  time,  I  have  therefore 
thought  fit,  by  this  Proclamation,  in  his  Majesty's  name, 
farther  to  prorogue  the  said  Assembly  to  the  first  Thursday 
in  November  next. 

Given  under  my  hand,  and  the  seal  of  the  Colony,  at 
Williamsburg,  this  8lh  day  of  July,  in  the  fourteenth 
year  of  his  Majesty's  reign.  Dunmore. 

God  save  the  King, 


extract  or  A  letter  received  in  boston,  from  gov- 

ERNOUR  HUTCHINSON,  DATED  LONDON,  JULY  8,    1774. 

Let  the  tea  be  paid  for,  by,  or  in  behalf  of  the  town,  as 
soon  as  may  be  ;  and  1  hope  you  will  do  as  much  to  promote 
this  as  possible.  I  find  myself  every  where  to  have  more 
weight  than  I  could  expect,  and  the  prospect  of  your 
speedy  relief  to  be  fairer  every  day  :  if  finally  obtained,  i 
shall  think  it  one  of  the  most  happy  circumstances  of  n)y 
life. 

HUNTERDON  COUNTY  (nEW  JERSEv)  RESOLUTIONS. 

The  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  Hunterdon  Coun- 
ty, in  the  Province  of  New-Jersey,  convened  by  advertise- 
ment, at  the  house  of  Johri  Ringo,  in  Amwell,  in  said 
Counly,  on  Friday,  the  8th  July,  1774,  Samuel  Tucker, 
Esq.,  in  the  Chair,  came  into  the  following  Resolutions, 
without  a  dissenting  voice,  viz  : 

1.  We  do  most  expressly .  declare,  recognise  and  ac- 
knowledge his  Majesty  King  George  tlie  Third,  to  be  the 
lawful  and  rightful  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  all 
other  his  Dominions,  and  that  it  is  the  indispensable  duty 
of  this  Colony,  under  the  enjoyment  of  our  constitutional 
privileges  and  immunities,  as  being  a  part  of  his  Majesty's 
Dominions,  always  to  bear  faithful  and  true  allegiance  to 
his  Majesty,  and  hhn  to  defend  to  the  utmost  of  our  power, 
against  all  attempts  upon  his  person,  crown,  and  dignity. 

2.  That  it  is  the  undoubted  hereditary  right  of  an 
English  subject  to  give  and  grant  what  is  absolutely  his 
own,  either  by  himself  or  his  Representative  ;  and  that  the 
only  lawful  Representatives  of  the  freemen  of  this  Colony 
are  the  persons  they  elect  to  serve  as  members  of  tlie 
General  Assembly  thereof. 

3.  That  any  Act  of  Parliament  for  the  apprehending 
and  carrying  persons  into  another  Colony,  or  to  Great 
Britain,  to  be  tried  for  any  crime,  alleged  to  be  committed 
within  this  Colony,  or  subjecting  them  to  be  tried  by 
Commissioners,  or  any  Court  constituted  by  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment or  otherwise,  within  this  Colony,  in  a  summary  way, 
without  a  jury  of  the  vicinage,  is  unconstitutional,  and 
subversive  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  free  subjects  of 
this  Colony. 

4.  That  it  is  our  indispensable  duty,  which  w'e  owe  to 
our  King,  our  country,  ourselves,  and  our  posterity,  by  all 
lawful  ways  and  means  in  our  power,  to  maintain,  defend 
and  preserve  our  loyalty,  rights  and  liberties,  and  to 
transmit  them  inviolate  to  the  latest  generations  ;  and  that 
it  is  our  fixed,  determined  and  unalterable  resolution 
faithfully  to  discharge  this  our  bounden  duty. 

5.  That  it  is  our  unanimous  opinion,  that  it  would  con- 
duce to  the  restoration  of  the  liberties  of  America  should 
the  Colonies  enter  into  a  joint  agreement  not  to  purchase 
or  use  any  articles  of  British  manufacture,  nor  any  com- 
modities imported  from  the  East  Indies,  under  such  restric- 
tions as  may  be  agreed  on  by  a  general  Congress  of 
Delegates  from  all  the  Colonies,  hereafter  to  be  appoint- 
ed. 

6.  That  as  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  American  freedom,  it  is  the  opinion  of 
this  meeting,  that  subscriptions  be  hereafter  opened  in 
every  town  in  this  county,  and  the  money  subscribed  to 
be  applied  towards  the  relief  of  the  suffering  poor  in  said 
town  of  Boston,  until  they  may  be  relieved,  by  being 
restored  to  their  just  rights  and  privileges. 

7.  That  this  county  will  appoint  a  Committee  to  meet 
the  Committees  of  the  several  counties  of  this  Colony,  at 
such  time  and  place  as  may  be  agreed  on,  in  order  to  elect 
and  appoint  Delegates  to  represent  this  Colony  at  the 
general  Congress,  whose  resolutions  and  determinations  we 
will  most  strictly  adhere  to,  and  abide  by.  And  we  do 
hereby  unanimously  request  the  following  gentlemen  to 
accept  of  that  trust,  and  do  accordingly  appoint  them  our 
Committee  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  viz:  JSamuel  Tucker, 
John  Mehelm,  J<din  Hart,  Isaac  Smith,  Charles  Coxe, 
Joachim  Griggs,  Benjamin  Brearly,  Abraham  Hunt,  and 
John  Emley. 

As  we  apprehend  Neto- Brunswick  is  not  so  convenient 
to  the  members  of  the  lower  counties,  and  that  all  the 
counties  will  hardly  have  sufficient  time  to  appoint  their 
Committees,  by  the  21st  of  July,  with  submission,  we 
would  propose  Princeton,  as  most  cential,  to  be  the  place, 


525 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


526 


aiid  Thursday,  the  1 1th  of  August,  the  time  of  meeting  of 
the  several  Committees.  Thomas  Shelton, 

Committee  Cleric. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  IN  NEW-YORK. 

Charleetown,  S.  C,  July  8,  1774. 

On  the  6th  instant,  according  to  proper  notices  dispersed 
all  over  the  Province,  began  at  Charlcsiown  our  general 
meeting  of  Delegates  from  all  the  counties,  for  agreeing 
upon  general  Resolutions,  and  for  the  appointment  of  Dep- 
uties to  represent  and  act  for  us  at  the  general  Congress. 

This  meeting  was  perhaps  one  of  the  most  respectable 
ever  held  in  America,  and  continued  with  very  little  inter- 
mission till  this  afternoon,  when  the  business  was  conclud- 
ed with  the  enclosed  Resolutions.  Do  not  be  surprised  at 
not  seeing  any  non-importation  or  exportation  resolves. 
We  had  such,  but  gave  them  up,  to  succeed  in  the  allow- 
ing full  powers  to  our  Deputies,  which  was  gaining  a  grand 
point.  They  were  chosen  by  ballot,  which  kept  us  up 
till  after  midnight.  At  this  election,  the  Merchants 
appeared  with  us  for  the  first  time  ;  but  miscarried  in  their 
choice.  The  voters  names  were  all  taken  down.  They 
have,  by  voting  in  the  appointment  of  Deputies  so  fully 
empowered,  acceded  to  non-importation  or  exportation,  if 
the  Congress  should  adopt  those  measures.  The  people, 
nevertheless,  were  so  uneasy  for  agreements  to  be  entered 
into,  that  it  was  at  last  declared,  on  the  part  of  the  Trade, 
that  they  would  (of  their  own  motion)  countermand  their 
orders,  and  would  not  import  while  the  present  troubles 
continue. 

Captain  Hunt  has  behaved  so  exceeding  clever  upon 
the  present  occasion,  by  staying  three  days  for  the  result 
of  our  meeting,  and  for  our  letters,  that  he  this  day  received 
publick  thanks  in  our  full  meeting.  His  stay  has  given  me 
this  opportunity  of  subscribing  myself,  Stc,  he. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA  RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolutions  unanimously  entered  into  by  the  Inhabitants 
of  South  Carolina,  at  a  General  Meeting  held  at'  Charles- 
iovm,  in  said  Colony,  on  Wednesday,  Thursday,  and 
Friday,  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  days  of  July,  1774: 

Resolved,  That  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  North  Ameri- 
ca owe  the  same  allegiance  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain 
tliat  is  due  from  his  subjects  born  in  Great  Britain. 

Resolved,  That  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America  are 
entitled  to  all  the  inherent  rights  and  liberties  of  his  natural 
born  subjects  within  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  repugnant  to  the  rights  of  the 
people,  that  any  taxes  should  be  imposed  on  them,  unless 
with  their  own  consent,  given  personally  or  by  their  Rep- 
resentatives. 

Resol  ed.  That  it  is  a  fundamental  right  which  his 
31ajesty's  liege  subjects  are  entitled  to,  that  no  man 
should  suffer  in  his  person  or  property  without  a  fair  trial, 
and  judgment  given  by  his  peers,  or  by  the  laws  of  the 
land. 

Resolved,  That  all  trials  of  treason,  misprision  of  treason, 
or  for  any  felony  or  crime  whatever,  committed  and  done 
in  this  his  Majesty's  Colony,  by  any  person  or  persons  re- 
siding therein,  ought  of  right  to  be  had  and  conducted  in 
his  Majesty's  Courts  held  within  the  said  Colony,  accord- 
ing to  the  fixed  and  known  course  of  proceeding  ;  and  that 
the  seizing  any  person  or  persons  residing  in  this  Colony, 
suspected  of  any  crime  whatever,  committed  therein,  and 
sending  such  person  or  persons  to  places  beyond  the  sea  to 
be  tried,  is  oppressive  and  illegal,  and  highly  derogatory  to 
the  rights  of  British  subjects ;  as  thereby  the  inestimable 
privilege  of  being  tried  by  a  jury  from  the  vicinage,  as 
well  as  tiie  benefit  of  summoning  and  procuring  witnesses 
on  such  trial,  will  be  taken  away  from  the  party  accused. 

Resolved,  That  the  statute  made  in  the  thirty-fifth  year 
of  Henry  the  Eighth,  chapter  two,  entitled,  "  An  Act  for 
"  the  trial  of  treasons  committed  out  of  the  King's  Domin- 
"  ions,"  does  not  extend,  and  cannot,  but  by  an  arbitrary 
and  cruel  construction,  be  construed  to  extend  to  treasons, 
misprisions  of  treasons,  or  concealment  of  treasons  com- 
mitted in  any  of  his  Majesty's  American  Colonies,  where 
there  is  sufficient  provisions  by  the  law  of  the  land  for  the 


impartial  trial  of  all  such  persons  as  are  charged  with,  and 
for  the  due  punishment  of  those  offences. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  Act  for  shutting  up  the  port  of 
Boston,  and  the  two  Bills  relative  to  Boston,  which  by  the 
last  accounts  from  Great  Britain,  had  been  brought  into 
Parliament,  there  read  and  committed,  are  of  the  most 
alarming  nature  to  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America — 
are  calculated  to  deprive  many  thousands  Americans  of 
their  rights,  properties,  and  privileges,  in  a  most  cruel,  op- 
pressive, and  unconstitutional  manner — are  most  dangerous 
precedents ;  and  though  levelled  immediately  at  the  people 
of  Boston,  very  manifestly  and  glaringly  show  if  the 
inhabitants  of  that  town  are  intimidated  into  a  mean  sub- 
mission to  said  Acts,  that  the  like  are  designed  for  all  the 
Colonies ;  when,  not  even  the  shadow  of  liberty  to  his 
person,  or  security  of  his  property,  will  be  left  to  any  of 
his  subjects  residing  on  the  American  Continent. 

Resolved,  Therefore,  that  not  only  the  dictates  of  hu- 
manity, but  the  soundest  principles  of  true  policy  and  self- 
preservation,  make  it  absolutely  necessary  for  the  inhab- 
itants of  all  the  Colonies  in  America  to  assist  and  support 
the  people  of  Boston  by  all  lawful  ways  in  their  power, 
and  especially,  to  leave  no  justifiable  means  untried  to 
procure  a  repeal  of  those  Acts  immediately  relative  to 
them,  also  of  all  others  affecting  the  constitutional  rights 
and  liberties  of  America  in  general,  as  the  best  means  to 
effect  this  desirable  end. 

Resolved,  That  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge, 
Christopher  Gadsden,  Thomas  Lynch,  and  Edward  Rut- 
ledge,  Esquires,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  nominated  and 
appointed  Deputies  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  this  Colony, 
to  meet  the  Deputies  of  the  several  Colonies  of  North 
America,  in  general  Congress,  the  first  Monday  of  Sep- 
tember next,  at  Philadelphia,  or  at  any  other  time  or 
place  that  may  be  generally  agreed  upon  ;  there  to  con- 
sider the  Act  lately  passed,  and  Bills  depending  in  Parlia- 
ment, with  regard  to  the  port  of  Boston,  and  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  which  Act  and  Bills,  in  the  precedent 
and  consequences,  affect  the  whole  Continent ;  also  the 
grievances  under  which  America  labours  by  reason  of  the 
several  Acts  of  Parliament  that  imposes  taxes  or  duties  for 
raising  a  revenue,  and  lay  unnecessary  restraints  and 
burthens  on  trade  ;  and  of  the  Statutes,  Parliamentary 
Acts,  and  Royal  Instructions,  which  make  any  invidious 
distinction  between  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  Great  Britain 
and  America — with  full  power  and  authority,  in  behalf  of 
us  and  our  constituents,  to  concert,  agree  to,  and  effectually 
prosecute  such  legal  measures,  (by  which  we  for  ourselves 
and  tiiem,  most  solemnly  engage  to  abide)  as  in  the  opin- 
ion of  the  said  Deputies,  and  of  the  Deputies  so  to  be 
assembled,  shall  be  most  likely  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the 
said  Acts,  and  a  redress  of  those  grievances. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  agree  to  pay  the  expenses  of 
those  gentlemen  who  may  be  fixed  upon  to  be  sent  upon 
this  business. 

Resolved,  That  while  the  oppressive  Acts  relative  to 
Boston  are  enforced,  we  will  cheerfully  from  lime  to  time, 
contribute  towards  the  relief  of  such  poor  persons  there, 
whose  unfortunate  circumstances,  occasioned  by  the  opera- 
tion of  those  Acts,  may  be  thought  to  stand  in  need  of 
most  assistance. 

Resolved,  That  we  will,  by  all  means  in  our  power,  en- 
deavour to  preserve  harmony  and  union  amongst  all  the 
Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  a  Committee  of  ninety-nine  persons  be 
now  appointed  to  act  as  a  General  Committee  to  correspond 
with  tlie  Committees  of  the  other  Colonies ;  and  do  all 
matters  and  things  necessary  to  carry  these  Resolutions  into 
execution  ;  and  that  any  twenty -one  of  them  together  may 
proceed  to  business — their  power  to  continue  till  the  next 
general  meeting;  and  in  case  of  the  death,  departure  from 
the  Province,  or  refusal  to  act,  of  any  or  either  of  them, 
the  parish  or  district  for  which  such  person  dying,  removing, 
or  refusing  to  act,  was  chosen,  shall  fill  up  the  vacancy. 

Names  of  the  Committee  then  chosen  for  Charlestoivn  : 
Miles  Brewton,  Esquire,  George  Abbott  Hall,  John 
Edtvards,  Esquire,  Charles  Atkins,  John  Baxcson, 
Thomas  Shirley,  John  Neufvillc,  John  Smyth ,  Alexander 
Gillon,  Peter  Bacot,  Gideon  Dupont,  Esquire,  Roger 
Smith,  Esquire,  Major  William  Savage,  Thomas  Corbett, 
David  Deas,  Esquire,  Colonel  Charles  Pinckney,  Messrs, 


527 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


528 


Peter  Timothy,  Daniel  Cannon,  Bernard  Beckman, 
Theodore  Trezvant,  John  Fullerton,  Joseph  Verrce, 
William  Truster,  William  Johnson.  Anthony  Toomer, 
Timothy  Crosby,  John  Bericiclc,  Joshua  Lockivood, 
James  Brown,  and  Edward  Weyman ;  and  sixty-nine 
for  the  several  Parishes  of  this  Province. 


ESSEX    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  Essex  County,  Virginia,  at  the  Court  House  thereof, 
on  Saturday,  the  9th  of  July,  1774,  seriously  to  consider 
the  present  dangers  which  threaten  ruin  to  America7i 
liberty : 

Mr.  John  Upshaw,  being  chosen  Moderator, 
The  following  Resolves  were  j)ropo3ed,  and  unanimously 
agreed  to : 

1st.  Resolved,  That  we  will  at  all  times  and  upon  all 
occasions  bear  tnie  and  faithful  allegiance  to  his  Majesty 
King  George  the  Third,  and  that,  as  freemen,  we  always 
have  been,  and  ever  shall  be,  willing  constitutionally  to 
give  and  grant  liberally  our  proj)erty  for  the  support  of  his 
crown  and  dignity,  and  the  preservation  of  our  parent 
state,  but  that  we  can  never  consent  to  part  with  it  on 
any  other  terms. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  the  Legislature  of  this  Colony,  for 
the  purpose  of  internal  taxation,  is  distinct  from  that  of 
Britain,  founded  upon  the  principles  of  the  British  Con- 
stitution, and  equal  in  all  respects  to  the  purposes  of  legis- 
lation and  taxation  within  this  Colony. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  Colony,  in  par- 
ticular, and  of  America  in  general,  have  a  clear  and 
absolute  right  to  dispose  of  their  property  by  their  own 
consent,  expressed  by  themselves  or  by  their  Representa- 
tives in  Assembly,  and  any  attempt  to  tax  or  take  their 
money  from  them  in  any  other  manner,  and  all  other  acts 
tending  to  enforce  submission  to  them,  is  an  exertion  of 
power  contrary  to  natural  justice,  subversive  of  the 
English  Constitution,  destructive  of  our  Charters,  and 
oppressive. 

4th.  Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston,  in  our  sister 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  is  now  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  North  America,  for  their  just  opposition 
to  such  Acts,  and  it  is  indispensably  necessary  that  all  the 
Colonies  should  firmly  unite  in  defence  of  our  common 
rights. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  an  agreement  to  stop  all  exports  to,  and  imports  from 
Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  firmly  entered  into 
and  religiously  complied  with,  will,  at  all  times,  prove  a 
safe  and  infallible  means  of  securing  us  against  the  evils  of 
any  unconstitutional  and  tyrannical  Acts  of  Parliament, 
and  may  be  adopted  upon  the  principles  of  self-preserva- 
tion, the  great  law  of  nature. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will 
firmly  join  with  the  other  counties  of  this  Colony,  and  the 
other  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  or  a  majority  of  them, 
to  stop  all  exports  to,  and  imports  from  Great  Britain  and 
the  West  Indies,  and  all  other  parts  of  the  world,  except 
the  Colonies  of  North  America,  if  such  a  measuie  shall  be 
deemed  expedient  by  the  Deputies  at  the  general  Congress, 
and  that  whatever  agreement  the  Congress  shall  come  to 
for  the  advancing  the  common  cause  of  North  America, 
relating  to  exports,  imports,  or  otherwise,  ought  to  be  con- 
sidered as  binding  as  any  act  of  the  Legislature;  and  that  we 
will  use  our  utmost  endeavours  to  support  and  maintain  such 
general  agreement  at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes. 
7th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  the  several  Courts  in  this  Colony  ought  not  to  proceed 
to  tlie  forwarding  or  trial  of  civil  causes  until  our  exports 
are  opened. 

8th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  the  East  India  Company,  having  a  design  to  monopo- 
lize a  great  part  of  the  American  trade  to  the  injury  of  the 
other  merchants  of  Britain  trading  to  America,  and 
knowing  well  the  fatal  consequences  that  must  have 
resulted  from  their  fixing  a  precedent  for  future  taxes,  by 
importing  tea  into  the  Colonies,  became  the  willing  instru- 
ment of  the  Ministry  to  destroy  American  liberty,  and 
deserve  the  loss  they  have  sustained. 


9th.  Resolved,  That  we  do  most  heartily  concur  with 
our  late  worthy  Representatives  in  their  resolve  for  the 
disuse  of  tea ;  and  that  we  will  not  hereafter  purchase  any 
East  India  commodities  whatsoever. 

10th.  Resolved,  That  the  S])iiited  conduct  of  the  town  of 
Boston  hath  been  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  freedom,  (all 
other  methods  having  failed,)  and  that  no  reparation  ouglit 
to  be  made  to  the  East  India  Company,  or  other  assist- 
ants, for  any  injury  they  have  sustained,  unless  it  be  the 
express  condition  on  which  all  our  grievances  shall  be 
removed. 

lltli.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  any  general  censure  upon  the  conduct  of  the  town  of 
Boston  respecting  the  tea,  without  allowing  to  them  the 
motives  of  resistance  upon  the  i)rinciples  of  publick  virtue 
and  necessity,  is  inimical  to  American  liberty  ;  and  we  are 
persuaded  that  none  but  Ministerial  hirelings,  and  professed 
enemies  of  American  freedom,  will  adopt  a  language  so 
impolitick,  which  manifestly  tends  to  create  a  disunion  of 
sentiments,  at  this  time  fatal  to  America. 

12th.  Resolved,  That  the  Parliament  have  no  right  to 
pass  an  Act  to  remove  our  persons  to  Great  Britain,  or 
any  other  place  whatsoever,  to  be  tried  for  any  offence, 
and  that  we  are  determined  not  to  submit  thereto. 

13th.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  no  merchant  in  this,  or  any  other  Colony  on  this 
Continent,  shall  advance  the  goods  now  on  hand  higher 
than  they  are  at  present,  or  have  been  for  some  time,  and 
that  the  merchants  in  the  several  counties  sign  an  agree- 
ment to  that  effect. 

14th.  Resolved,  That  a  subscription  be  set  on  foot  for 
raising  provisions  for  the  poor  of  Boston  who  now  suffer 
by  the  blocking  up  of  their  port,  and  that  Robert  Beverly, 
John  Lee,  and  Muscoe  Gamett,  in  Saint  Anne's  Parish, 
and  Archibald  Ritchie  and  John  Upshaio,  in  the  upper 
part  of  Southfamham  Parish,  and  Meriwether  Smith  and 
James  Edmondson,  in  the  lower  part  thereof,  take  in  sub- 
scriptions for  that  purpose  ;  who  are  to  consign  what  may 
be  raised  to  some  proper  persons  to  be  distributed  ;  and  the 
before  mentioned  gentlemen  are  empowered  to  charter  a 
vessel  to  send  it  to  Boston. 

15th.  Resolved,  That  this  meeting  have  the  deepest 
sense  of  the  injuries  in  which  the  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers of  Great  Britain  must  necessarily  be  involved 
by  a  non-importation  resolution,  they  having  placed  an 
almost  unlimited  confidence  in  us  for  a  series  of  years,  and 
by  that  means  have  the  greatest  part  of  their  fortunes 
lodged  in  our  hands,  and  that  nothing  but  the  desire  of 
preserving  our  rights  and  liberties  could  induce  us  to  adopt 
a  measure  big  with  such  melancholy  consequences. 

16th.  Resolved,  That  James  Edmondson  and  William 
Roane,  Esquires,  the  late  Representatives  of  this  county, 
be,  and  they  are  hereby  appointed  Deputies  to  represent 
us  at  the  general  meeting  of  Deputies  for  the  several 
counties  in  this  Colony,  on  the  first  day  of  August,  in 
Williamsburg;  and  we  desire  that  they  will  exert  their 
best  abilities  for  the  security  of  our  constitutional  rights 
and  liberties,  and  to  appoint  Deputies  to  meet  at  the  gen- 
eral Congress  the  Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies  on  this 
Continent. 

17th.  Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  transmit  the  foregoing 
proceedings  to  the  Printers  to  be  published  in  their  Gazette. 
William  Young,  Clerk  of  the  Meeting. 


FAU<IUIER    COUNTY    (vIUGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  County 
of  Fauquier,  in  Virginia,  on  the  9th  of  July,  1774,  fit 
the  Court  House  of  the  said  County  : 

Mr.  Wharton  Ransdell,  being  chosen  Moderator, 

The  following  Resolutions  were  unanimously  agreed  to: 

Resolved,    That  it  is  an  undoubted  right  of  British 

subjects,  and  without  whicii   freedom  cannot  exist,  to  be 

taxed  only  by   their  own  free  consent,  either  personally 

given,  or  bv  their  Representatives  legally  assembled. 

Resolved,  That  as  the  British  subjects  in  America  are 
not,  and  from  their  situation  cannot  ever  be.  re])resented  in 
the  British  Parliament,  any  Act  of  Parliament  laying  a  tax 
on  them  is  subversive  of  their  natural  rights,  and  contrary 
to  the  first  principles  of  our  free  Constitution. 


529 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


530 


Resolved,  That  the  Act  of  Parhament  laying  a  duty  on 
tea,  Stc,  exported  from  Great  Britain  to  these  Colonies, 
for  the  avowed  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 
will,  if  submitted  to,  fix  a  precedent,  whereby  the  Parlia- 
mentary claim  of  taxing  America  may  be  established,  arbi- 
trary power  introduced,  and  the  liberty  of  the  British 
Colonies  laid  at  the  feet  of  a  despotick  and  execrable  Min- 
ister. 

Resolved,  That  the  hostile  invasion  of  the  town  and 
port  of  Boston,  in  New  England,  is  a  dangerous  attack 
on  the  liberty  of  the  British  Colonies  in  America  in  gen- 
eral, strongly  tending  to  dissolution  of  Government,  and 
totally  to  alienate  the  affection  of  the  Colonies  from  the 
mother  country ;  and  as  our  humble  Petitions,  Memorials, 
and  Remonstrances,  have  hitherto  failed  to  procure  us  that 
redress  which  the  oppressions  we  suffer,  and  the  justice  of 
our  cause  entitles  us  to. 

Resolved,  And  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this  meet- 
ing, that  till  the  said  Act  of  Parliament  shall  be  repealed, 
and  till  the  ships  of  war  and  troops  be  withdrawn  from  the 
said  town  of  Boston,  and  the  rights  and  freedom  of  the 
same  be  restored,  all  exports  whatsoever  from  this  Colony 
to  Great  Britain,  and  imports  from  thence  be  stopped, 
and  that  the  Courts  of  Justice  ought  to  decline  the  trial  of 
civil  causes,  except  attachments,  where  the  attached  goods 
are  perishable,  and  motions  against  the  Collectors  and 
Sheriffs  for  money  actually  in  their  hands. 

Resolved,  That  any  person  who,  contrary  to  the  general 
sense  of  the  country,  expressed  by  their  late  Represent- 
atives, shall  purchase,  vend,  or  make  use  of  tea,  till  such 
time  as  the  Act  of  Parliament  laying  a  duty  on  that  article 
for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  shall  be 
repealed,  shall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  American  liberty, 
and  the  common  rights  of  mankind,  and  ought  to  be  pub- 
lickly  stigmatised  as  such. 

Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston  aforesaid,  is  now 
suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  American  liberty,  and 
ought  to  be  supplied  with  such  articles  as  are  necessary  for 
their  support  by  the  voluntary  contribution  of  the  Colonies 
in  general. 

Resolved,  That  these  our  sentiments  be,  by  the  Moder- 
ator of  this  meeting,  delivered  to  our  late  Representatives, 
who,  notwithstanding  they  were,  by  the  sudden  interven- 
tion of  the  Executive  power  of  this  Colony,  deprived  of 
their  legislative  capacity,  are  still  possessed  of  our  confi- 
dence, and  desired  to  appear  at  the  general  meeting,  at 
Williamsburg,  on  the  1st  day  of  August  next ;  and  that 
they  be  assured,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  of  our  hearty 
concurrence  in,  and  firm  support  of,  all  such  measures  as 
by  a  majority  of  the  late  Repreeentatives  of  this  Colony, 
then  and  there  to  be  convened,  shall  be  thought  proper 
and  necessary  for  the  security  of  our  liberty,  the  improve- 
ment of  our  manufactures,  and  to  procure  a  redress  of 
American  grievances. 

Petek  Grant,  ClerTc, 

NANSEMOND    COUNTY  (viRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  JSansemond,  on  the  11th  day  of 
July,  1774,  the  following  Resolutions  were  proposed  and 
unanimously  agreed  to : 

Resolved,  That  we  will  at  all  times,  whenever  we  are 
called  upon  for  that  purpose,  maintain  and  defend,  at  the 
expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  his  Majesty's  right  and 
title  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  and  his  Dominions  in 
America,  to  whose  royal  person  and  Government  we  profess 
all  due  obedience  and  fidelity. 

Resolved,  That  the  right  to  impose  taxes  or  duties  to  be 
paid  by  the  inhabitants  within  this  Dominion,  for  any  pur- 
pose whatsoever,  is  peculiar  and  essential  to  the  General 
Assembly,  in  whom  the  Legislative  authority  of  the  Colony 
is  vested. 

Resolved,  That  every  attempt  to  impose  such  taxes  or 
duties  by  any  other  authority  is  an  arbitrary  exertion  of 
power,  and  an  infringement  of  tlie  constitutional  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  Colony. 

Resolved,  Tliat  to  impose  a  tax  or  duty  upon  tea  by  the 
British  Parliament,  in  which  the  Commons  of  the  North 
American  Colonies  can  have  no  representation,  to  be  paid 
upon  importation  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Colonies, 

Fourth  Series. 


is  an  act  of  power  without  right,  is  subversive  of  the 
liberties  of  the  said  Colonies,  deprives  them  of  their  pro- 
perty without  their  consent,  and  thereby  reduces  them  to  a 
state  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  cruel,  unjust,  and  sanguinary 
Acts  of  Parliament,  to  be  executed  by  military  force  and 
ships  of  war  upon  our  sister  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
and  town  of  Boston,  is  a  strong  evidence  of  the  corrupt 
influence  obtained  by  the  British  Ministry  in  Parliament, 
and  a  convincing  proof  of  their  fixed  intention  to  deprive 
the  Colonies  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  the  town  of  Boston  is  the 
common  cause  of  all  the  American  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  and  intefest  of  all  the 
American  Colonies  firmly  to  unite  in  an  indissoluble  union 
and  association,  to  oppose,  by  every  just  and  proper  means 
the  infringement  of  their  common  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  a  general  Association  between  all  the 
American  Colonies  not  to  import  from  Great  Britain  any 
commodity  whatsoever,  ought  to  be  entered  into,  and  not 
dissolved  until  the  just  rights  of  the  said  Colonies  are  re- 
stored to  them,  and  the  cruel  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment against  the  Massachusetts  Bay  and  town  of  Boston, 
are  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  no  friend  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
America  ought  to  purchase  any  commodity  whatsoever 
which  shall  be  imported  from  Great  Britain,  after  a  cer- 
tain time  hereafter  to  be  limited  by  the  Congress,  which 
is  shortly  expected  to  meet,  nor  ought  such  to  have  any 
kind  of  dealing  or  connection  with  any  merchant  who  shall 
refuse  to  agree  to  the  measures  hereafter  to  be  adopted  by 
said  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  every  kind  of  luxury,  dissipation,  and 
extravagance,  ought  to  be  banished  from  amongst  us. 

Resolved,  That  manufactures  ought  to  be  encouraged, 
by  opening  subscriptions  for  that  purpose,  or  by  any  other 
proper  means. 

Resolved,  That  the  African  trade  is  injurious  to  this 
Colony,  obstructs  the  population  of  it  by  freemen,  prevents 
manufacturers  and  other  useful  emigrants  from  Europe  from 
settling  among  us,  and  occasions  an  annual  increase  of  the 
balance  of  trade  against  this  Colony. 

Resolved,  That  the  raising  sheep,  hemp,  and  flax,  ought 
to  be  encouraged. 

Resolved,  That  to  be  clothed  in  manufactures  fabricated 
in  this  Colony  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  badge  and  dis- 
tinction of  respect  and  true  patriotism. 

Resolved,  That  the  dissolution  of  the  General  Assembly 
by  order  of  the  British  Ministry,  whenever  they  enter 
upon  the  consideration  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the 
subject,  against  attempts  to  destroy  them,  is  an  evidence  of 
the  fixed  intention  of  the  said  Ministry  to  reduce  the 
Colonies  to  a  state  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  Colony,  being  by 
such  dissolution,  deprived  of  a  legal  representation,  ought 
to  nominate  and  appoint,  for  every  county,  proper  Depu- 
ties to  meet  upon  the  1st  day  of  August,  in  the  City  of 
Williamsburg,  then  and  there  to  consult  and  agree  upon 
the  best  and  most  proper  means  for  carrying  into  execu- 
tion these,  or  any  other  Resolutions,  which  shall  be  judged 
more  expedient  for  the  purj)oses  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  Lemuel  Riddick  and  Benjamin  Baker , 
Esquires,  our  late  Representatives  be,  and  they  are  hereby, 
nominated  and  appointed  Deputies  upon  the  part  of  the 
freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  this  county,  to  meet  such 
Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed  by  the  other  counties  and 
corporations  within  this  Colony,  in  the  City  of  Williams- 
burg, upon  the  1st  day  of  August  next,  or  at  any  other 
time  or  place,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  at  this  important  and  alarming  conjunc- 
ture it  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the  said  Deputies,  at 
the  said  General  Convention,  that  they  nominate  and  ap- 
point fit  and  proper  persons,  upon  the  part  of  this  Colony, 
to  meet  such  Deputies,  in  a  general  Congress,  as  shall  be 
appointed  upon  the  part  of  the  other  Continental  Colonies 
in  America,  to  consult  and  agree  upon  a  firm  and  indisso- 
luble union  and  association,  for  preserving,  by  the  best  and 
most  proper  means,  their  common  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  this  Colony  ought  not  to  trade  with  any 
Colony  which  shall  refuse  to  join  in  any  union  and  asso- 
ciation that  shall  be  agreed  upon  by  the  greater  part  of  tlie 
34 


531 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


532 


Colonies  u|)on  tliis  Continent,  for  preserving  their  common 
rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  Tiiat  a  copy  of  these  Resohilions  be  trans- 
mitted to  each  of  the  Printers  of  both  the  Gazettes,  with 
the  earnest  request  of  this  county  that  the  other  counties 
and  corporations  within  this  Colony  will  appoint  Deputies 
to  meet  at  the  time  and  place,  and  for  the  purposes  afore- 
said. 


EXTRACT    or    A    LETTER   RECEIVED    IN    BOSTON,   DATED 
CHARLESTOWN,  S.  C,  JULY   11,   1774. 

In  consequence  of  the  advertisements  lately  published 
by  the  General  Committee,  and  other  proper  means  used 
to  obtain  the  sense  of  the  whole  Colony  on  the  present 
alarming  state  of  American  affairs,  on  IVedmsday  last, 
the  6th  instant,  the  largest  body  of  the  most  respectable 
inhabitants  that  has  ever  been  seen  together  upon  any  pub- 
lick  occasion  here,  or  perhaps  any  where  in  America,  (for 
gentlemen  of  the  greatest  property  and  character,  animated 
with  an  ardent  zeal  to  relieve  their  suffering  brethren,  and 
to  preserve  their  own  freedom  and  the  birth-rights  of  their 
posterity,  notwithstanding  the  extreme  inconvenience  of 
the  season,  from  even  the  remotest  parts  of  the  country 
attended)  met  at  the  Exchange,  in  this  town,  in  order  to 
"  consider  of  the  Papers,  Letters,  and  Resolutions  that 
"  had  been  transmitted  to  the  said  Committee  from  the 
"  Northern  Colonies  ;  and  also  of  the  steps  necessary  to  be 
"  pursued  in  union  with  the  inhabitants  of  our  sister  Coio- 
"  nies  on  this  Continent,  to  avert  the  dangers  impending 
"  over  American  liberties  in  general,  by  the  late  hostile 
"  Act  of  Parliament  against  Boston,  and  other  arbitrary 
"  measures  of  the  British  Ministry,"  and,  after  choosing 
the  Honourable  Colonel  Powell,  (who  had  presided  at  all 
the  former  general  meetings)  for  their  Chairman,  and  the 
same  Secretary  as  had  hitherto  served,  continued  in  solemn 
deliberation  upon  these  important  matters,  on  that  and  the 
two  succeeding  days,  during  which  the  following  Resolves 
were  unanimously  entered  into.*  \See  Folio  525.] 

*  The  6th  day  of  July  now  arrived  ;  and  Charleslown  was  filled  with 
people  from  the  country.  One  hundred  and  four  Deputies  represented 
all  parts  of  the  Colony,  except  Grenville  County,  St.  John's  Colleton 
County,  and  Christ  Church  Parish.  These  districts  sent  no  Deputies ; 
and,  in  behalf  of  Charleatown,  the  General  Committee  joined  the  Dep- 
uties from  the  country.  The  meeting  was  held  under  the  Exchange, 
on  the  6th  of  July.  1774,  and  a  crowded  meeting  it  was.  At  nine 
o'cloclt  in  tlie  morning,  Colonel  George  Gabriel  Powell  took  the  Chair, 
and  it  was  carried  the  votes  should  bo  given  by  each  person  present, 
.Tnd  not  by  parishes.  It  was  also  further  determined,  thut  whoever 
came  there  might  give  his  votT.  The  business  of  the  day  then  opened, 
with  reading  the  couimunications  from  the  Nortliern  Colonies.  They 
then  proceeded  to  consider  cjrtaiii  resolutions  touching  American 
rights  and  grievances.  These  being  agreed  to,  declared.  That  his 
Majesty's  subjects  in  North  America  owe  the  same  allegiance  to  the 
Oown  of  Great  Britain,  as  is  due  from  his  subjects  born  within  that 
Kingdom.  That  the  King's  subjects  in  America  are  entitled  to  all  the 
inherent  rights  and  liberties  enjoyed  by  natural  born  subjects  within  the 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain,  That  taxes  should  not  bo  impos  :d  on  the 
people,  but  by  their  own  consent,  given  personally,  or  by  their  Repre. 
Bsntatives.  That  all  trials,  for  any  crime  whatever,  committed  and 
done  in  the  Colony,  ought  to  be  had  and  conducted  within  the  Colony, 
according  to  the  fixed  and  known  course  of  proceeding.  That  the 
statute  of  thirty-fifth  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  chapter  2d,  entitled  "  An 
Act  for  the  trial  of  treasons  committed  out  of  the  King's  Dominions," 
does  not,  and  cannot,  extend  to  any  crimes  committed  in  any  of  his 
Majesty's  American  Colonies.  That  the  three  late  Acts  of  Parlia- 
ment, relative  to  Boston,  are  of  a  most  alarming  nature  to  all  his 
Majesty's  subjects  in  America;  and  although  levelled  at  the  people  of 
Boston,  they  glaringly  show,  if  the  inhabitant  of  that  town  are  intinii. 
dated  into  a  mean  submission  to  those  Acts,  the  like  are  designed  for 
all  the  Colonies,  when  not  even  the  shadow  of  liberty  to  liis  person,  or 
of  security  to  his  property,  will  bo  left  to  any  of  his  Majesty's  subjects 
residing  on  the  Ameriean  Continent.  Wherefore,  every  justifiable 
means  ought  to  be  tried  to  procure  a  repeal  of  those  Acts,  immediately 
relative  to  Boston  ;  and,  also,  of  all  others  affecting  tlie  constitutional 
rights  and  liberties  of  America  in  general. 

To  effect  these  great  points,  two  measures  wore  proposed  :  to  adopt 
the  Boston  vote  of  the  I3th  of  May — and  to  send  Deputies  to  a  general 
Congress,  Upon  these  subjects,  there  was  groat  dissimilarity  of  opin- 
ion. -\ll  parties  agreed  on  the  i)roposition  of  sending  Deputies  ;  but 
the  Boston  vote  dl<l  not  moot  so  universal  a  support.  This  lost  measure 
was,  therefore,  first  taken  up  and  considered. 

In  favour  of  the  Boston  vote  it  was  urged,  that  American  lives  and 
property  were  exposed  to  be  taken  at  the  niiindate  of  a  British  Min- 
ister ;  that  the  men  would  bo  exposed  to  slavery ;  their  wives  and 
diugiiters  to  the  outrages  of  a  soldiery.  To  avert  these  dangers 
something  vigorous  was  to  be  done ;  something  that  might  shake  even 
Majesty  itself.  That  a  measure  of  non-exportation  and  non-import- 
ation seemed  above  all  others  best  calculated  to  force  a  repeal  of  the 
lato  Acts.  It  was  a  constitutional  measure,  for  what  power  had  a 
right  to  compel  the  people  to  grow,  export,  and  sell  commothtics  of  any 
kind  ;  or  to  purchase,  or  import  cominodilics  from  any  state  ?  That 
such  a  measure  taking  place  in  America  would  ruin  tlij  British  trade 
to  those  Dominions  ;  and  thereby  shake  the  firnmesa  of  Parliament. 


It  was  further  unanimously  resolved,  that  copies  of 
all  the  foregoing  Resolutions  be  transmitted  to  every  Col- 
ony on  this  Continent,  from  Canada  to  West  tlorida, 
accompanied  with  a  letter  to  each  respectively,  signed  by 
the  Chairman,  inviting  them  to  unite  with  us  ;  and  that  as 
Captain  Hunt  had  voluntarily  detained  his  vessel  for  some 
days  on  purpose  to  carry  an  account  of  the  transactions 
of  the  present  meeting  to  New-  York,  copies  of  the  whole 
should  be  delivered  to  him,  together  with  the  thanks  of 
the  meeting,  which  he  received  accordingly.  The  thanks 
of  the  meeting  were  also  given  to  Colonel  Foivell,  tlie 
Honourable  Rawlins  Lowndes,  and  the  Secretary,  after 
which  the  general  meeting  was  dissolved. 

Upon  the  ninth  Resolve,  (for  naming  the  five  Deputies) 
three  several  questions  were  put,  viz:  1st.  Whether  the 
appointment  of  Deputies  was  a  necessary  measure  ?  2d. 
Wliether  they  siiould  be  invested  with  the  full  powers 
therein  expressed  ?  3d.  Whether  the  number  of  Dep- 
uties sliould  be  five  ?  All  which  passing  unanimously  in 
the  affirmative,  it  was  proposed  and  agreed  to  unanimously, 
that  the  Deputies  should  be  chosen  by  ballot,  and  that 
every  free  white  person  residing  in  the  Province  should  be 
entitled  to  vote.  That  the  poll  siiould  be  opened  at  two 
o'clock,  and  close  at  six.  A  balloting  box  was  accordingly 
provided  ;  the  votes  were  received,  and  at  midnight,  in 
presence  of  several  hundred  spectators,  the  election  was 
declared  in  favour  of  the  gentlemen  whose  names  are  in- 
serted in  the  Resolution. 

And  that  Lord  North  may  not  be  misinformed  in  the 
case,  as  he  had  been  in  most  others,  by  being  told  that  this 
was  the  meeting  of  a  rabble,  and  the  election  of  a  mob, 
we  shall  take  the  liberty  here  to  subjoin  a  list  of  the  mem- 
bers of  our  present  honourable  Commons  House  of  As- 
sembly, all  of  whom  voted  except  five,  who  were  by  sick- 
ness or  accident  prevented  from  attending.  Besides  these 
there  were  at  least  as  many  gentlemen  who  had  been 
Representatives  of  the  people  in  former  Assemblies,  who 
voted  on  this  occasion. 

In  the  course  of  the  debates  during  these  important 

That  should  the  measure  be  not  adopted,  the  Colonies,  by  their  import- 
ations, would  preserve  to  the  British  manufacturers  that  support  which 
they  had  been  accustomed  to  receive  from  the  American  trade,  whereby 
they  would  be  supine  and  not  join  the  American  demand  for  a  repeal. 
In  addition  to  this,  the  remittances  from  the  Colonies  would  enable  the 
people  of  England  to  employ  those  moans  to  assist  them  in  enslaving 
the  Colonies ;  whereas,  being  withhokhn,  the  national  credit  of  Great 
Britain  would  be  shaken,  and  the  measures  of  Administration  be  ijifin. 
itcly  embarrassed. 

To  these  arguments  it  was  answered,  that  such  a  measure  ought  not 
to  take  place  until  all  others  had  failed  of  success ;  for  its  operation 
would  be  violent,  both  among  ourselves  and  the  peojile  of  England. 
That  thousands  in  this  Colony  would  be  ruined  by  it.  That  the  people 
of  the  interiour  wore  averse  to  so  harsh  a  measure  ;  neither  was  it  cer- 
tain whether  united  America  would  approve  and  support  it.  That 
nothing  less  than  unanimity  among  all  the  Colonies,  in  executing  one 
general  plan  of  conduct,  could  affect  measur  s  in  Great  Britain;  and 
as  the  general  opinion  seemed  to  point  to  a  general  Congress,  so  only, 
in  that  Congress,  could  such  a  plan  of  conduct  be  formed  and  agreed 
upon. 

By  similar  arguments  the  matter  was  warmly  contested  ;  when, 
without  forming  any  determination,  the  subject  was  drop|jed,  and  the 
meeting  turned  their  attention  to  consider  the  proposal  of  sending 
Deputies  to  the  intended  Congress.  Here  another  cause  of  warm  do- 
bate  arose,  as  to  the  number  of  Deputies  who  should  be  appointed,  and 
the  powers  with  which  they  should  be  invested ;  and,  without  coming 
to  any  conclusion  on  these  points,  the  meeting  adjourned  to  an  hour  in 
the  afternoon. 

In  the  afternoon  the  meeting  again  convened  to  determine  on  the 
points  they  were  considering,  and  by  a  majority  of  eleven,  it  was  car- 
ried that  there  should  lie  five  Deputies,  and  that  they  should  have 
unlimited  power  ;  but  that  these  points  should  still  be  subject  to  the 
vote  of  the  meeting. 

On  the  7th  of  July  the  meeting  was  again  holden,  and  the  measures 
of  non-exportation  and  non-importation  were  again  warmly  debated. 
And  it  was  urged,  that  before  the  measure  should  be  adopted,  the  gene- 
ral Congress  ought  to  send  a  deputation  with  a  petition  and  remon- 
strance to  the  Throne  ;  and  if,  aflor  that,  America  remained  unre- 
dressed, it  would  be  time  enougli  to  break  off  all  connnerce  with  Great 
Britain.  The  vote  was  now  taken  on  the  subject,  and  the  proposition 
of  non-exportation  and  non.imijortalion  was  nject"d.  It  was  then 
resolved,  that  five  Deputies  should,  by  ballot,  be  elected  on  the  part 
and  behalf  of  this  Colony,  to  meet  the  Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies 
of  North  America  in  general  Congress,  the  first  Monday  in  September 
next,  at  Philadelphia,  or  at  any  other  time  or  place  that  may  be 
generally  agreed  on,  with  full  power  and  authority  in  behalf  of  them, 
and  their  constituents,  to  concert,  agree  to,  and  effectually  prosecute 
Bucli  legal  measures  as,  in  the  opinion  of  those  Deputi^'s,  and  of  the 
Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies,  should  be  most  likely  to  obtain  a  re- 
peal of  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  a  redress  of  American  griev- 
ances. 

A  poll  was  now  opened  to  oil  persons,  and  at  midnight  it  appeared 
that  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher 
Gadsden,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  were  chosen  Deputies  to  represent 
this  Colony  in  General  Congress. 


533 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


534 


transactions  (for  every  point  underwent  the  fullest  discus- 
sion) the  greatest  unanimity  appeared  ;  each  one  considered 
his  neighbour  as  a  free-born  American,  and  overlooked  all 
distinctions.  As  in  the  deluge  of  old,  the  wolf  and  the 
lamb  swam  together,  so  the  sense  of  our  common  danger 
extinguished  all  private  considerations.  The  set  of  advo- 
cates for  the  present  misguided  Administration,  whose 
chains  had  often  been  heard  to  clatter  in  private  compa- 
nies, were  all  struck  dumb,  and  kept  aloof  from  the  publick 
debates.  The  Colony  was  ready  to  go  into  resolutions  of 
non-importation  if  it  had  been  found  absolutely  necessary, 
but  it  was  thought  most  proper  to  invest  our  Deputies  with 
absolute  power,  to  agree  with  the  other  members  of  a  Con- 
gress in  any  measures ;  that  so  they  might  take  place  from 
one  end  of  this  extensive  Continent  to  the  other,  on  one 
and  the  same  day.  And  several  of  the  principal  mer- 
chants made  a  publick  declaration  in  behalf  of  the  rest,  that, 
in  order  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people,  they  were  ready 
and  willing  to  enter  into  any  agreement,  not  only  to  desist 
importing  British  or  East  India  goods,  wines,  and  slaves, 
but  also  to  countermand  all  orders  already  sent,  till  the 
event  of  the  Congress  should  be  known  ;  which  declaration 
was  received  with  a  loud  and  general  plaudit. 

Rejoice  ye  friends  of  Freedom  in  Georgia !  and  hasten 
to  do  likewise.  Be  comforted  ye  oppressed  Bostonians ! 
and  exult  ye  Northern  votaries  of  Liberty !  that  the  sacred 
rays  of  Freedom,  which  used  to  beam  from  you  on  us,  are 
now  reverberated,  with  double  efficacy,  back  upon  your- 
selves from  your  weaker  sister  Carolina,  who  stands  fore- 
most in  a  resolution  to  sacrifice  her  all  in  your  defence. 
And  tremble,  ye  minions  of  Slavery  1  a  blow  will  soon  be 
struck,  if  you  urge  us  to  that  extremity,  which  will  con- 
vince you,  that  one  soul  animates  three  millions  of  brave 
Americans,  though  extended  over  a  long  tract  of  two 
thousand  miles.  Ye  vainly  thought  we  were  a  rope  of 
sand;  but,  you  will  find,  unless  we  are  put  on  the  same 
footing  with  Englishmen,  before  nine  months,  millions  of 
people,  who  depend  on  America  for  their  daily  bread,  will 
curse  you  with  their  dying  groans. 

During  the  debate  this  day,  touching  the  powers  of  the  DaputisB, 
it  was  strongly  contended  their  powers  should  be  limited.  To  this 
purpose,  among  other  arguments,  it  was  urged  by  Mr.  Rawlins 
Lowndes,  who  was  then  Speaker  of  the  Commons  House  of  Assembly, 
that  it  was  well  known  the  Northern  Colonies  in  general  totally  denied 
the  superintending  power  of  Parliament,  a  doctrine  which  no  one  here 
admitted.  And,  unless  the  Deputies  from  this  Colony  appeared  in  Con. 
gress  with  limited  powers,  being  outnumbered  by  the  Northern  Depu. 
ties,  they,  and  consequently  their  constituents,  would  be  bound  by 
votes  upon  points  which  they  at  present  absolutely  denied.  But,  to 
obviate  this  danger,  the  resolution  vesting  the  Deputies  with  power 
was  so  worded  that  no  vote  in  Congress  could  bind  this  Colony,  but 
such  as  was  agreeable  to  the  opinions  of  our  Deputies.  This  sentiment 
from  Mr.  Lowndes  is  here  brought  into  view  as  being  from  a  gentleman 
of  prudence  and  consideration ;  and  who,  at  that  time,  declared  the 
prevailing  opinion  of  the  Colony.  It  will  also  servo  as  a  point  in 
publick  opinion  for  tracing  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Colony,  in  a 
few  months  after,  adopted  the  contrary  idea. 

Antecedent  to  the  meeting  of  the  people,  the  Chamber  of  Commerce 
had  resolved  not  to  accede  to  any  measure  of  non-exportation  or  non. 
importation ;  they,  therefore,  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  that  such  a 
measure  should  take  place  in  Congress.  H-,nce  they  aimed  that  such 
men  should  be  elected  Deputies  as  were  against  the  adoption  of  that 
measure.  They  wished  that  Mr.  Middleton,  Mr.  Lowndes,  Colonel 
Charles  Pincknay,  Mr.  Brewton,  and  Mr.  John  Rutledge,  might  be 
chosen.  To  contribute  their  endeavours  to  tliis  end  the  merchants 
assembled,  and  in  a  body  went  to  the  poll  ;  they  also  sent  for  their 
clerks  to  come  and  vote.  The  zial  of  the  merchants  in  this  transac- 
tion bhnded  tlioir  ])rudoncc,  as  they  did  not  observe,  that  by  their 
appearing  in  a  body  tlie  opposite  party  would  take  the  alarm  ;  and  tliat 
by  voting  for  Deputies  they  would  bo  bound  by  the  conduct  of  such  as 
might  bu  chosen.  The  meeting  accordingly  took  the  alarm,  and  many  of 
them  ran  to  all  parts  of  tlie  town  to  collect  people,  and  bring  them  to  the 
poll ;  in  consequence  of  which  tiie  merchants  were  defeated,  and,  except 
two  gentlemen,  other  Deputies  than  those  they  supported  were  chosen. 

On  the  8th  of  July  tlie  meeting  again  assembled.  They  now 
resolved,  that  a  Committee  of  ninety-nine  persons  be  appointed  to  act 
as  a  General  Committee,  and  wlio  should  continue  in  authority  until 
the  next  general  meeting.  Tliis  Committee  had  power  to  correspond 
with  the  Committees  of  the  other  Colonies,  and  to  do  all  other  matters 
and  tilings  necessary  for  carrying  the  Resolutions  of  the  gimeral  meet- 
ing into  execution  ;  a  form  of  words  which  virtually  vested  the  Com. 
mittee  with  unlimited  powers  during  their  existence.  The  general 
meeting  now  proceeded  to  nominate  the  members  of  the  General  Com- 
mittee. They  named  fifteen  Merchants  and  fifteen  Msclianicks,  to  rep- 
resent Charlestuwn,  and  sixty-niu(!  Planters  to  represent  tlie  other  parts 
of  the  Province.  This  ])roceeding  was  rather  unconstitutional,  as  the 
different  districts  and  parishes  did  not  choose  tlie  sixty-nine  Planters 
who  were  to  rijprjsaut  them.  Tiiey,  liowever,  acquiesced  in  the  nomin- 
ation, being  sensilile  it  pioceedcii  from  the  b -st  intentions,  and  the 
nrgency  of  the  occision.  And  now,  tlie  general  meeting  having  sat 
for  three  days,  and  brought  those  matters  to  a  conclusion  for  which 
they  liad  been  convened,  Colonel  Powell  prepared  minutes  of  the  pro- 
ceedings ag  liiist  a  future  occasion,  and,  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  the 
genoriU  meeting,  dissolved  the  same. — Drayton. 


Three  of  the  present  Deputies  appointed  to  represent 
this  Colony  in  a  general  Congress,  to  be  soon  held  at  the 
northward,  viz:  Christopher  Gadsden,  Thomas  Lynch, 
and  John  Ruthdgc,  Esquires,  were  our  Deputies  at  the 
former  Congress. 

Friday  evening  the  new  General  Committee  met,  and 
chose  Colonel  Charles  Pinckney,  (one  of  the  Representa- 
tives for  the  Parish  of  St.  Philip,  Charlestown,)  for  their 
Chairman,  and  Peter  Timothy  for  their  Secretary.  The 
said  Committee  also  met  this  day,  when  they  agreed  to 
have  stated  meetings,  and  to  sit  again  on  Wednesday,  the 
20th  instant,  at  six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  at  the  house  of 
Mr.  Charles  Ramage,  and  on  every  other  Wednesday  after, 
at  the  same  hour  and  place. 

Copies  of  the  Resolutions  of  the  late  general  meetings, 
accompanied  with  a  Circular  Letter,  have  already  been 
despatched  to  every  Colony  on  this  Continent,  fromCaTWtrfa 
to  Georgia  inclusive. 

Three  hundred  a  fifty  more  barrels  of  rice  are  now  ready 
to  be  shipped,  as  soon  as  a  proper  vessel  can  be  procured 
to  caiTy  it  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  sufferers  in  Boston. 


MILES  BKEWTON  TO  JOSIAH  QUINCT,  JR. 

Charlestown,  S.  C,  July  12.  1774. 

Dear  Sir:  I  this  day  received  your  polite  favour  of 
the  29th  of  May,  and  can  only  say  1  wish  it  had  been  in 
my  power  to  show  more  civility  to  a  gentlemen  I  so  much 
esteem  as  I  do  Mr.  Quincy.  You  have  my  best  thanks 
for  your  pamphlet.  Too  many  cannot  step  forth  at  this 
alarming  crisis,  in  defence  of  the  much  injured  rights  of 
America;  and  those  that  do, 'should,  and  no  doubt  have, 
the  united  thanks  of  the  friends  of  America. 

Your  situation  at  this  time  is  truly  hazardous  and  alarm- 
ing, but  you  will  not  fall  for  want  of  friends,  because  all 
British  America  are  your  friends.  For  God's  sake  be 
firm  and  discreet,  at  this  time.  The  good  people  of  this 
Colony  have  sent  for  your  port  one  sloop  load  of  rice,  and 
we  shall  send  more  soon. 

The  6th,  7th,  and  8th  instant,  we  had  the  greatest 
Assembly  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony  I  ever  saw. 
After  much  debate  it  was  determined  that  Henry  Middle- 
ton,  John  Rutledge,  Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden, 
and  Edivard  Rutledge,  should,  on  the  1st  of  September, 
meet  the  general  Congress  at  Philadelphia.  Their  powers 
are  unlimited,  and  I  hope  the  other  Colonies  will  do  the 
same,  and  place  entire  confidence  in  their  Deputies ;  they 
can  do  nothing  effectual  without  such  powers.  I  should 
suppose  the  first  step  taken  by  Congress  would  be  to  re- 
monstrate, and  petition  King,  Lords,  and  Commons.  Our 
grievances  should  be  all  stated  in  the  way  of  a  Bill  of 
Rights,  and  some  of  the  Deputies  should  go  to  England 
with  the  petition.  If  redress  does  not  come,  then  all  to 
enter  into  a  non-import  and  non-export  agreement.  I 
think  this  seems  to  be  the  sense  of  almost  all  the  Colo- 
nies. 

Our  fears  are  only  about  you :  that  you  may  despond 
and  give  up ;  for  I  am  sorry  to  see  you  have  so  many 
addere  in  your  own  bosom,  who  may  sting  you  to  death. 
We  have  our  share  also  of  internal  foes.  Pity  it  was  that 
Hutchinson  should  have  gone  home  with  so  many  good 
names  to  petitions  ;  it  will  do  you  no  good,  but  much  harm 
1  fear. 

I  beg  to  hear  as  often  from  you  as  business  permits.  It 
is  not  trifling  to  write  or  speak  upon  publick  affairs  at  this 
time  of  imminent  danger.  Politicks  should  be  the  theme 
of  the  day ;  and  our  dreams  at  night  should  be  of  the 
hapless  situation  of  our  country.  However,  bad  as  it  is,  if 
Boston  does  but  persevere,  and  be  prudent,  her  sisters  and 
neighbours  will  work  out  her  salvation,  without  taking  the 
musket.    Unanimity  must  be  our  leading  star. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  your  most  obedient  and  obliged 
servant,  Miles  Bkewton. 

J.  Quincy,  Jun. 

Boston,  July  11,  1774. 

At  a  Town  Meeting  at  Portsmouth,  last  week,  eleven 
persons  were  appointed  as  '•  a  Committee  of  Inspection,  to 
"  examine  and  find  out  if  any  more  tea  is  imported  there, 
"  and  upon  discovery,  to  give  the  eariiest  notice  to  the. 
"Town."  ■■-     --•"- 


535 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


536 


We  learn  from  Portsmouth,  that  one  day  last  week,  the 
Members  of  their  late  House  of  Representatives  meet  at 
the  State  House  in  that  place,  in  order  to  choose  Delegates 
for  the  general  Congress;  but  before  they  had  time  to 
proceed  to  business,  his  Excellency  Governour  Wcntworth, 
attended  by  the  Sheriff,  came  to  them,  when  the  former 
read  a  Proclamation,  requiring  them  to  disperse,  and  the 
latter  the  Riot  Act ;  upon  which  they  adjourned  to  a 
Tavern,  and  agreed  that  letters  be  sent  to  their  respective 
towns,  to  appoint  a  person  out  of  each,  to  meet  together 
and  join  in  the  choice  of  Delegates  for  that  Government 
for  the  Congress  proposed. 

NEW-KENT  COUNTY  (viRGINIa)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
County  of  New-Kent,  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said 
County,  on  Tuesday,  the  12th  day  of  July,  1774 : 

Thomas  Adams,  Esq.,  chosen  Moderator,  and 
William  Clayton,  Esquire,  Cleric. 

The  present  state  of  America  being  seriously  and  duly 
considered,  the  following  Resolutions  were  proposed  and 
agreed  to  as  an  Instruction  to  our  Deputies  hereafter 
named : 

Resolved,  That  our  Sovereign  Lord,  King  George  the 
Third,  is  lawful  and  rightful  King  of  Great  Britain  and 
all  his  Dominions  in  America,  to  whose  royal  person  and 
Government  we  profess  all  due  subjection,  obedience,  and 
fidelity ;  and  that  we  will  at  all  tunes  defend  and  protect 
the  Just  rights  of  his  Majesty  with  our  lives  and  fortunes. 

Hesolved,  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  Colonies 
in  America  are  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  liberties,  and 
privileges,  of  free  born  English  subjects. 

Resolved,  That  the  right  to  impose  taxes,  or  duties,  to 
be  paid  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  Dominion,  for  any  pur- 
pose whatever  is  peculiar  and  essential  to  the  General 
Assembly,  in  whom  the  legislative  authority  of  the  Colony 
is  placed,  and  that  taxation  and  representation  are  insepar- 
able. 

Resolved,  That  a  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage  is  the 
glory  of  the  English  law,  and  the  best  security  for  the  life, 
liberty,  and  property,  of  the  subject,  and  is  the  undoubted 
birth-right  of  all  his  Majesty's  free  born  American  sub- 
jects. 

Retolved,  That  the  several  Acts  and  Resolutions  of  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  made  during  his  present 
Majesty's  reign,  imposing  taxes  on  the  inhabitants  of  Ame- 
rica, for  the  express  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  and  for 
altering  the  nature  or  punishment  of  offences  committed  in 
America,  or  the  method  of  trial  of  such  offences,  are 
unconstitutional,  arbitrary,  and  unjust,  and  destructive  of 
the  rights  of  America,  and  that  we  are  not  bound  to  yield 
obedience  to  any  such  Acts. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  cruel,  unjust,  and  sanguinary 
Acts  of  Parliament,  to  be  executed  by  military  force  and 
ships  of  war,  upon  our  sister  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  and  town  of  Boston,  is  a  strong  evidence  of  the 
corrupt  influence  obtained  by  the  British  Ministry  in 
Parliament,  and  a  convincing  proof  of  their  fixed  inten- 
tion to  deprive  the  Colonies  of  their  constitutional  rights 
and  hberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  the  town  of  Boston  is  the 
common  cause  of  all  the  American  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  and  interest  of  all  the 
American  Colonies  firmly  to  unite  in  an  indissoluble  union 
and  association,  to  oppose,  by  every  just  and  proper 
means,  the  infringement  of  their  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  heartly  approve  of  the  Resolu- 
tions and  Proceedings  of  our  several  late  Assemblies  for 
asserting  and  supporting  the  just  rights  and  liberties  of 
America,  from  their  patriotick  Resolves  in  1765  to  this 
time. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  most  firmly  unite  with  the  other 
counties  in  this  Colony  in  such  measures  as  shall  be  approv- 
ed of  by  a  majority,  as  the  best  and  most  proper  method 
of  preserving  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  opposing  the 
said  unconstitutional  Acts  of  Parliament. 

Resolved,  That  the  most  effectual  method  of  opposing 
the  said  several  Acts  of  Parliament  will  be  to  break  off  all 
commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  until  the  said 
Acts  shall  be  repealed. 


Resolved,  That  tlie  several  counties  within  this  Colony 
ought  to  nominate  and  appoint  for  every  county,  proper 
Deputies,  to  meet  upon  the  firet  day  of  August  next,  in  the 
City  of  IViUiamshurg,  then  and  there  to  consult  and  agree 
upon  the  best  and  most  proper  means  for  carrying  into 
execution  these  or  any  other  Resolutions  which  shall  be 
best  calculated  to  answer  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the 
Deputies  of  the  said  General  Convention  to  nominate  and 
appoint  fit  and  proper  pei-sons  on  behalf  of  this  Colony  to 
meet  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed  by  the  other 
Colonies  in  General  Congress,  to  consult  and  agree  upon  a 
firm  and  indissoluble  union  and  association  for  preserving, 
by  the  best  and  most  proper  means,  their  common  rights 
and  hberties. 

Resolved,  That  Burwell  Basset,  and  Barthohmeiv 
Dandridge,  Esquires,  our  late  and  present  worthy  Repre- 
sentatives, be  and  they  are  hereby  nominated  and  appointed 
Deputies,  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  the  freeholders  and 
inhabitants  of  this  county,  to  meet  such  Deputies  as  shall 
be  appointed  by  the  other  counties  within  this  Colony,  in 
the  City  of  Williamsburg,  on  the  first  day  of  August 
next,  or  at  any  other  time  or  place  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said. 

Resolved,  further.  That  our  said  Deputies  agree  to  join 
in  any  proper  means  that  shall  be  adopted  for  the  imme- 
diate relief  of  the  present  necessities  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  transmit  the  foregoing  Reso- 
lutions and  Instructions  to  the  Printer,  to  be  published. 
William  Clayton,  Clerk  of  the  Meeting. 


extract  of  a  letter  from  the  honourable  govern- 
our WENTWORTH,  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE,  JULY  13,  1774. 

The  Convention  mentioned  in  my  despatch.  No.  63, 
immediately  dispersed  without  attempting  to  enter  into 
any  measures.  Those  gentlemen  with  some  others  dined 
at  a  tavern,  and  there  in  jirivate  agreed  to  recommend  to 
the  several  Parishes  in  the  Province,  that  they  choose 
persons  to  meet  at  Exeter  on  the  21st  instant,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  appointing  Delegates  to  attend,  and  be  part  of  an 
American  Congress,  intended  to  assemble  the  1st  of  Sep- 
tember next,  in  Pennsylvania  or  New-Jersey.  The  towns 
were  desired  to  collect  voluntarily,  and  send  by  their  agents 
to  Exeter,  certain  sums  of  money  in  proportion  to  their 
Province  tax,  amounting  to  three  hundred  pounds  sterling, 
to  pay  the  Delegates.  It  was  also  recommended  to  the 
Parishes,  that  the  14th  instant  be  observed  as  a  day  of 
fasting  and  prayer.  It  is  yet  uncertain  how  far  these 
requisitions  will  be  complied  with,  but  I  am  apt  to  believe 
the  spirit  of  enthusiasm,  which  generally  prevails  through 
the  Colonies,  will  create  an  obedience  that  reason  or  reli- 
gion would  fail  to  procure. 


Williamsburg,  Va.,  July  14,  1774. 

An  express  which  arrived  last  Sunday  from  the  frontiers, 
brought  letters  to  his  Excellency  the  Governour  from  the 
County  Lieutenants  of  Augusta,  Botetourt,  and  Fincastle, 
which  advise  that  skulking  parties  of  Indians  (supposed  to 
be  Shawanesc  and  Delawares)  had  been  discovered  lately 
among  the  settlements,  some  of  them  venturing  within 
twenty-five  miles  of  Botetourt  Court  House.  Upon  re- 
ceiving this  intelligence,  we  hear  that  his  Excellency  has 
directed  the  militia  of  those  counties  to  be  draughted  out, 
in  order  to  compose  a  body  of  men  sufficient  to  go  against 
the  Indian  towns,  and  drive  off,  or  extirpate  the  blood- 
thirsty and  savage  inhabitants.  By  the  same  express,  we 
learn  that  there  have  been  two  skirmishes  between  our 
people  and  the  Indians,  one  of  which  happened  at  the  head 
of  the  Monongahela,  wherein  three  Indians  were  killed, 
and  Captain  Wilson,  who  commanded  tlie  party  against 
them,  received  a  shot  in  his  body,  but  it  was  hoped  would 
not  prove  mortal.  The  other  skirmish  was  on  the  head  of 
Greenbrier,  in  which  the  Lieutenant  of  the  party  was 
wounded,  and  one  man  killed;  none  of  the  Indians  fell. 

His  Excellency  left  this  city,  on  the  10th  instant,  in 
order  to  take  a  view  of  the  situation  of  the  frontiers  of  this 
Colony.     It  seems  his  Lordship  intends  to  settle  matters 


537 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


538 


amicably  with  the  Indians,  if  possible,  and  purposes  to 
have  conferences  with  the  different  Nations,  to  find  out  the 
cause  of  the  late  disturbance.* 


CHESTERFIELD    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  others,  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Chesterfield,  at  the  Court  House  of  the 
said  County,  on  Thursday,  the  14th  of  July,  1774,  to  take 
into  consideration  the  present  very  alarming  situation  of 
this  Colony : 

The  Reverend  Archibald  M' Robert  being  unanimously 
chosen  Moderator, 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente.  That  we  are  ready  and 
willing,  at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  to  defend 
and  maintain  his  Majesty's  right  and  title  to  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain,  and  his  American  Dominions,  against  all 
his  enemies,  and  we  do  profess  all  just  obedience  and 
fidelity  to  his  sacred  person  and  Government. 

Resolved,  That  the  sole  right  of  making  laws  for  the 
Government  of  this  his  Majesty's  ancient  Colony  and  Do- 
minion of  Virginia,  and  for  raising  and  levying  taxes  on 
the  inhabitants  thereof,  ought  to  be,  and  is  vested  in  the 
General  Assembly  of  the  said  Colony,  and  cannot  be  exe- 
cuted by  any  other  power  without  danger  to  our  liberties  ; 
subject,  nevertheless,  as  of  custom  has  been,  to  his  Majes- 
ty's approbation. 

Resolved,  That  every  other  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions 
in  America,  ought  to  be,  and  of  right  is  entitled  to,  the 
same  privileges  as  this  Colony. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  demand  of  money  as  a  duty 
upon  tea  imported  into  this,  or  any  other  Colony  in  Ame- 
rica, under  the  authority  of  the  British  Parliament,  "  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,''  with- 
out the  consent  of  our  Representatives,  is  arbitrary  and 
unjust,  a  subversion  of  the  ancient  and  constitutional  mode 
of  levying  money  upon  British  subjects,  and  evidently 
calculated  to  fix  a  precedent  for  future  demands  of  the 
same  nature,  and  by  that  means  to  reduce  the  Colonies  to 
a  state  of  slavery,  and  that  all  persons  aiding  in  the  execu- 
tion of  such  laws  be  considered  as  enemies  to  the  freedom 
of  British  subjects. 

Resolved,  That  the  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for 
depriving  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  our 
sister  Colony  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  of  their  lawful 
trade,  as  also  the  Bills  brought  into  the  House  of  Com- 
mons of  Great  Britain,  one  of  which  Bills  is  entitled, 
"  A  Bill  for  the  impartial  administration  of  justice  in  the 
"  cases  of  persons  questioned  for  any  act  done  by  them 
"  in  the  execution  of  the  law,  or  for  the  suppression  of 
"  riots  or  tumults  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts 
"  Bay,  in  New  England,"  are  unjust,  arbitrary,  and  un- 
constitutional ;  and  although  levelled  particularly  against 
one  of  our  first  Colonies,  yet  ought  to  be  resented  with 
the  same  indignation  by  this,  and  every  Colony,  as  if  all 
of  them  were  included  in  the  said  Act  and  Bills. 

Resolved,  That  an  extensive  Association  ought  to  be 
entered  into,  and  that  no  goods  or  commodities  of  any  kind 
whatsoever  ought  to  be  imported  from  Great  Britain  into 
this  Colony  after  the  first  day  of  August  next,  except 
medicines,  paper,  books,  needles,  cotton,  wool,  and  clothiers' 
cards,  steel,  gunpowder,  German  oznabrigs,  hempen  rolls, 
negro  cotton  and  plains,  Dutch  blankets,  saltpetre,  and 
implements  necessary  for  the  manufacturing  of  woollens 

*  Fredericksburg,  July  17,  1774. — His  Excellency  the  Earl  of  Dun. 
more,  arrived  here  in  perfect  health  on  Friday  evening,  the  15th,  and 
this  morning,  at  eight  o'clock,  set  out  on  his  way  to  the  back  coan. 
try. 

His  Lordship's  care  for  the  poor  inhabitants  that  are  settled  in  the 
frontier  counties,  which  are  now  exposed  to  tlio  horrours  of  an  Indian 
war,  partly  induces  him  to  take  this  journey;  hoping  that  ho  may, 
after  getting  acquainted  with  the  situation  of  affairs  in  tliat  country,  bo 
able  to  give  such  directions  as  will  in  some  inoasuro  secure  them  and 
their  families  from  the  cruelties  of  the  Savages,  who  have  already 
done  a  good  deal  of  damage.  The  skulking  parties  that  have  hitherto 
boon  discovered,  do  not  consist  of  many  in  a  body  ;  and  it  is  thought  they 
intend  some  grand  stroke  soon,  as  they  have  been  seen  pretty  low  down 
in  the  sittlsments,  in  small  parties,  of  five  and  six,  and  sometimes  not 
more  than  three  and  four  togetlier,  without  doing  any  mischief;  from 
which  it  is  judged  their  business  was  to  make  tliomselves  acquainted 
with  the  country,  and  find  out  the  settlaments,  so  that  they  may,  at  any 
time,  bring  in  a  party  sufficient  to  destroy  them  at  once,  and  retreat 
before  any  body  of  men  could  be  collected  to  go  against  them. 


and  linen ;  and  that  all  and  every  person  who  has  sent 
orders  to  Great  Britain  for  any  articles  except  such  as  are 
already  excepted,  ought  to  embrace  the  fust  opportunity  to 
countermand  such  orders. 

Resolved,  That  any  inhabitant  of  this  Colony  who  shall 
import  any  article  not  allowed  by  this  Association,  or  pur- 
chase from  any  other  person  who  shall  import  such  article, 
except  already  ordered,  shall  be  deemed  a  betrayer  of  the 
liberties  of  his  country ;  and  that  we  will  not  hold  friend- 
ship, or  have  any  connection  with  such  offending  person. 

Resolved,  That  every  kind  of  luxury,  extravagance  and 
dissipation,  should  now,  and  at  all  times,  be  carefully  dis- 
couraged, and  that  an  extensive  plan  of  establishing  manu- 
factories amongst  the  inhabitants  of  this,  and  the  other 
Colonies  in  North  America,  should  immediately  be  adopted 
as  the  only  possible  means  of  avoiding  that  dependent 
commercial  connection  which  hath  hitherto  subsisted  be- 
tween the  Colonies  and  Great  Britain,  which  hath  induced 
an  arbitrary  and  designing  Administration  to  attempt  the 
total  destruction  of  our  rights  and  liberties  ;  and  that  to 
carry  the  same  more  effectually  into  execution,  subscrip- 
tions be  opened  for  that  purpose  under  proper  regulations. 

Resolved,  That  to  dissolve  the  General  Assembly  of 
the  Colony  setting  for  the  despatch  of  publick  business, 
"  because  they  enter  into  a  consideration  of  the  grievances 
"  under  w-hich  they  labour,  and  nobly  assert  their  right 
"  to  freedom,"  is  arbitrary  and  oppressive,  a  manifest  proof 
of  a  fixed  intention  to  destroy  the  ancient  constitutional 
legislative  authority  in  the  Colony,  and  directly  contradic- 
tory to  the  spirit  of  the  acknowledgments  made  in  favour 
of  the  rights  of  a  British  people. 

Resolved,  That  this  Colony  ought  not  to  hold  any  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  any  of  the  Colonies  in  North 
America  that  shall  refuse  to  adopt  proper  measures  for 
procuring  a  redress  of  our  grievances. 

Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston  is  now  suffering  in 
the  cause  of  American  liberty ;  that  her  safety  and  pro- 
tection is,  and  ought  to  be,  the  common  cause  of  the  other 
Colonies  ;  and  that  their  relief  ought  to  be  attempted  by 
all  proper  and  constitutional  ways  and  means  in  our 
power. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  most  heartily  concur  with  the 
late  Representatives  of  this  Colony  in  their  sentiments 
delivered  at  the  meeting  held  in  Williamsburg  after  the 
dissolution  of  the  last  Assembly.  We  return  them  our 
warmest  thanks  for  their  spirited  conduct  on  that  and  every 
other  occasion,  and  entreat  their  steady  and  determined 
attention  to  the  same  principles,  at  the  meeting  to  be  held 
on  the  first  day  of  August  next  in  the  City  of  Wil- 
liamsburg. 

Resolved,  That  Archibald  Cary  and  Benjamin  Wat- 
kins,  our  late  worthy  Representatives,  together  with  the 
Representatives  to  be  chosen  for  this  county  in  the  next 
Assembly,  be,  and  they  are  hereby  appointed  Deputies  on 
the  part  of  the  freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  this  county, 
to  meet  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed  by  the  other 
counties  and  corporations  in  this  Colony,  in  the  City  of 
Williamsburg,  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  to  take 
under  their  consideration  the  several  grievances  under 
which  this,  and  the  other  American  Colonies,  are  at  pre- 
sent labouring,  to  concert  and  deliberate  upon  proper  ways 
and  means  to  procure  redress  of  those  grievances,  and  that 
they,  together  with  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  then  and 
there  assembled,  do  nominate  proper  persons  on  tlie  part 
of  this  Colony,  to  meet  such  Deputies  as  shall  be  appointed 
upon  the  part  of  the  other  Continental  Colonies  in  a  gen- 
eral Congress,  to  consult  and  agree  upon  a  firm  and  indis- 
soluble union  and  association  for  preserving,  by  the  best 
and  most  proper  means,  their  common  rights  and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  meeting  transmit  to 
the  Printers  of  both  Gazettes  copies  of  these  Resolutions, 
with  the  earnest  request  of  this  county  that  the  other  coun- 
ties and  corporations  within  the  Colony  will  appoint  Depu- 
ties to  meet  at  the  time  and  place,  and  for  the  purposes 
aforesaid.  Jerhan  Baker,  Clerk  to  fleeting. 

GLOUCESTER    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  general  and  full  Meeting  of  the  Iniiabitants  of  the 
Coimty  of  Gloucester,  at  the  Court  House  of  the  said 


539 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &ic.,  JULY,  1774, 


540 


County,  after  due  notice,  on  Thursday,  the  14tli  of  July, 
1774,  ^ 

James  Hubbard,   Esquire,   Judge   of  the  said   County 

Court,  being  unanimously  chosen  Moderator, 
Tliey  came  to  tlic  following  Resolves  : 

Resolved,  That  we  will  ever  maintain  and  defend  his 
Majesty's  right  and  title  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain, 
and  his  Dominions  in  America,  to  whose  royal  person 
we  profess  the  firmest  attachment. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
taxation  and  representation  are  inseparable ;  and  that  as 
we  are  not,  and,  from  the  nature  of  things,  cannot  be,  rep- 
resented in  the  British  Parliament,  every  attempt  of  that 
body  to  impose  internal  taxes  on  America,  is  arbitrary, 
unconstitutional  and  oppressive. 

Resolved,  Ti)at  the  Act  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of 
Boston,  and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned,  is  cruel  and 
unjust,  and  a  convincing  proof  of  the  fixed  intention  of  Par- 
liament to  deprive  America  of  their  constitutional  rights 
and  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  Boston  is  the  common 
cause  of  all  America,  and  that  we  will  firmly  unite  with 
the  other  counties  in  this  Colony,  and  the  otlier  Colonies 
on  this  Continent,  in  every  measure  that  may  be  thought 
necessary  on  this  alarming  occasion. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  most  heartily  concur  with  our 
late  Representatives  in  their  resolve  of  the  total  disuse  of 
tea,  and  do  farther  resolve  against  the  use  of  any  East 
India  commodity  whatsoever,  except  saltpetre. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  import,  or  purchase  when 
imported,  any  merchandise  or  commodities  from  Great 
Britain ;  and  that,  at  a  short  day  hereafter  to  be  fixed, 
we  will  stop  all  exports  to  Great  Britain,  until  there  is  a 
total  repeal  of  the  Boston  Port  Act,  all  the  several  Acts 
imposing  taxes  on  America,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a 
revenue,  and  those  other  Acts  made  particularly  agafnst 
our  brethren  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  on  accoimt  of 
their  noble  opposition  to  the  late  Revenue  Acts. 

Resolved,  That  should  our  sister  Colonies  of  Maryland 
and  North  Carolina  determine  not  to  export  their  tobacco 
to  Great  Britain,  we  will  be  far  from  availing  ourselves 
of  their  patriotick  resolution,  by  continuing  to  export  ours. 
Resolved,  That  we  will  submit  to  any  resolutions  that 
may  be  entered  into  either  by  the  Deputies  of  the  several 
counties  in  this  Colony  at  Williamsburg,  or  by  the  general 
Congress  of  die  Colonies  on  the  Continent. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  deal  with  any  person  or 
jjersons  in  this  county  who  will  not  sign  this  Associa- 
tion, and  strictly  and  literally  conform  to  every  distinct 
article  thereof;  nor  with  any  other  person  or  persons 
who  will  not  sign,  and  strictly  conform,  to  the  particular 
resolves  of  their  respective  counties,  but  will  for  ever 
despise  and  detest  them  as  enemies  to  American  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
immediately  upon  the  non-exportation  plan  taking^place, 
neither  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  nor  any  other" person, 
ought  to  bring  any  suit  for  the  recovery  of  any  debt,  or 
prosecute  farther  any  suit  already  brought,  during  the 
continuance  of  these  resolutions,  it  being  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  such  scheme  for  any  man  to  be  compelled  to 
pay  without  the  means  wherewith  he  may  pay. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  most  cordially  approve  of  the 
intended  meeting  of  the  late  Burgesses  on  the  first  of 
August  next,  at  Willinmsburg,  and  do  depute  Thomas 
JVhitmg,  and  Lewis  Bunvcll,  Esquires,  our  late  worthy 
Representatives,  to  consult  with  the  Deputies  of  the  several 
counties  of  this  Colony,  and  to  adopt  such  measures  as  are 
agreeable  to  the  foregoing  resolutions,  hereby  engaging,  on 
our  parts,  to  conform  thereto,  and  to  support  the  ^aine  to 
the  utmost  of  our  power. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  meeting  transmit  to 
the  Printers  of  both  Gazettes,  copies  of  the  above  Resolves, 
with  the  request  of  tiie  county  to  insert  them  in  their 
Pape's-  Jasper  Clavton,  Clerk. 


CAROLINE    COUNTY    (virGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhab- 
itants of  the  County  of  Caroline,  at  the  Court  House,  on 


Thursday,  the  14th  day  of  July,  1774,  assembled  for 
the  purpose  of  deliberating  and  giving  their  sentiments 
upon  the  present  state  of  aflJliirs  in  America,  and  what 
ought  to  be  done  at  this  most  alarming  crisis,  the  follow- 
ing points  were  agitated  and  agreed  to  as  the  opinion  of 
this  county  : 

That  the  design  of  our  Meeting  may  not  be  misinter- 
preted, we  think  it  proper  to  declare,  what  would  otherwise 
be  unnecessary,  that  we  will  preserve  all  due  obedience  and 
fidelity  to  the  royal  person  and  Government  of  his  sacred 
Majesty,  King  George  the  Third ;  and  that  we  will  at  all 
tim.s  when  called  on  for  that  purpose,  mabtain  and  defend, 
at  the  expense  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  his  Majesty's 
right  and  title  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  his 
Dominions  in  America. 

That  a  firm  union  and  mutual  intercourse,  and  recipro- 
cation of  interests  and  affections  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies  is  desirable  and  beneficial  to  both  ;  and 
that  whoever  shall  go  about  to  dissolve  that  union,  by 
attempting  to  deprive  the  Colonists  of  their  just  rights  on 
the  one  hand,  or  to  effect  their  independence  on  the  other, 
ought  ever  to  be  considered  as  a  common  enemy  to  the 
whole  community. 

That  for  Americans  to  be  exempted  from  every  kind  of 
taxation,  except  by  the  consent  of  their  own  Representa- 
tives in  their  several  Provincial  Assemblies,  to  be  heard  in 
their  defence  when  accused  of  crimes,  and  tried  by  their 
peers,  are  rights   they   derive    from  natural  justice,    the 
British  Constitution,  (to  which  they  are  equally  entitled 
with  their  fellow-subjects  in   Great  Britain,)   and   from 
constant  usage,  so  long  as  the  true  principles  of  the  Con- 
stitution have  been  suffered  to  direct  the  publick  councils. 
That  the  British  Parliament  in  their  several  Acts  for 
imposing  a  duty    upon  tea,  to  be  paid  in  America ;  for 
blocking  up  the  harbour  and  stopping  the  commerce  of 
the  town  of  Boston  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  for  supposed 
offences,  with  which  they  were  charged  and  condemned 
unheard ;  for  altering  the  form  of  that  Government  estab- 
lished by  Charter  and  long  usage  ;  and  for  empowering 
his  Majesty  to  order  persons  charged  with  certain  offences 
committed  in  America  to  be  carried  to  Great  Britain  and 
there  tried,  have  been  influenced  by  evil  counsellors  to 
depart  from  the  true  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  to 
violate  the  most  sacred  and  important  rights  of  America, 
from   which  they   can  never  depart ;    that    those    Acts, 
whether  intended  to  operate  only  in   one    Province,  or 
generally  in  all,  ought  to  be  considered  as  the  common 
cause  ;  and  that  a  firm  and  indissoluble  union  and  associa- 
tion of    the  whole  ought  to  be  formed  to  oppose  their 
operation  by  every  just  and  proper  means  ;  to  effect  which, 
we  think  the  sending  Deputies   from  each   Province  to 
meet  in  a  general  Congress,  will  be  a  very  proper  measure, 
and  we  desire  our  Delegates  may  unite  with  others  in  the 
General  Meeting  for   this  Colony    in  electing  such  De- 
puties. 

That  tea  being  the  subject  of  the  tax  complained  of,  and 
the  East  India  Company  having  acted  ungenerously  in 
sending  great  quantities  of  it  to  America,  to°  fix  the  pre- 
cedent of  taxation,  though  desired  to  forbear,  we  most 
cordially  concur  with  the  late  Representatives  of  tliis 
Colony  to  disuse  tea,  and  not  to  purchase  any  East  India 
commodities  from  henceforth,  until  the  just  rights  of 
America  be  restored. 

That  a  General  Association  between  all  the  American 
Colonies  not  to  import  from  Great  Britain  any  commodity 
whatsoever  ought  to  be  entered  into  and  not  dissolved  till 
the  just  rights  of  the  Colonies  are  restored  to  diem,  and  the 
cruel  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  against  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  and  town  of  Boston  are  repealed. 

That  it  is  the  undoubted  privilege  and  indispensable 
duty  of  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  this  Colony, 
when  met  in  General  Assembly,  to  deliberate  freely  upon 
all  invasions  of  the  rights,  liberties,  or  properties  of  their 
constituents,  and  consider  of  the  proper  means  of  redress  • 
and  therefore,  that  the  interposition  of  the  Executive 
power  here,  by  mandate  from  the  Ministry  to  dissolve  the 
Assembly  whenever  they  comjilain  of  attempts  to  destroy 
those  rights,  tendsto  deprive  us  of  all  benefit  from  a  Legis- 
lature, and  is  an  evidence  of  the  fixed  intention  of  the 
Ministry  to  reduce  the  Colonies  to  a  state  of  slavery. 


541 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774, 


542 


Tliat  in  this  distressed  situation  of  our  affairs,  all  luxury, 
dissipation,  and  extravagance,  ought  to  be  banished  from 
among  us,  and  every  kind  of  manufacture,  industry,  and 
economy  encouraged. 

That  the  African  trade  is  injurious  to  this  Colony, 
obstructs  our  population  by  freemen,  manufacturers,  and 
Others,  who  would  emigrate  from  Europe  and  settle  here, 
and  occasions  an  annual  balance  of  trade  against  the 
country,  and  therefore  that  the  purchase  of  all  imported 
slaves  ouijht  to  be  associated  against. 

Though  we  are  happily  allowed  to  proceed  to  the  choice 
of  new  Representatives,  yet  as  the  return  of  the  writs  is 
made  to  the  11th  of  August,  and  there  is  reason  to  doubt 
the  Assembly  may  not  be  held  at  that  time,  we  think  it 
highly  expedient  there  should  be  a  meeting  at  M'illiams- 
burg  on  the  first  of  August,  as  appointed,  to  consider  fully 
of  the  several  matters  herein  before  mentioned,  and  ap- 
point E'Imund  Pendleton  and  James  Taylor,  Esquires, 
Deputies  on  our  parts,  to  meet  such  as  shall  be  named  for 
other  Counties  and  Corporations,  at  Williamsburg,  or  such 
other  place  as  may  be  agreed  on,  on  the  day  aforesaid,  or 
any  other  time,  to  deliberate  freely,  and  agree  to  the  above 
Resolutions,  or  any  other  that  may  be  judged  more 
expedient  for  the  general  purpose  intended. 

William  Nelson,   Cleric. 


THE  BRITISH  AMERICAN,  NO.  VII. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  July  14,  1774. 

Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and  Countrymen : 

The  true  state  of  your  case  is  now  fully  before  you,  and 
the  questions  naturally  resulting  from  it,  for  your  determin- 
ation are : 

1st.  Question,  Will  you  acknowledge  that  the  British 
Parliament  have  a  right  to  make  laws  to  bind  you  ?  Or 
will  you,  from  a  dread  of  the  consequences  of  an  opposi- 
tion, submit  to  those  laws  ? 

2d.  Question,  If  you  are  determined  not  to  submit,  what 
mode  of  opposition,  will  you  adopt  as  the  most  rational  and 
effectual  to  shake  oft"  the  jurisdiction  usurped  over  you  ? 

These  questions  require  the  coolest  attention,  and  the 
most  deliberate  wisdom  to  determine  on,  a  steady  and 
unshaken  intrepidity  to  carry  the  resolutions  you  form  on 
them  into  execution — resolutions  which  will,  in  all  human 
probability,  preserve  or  sink  the  greatest  Empire  in  the 
world,  and  extend  happiness  or  misery  to  myriads  of  mil- 
lions yet  unborn.  Witii  regard  to  the  first  question,  if  you 
really  think  that  the  British  Parliament  have  a  right  to 
make  any  laws  whatsoever  to  bind  you,  give  up  the  matter, 
and  submit  to  slavery  at  once  ;  for  the  distinction  between 
the  right  of  taxation  and  that  of  regulating  trade  is  merely 
nominal  and  not  worth  contending  for,  since  a  regulation  of 
trade  can  as  easily  restrain  you  from  manufacturing  the 
smallest  article  for  your  own  use,  as  it  hath  already  pre- 
vented you  from  erecting  slitting  mills ;  can  as  easily  strip 
you  of  every  shilling  of  your  property  as  it  hath  already 
rendered  useless  the  whole  j)roperty  of  the  town  of  Boston ; 
can  deprive  you  of  your  liberty  by  subjecting  you  to  new 
modes  of  trial,  and  erecting  Courts  of  Admiralty,  invested 
witli  powers  unknown  to  the  Constitution,  and  can  sacrifice 
your  lives,  by  marking  you  out  for  slaughter  to  a  licentious 
soldiery,  who  are  to  be  rescued  from  the  justice  of  the 
country  offended,  and  to  be  carried  to  England,  with  a 
certainty  of  being  screened,  and  with  a  hope,  if  not  with  a 
promise,  of  being  rewarded  for  the  murthers  they  are  to 
commit  in  America. 

But  still  if  your  ancestors  unthinkingly  placed  you  in 
this  deplorable  situation,  and  by  settling  in  America  have 
debased  you  so  low  as  that  you  are  become  the  slaves  of 
your  brethren  in  Britain ;  if  the  King,  at  the  head  of  his 
respective  American  Assemblies,  no  longer  constitutes  the 
Supreme  Legislature  of  the  Colonies ;  if  you  are  subject 
to  two  Supreme  Legislatures ;  if  the  King  may,  at  the 
head  of  the  British  Parliament,  abrogate  laws,  which,  as  the 
head  of  his  American  Parliament,  he  hath  assented  to ; 
revoke  Charters  more  solemnly  granted  than  those  of 
Magna  Charter  to  Britain;  deprive  his  American  subjects 
of  that  property,  which,  under  the  faith  of  those  Charters, 
they  have  expended  their  best  blood  and  treasure  in  acquir- 


ing; and  if,  to  conclude  all,  you  are  to  consider  yourselves 
as  dependent  upon  the  British  Parliament,  and  have 
hitherto  only  dreamed  of  liberties  which  you  had  no  right  to 
enjoy  ;  why  then,  my  countrymen,  let  us  patiently  acquiesce 
in  our  unhappy  lot,  let  us  deprecate  the  wrath  of  the 
British  aristocracy  by  instant  submission,  and  seriously 
and  solemnly  implore  the  God  of  all  Mercies  to  inspire  the 
minds  of  our  lords  and  masters  with  some  slight  sentiments 
of  moderation,  some  little  degree  of  tenderness  and  com- 
passion, towards  those  who  were  once  their  equals,  are  still 
their  brethren,  and  are  not  conscious  of  having  merited  the 
base,  the  abject,  the  humiliating  state,  they  are  reduced 
to,  or  the  rigorous  treatment  they  are  now  sufTerin". 

But  it  may  be  said,  that  though  convinced  that  you  have 
justice  on  your  side,  and  though  sensible  that  the  jurisdic- 
tion claimed  by  the  British  Parliament  over  you  is  an 
unjust  and  arbitrary  usurpation  of  the  strong  over  the  weak, 
yet  you  are  not  ripe  for  opposition ;  that,  too  feeble  to 
resist  the  power  of  Britain,  and  to  assert  your  title  to 
freedom,  you  can  at  present  only  protest  against  the  oppres- 
sion, but  nnist  leave  it  to  your  growing  prosperity  to  enforce 
those  rights,  which  you  can  only  claim.  If  these  senti- 
ments, my  countrymen,  prevail  amongst  you,  if  in  order  to 
avoid  slight,  temporary  evils,  and  imaginary  consequences, 
you  are  determined  only  to  make  an  imaginary  shew  of 
resistance,  and  if  that  will  not  induce  the  British  Parlia- 
ment to  withdraw  her  claim,  to  submit  to  that  claim,  and 
acknowledge  the  supremacy  they  contend  for,  let  your  sub- 
mission be  made  immediately.  With  a  good  grace  express 
contrition  for  your  former  obstinacy,  humbly  entreat  for- 
giveness for  what  you  have  already  done,  promise  implicit 
obedience  for  the  future,  and,  if  determined  to  submit  to 
slavery  at  last,  be  careful  how  you  exasperate  your  masters 
with  the  semblance  of  an  opposition  you  do  not  intend  to 
persist  in  ;  for  I  will  venture  to  prophecy,  that  if  America 
is  not  now  ripe  for  asserting  her  just  rights,  she  will  be 
rotten  before  she  is  so. 

The  arbitrary  laws  which  will  be  imposed  upon  you 
immediately  upon  your  submission,  the  swarms  of  placemen 
and  pensioners  which  you  will  be  obliged  to  pay  to  enforce 
those  laws,  and  the  rigour  with  which  they  will  be  executed, 
by  suppressing  every  idea  of  patriotism,  before  it  can  shoot 
up  to  maturity,  and  by  stifling  it  in  its  cradle,  every  dawn 
of  virtue  will  effectually  restrain  posterity  from  even  wish- 
ing to  emerge  from  that  state  of  slavery  which,  by  being 
habituated  to  from  their  infancy,  will  at  length  become 
familiar  to  them. 

Be  not  deceived  by  imagining,  that  the  submission  of 
Boston  to  the  three  Acts  of  Parliament  lately  passed, 
arbitrary  and  humiliating  as  they  are,  is  the  ultimate  end  of 
the  British  aristocracy.  No,  it  is  only  a  pait  of  the  gen- 
eral plan  they  have  formed  for  enslaving  all  America,  by 
attacking  each  Colony  singly ;  for  as  every  Colony  have 
refused  to  submit  to  the  duty  imposed  upon  tea,  they  will 
all,  one  after  another,  feel  the  resentment  of,  and  be  called 
upon  for,  the  same  submission  to  Parliament,  if  you  do 
not  cordially  unite  in  supporting  the  first  sufferer.  And 
here  permit  me  to  address  myself  in  a  particular  manner 
to  such  of  my  countrymen  whose  own  industry,  or  the 
fnigality  of  their  ancestors,  have  blessed  them  with  im- 
mense wealth.  I  confess  your  situations  are  truly  alarm- 
ing, for  as  you  have  more  to  lose,  so  you  have  more  to 
fear  than  those  of  your  fellow-subjects  to  whom  Providence 
hath  been  less  liberal  of  the  goods  of  fortune.  In  as 
happy  a  state  as  your  most  sanguine  wishes  could  have 
placed  you,  with  a  reasonable  expectation  of  providing  for 
a  family  deservedly  dear  to  you,  and  of  transmitting  to 
your  posterity  those  blessings  of  fortune,  which,  by  tasting 
yourselves,  you  have  experienced  the  value  of,  you  wish 
not  for  a  change.  Satisfied  that  with  your  ample  estates, 
you  can  ward  off  the  evils  of  the  most  arbitrary  Govern- 
ment, and,  that  though  much  may  be  taken  from  you 
unjustly,  still  there  will  remain  abundantly  sufficient  to 
supply'you  with  all  the  necessaries,  with  all  the  elegancies 
of  life  ;  whereas,  on  the  other  hand,  even  a  slight  commo- 
tion may  expose  part  of  your  wealth  to  the  ravages  of  the 
populace,  or  the  plunder  of  a  licentious  army,  and  if  you 
are  unfortunate  enough  to  choose  the  weaker  party,  however 
innate  virtue  may  have  directed  your  choice,  you  are  sure 
to  lose  the  whole,  and,  in  your  old  age  perhaps,  be  reduced 


548 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fiic,  JULY,  1774. 


544 


lo  poverty,  aggravated  with  the  corroding  reflections  on  the 
enjoyments  you  once  possessed.  You  therefore  endeavour 
to  dissuade  every  struggle  for  liberty,  and  if  you  cannot 
accomplish  this,  you  sagely  determine,  by  observing  a  strict 
neutrality,  to  avoid  giving  the  slightest  ground  of  offence 
to  either  party  ;  and  this  you  think  a  prudent  method  of 
preserving  the  blessings  you  at  present  enjoy. 

When  Casar,  Fompey,  and  Crasstis,  (says  a  celebrated 
writer)  were  making  large  strides  towards  overturning  the 
Constitution  of  Rome,  the  people  were  divided  into  two 
factions ;  tlie  middle  ranks,  who  are  always  the  most  wise 
and  virtuous  people  in  a  state,  opposed ;  the  populace 
supported  them ;  whilst  the  wealthy,  who  if  they  had 
thrown  their  weight  into  the  scale,  might  have  restrained  the 
errours  of  the  pojiulace,  and  checked  the  ruinous  designs 
of  the  triumvirate,  observed  a  strict  neutrality  ;  foolishly 
imagining  by  doing  so  that  their  houses,  their  fish-pounds, 
their  parks,  their  villas,  and  their  gardens,  would  remain 
untouched  when  the  laws  of  their  country  were  abolished  ; 
instead  of  which,  those  safest  fences  of  every  man's  pro- 
perty were  no  sooner  broke  down,  by  overturning  the 
Constitution,  than  in  the  second  triumvirate  of  Augustus, 
Anthony,  and  Lepidus,  they  found  themselves  foremost  in 
the  list  of  proscriptions,  and  a  confiscation  of  that  wealth 
(which  they  vainly  imagined  would  have  secured  to  them 
all  the  enjoyments  of  life)  marked  them  for  destruction, 
and  deprived  them  of  life  itself;  leaving  to  those  of  their 
rank  in  succeeding  Empires  this  useful  lesson,  that  the 
surest  means  of  securing  wealth  in  every  country  is  to  unite 
firmly  in  opposing  every  attempt  to  overturn  the  laws,  and 
that  the  greater  opulence  they  possess  the  more  they  are 
interested  in  preserving  the  liberty  of  the  state  they  belong 
to ;  because  upon  all  occasions  of  this  kind  the  old  maxim. 
That  he  that  is  not  for  us  is  against  us,  prevails  so  far  as  to 
subject  the  wealthy  neutrals  to  the  confiscations  of  which 
ever  party  gains  the  superiority. 

Can  you  suppose  you  sordid  sons  of  Avarice,  that  three 
millions  of  people  will  surrender  their  liberties  without  a 
single  struggle  ?  Or  if  they  should,  when  the  British 
aristocracy  have  beat  down  every  barrier  of  property  in 
America,  do  you  really  imagine  that  your  fertile  fields  will 
escape  their  rapacious  hands  ?  Or  that  they  will  not  find 
or  make  some  pretext  for  sacrificing  the  present  owner,  to 
gratify  their  interested  views,  by  dividing  his  spoils  amongst 
them  ?  If  these  are  your  sentiments,  pursue  the  delusion, 
and  experience  the  consequence.  But  if,  on  the  other 
hand,  my  countrymen,  all  ranks  of  you  are  convinced  that 
it  is  not  only  dangerous  but  absurd  to  subject  yourselves  to 
a  double  taxation,  and  to  two  supreme  Legislatures  ;  if  you 
think  that  your  Sovereign  ought  to  be  considered  as  supreme 
Ruler  of  the  whole  Empire,  providing  for  the  welfare  of  his 
subjects  within  the  Realm,  at  the  head  of  liis  British  Par- 
liament, and  of  those  without,  at  the  head  of  his  American 
Assemblies,  by  laws  adapted  to  the  local  situation,  and  suit- 
ed to  the  emergencies  of  each,  and  by  that  negative  with 
which  he  is  invested  by  the  Constitution,  restrain  the  dif- 
ferent states  of  his .  extensive  Dominions  from  enacting 
laws  to  destroy  the  freedom  or  to  prejudice  the  interest  of 
each  other ;  if  you  are  satisfied  that  the  independence  of 
America  upon  the  British  Parliament  is  essentially  neces- 
sary to  check  the  growing  power  of  aristocracy  in  Great 
Britain,  and  to  restore  your  Sovereign  to  that  weight  in 
the  National  Councils  which  he  ought  to  possess ;  if  you 
still  retain  a  just  sense  of  your  best  birth-right,  that  of 
being  governed  only  by  such  laws  as  you  or  your  ancestors 
have  or  hud  a  share  in  framing;  if  you  deem  it  incompat- 
ible with  every  idea  of  liberty  to  trust  the  legislative  power 
with  men  you  have  not  chosen,  and  who,  from  their  situ- 
ation, will  reap  the  advantages,  but  cannot  share  in  the 
inconveniences  of  the  laws  they  make  to  oppress  you ;  if 
you  look  upon  slavery  as  the  greatest  evil  that  can  possibly 
befall  you  in  this  world  ;  and  if  reposing  your  trust  in  the 
Supreme  Being,  to  assist  a  just  cause,  you  are  determined 
to  unite  firmly  in  asserting  your  native  rights,  coolly  con- 
sider the  second  question:  "What  mode  of  proceeding 
"  will  you  adopt  as  the  most  rational  and  effectual  to  sliake 
"  off  the  jurisdiction  usurped  over  you?" 

Three  plans  have  been  proposed  to  you  : 

1st  Plan.  That  ail  the  Colonies  in  America,  except 
New  England,  shall  agree  to  pay  for  the  tea  destroyed  by 


the  people  of  Boston  upon  the  repeal  of  the  duty  imposed 
upon  that  article  to  be  paid  in  America,  and  upon  the 
repeal  of  the  Act  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston. 

2d  Plan.  That  you  should  immediately  stop  all  exports 
and  imports  to  and  from  Great  Britain  and  the  Islands, 
till  the  Tea  and  Boston  Acts  are  repealed. 

3d  Plan.  That  you  shall  absolutely  determine,  at  once, 
that  you  will  not  in  future  submit  to  any  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament,  made  to  be  executed  in  the  Colonies  since  the 
fourth  of  James  the  First ;  that  if  any  Judge  of  any  Court 
whatsoever,  shall  presume  to  pronounce  any  judgment  to 
enforce  such  Acts  of  Parliament,  he  shall  incur  the  re- 
sentment of  an  injured  people,  and  be  treated  as  an  enemy 
to  America;  that  the  judgment  so  pronounced  by  him 
shall  be  absolutely  void ;  that  the  person  injured  by  such 
judgment  shall  by  force  repel  the  execution  of  such  judg- 
ment, and  that  you  will,  at  the  risk  of  your  lives  and  for- 
tunes, support  him  in  repelling  such  execution. 

A  moments  reflection  will  convince  you,  that  to  pursue 
the  first  plan  proposed  may  be  productive  of  evil,  but  can- 
not possibly  be  attended  with  any  good  consequences.  Is 
it  reasonable  to  imagine  that  the  East  India  Company 
intended  to  erect  a  number  of  booths  or  little  grocers'  shops 
in  America,  for  the  convenience  of  retailing  their  tea  by 
the  ounce  ?  For  if  they  only  intended  to  deal  in  the 
wholesale  way,  by  supplying  the  different  stores  in  Ame- 
rica, that  they  not  only  might,  but  actually  have  done,  for 
many  years  from  their  warehouses  in  Great  Britain ;  it  is 
therefore  generally  supposed  that  the  project  of  the  East 
India  Company's  sending  ship  loads  of  tea  to  America  was 
concerted  between  the  Minister  and  them,  to  establish  a 
glaring  precedent  of  your  having  submitted  to  an  internal 
tax,  imposed  upon  you  by  the  British  Parliament,  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  or,  in  case  of  resistance,  to 
furnish  a  plausible  pretext  for  dragooning  you  into  obedi- 
ence. If  this  was  really  the  case,  that  Company  (as  tools 
of  arbitrary  power)  have  suffered  no  more  than  they  de- 
served, and  to  indemnify  their  losses  would  only  be  to 
invite  fresh  injuries  of  the  same  kind.  Again,  as  their 
consignees  had  trifled  with  the  people  of  Boston  till  they 
became  liable  for  the  duty,  they  would  add  that  duty  to 
the  price  of  their  tea  ;  and  if  the  Minister  can  extract  the 
duty,  and  the  East  India  Company  receive  the  price, 
whether  the  tea  is  destroyed  by  the  populace  of  one  Colo- 
ny, and  "  paid  for  by  the  Assemblies  of  the  others,  or 
whether  it  is  purchased  and  consumed  in  the  regular  course 
of  business,  will  be  a  matter  of  no  greater  concern,  either 
to  the  Minister  or  to  the  Company,  than  that,  in  the  first 
case,  it  will,  by  becoming  the  avowed  act  of  different 
Assemblies,  be  a  more  dangerous  precedent  than  that  of 
private  consumption,  which  might  be  supposed  to  proceed 
from  the  want  of  virtue  in  a  few  individuals.  But  even 
supposing  that  the  East  India  Company  were  in  no  com- 
bination with  the  Minister  to  enslave  you,  and  that,  con- 
vinced of  the  danger  of  sporting  with  the  liberties  of  their 
fellow-subjects,  they  are  determined  to  relinquish  their 
project  of  sending  tea  to  America,  still  the  plan  proposed 
cannot  be  attended  with  any  good  consequences. 

The  British  aristocracy  have  already  proceeded  to  great 
lengths  in  endeavouring  to  enforce  implicit  obedience  from 
the  Colonies  to  be  diverted  from  their  despotick  views, 
with  any  trifling  concessions  you  can  make,  or  any  timid 
measures  you  can  pursue.  The  language  they  now  use  is, 
that  the  honour  of  Parliament  is  at  stake,  and  nothing  but 
an  implicit  submission  to  its  authority,  and  an  absolute 
surrender  of  your  liberties,  will  preserve  that  honour,  or,  in 
the  words  of  their  insolent  demagogue,  America  is  not 
even  to  be  heard  till  she  prostrates  herself  at  their  feet ; 
and  the  two  Acts  of  Pariiament,  altering  the  Charter  of 
New  England,  abrogating  the  rights  solemnly  granted  by 
it,  and  instituting  new  modes  of  trial  to  encom-age  the 
British  soldiers  to  murther  the  inhabitants  of  America  in 
general,  leave  you  no  room  to  doubt  of  their  hostile  inten- 
tions. 

Timid  or  temporizing  measures  will  answer  no  other  end 
than  to  swell  their  pride,  heighten  their  arrogance,  and 
increase  their  contempt  of  you.  The  first  plan  proposed 
cannot,  therefore,  be  effectual  to  relieve  us. 

In  my  next  I  shall  consider  whether  the  second  can  be 
adopted  with  greater  propriety.    , 


545 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


546 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

A.t  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Thursday, 
July  14,  1774  : 

Present,  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq.,  Govemour, 
Rich.  Peters,  Benj.  Chew,  and  James  Tilghman,  Esqrs. 

The  Govemour  laid  before  the  Board  several  late  Let- 
ters from  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Esq.,  at  Ligonier,  containing 
very  favourable  accounts  of  the  disposition  and  temper  of 
the  Indians,  as  also  an  Extract  of  Mr.  Alexander  M'Kee, 
the  Deputy  Indian  Agent's  Journal,  of  all  the  transactions 
with  the  Indians  at  Pittsburgh,  since  the  first  of  May  last. 

The  Govemour  then  acquainted  the  Board,  that  the  As- 
sembly being  to  meet,  by  summons,  on  Monday  next,  on 
occasion  of  the  late  Indian  disturbances,  he  thought  it 
would  be  necessary  that  a  Message  should  be  prepared  to 
be  sent  them  immediately  on  their  meeting.  Whereupon, 
Mr.  Chew,  Mr.  Tilghman,  and  Mr.  Shippen,  were  ap- 
pointed a  Committee  to  prepare  a  draught  of  the  same. 


CORRESPONDENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL. 

At  a  Meeting  held  with  the  Indians  at  Pittsburgh,  the 
29th  of  June,  1774  : 

Present,  Captain  Aston,  Major  McCulhck,  Captain 
Crawford,  Mr.  Valen.  Crawford,  Captain  Nevill,  Mr. 
Edward  Cook,  Mr.  John  Stevenson,  Captain  Hogeland, 
Mr.  David  Shepherd,  Rev.  Mr.  Whiteaker,  Mr.  Joseph 
Wells,  Mr.  James  Innis,  Mr.  jJineas  Mackay,  Mr.  Joseph 
Simons;  with  a  number  of  the  Inhabitants  and  Traders. 

Indians — Captain  White  Eyes,  Weyandahila,  Captain 
Johnny ;  with  sundry  other  young  men. 

Captain  White  Eyes  first  infomied  us  that  he  was 
returned  from  transacting  the  business  which  he  had  been 
sent  upon  by  his  brethren,  the  English,  and  that  he  now 
had  the  satisfaction  to  tell  us  that  he  had  succeeded  in  his 
negotiations  with  all  those  tribes  of  the  several  Nations  of 
Indians  whom  he  had  since  seen  and  conferred  with  upon 
the  unhappy  disturbances  which  unfortunately  arose  this 
Spring  between  the  foolish  people  of  both  parties  ;  and  that 
he  had  found  all  Nations  fully  disposed  to  adhere  to  their 
ancient  friendship,  and  the  advice  of  their  wise  men. 

Here  he  delivered  a  paper  from  the  Chiefs  of  the 
Delawares,  containing  as  follows  : 

"  Now  Comer's  Town,  June  2l8t,  1774. 

"  Brothers  :  When  the  late  unhappy  disturbances 
happened,  you  desired  us  to  be  strong,  and  to  speak  to  the 
other  tribes  of  the  Indians  to  hold  fast  the  chain  of  friend- 
ship subsisting  between  the  English  and  them.  I  now 
inform  you  that  we  sent  for  our  uncles,  the  Wyandots,  and 
our  grandchildren,  the  Shawanese,  and  also  the  Cherokees, 
and  we  have  desired  them  to  be  strong,  and  to  inform  all 
other  Nations,  and  hold  fast  the  chain  which  our  grandfa- 
thers made,  and  you  may  depend  our  King  still  continues 
to  go  on  in  that  good  work, 

"  As  things  now  seem  to  have  a  good  prospect,  and  peace 
likely  to  be  restored  again,  Brothers,  we  desire  you  to  be 
stron",  and  also  on  your  parts  to  hold  fast  the  chain  of 
friendship,  as  you  may  remember  when  it  was  made  it  was 
ai^reed  that  even  the  loss  of  ten  men's  lives  on  any  side 
should  not  weaken  it.  If,  for  the  future,  we  are  all  strong 
and  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship,  our  foolish  young  r«  en 
will  not  have  it  in  their  power  to  disturb  it.  We  cannot 
inform  j'ou  any  more  of  our  grandchildren  the  Shawanese, 
than  that  they  are  gone  home,  and  intend  soon  going  to 
Fort  Pitt,  to  hear  of  the  disturbances  which  have  happened 
between  your  foolish  people  and  theirs,  when  you  will  then 
hear  from  their  own  mouths  what  they  have  to  say. 

"  Brothers:  As  things  now  seem  to  be  easy,  and  all  the 
Nations  have  now  agreed  to  hold  fast  the  chain' tif  friend- 
ship, and  make  their  young  men  sit  quiet,  we  desire  you  to 
consider  of  what  you  have  to  say  when  our  grandchildren 
the  Shawanese  come  to  speak  to  you.  The  head  men  of 
the  Shawanese  are  gone  to  Wagetomica,  and  intend  to  send 
their  King  up  to  Fort  Pitt,  that  he  may  himself  hear  what 
his  brothers  the  English  have  to  say. 

"  King  New  Comer,  Neolige, 
"  White  Eyes,  Killbuck, 

"Thomas  McKee,      William  Anderson, 
"  Epaloined,  Simon  Girty. 

"To  Geo. Croghan,  Alex.  McKee,  and  J.Conolly,  ilsqrs.' 


White  Eyes  again  addressed  the  People  :  -  • 

"  Brethren  :  It  was  with  pleasure  I  heard  you  when 
you  first  desired  me  not  to  look  towards  the  mischief  that 
had  been  committed  by  foolish  men,  and  I  looked  upon  it 
as  a  convincing  proof  of  your  desire  to  preserve  that  chain 
of  friendship  which  has  so  long  subsisted  between  us.  Be 
strong,  brethren,  and  let  us  both  be  strong  in  continuing  so 
to  do,  and  not  only  overlook  the  indiscretion  and  folly  of 
our  rash  inconsiderate  men,  but  take  pity  of  them,  that  our 
young  people,  as  they  grow  up,  may  hereafter  enjoy  the 
blessings  of  that  peace  and  friendship  established  between 
us ;  and  to  this  end  let  us  call  to  our  remembrance  the 
amity  made  by  our  forefathers  and  their  wise  people,  which 
is  no  doubt  still  impressed  upon  the  hearts  of  our  great 
men,  to  whom  let  us  apply  to  reconcile  our  uneasiness,  as 
this  is  the  sure  way  to  prevent  our  friendship  from  being 
destroyed,  or  contracting  mst.  Therefore,  brethren,  let 
us  rely  upon  them  for  our  future  welfare.  Every  thing  is 
so  far  now  settled  upon  our  parts,  that  it  only  requires  a 
meeting  of  our  pmdent  men  to  restore  that  peace  and  tran- 
quillity to  our  country  we  so  much  wish  for.  Brethren, 
we  desire  that  no  imprudent  action  may  now  destroy  the 
agreeable  prospect  of  this  desirable  event.     {A  Belt.) 

"  I  have  to  inform  you  that  the  Chiefs  of  all  Nations  still 
continue  to  hold  by  that  chain  of  friendship  which  has 
been  put  into  their  hands  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  the 
name  of  their  father,  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  that 
it  was  only  the  actions  of  a  few  individuals,  contrary  to 
their  Chiefs'  intentions,  that  had  bred  this  confusion 
amongst  them  ;  who  have,  in  the  violence  of  their  grief 
and  passion,  taken  revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  friends ; 
but  the  Chiefs  of  all  Nations  assured  me,  that  as  soon  as 
those  bad  people,  who  were  yet  scattered  amongst  them, 
were  in  their  power,  they  would  secure  them  from  doing 
further  evil,  and  that  those  they  have  seen  are  sorry  for 
what  they  have  done,  begging  the  pity  of  their  Chiefs, 
and  I  have  reason  to  expect  that  you  will  see  them  shortly 
upon  this  occasion." 

A  true  copy,  Alexander  McKee. 


JOHN  MONTGOMERY  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Carlisle,  June  30,  1774. 

Sir,  may  it  please  youb  Honour  :  I  received  your 
two  letters,  as  also  the  arms,  ammunition,  &c.,  for  the  use 
of  the  back  inhabitants,  which  I  have  forwarded  to  Captain 
St.  Clair ;  shall  settle  for  the  carriage  when  I  go  down  in 
September  next ;  our  accounts  from  Fort  Pitt  are  favour- 
able. The  traders  who  were  at  the  Lower  Towns  ^e  on 
their  way  to  (and  some  of  them  are  arrived  at)  Pittsburgh, 
with  all  their  property.  They  are  guarded  by  a  number 
of  Shawanese  and  Delawares.  The  Mingoes  attempted 
to  cut  off  the  traders  at  the  Canoe  place,  but  were  prevented 
by  the  Shawanese,  who  told  the  Mingoes  that  the  traders 
were  under  their  protection,  and  if  they  struck  them  they 
would  resent  it  and  punish  them  for  it.  The  Shawanese 
seem  well  disposed  and  inclinable  for  peace,  and  will  con- 
tinue so  unless  provoked  by  the  Virginians.  The  Dela- 
wares are  all  for  peace.  Logan's  party  was  returned,  and 
had  thirteen  scalps  and  one  prisoner.  Logan  says  he  is 
now  satisfied  for  the  loss  of  his  relations,  and  will  sit  still 
until  he  hears  what  the  Long  Knife  (the  Virginians)  will 
say.  I  am  in  hopes  that  the  storm  will  blow  over,  and  that 
peace  and  tranquillity  will  be  restored  to  the  back  inhab- 
itants. 

I  am,  honourable  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant,  John  Montgomery. 

To  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Govemour  and  Comman- 
der-in-chief of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 


RICHARD    LEE,    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    MARYLAND  COUNCIL, 
TO  GOVERNOUR    J"ENN. 

Maryland,  2d  July,  1774. 

Sir  :  Tlie  enclosed  depositions  will  show  that  some  dis- 
ordei-s  have  happened, and  the  subject  which  has  been  the 
occasion  of  them .  The  Proprietary  of  this  Provmce  being 
a  minor,  is  under  the  care  of  guardians,  derivmg  their  autho- 
rity from  the  appointment  of  the  Lord  High  Chancellor  of 
England,  and  is  under  the  especial  protection  of  his  Lord- 
ship; and  as  the  guardians  have  declined  doing  any  act 


Fourth  Series. 


35 


547 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


548 


merely  in  their  capacity  of  guardians,  by  wliich  the  right 
or  estate  of  their  ward  may  be  aftected,  I  presume  no  per- 
son in  Maryland  can  think  it  proper  for  him  to  do  such 
an  act. 

Whether  it  may  not  be  expedient  to  suspend  the  execu- 
tion of  any  measure  which  may  be  the  occasion  of  disturb- 
ing the  peace,  I  must  refer  to  your  prudent  consideration. 
Conceiving  it  to  be  my  duty,  1  siiaii,  by  tiie  first  opportu- 
nity, transmit  to  the  guardians  an  account  of  what  has 
happened,  and  of  the  occasion  of  it.  And  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  great  regard,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  Richard  Lee. 

The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq. 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 

Ligoni^r,  July  4,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  you  the  last  piece  of 
Indian  intelligence,  which  came  by  Captain  White  Eyes, 
a  few  days  ago,  and  am  very  happy  that  afiairs  have  so 
peaceable  an  aspect ;  yet  I  cannot  but  express  my  fears  that 
it  will  soon  be  interrupted,  as  a  large  body  of  Virginians 
are  certainly  in  motion.  Colonel  Henry  Lewis  is  ordered 
to  the  mouth  of  Kenhawa  to  build  a  fort  there,  and  Major 
McDonald,  witli  about  five  hundred  men,  is  to  march  up 
Braddock's  Road,  and  down  to  Wheeling,  to  build  ano- 
ther there,  and  Cresap,  with  three  others,  are  appointed 
to  raise  ranging  companies.  With  such  officers  as  Cresap 
no  good  can  be  expected  ;  so  that  it  is  very  doubtful  but  all 
attempts  to  preserve  the  tranquillity  of  the  country  will  be 
fruitless. 

The  men  that  have  been  raised  here  we  have  thought 
proper  to  continue  another  month,  as  the  harvest  will  by 
that  time  be  over.  They  have  orders  to  assist  and  protect 
the  people  in  the  different  quarters  where  they  are  posted, 
and  I  hope  by  that  means  it  will  be  secured.  The  arms 
and  ammunition  are  not  yet  arrived,  but  I  hear  they  will 
reach  this  place  to-morrow  or  next  day. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  Last  week  Mr.  Conolly  issued  an  order  to  prevent 
any  skins  being  removed  from  Pittsburgh  till  they  paid  a 
duty,  as  in  Virginia.  There  has  been  some  appearance  of 
the  old  seed  of  the  Black  Boys.  A  number  of  people  had 
assembled  to  stop  Mr.  Simons's  goods,  but  I  had  got  notice 
of  it,  and  sent  a  party  to  protect  them,  and  have  issued 
warrants  against  them ;  their  ringleader  will  certainly  be 
taken  this  day. 

MSEAS    MACKA¥,    JOSEPH    SPEAR,   AND    DEVEREUX    SMITH, 
TO    JOSEPH    SHIPPEN,  JUN. 

Pittsburgh,  July  8th,  1774. 

Sir:  Since  our  memorial  to  his  Honour,  the  Governour, 
of  the  25th  of  Junv,  accompanied  by  some  notes,  there 
has  several  occurrences  of  so  extraordinary  a  nature  hap- 
pened, that  we  hope  no  apology  is  necessary  for  giving  you 
this  trouble.  The  traders  who  were  coming  by  land  are 
all  come  in  safe.  Captain  White  Eyes  is  returned,  with 
the  strongest  assurances  of  friendship  from  the  Shawanese, 
Delawares,  Wyandots  and  Cherokees,  with  whom  he  had 
been  treating  on  our  behalf.  U^pon  bis  return  he  found 
his  house  broken  open  by  the  Virginians,  and  about  thirty 
pounds  worth  of  his  property  taken,  which  was  divided 
and  sold  by  the  robbers  at  one  Froman's  Fort,  on  Char- 
tin's  Creek. 

Doctor  Conolly  continues  to  exercise  his  authority  as 
usual.  Our  persons  are  daily  insulted,  our  property 
forcibly  taken,  and  even  our  lives  threatened.  We  had 
a  remarkable  instance  of  this  on  the  first  instant.  A 
horse,  the  property  of  Messrs.  Richard  and  William  But- 
ler, having  been  taken  by  a  vagrant  fellow  at  this  place, 
was  secreted  by  him  in  the  town,  which,  when  Messrs. 
Butlers  were  informed  of,  they  went  and  took  their  horse, 
but  not  without  obstinate  resistance  on  the  side  of  the  thief, 
who,  in  their  own  defence,  they  were  obliged  to  strike  ;  upon 
which  the  fellow  applied  to  Doctor  Conolly,  who  sent  a 
sergeant  to  Richard  Butler,  commanding  him  to  appear 
immediately  in  the  garrison  ;  but  Mr.  Butler  refused  to  go, 
and  denied  Doctor  Conolly's  authority  ;  whereupon  a  cer- 
tain Captain  Aston  was  sent  for  them,  with  a  party  from 


the  fort,  and  orders  to  break  their  house  and  take  them 
at  all  events.  Messrs.  Butlers,  after  much  debate,  and 
repeated  threats  from  Captain  Aston,  at  the  entreaty  of 
their  friends,  consented  to  go  down  to  the  garrison ;  and 
when  they  demanded  the  cause  of  such  treatment  were 
answered  that  they  must  go  immediately  to  jail,  but  they 
were  aftenvards  allowed  to  give  bail  for  their  appearance 
at  August  Court.  The  same  day  Mr.  Conolly  informed 
them,  and  the  other  traders,  they  must  pay  him  a  duty  of 
four  pence  per  skin  before  they  could  remove  one  from 
this  place,  and  immediately  ordered  the  roads  to  be  stop- 
l)ed,  wliich  was  accordingly  done,  and  a  number  of  horses 
belonging  to  Mr.  Blaine  and  others,  were  seized  and 
brought  back.  A  few  days  ago,  one  of  the  traders  who 
went  to  meet  his  people,  and  some  Indians  that  were 
bringing  his  peltry  from  Newcomer's  Town,  was,  upon  his 
return,  waylaid  by  about  forty  Virginians,  who  took  him, 
three  of  iiis  men,  and  five  Delaivare  men,  prisoners,  telling 
him  they  would  for  the  future  treat  as  savages  and  enemies 
every  trader  that  they  should  find  in  the  woods.  About 
this  time  two  Delaware  men,  who  had  come  from  the 
towns  up  to  assist  some  of  the  traders  with  their  horses, 
were  pursued  by  a  party  of  Virginians  to  Mr.  Smith's 
house,  where  they  Hew  for  protection.  The  party  followed 
them  to  the  door,  demanded  entrance,  and  swore  they 
would  burn  the  house  if  they  were  refused.  The  Indians, 
notwithstanding,  were  kept  in  the  house  till  night,  and  then 
dismissed  in  safety. 

Mr.  Wm.  Butler,  being  insulted  by  a  worthless  drunk- 
en fellow,  was  under  the  necessity  of  chastising  his  inso- 
lence. Whereupon  Mr.  Conolly  issued  a  King's  warrant 
for  him,  and  his  Sheriff  came  to  Mr.  Smith's,  where  Mr. 
Butler  then  was,  between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
and  after  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  take  Mr.  Butler,  ran 
out  and  called  a  guard  that  was  waiting  for  that  purpose, 
who  immediately  surrounded  the  house,  remained  there  till 
after  nine  o'clock,  and  then  dispersed.  The  Virginians, 
from  their  conduct,  appear  determined  on  a  war.  Colonel 
Lewis  is  supposed  to  be  at  the  Kenhawas  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred men,  and  several  parties  have  gone  from  this  place  to 
join  him,  Major  McDonald,  Mr.  Cresap,  and  others,  are 
expected  here  shortly,  who,  it  is  said,  are  going  down  the 
river  to  build  forts  and  station  men  at  different  places. 

We  have  no  room  to  doubt  that  Doctor  Conolly  has,  by 
order  of  Lord  Dunmore,  sent  a  Speech  to  the  Shawanese, 
importing  that  Logan  and  his  party  be  immediately  deliv- 
ered up,  with  the  three  prisoners  that  he  has  taken,  and 
some  other  Shawanese  that  are  supposed  to  have  committed 
a  murder  last  winter.  That  on  a  refusal  they  (the  Vir- 
ginians) are  determined  to  proceed  against  them  with 
vigour,  and  will  show  them  no  mercy.  Doctor  Conolly 
has  expresses  constantly  on  the  road  between  this  and 
Williamsburg,  whereby  he  has  been  able  to  impose  on  his 
Lordship  the  flagrant  misrepresentations  of  Indian  affairs 
that  appear  in  the  Williamsburg  paper  of  the  9th  of  June, 
which  has  been  publickly  confuted  at  this  place  by  several 
persons  well  acquainted  with  the  present  state  and  senti- 
ments of  the  difi'erent  Nations. 

We  hope  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  say  any  more  to  con- 
vince you  how  unhappily  we  are  at  present  circumstanced, 
not  only  from  the  prospect  of  an  Indian  war,  which  the 
Virginians  appear  determined  to  bring  upon  us,  but  from 
the  apprehension  of  further  insults  from  Doctor  Conolly's 
extraordinary  conduct,  of  which  we  have  given  several 
specimens,  and  which,  without  the  interposition  of  Govern- 
ment, we  shall  not  be  long  able  to  support. 
We  are,  sir,  with  profound  respect,  your  humble  servants, 

^NEAS  Mackay, 
Joseph  Spear, 
Devereux  Smith. 
Secretary  to  his  Honour 


To  Joscj-h  Shippen,  Jun.,  Esq. 


tlie  Governour. 


ARTHUR   ST.  CLAIR   TO    GOVERNOUR    PENN. 

Hanna's  Town,  July  12,  1774. 

Sir:  On  Friday  last  I  was  honoured  with  your  letter  of 
the  28th  ult.,  and  I  have  now  the  satisfaction  to  acquaint 
you  that  the  panick  seems  entirely  over,  and  that  numbers 
of  people  are  returning  daily. 

It  must  be  very  grateful  to  every  person  concerned,  as  it 
is  in  a  very  particular  manner  to  me,  that  their  endeavours 


549 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JULY,  1774. 


550 


on  this  occasion  has  met  with  so  full  approbation  from  your 
Honour,  and  will  most  certainly  induce  them  to  exert  them- 
selves on  future  ones.  1  had  yesterday  an  opportunity  to 
acquaint  them,  as  also  a  very  respectable  body  of  people 
who  were  assembled  here  in  consequence  of  a  letter  from 
the  Committee  of  Philadelphia,  of  your  determination  to 
afford  them  every  necessary  assistance  and  protection.  I 
read  to  them  that  part  of  your  Honour's  letter,  and  they 
received  it  with  great  satisfaction  and  thankfulness. 

I  shall  probably  have  occasion  to  write  you  again  to-mor- 
row, as  I  had,  yesterday,  a  letter  from  Mr.  Croghan,  desiring 
a  conference  on  matters  of  great  importance  to  the  Province, 
which  he  would  not  trust  in  writing.  I  believe,  however, 
it  is  a  proposal  to  open  some  trading  place  ;  that  is,  to  form 
a  town  some  where  up  tlie  Alleghany,  as  the  trading  peo- 
ple must  leave  Pittsburgh.  Henkston,  with  about  eighteen 
men  in  arms,  paid  us  a  visit  at  Court  last  week,  and  I  am 
veiy  sorry  to  say  got  leave  to  go  away  again,  though  there 
was  a  force  sufficient  to  secure  two  such  parties,  at  the 
Sheriff's  direction.  I  had  got  intelligence  that  they  were 
to  be  there,  and  expected  to  be  joined  by  a  party  of 
Cresap's  people,  for  which  reason  the  ranging  party  that 
were  within  reach  had  been  drawn  in,  but  none  of  the 
Virginians  appeared.  It  is  said  a  commission  has  been 
sent  him  from  Virginia ;  certain  it  is  he  is  enlisting  men 
for  that  service. 

I  believe  there  was  something  else  I  ought  to  have 
informed  you  of,  but  1  am  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  peo- 
ple, which  has  put  it  out  of  my  head. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  su",  your  Honour's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 

Arthur  St.  Clair. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  July  17,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  business  Mr.  Croghan  had  to  communicate 
was  this,  that  the  Virginians  are  determined  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  Indian  trade  with  this  Province,  and  that  Messrs. 
Simons,  Campbell  and  Conolly,  have  obtained  an  exclusive 
privilege  of  carrying  it  on  on  the  frontiers  of  Plrginia. 
He  recommends  the  laying  out  a  tovv'n  up  the  Alleghany  at 
the  Kittaning,  to  which  the  traders  might  retire,  as  they 
will  certainly  be  obliged  to  abandon  Pittsburgh,  and  from 
which  the  trade  might  be  carried  on  to  as  much  advantage 
as  the  distance  from  thence  to  Kaskaslcies  is  much  the  same 
as  from  Pittsburgh,  and  a  very  good  road.  He  further 
recommends  the  building  a  small  stockade  there  to  afford 
tliem  protection  in  case  of  a  war.  The  Indians  will  cer- 
tainly quit  Pittsburgh,  as  it  is  at  the  risk  of  their  hves  they 
come  there,  to  which  I  was  an  eye-witness.  Croghan 
further  says,  unless  somebody  is  sent  up  by  the  Government 
to  speak  to  the  Indians  very  soon,  that  we  shall  see  no  more 
of  them,  and  that  die  Delawares,  who  are  still  firiendly, 
will  be  debauched. 

I  beg  you  to  excuse  this  incoherent  scrawl,  as  I  am 
obliged  to  be  held  up  whilst  1  write  it. 

I  am,  sir,  your  very  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  Henkston  has  left  the  country. 


Savannah,  Georgia,  July  14,  1774. 

Tlie  critical  situation  to  which  the  British  Colonies  in 
America  are  likely  to  be  reduced,  from  the  alarming  and 
arbitrary  impositions  of  the  late  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, respecting  the  town  of  Boston,  as  well  as  the  Acts 
that  at  present  extend  to  the  raising  of  a  perpetual  reve- 
nue, without  the  consent  of  the  people  or  their  Representa- 
tives, is  considered  as  an  object  extremely  imijortant  at  this 
critical  juncture,  and  particularly  calculated  to  deprive  the 
American  subjects  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  liber- 
ties, as  a  part  of  the  British  Empire. 

It  is  therefore  requested,  that  all  persons  within  the 
limits  of  this  Province  do  attentl  at  the  Liberty  Pole  at 
Fondet's  Tavern,  in  Savaiinah,  on  Wednesday,  the  27th 
instant,  in  order  that  the  said  matters  may  be  taken  under 
consideration  ;  and  such  other  constitutional  measures  pur- 
sued as  may  then  appear  to  be  most  eligible. 

Noble  W.  Jones,  John  Houston, 

Archibald  Bulloch,       George  Walton. 


New-York,  July  14,  1774. 
We  hear  from  Albany,  that  all  the  Chiefs  and  Head 
Warriors  of  the  Six  Natio7is  are  now  on  their  way  to  Sir 
fVilliam  Johnson's,  to  hold  Congress  on  the  alarming  news 
they  received  of  the  murders  committed  by  Cresap  and 
others,  his  associates,  in  Ohio ;  that  a  considerable  number 
are  already  assembled  at  Johnson's  Hall,  and  it  is  expected 
the  whole  will  amount  to  six  or  seven  hundred ;  and  that 
notwithstanding  the  disorders  which  the  unprovoked  bar- 
barity of  Cresap  and  others  have  occasioned  to  the  South- 
ward, there  is  reason  to  hope  that,  through  the  endeavours 
of  Sir  William,  the  fidelity  of  the  Six  Nations  will  be 
preserved,  and  the  Northern  frontiers  secured  from  the 
dangers  and  distress  now  experienced  on  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia,  Stc.  It  is,  however,  earnestly  wished  by  all  per- 
sons concerned  in  new  settlements  or  trade,  that  nothing 
may,  in  the  interim,  happen  to  defeat  their  sanguine  ex- 
pectations from  the  intended  Congress. 


HENRICO    COUNTY    (viRGINIa)     INSTRUCTIONS     TO     THEIR 
BELEGATES. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Loyal  and  Patriotick  People  of  the 
County  of  Henrico,  in  Virginia,  at  the  Court  House,  on 
the  15th  of  July,  the  following  Address  to  their  late  worthy 
Representatives  was  agreed  on,  and  signed  by  a  great  num- 
ber of  Freeholders : 

To  Richard  Adams  and  Samuel  Duval,  Esqrs.: 

We,  the  subscribers,  freeholders  of  the  County  of  Hen- 
rico, assembled  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  on  the  pre- 
sent posture  of  publick  affairs,  return  you  our  thanks  for  the 
part  you  acted  in  the  late  Assembly  as  our  Burgesses. 

When  we  reflect  on  the  alarming  and  critical  situation  of 
things  respecting  the  mother  country,  our  minds  are  filled 
with  the  most  anxious  concern.  The  Acts  of  the  British 
Parliament,  made  for  punishing  the  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  are  repugnant  to  the  first  principles  of  jus- 
tice ;  and  if  they  are  suffered  to  have  a  full  operation,  will 
not  only  crush  our  sister  Colony,  and  involve  the  guilty 
and  innocent  in  one  common  ruin,  but  will  stand  as  a  fatal 
precedent  to  future  times  for  adopting  the  same  fatal  meas- 
ures towards  this  and  every  other  British  Colony.  We 
have,  therefore,  passed  this  determination,  and  shall  con- 
duct ourselves  conformably,  that  the  cause  of  the  Colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  general,  and  of  the  town  of  Bos- 
ton in  particular,  is  the  cause  of  this  and  every  Colony  in 
North  America. 

We  hope,  gentlemen,  that  the  exceeding  importance  of 
the  present  crisis  will  plead  our  excuse  for  giving  you  our 
sentiments  touching  that  conduct  which  we  wish  you  to  ob- 
serve in  the  ensuing  Congress  on  the  first  day  of  August 
next  at  Williamsburg,  to  which  we  depute  you  to  act  on 
our  behalf. 

With  grief  and  astonishment  we  behold  Great  Britain 
adopting  a  mode  of  Government  towards  her  Colonies  to- 
tally incompatible  with  our  safety  and  happiness.  We  can- 
not submit  to  be  taxed  by  her  Parliament.  We  cannot  sit 
still  and  see  the  harbour  of  Boston  blocked  up  by  an  armed 
force.  We  cannot  behold,  without  indignation,  the  charter 
rights  of  a  sister  Colony  violated,  or  the  form  of  its  Gov- 
ernment changed  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  as  derogatory 
to  the  honour  of  the  mother  country,  as  it  is  repugnant  to 
justice.  And  lastly,  we  will  not  suffer  our  fellow-subjects 
to  be  seized  and  transported  beyond  sea  to  be  tried  for  sup- 
posed offences  committed  here.  If  these  things  are  suf- 
fered to  be  reduced  to  practice,  we  shall  account  ourselves 
the  most  miserable  of  men,  unworthy  the  name  of  freemen ; 
we  shall  not  wonder  if,  in  future,  we  are  treated  as  slaves. 

We  therefore  most  solemnly  charge  and  conjure  you  to 
use  your  best  endeavours  to  save  us  from  these  calamities. 
We  earnestly  entreat  you  for  your  utmost  exertion  to  pro- 
cure, by  all  possible  ways  and  means,  a  total  repeal  of  the 
late  oppressive  and  detestable  Acts  of  Pariiament.  We 
heartily  trust  you  will  concur  in  such  measures  as  the  said 
Congress  shall  judge  most  eflicacious  to  preserve  our  an- 
cient rights  ;  for  be  assured,  gentlemen,  that  nothing  shall 
ever  induce  from  us  a  submission  to  tyranny,  and  that  we 
resolve,  once  for  all,  to  live  and  die  freemen. 

In  order  to  effect  those  desirable  ends,  we  give  it  as  our 
opinion,  that  the  most  efiectual  method  of  opposing  the 


55i 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


552 


said  several  Acts  of  Parliament,  will  be,  that  a  General 
Association  between  all  the  American  Colonies,  ought  im- 
mediately be  entered  into,  not  to  import  from  Great  Bri- 
tain any  commodity  whatsoever,  except  such  articles  as  the 
general  Congress  shall  judge  necessary,  until  the  just  rights 
of  the  Colonies  are  restored  to  them  ;  and  the  cruel  Acts  of 
the  British  Parliament  against  the  Colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  and  town  of  Boston  are  repealed. 

A  love  of  justice,  and  the  tender  regard  we  have  for  our 
friends  the  merchants  and  manufacturers  of  Great  Britain, 
to  whom  we  are  indebted,  and  who  must,  of  course,  suffer 
in  the  common  cause,  prevents  our  recommending  the  stop- 
ping our  exports  at  this  time ;  but  at  a  future  day  we  will 
heartily  concur  with  the  other  counties  of  this  Colony  to 
stop  all  exports  as  well  as  imports,  to  and  from  Great  Bri- 
tain, unless  what  we  have  already  recommended  to  you 
shall  be  found  effectual. 

We  most  cordially  recommend  that  no  time  be  lost  in 
administering  every  comfort  and  aid  to  our  distressed  breth- 
ren of  Boston,  that  their  unhappy  state  may  require,  and 
may  comport  with  our  situation  to  afford. 

We  further  recommend  to  you,  that  you  will,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  Deputies  from  the  different  counties  of  this 
Colony,  chuse  fit  and  proper  persons  on  the  part  of  this 
Colony,  to  meet  the  Deputies  from  the  other  Colonies  in 
a  general  Congress,  at  such  convenient  time  and  place  as 
shall  be  agreed  on,  then  and  there  to  advise  and  consult 
upon  such  measures,  as,  under  circumstances  of  things  at 
that  time,  they  shall  deem  expedient. 

We  strictly  charge  and  enjoin,  tliat  at  all  times,  and  on 
all  occasions,  which  may  present,  you  testify  our  zeal  for  his 
Majesty's  person  and  Government,  and  that  we  are  ready 
and  willing,  with  our  lives  and  fortunes,  to  support  his  rights 
to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  and  all  its  dependencies. 

MIDDLESEX    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

After  the  Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Middlesex  had 
proceeded  in  the  most  decent  and  orderly  manner  to  the 
election  of  Representatives  for  the  county,  on  the  15th  of 
July,  they  were  summoned  to  meet  at  the  Court  House, 
to  take  into  their  consideration  the  present  state  of  the 
Colony,  and  America  in  general ;  and  upon  mature  delib- 
eration, many  of  the  most  respectable  of  the  Freeholders 
and  Inhabitants  of  the  county  being  present,  they  entered 
into  the  following  Resolutions : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting  that 
all  allegiance  is  due  to  the  person  and  character  of  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  we  acknowledge  a  con- 
stitutional dependence  on  the  Parliament,  conceiving  it 
not  incompatible  with  the  condition  of  Colonists  to  submit 
to  commercial  regulations  in  consequence  of  the  protec- 
tion that  is  given  to  our  trade  by  the  superintendence  of 
the  mother  country  ;  but  we  apprehend  there  is  a  clear 
distinction  between  regulations  of  trade  and  taxation,  and 
in  no  degree  admit  the  latter  under  the  colourable  denom- 
ination of  the  former,  well  knowing  that  the  nature  of 
things  is  not  alterable  by  the  changes  of  terms. 

Resolved,  That  representation  and  taxation  are  in- 
separably connected  by  the  essential  principles  of  the 
British  Constitution  ;  and  that  every  attempt  of  superiour 
power  to  levy  money  on  the  British  Americans,  otherwise 
than  by  the  consent  of  their  Representatives,  delivered  in 
Assembly,  is  an  infraction  of  that  Constitution,  a  violation 
of  the  rights  of  freemen,  and  a  subversion  of  property. 

Resolved,  That  the  Act  imposing  a  duty  on  tea,  for  the 
avowed  purpose  of  revenue,  is  a  tax  ;  and  that  every 
opposition  should  be  expressed  that  may  move  to  the 
repeal  of  the  said  Act,  or  that  may  render  its  operation 
inefficacious. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  Act  of  Pariiament  suspending 
the  trade  and  shutting  up  the  port  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
is  an  alarming  circumstance  to  the  Colonies  in  general,  in 
as  much  as  it  marks  out  a  settled  plan  in  the  British 
Parliament  to  enforce  submission  to  their  power  of  tax- 
ation. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  not  approve  of  the  conduct  of 
the  people  of  Boston  in  destroying  the  tea  belonging  to 
the  East  India  Company  ;  and  notwithstanding  the  tax  on 
tea  must  be  esteemed  a  violent  infringement  of  one  of  the 
fundamental  privileges  of  loyal  and  free  subjects ;  yet  we 


apprehend  violence  cannot  justify  violence :  reason  and 
policy  reclaim  against  it.  A  desistance  from  the  consumj)- 
tion  of  tea,  and  a  confidence  in  the  virtue  of  our  country- 
men, whose  sense  of  the  spirit  of  the  law  will  no  doubt 
induce  a  total  disuse  of  it,  are  much  more  eligible  means, 
and  more  probably  will  work  a  repeal  of  the  Act,  than 
disorders,  outrages,  and  tumults.     - 

Resolved,  As  the  Records  and  reiterated  Resolutions  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses  will  testify  to  posterity,  our  idea 
on  this  long  agitated  and  contested  question  of  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Pariiament  to  tax  the  Colonies,  that  it  be  the 
opinion  of  this  meeting  that  our  Representatives  should 
opjwse,  and  they  are  hereby  instructed  to  oppose,  all 
measures  that  will  bring  on  an  abrupt  dissolution,  whereby 
the  business  of  the  country  will  be  impeded ;  a  savage 
enemy  ravaging  our  frontiers ;  the  pubiick  creditors  unpaid  ; 
a  stagnation  of  justice,  by  reason  of  the  lapse  of  the  Fee 
Bill  ;  the  Courts  of  Law  occluded ;  every  thing  that  is 
held  sacred  in  civil  society  confounded  ;  the  just  creditor 
deprived  of  property  ;  and  the  dishonest  debtor  triumphant ; 
these  are  the  bitter  fruits  of  the  late  dissolution. 

Resolved,  That  an  unlimited  non-exportation  and  non- 
importation scheme  is  impracticable  ;  and  were  it  not  so, 
would  be  irreconcilable  with  every  principle  of  justice  and 
honesty,  injurious  to  the  commerce,  and  fatal  to  the  credit 
of  this  Colony. 

Resolved,  That  an  Association  be  forwarded,  to  prohibit 
the  importation  of  all  unnecessary  and  luxurious  articles  of 
British  manufacture,  and  (except  saltpetre  and  spices,)  all 
kinds  of  East  India  commodities. 


DINWIDDIE    COUNTY    (viRGINIa)    DECLARATION. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  County 
oi  Dinwiddie,  at  the  Court  House,  on  Friday,  the  15th  of 
July,  in  consequence  of  previous  notice  from  their  late 
Representatives,  and  an  intimation  of  their  desire  to  be 
advised  and  instructed  relative  to  the  differences  now  un- 
happily subsisting  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colo- 
nies, after  mature  deliberation  on  this  most  interesting 
subject,  they  unanimously  came  to  the  following  declara- 
tion of  their  sentiments,  which  are  intended  to  manifest  to 
the  world  the  principles  by  which  they  are  actuated  in  a 
dispute  so  important,  as  that  they  conceive  on  its  decision, 
depends  the  political  existence  of  all  America  : 

We,  the  inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Dinvnddie,  do 
entertain  the  most  cordial  and  unfeigned  affection  and 
loyalty  for  his  Majesty's  person  and  Government,  which, 
tosether  with  his  right  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  and 
its  dependencies,  we  will  at  all  times  defend  and  support, 
at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes  ;  and  under  so  tme  a 
conviction  of  the  firmest  allegiance,  we  think  ourselves 
entitled,  as  a  constitutional  right,  to  protection  from  the 
Sovereign  to  whom  we  have  been  ever  attached  by  the 
strongest  ties  of  duty  and  inclination.  But  however  happy 
we  may  consider  ourselves  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Supreme  Magistrate,  we  cannot  help  being  apprehensive 
of  the  ill  effects  which  may  flow  from  some  recent  and 
dangerous  innovations,  imagined  and  contrived  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  against  those  rights  to  which  the 
Americans  have  a  just  and  constitutional  claim  in  conimon 
with  his  Majesty's  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  Amongst 
these  instances  of  oppression,  we  cannot  omit  the  Parlia- 
ment's retention  of  a  duty  on  tea,  accompanied  by  an  Act 
declaratory  of  their  right  in  the  fullest  manner  to  tax 
America,  thereby  asserting  in  other  terms,  their  claim  to 
whatever  property  the  Americans  may  by  their  labour  ac- 
quire, which,  if  submitted  to,  would  reduce  us  to  a  degree 
of  servility  unexampled  but  in  a  state  of  despotism ;  and 
yet,  inconsistent  as  tliis  plan  of  substituting  power  for  right 
may  appear  with  the  noble  and  liberal  spirit  of  the  British 
Government,  it  has  been  adopted  for  some  time  by  Admin- 
istration, and  pursued  with  a  perseverance  that  becomes 
tmly  alarming.  A  late  and  striking  proof  of  which  we 
have  to  lament  in  the  unprecedented  Acts  of  Pariiament 
for  cutting  off  the  people  of  Boston  from  every  privilege 
valued  by  freemen,  and  subjecting  them  to  hardships 
unknown  but  in  arbitrary  Governments.  In  pursuance  of 
which  Acts  their  town  and  harbour  are  blocked  up;  all 
commerce  interdicted  ;  and  articles  merely  essential  to  life 
imported,  and  as  a  matter  of  favour,  and  an  inducement  to 


553 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


554 


submission,  a  part  of  their  property  may  be  held  at  the 
King's  pleasure,  on  the  humiliating  condition  of  their  living 
in  obedience  to  such  laws.  To  aggravate  these  evils, 
should  atrocious  murder  be  committed  in  enforcing  the 
execution  of  any  of  these  Acts,  the  civil  power  is  forbid 
to  punish,  but  the  criminal  is  to  be  sent  to  Great  Britain 
for  trial,  or  to  any  Colony  at  the  will  of  the  Governour ; 
if  to  the  former,  the  distance  will  operate  to  his  acquittal 
for  want  of  testimony ;  if  the  latter  method  is  adopted,  it 
Is  equally  a  subversion  of  the  legal  form  of  trial.  This 
proves  in  what  estimation  our  lives  are  held  with  a  British 
Parliament,  as  the  first  law  shows  in  what  light  they 
consider  our  property. 

Upon  these  distressful  circumstances,  we  sincerely 
sympathize  with  our  fellow-subjects  of  Boston,  and  will 
concur  with  them  and  the  rest  of  the  Colonies  in  any 
measures  that  may  be  conducive  to  a  repeal  of  laws  so 
destructive  to  our  common  rights  and  liberty. 

And  though  we  do  not  pretend  to  justify  the  outrage 
committed  by  the  people  of  Boston  in  destroying  the 
private  property  of  the  East  India  Company,  to  which 
they  might  have  been  impelled  by  an  apparent  intention 
in  the  Parliament  of  fixing  on  them  a  precedent  of  arbitrary 
taxation ;  yet  we  cannot  see  the  good  policy  or  right 
reason  that  could  dictate  the  depriving  a  whole  people  of 
their  rights  for  a  trespass  committed  by  a  few,  when  the 
civil  laws  of  the  community  were  amply  provident  of 
redress  for  the  injury. 

The  result  of  our  opinion  upon  these  violent  measures  is, 
that  we  do  protest  against  every  Law  or  Act  of  the  British 
Legislature  that  shall  authorize  the  imposition  of  taxes  on 
the  Americans  without  their  consent,  which  cannot  be  had 
in  Parliament  as  they  have  no  representation,  nor  ought 
not  to  have  in  that  body  from  local  circumstances,  and 
other  considerations  ;  and  because  it  is  the  proper,  exclu- 
sive, and  indefeisible  right  of  every  free  state,  especially 
under  the  British  form  of  Government,  to  be  taxed  only 
by  themselves  or  their  Representatives. 

We  further  declare,  that  upon  all  occasions  where  re- 
quisitions shall  be  made  to  us  by  the  Crown,  for  aid  in 
support  of  his  Majesty's  just  rights,  or  those  of  Govern- 
ment, we  will  most  cheerfully  comply  with  them  to  the 
utmost  of  our  ability ;  but  we  cannot  think  a  British 
Parliament  fit  judges  of  the  mode  by  which,  or  the  degree 
in  which,  we  ought  to  be  taxed. 

And  whereas  a  Convention  of  the  late  Representatives 
of  this  Colony  was  judged  expedient,  and  was  appointed 
after  their  dissolution  to  be  held  the  first  day  of  August 
next,  at  Williamsburg,  there  to  consult  upon  the  most 
plausible  means  of  avoiding  the  dangerous  precedents  of 
acts  of  power  now  intended  to  be  established  against  us. 
To  promote  on  our  part  this  laudable  design,  we  do  ap- 
point our  late  Representatives,  Robert  Boiling  and  John 
Banister,  Esquires,  Deputies,  to  act  for  us  on  this  important 
occasion,  recommending  it  to  them  to  concert  with  the 
Deputies  from  the  other  counties  a  firm  and  prudent  plan 
of  opposition  to  every  invasion  of  our  rights,  and  particu- 
larly to  those  Acts  of  Parliament  we  have  pointed  out. 
Confiding  in  their  vigilance  and  attention,  we  wish  them  in 
their  endeavoure  the  success  that  so  good  a  cause  merits. 


MIDDLESEX    COUNTY  (neW-JERSEy)    RESOLUTIONS. 

According  to  notice,  which  had  been  given  to  the  Free- 
holders and  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  New- 
Jersey,  a  great  number  from  every  quarter  of  the  county 
met  at  the  Court  House  in  New-Brunstvick,  on  Friday, 
the  I5th  day  of  July,  1774,  at  2  o'clock,  and  chose  John 
Moores,  Esq.,  to  the  Chair;  but  as  the  Court  House  could 
not  contain  half  the  number,  the  meeting  adjourned  to  the 
Presbyterian  Meeting  House  ;  where,  after  some  deliber- 
ation upon  the  dangerous  situation  of  the  publick  aifairs  in 
America,  the  meeting  unanimously  Resolved  as  follows, 


viz  : 


Resolve  1st.  That  the  members  of  this  meeting,  their 
fellow-subjects  in  this  Province,  and  they  are  persuaded 
the  inhabitants  of  America  in  general,  are  firm  and  un- 
shaken in  their  allegiance  to  his  Majesty  King  George  the 
Third.  Tliat  they  have  ever  demonstrated  their  readiness 
to  support  his  Majesty's  Government  over  them,  and  also 
to  grant  aids  to  his  Majesty,  on  any  emergency,  by  their 
own  Representatives,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power. 


2d.  That  all  other  modes  of  taxation,  in  the  Colonies, 
by  a  British  Parliament,  under  whatever  name  or  form 
attempted  to  be  introduced,  is  not  only  arbitrary  and  op- 
pressive, but  has  a  direct  tendency  to  alienate  the  affec- 
tions of  the  Colonies  from  the  parent  country;  to  widen  the 
breach  already  made  by  Ministerial  influence,  which  it  is 
earnestly  wished  may  speedily  be  healed,  and  a  permanent 
union  re-established,  on  a  solid  constitutional  foundation. 

.3d.  Tiiat  the  unexampled  distresses  brought  on  the  Col- 
ony of  Massachusetts  Bay,  particularly  that  of  blocking  up 
the  port  of  Boston,  and  depriving  them  of  all  trade  and  com- 
merce, in  virtue  of  an  Act  or  Acts  of  Parliament,  is  a  cruel 
oppression,  in  which  all  the  Colonies  are  intimately  concern- 
ed ;  tending  by  a  numerous  train  of  consequences,  to  fasten 
on  them  the  chains  of  vassalage  and  slavery ;  or  lay  prostrate 
at  the  feet  of  an  unjustly  incensed  Ministry  the  inhabitants 
of  this  wide  extended  country,  who  would  triumph  over 
their  liberties,  sport  with  their  lives,  and  claim  their  proper- 
ties at  will. 

4th.  We  concur  in  the  general  opinion  of  our  brethren, 
that  the  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies, 
should  present  a  dutiful  Address  to  his  Majesty,  praying 
for  a  general  redress  of  the  grievances  complained  of. 

5th.  We  are  of  opinion  (which  we  submit  to  be  consid- 
ered in  the  general  Congress)  that  a  general  stop  of  all 
imports  and  exports  of  merchandises,  especially  to  Great 
Britain,  by  all  the  Colonies,  is  the  only  probable,  if  not 
the  only  possible  measure,  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  this 
country,  at  present  in  such  imminent  danger  of  being  anni- 
hilated. 

6th.  That  an  immediate  subscription  be  set  on  foot, 
throughout  this  country,  towards  the  relief  of  the  suffering 
families  in  the  town  of  Boston.  For  which  purpose  sun- 
dry gentlemen  in  the  different  townships  and  precincts  of 
the  county,  are  named  and  appointed  to  take  in  the  same, 
and  to  make  return  of  such  subscriptions  and  collections  to 
James  Wilson,  Esq.,  by  the  1st  day  of  September  next,  in 
order  that  such  collections  may  be  sent  to  Boston  as  early 
as  possible. 

7th.  We  agree  with  our  brethren  of  all  the  counties  in 
this  Province,  in  the  method  of  choosing  Committees  of 
Correspondence,  and  also  that  such  Committees  from  the 
several  counties  do  meet,  at  a  place  convenient,  by  them 
to  be  agreed  on,  and  when  so  met  to  elect  proper  persons 
to  represent  this  Colony  in  the  proposed  Congress,  for 
which  purpose  the  following  gentlemen,  viz :  John  Moores, 
John  Wetherill,  John  Johnson,  Michael  Field,  William 
Pecke,  James  Wilson,  John  Combs,  Jun.,  Jonathan  Bald- 
ing, William  Smith,  John  Dennis,  and  Rune  Runyon, 
Esqrs.,  are  requested  to  be,  and  are  hereby  appointed,  a 
standing  Committee  of  Correspondence,  and  that  any  five 
of  them  are  a  sufficient  number  to  act.  Signed  by  order  of 
the  meeting,  John  Moores,  Chairman. 

Immediately  after  the  meeting,  the  members  of  the 
County  Committee  present  met,  and  agreed  to  meet  the 
Committees  from  the  other  counties,  at  New-Brunswick, 
on  Thursday,  the  21st  of  July,  instant. 

New-Loadon,  July  15,  1774. 
The  Honourable  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  tlie 
Colony  of  Connecticut,  met  at  this  town  on  Wcdnenlay, 
the  1 3th  instant,  and  by  virtue  of  authority  from  the  Hon- 
ourable Lower  House  of  Assembly,  in  May  last,  for  that 
purpose,  nominated  the  Honourable  Eliphalet  Dyer,  and 
William  Samuel  Johnson,  Erastus  Wolcott,  Silas  Deane, 
and  Richard  Laio,  Esqrs.,*  that  is  to  say,  any  three  of 
them,  on  behalf  of  this  Colony,  to  attend  the  general  Con- 
gress of  Commissioners,  of  the  English  American  Colo- 
nies, proposed  to  be  holden  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  1st  of 
September  next ;  with  them  to  consult  and  advise  on  proper 
measures  to  promote  the  general   good  and  welfare  of  the 

•  Hartford,  July  23.— The  Honourable  William  Samuel  Johnson, 
Major  Eraatus  Wolcott,  and  Richard  Law,  Esq.,  chosen  by  the  hon. 
ourable  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  that  Colony,  at  their  late 
meeting  in  New-Lomlon,  to  meet  the  Delegates  from  the  other  Colo, 
nies  in  general  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  having  declined  that  service. 
The  Committee  have  agreed  to  meet  in  this  town,  on  Wednesday,  the 
third  of  August  next,  to  appoint  three  other  gentlemen  in  their  stead. 

August  3.— Tlio  following  gentlemen  were  appointed  at  Hartford, 
viz  :  the  Hon.  Roger  Sherman,  Esq.,  and  Capt.  Joseph  Trumbull;  one 
of  which  gentlemen,  with  the  Hon.  Eliphalet  Dyer,  Esq.,  and  Silas 
Deane,  Esq.,  who  were  appointed  at  the  fonncr  meeting,  are  to  repre- 
Bent  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  at  the  general  Congress, 


555 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


556 


whole,  and  for  obtaining  a  redress  of  the  grievances  under 
whicli  we  labour.  Being  a  matter  of  great  expectancy,  a 
number  of  gentlemen  from  the  neighbouring  towns  attend- 
ed. About  four  o'clock,  P.  M.,  the  gentlemen  Committee 
declared  to  the  expecting  people  their  choice  ;  upon  which 
a  royal  salute  was  fired  from  our  battery,  and  also  a  salute 
from  the  shipping  in  the  harbour.  Decency,  good  order, 
and  loyalty,  were  conspicuous  in  all  ranks  and  degrees  of 
the  people. 

By  his  Ktcelhncy  the  HonourahJc  Thomas  Gage,  Gen- 
eral  and  Command er-in- Chief  of  all  his  Majesty's 
Forces  in  North  America,  S^c,  (fc,  ifc. 

A  proclamation. 

Whereas  some  Soldiers  have  deserted  his  Majesty's 
service,  belonging  to  the  Regiments  late  arrived  from  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland.  This  is  to  give  notice,  all  soldiers 
who  deserted  from  said  Corps  previous  to  the  tenth  day  of 
this  instant,  month  of  July,  shall  receive  their  pardons 
upon  surrendering  themselves  before  or  on  the  tenth  day  of 
August  next  ensuing ;  and  on  failure  of  so  doing,  they  are 
not  to  expect  mercy. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  Head  Quarters  at  Boston,  this 
fifteenth  day  of  July,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-four.  Thomas  Gage. 

By  his  Excellency's  command. 

Gab.  Maturin,  Secretary. 

IVIjLSsachusctts  Bay. 


PENNSYLVANIA  CONVENTION. 

At  a  Provincial  Meeting  of  Deputies  chosen  by  the 
several  Counties,  in  Pennsylvania,  held  at  Philadelphia, 
Friday,  Jidy  15,  1774,  and  continued  by  adjournments 
from  day  to-day.     Present : 

For  the  City  and  Cowniy  o/Philadelphia. — Thomas 
Willing,  John  Dickinson,  Peter  Chevalier,  Edward  Pen- 
nington, Thomas  Wharton,  John  Cox,  Joseph  Read,  Tho- 
mas Wharton,  Jun.,  Samuel  Erwin,  Thomas  Fitzsimmons, 
Doctor  WiUiam  Smith,  Isaac  Howell,  Adam  Hubley, 
George  Schlosser,  Samuel  Miles,  Thomas  Mifjlin,  Chris- 
topher LudvAclc,  Joseph  Moulder,  Anthony  Morris, 
Jun.,  George  Gray,  John  Nixon,  Jacob  Barge,  Thomas 
Penrose,  John  M.  Neshit,  Jonathan  B.  Smith,  James 
Mease,  Thomas  Barclay,  Benjamin  Marshall,  Samuel 
Howell,  William  Moulder,  John  Roberts,  John  Bayard, 
f'Villiam  Rush,  Charles  Thomson. 

Bucks. — John  Kidd,  Henry  Wynlcoop,  Joseph  KirJc- 
hride,  John  Wilkinson,  James  Wallace. 

Chester. — Francis  Richardson,  Elisha  Price,  John 
Hart,  Anthony  Waine,  Hugh  Lloyd,  John  Sellers,  Fran- 
cis Johnson,  Richard  Reiley. 

Lancaster. — George  Ross,  James  Webb,  Joseph  Fer- 
ree,  Matthias  Slough,  Emanuel  Carpenter,  William  Atlee, 
Alexander  Lowry,  Moses  Erwin. 

York. — James  Smith,  Jos.  Donaldson,  Thos.  Hartley. 

Cumberland. — James  Wilson,  Robert  Magaw,  Wil- 
liam Irvine. 

Berks. — Edward  Biddle,  Daniel  Broadhead,  Jona- 
than Potts,  Thomas  Dnndas,  Christopher  Schultz. 

Northampton. —  William  Edmunds,  Peter  Kechlein, 
John  Okeley,  Jacob  Amdt. 

Northumberland. —  William  Scull,  Samuel  Hunter. 

Bedford. — George  Woods. 

Westmoreland. — Robert  Hannah,  James  Cavett. 

Thomas  Willing,  Chairman, 
Charles  Thomson,  Clerk. 

Agreed,  Tiiat  in  case  of  any  difference  in  sentiment, 
the  question  be  determined  by  the  Deputies  voting  by 
counties. 

The  Letters  from  Bo6/on  of  the  13th  of  iJiffy  were  then 
read,  and  a  short  account  given  of  the  steps  taken  in  con- 
sequence thereof,  and  the  measures  now  pursuing  in  this 
and  the  neighbouring  Provinces.  After  which  the  follow- 
ing Resolves  were  passed  : 

Unanimously,  I.  That  we  acknowledge  ourselves,  and 
the  inhabitants  of  tliis  Province,  liege  subjects  of  his 
Majesty  King  George  tiie  Tliird,  to  whom  they  and  we 
owe  and  will  bear  true  and  faithful  allegiance. 

Unanimously,  2.  That  as  the  idea  of  an  unconstitu- 
tional independence  on  the  parent  state  is  utterly  abhorrent 


to  our  principles,  we  owe  the  unhappy  differences  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  with  the  deepest  distress 
and  anxiety  of  mind,  as  fruitless  to  her,  grievous  to  us, 
and  destructive  of  the  best  interests  of  both. 

Unanimously,  3.  That  it  is,  therefore,  our  ardent  desire, 
that  our  ancient  harmony  with  the  mother  country  should 
be  restored,  and  a  perpetual  love  and  union  subsist  between 
us,  on  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  and  an  interchange 
of  good  oliices,  without  the  least  infraction  of  our  mutual 
rights. 

Unanimously,  4.  That  the  inhabitants  of  these  Colonies 
are  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  liberties  within  these 
Colonies,  that  the  subjects  born  in  England  are  entitled  to 
within  that  Realm. 

Unanimously,  5.  That  the  power  assumed  by  the  Par- 
hament  of  Great  Britain  to  bind  the  people  of  these 
Colonies,  "  by  statutes,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  is  uncon- 
stitutional, and,  therefore,  the  source  of  tliese  unhappy  dif- 
ferences. 

Unanimously,  6.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shut- 
ting up  the  port  of  Boston,  is  unconstitutional,  oppressive 
to  the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  dangerous  to  the  liberties 
of  the  British  Colonies  ;  and,  therefore,  that  we  consider 
our  brethren  at  Boston  as  suffering  in  the  common  cause 
of  these  Colonies. 

Unanimously,  7.  That  the  Bill  for  altering  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  in  certain  criminal  cases  within  the  Prov- 
ince of  Massachusetts  Bay,  if  passed  into  an  Act  of  Par- 
liament, will  be  as  unconstitutional,  oppressive  and  dan- 
gerous, as  the  Act  above  mentioned. 

Unanimously,  8.  That  the  Bill  for  changing  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  established 
by  Charter,  and  enjoyed  since  the  grant  of  that  Charter,  if 
passed  into  an  Act  of  Parliament,  will  be  unconstitutional, 
and  dangerous  in  its  consequences  to  the  American  Colo- 
nies. 

Unanimously,  9.  That  there  is  an  absolute  necessity 
that  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  be 
immediately  assembled,  to  consult  together,  and  form  a 
general  plan  of  conduct  to  be  observed  by  all  the  Colonies, 
for  the  purposes  of  procuring  relief  for  our  suffering  breth- 
ren, obtaining  redress  of  our  grievances,  preventing  future 
dissensions,  firmly  establishing  our  rights,  and  restoring 
harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  on  a 
constitutional  foundation. 

Unanimously,  10.  That,  although  a  suspension  of  the 
commerce  of  this  large  trading  Province,  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, would  greatly  distress  multitudes  of  our  industrious 
inhabitants,  yet  that  sacrifice,  and  a  much  greater,  we  are 
ready  to  offer  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  ;  but,  in 
tenderness  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  of 
this  country,  and  in  hopes  that  our  just  remonstrnnces  will, 
at  length,  reach  the  ears  of  our  gracious  Sovereign,  and  be 
no  longer  treated  with  contempt  by  any  of  our  fellow-sub- 
jects in  England,  it  is  our  earnest  desire  tliat  the  Congress 
should  first  try  the  gentler  mode  of  stating  our  grievances, 
and  making  a  firm  and  decent  claim  of  redress. 

11.  Resolved,  by  a  great  majority.  That  yet,  notwith- 
standing, as  an  unanimity  of  counsels  and  measures  is 
indispensably  necessary  for  the  common  welfare,  if  the 
Congress  shall  judge  agreements  of  non-importation  and 
non-exportation  expedient,  the  people  of  this  Province 
will  join  with  the  other  principal  and  neighbouring  Colo- 
nies, in  such  an  Association  of  non-importation  from,  and 
non-exportation  to,  Great  Britain,  as  shall  be  agreed  on 
at  the  Congress. 

]  2.  Resolved,  by  a  majority.  That  if  any  proceedings 
of  the  Parliament,  of  which  notice  shall  be  received,  on 
this  Continent,  before  or  at  t!ie  general  Congress,  shall 
render  it  necessary,  in  the  opinion  of  that  Congress,  for  the 
Colonies  to  take  farther  steps  than  are  mentioned  in  the 
eleventh  Resolve ;  in  such  case,  the  inhabitants  of  this 
Province  shall  adopt  such  farther  steps,  and  do  all  in  their 
power  to  carry  them  into  execution. 

Unanimously,  13.  That  the  venders  of  merchandise  of 
every  kind,  within  this  Province,  ought  not  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  Resolves  relating  to  non-importation,  in  this 
Province,  or  elsewhere ;  but  that  they  ought  to  sell  their 
merchandise,  which  they  now  have,  or  may  hereafter  im- 
port, at  the  same  rates  they  have  been  accustomed  to  do 
within  three  months  last  past. 

Unanimously,  14.  That  the   people  of  this  Province 


557 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


558 


will  break  off  all  trade,  commerce,  and  dealing,  and  will 
have  no  trade,  commerce,  or  dealing  of  any  kind,  with  any 
Colony  on  this  Continent,  or  with  any  city  or  town  in  such 
Colony,  or  witli  any  individual  in  any  such  Colony,  city, 
or  town,  which  shall  refuse,  decline,  or  neglect  to  adopt, 
and  carry  into  execution,  such  general  plan  as  shall  be 
agreed  to  in  Congress. 

Unanimously,  15.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  member 
of  this  Committee  to  promote,  as  much  as  he  can,  the 
subscription  set  on  foot,  in  the  several  counties  of  this 
Province,  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of 
Boston. 

Unanimously,  16.  That  this  Committee  give  instructions 
on  tlie  present  situation  of  publick  affairs  to  their  Repre- 
sentatives, who  are  to  meet  next  week  in  Assembly,  and 
request  them  to  appoint  a  proper  number  of  persons  to 
attend  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies, 
at  such  time  and  place  as  may  be  agreed  on,  to  effect  one 
general  plan  of  conduct  for  attaining  the  great  and  import- 
ant ends  mentioned  in  tlie  ninth  Resolve. 

Saturday,  July  16,  1774. 

Tlie  Committee  for  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  met 
according  to  adjournment. 

Jolm  Dickinson,  Doctor  William  Smith,  Joseph  Read, 
John  Kidd,  Elisha  Price,  William  Atlee,  James  Smith, 
James  Wilson,  Daniel  Broadhead,  John  Okeley  and 
William  Scull,  are  appointed  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a 
draught  of  Instructions. 

Monday,  July  18.* — Tlie  Committee  appointed  to 
bring  in  Instructions,  reported,  that  they  had  made  a 
draught,  which  they  laid  upon  the  table. 

Moved,  That  they  be  read,  which  was  done. 

Tuesday,  July  19. — Upon  a  motion  made  and  seconded, 
agreed,  that  the  draught  of  Instructions  brought  in  by  the 
Committee,  and  which  were  read,  be  re-committed  to  the 
same  Committee. 

Wednesday,  July  20. — The  Committee  having  brought 
in  a  draught  of  Instructions,  the  same  were  debated, 
amended,  and  agreed  to. 

Thursday,  July  21. — The  Instructions  were  signed  by 
the  Chairman.  The  Committee,  in  a  body,  waited  on 
the  Assembly  then  sitting,  and  presented  the  same. 

It  having  been  moved,  that  the  Essay  of  the  Instructions 
first  proposed  to  be  given  to  the  Honourable  Assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  by  the  Provincial  Committee  assembled  at 
Philadelphia,  the  18lh  instant,  might  be  abridged,  leaving 
out  the  Argumentative  part,  so  as  to  be  more  proper  for 
instructions,  the  same  was  agreed  to ;  but  resolved,  at  the 
same  time,  that  the  whole  work  ought  to  be  published,  as 
liighly  deserving  the  perusal  and  serious  consideration  of 
every  friend  of  liberty  within  these  Colonies. 

Agreed,  unanimously,  That  the  thanksf  of  this  Com- 
mittee be  given  from  the  Chair  to  John  Dickinson,  Esquire, 
for  the  great  assistance  they  have  derived  from  the  laud- 
able application  of  his  eminent  abilities  to  the  service  of  his 
country  in  the  above  performance. 

Extract  from  the  Minutes, 
Charles  Thomson,  Clerk  of  the  Committee. 

•  The  Committees  of  the  counties  having  been  invited,  by  the 
Committee  for  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  to  meet  them  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  15th  of  July,  this  Committee  tliought  it  their 
duty  to  make  some  preparation  in  the  business,  tliat  was  to  be  laid 
bcfori  the  Provincial  Committee  by  them.  On  the  4th  of  July  they 
appointed  a  Committee  for  this  purpose  ;  and  this  measure  enabled 
those  appointed  by  the  Provincial  Committee  to  bring  in  a  draught  so 
soon. 

t  Mr.  Dickinson  being  absent  this  day,  on  account  of  the  funeral 
of  a  relation,  the  next  day  the  Chairman,  in  a  very  obliging  manner, 
delivered  to  him  from  the  Chair  the  thanks  of  the  Committee  j  to 
which  he  replied : 

"  Mr.  Chairman  :  I  heartily  thank  this  respectable  Assembly  for 
"  the  honour  they  have  conferred  upon  mo,  but  want  words  to  express 
"  the  sense  I  feel  of  their  kindness.  The  mere  accidents  of  meeting 
"  with  particular  books,  and  conversing  with  particular  men,  led  rae 
"  into  the  train  of  sentiments  which  the  Committee  arc  pleased  to 
'•  think  just ;  and  others,  with  the  like  opportunities  of  information, 
"  would  much  better  have  deserved  to  receive  tlie  thanks  tliey  now 
"  generously  give.  I  consider  the  approbation  of  this  coinpiiny  as  an 
"  evidence  that  they  entertain  a  favourable  opinion  of  my  good  inten. 
"  tions,  and  as  an  encouragement  for  all  to  apply  themselves,  in  these 
"  unhappy  times,  to  the  service  of  the  publick,  since  even  small 
"  endeavours  to  promote  that  service,  can  find  a  very  valuable  reward. 
"  I  will  try,  during  the  remainder  of  my  life,  to  remember  my  duty  to 
"  our  common  country,  and,  if  it  bo  possible,  to  render  myself  worthy 
"  of  the  honour  for  wliich  I  now  stand  so  deeply  indebted. 

"  I  thank  you,  sir,  for  the  polite  and  affjctionate  manner  in  which 
"  you  have  communicated  the  sense  of  the  Conunittco  to  me." 


INSTRUCTIONS 

From  the  Committee  to  the  Representatives  in  Assembly 

met. 

Gentlemen:  The  dissensions  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  commencing  about  ten 
years  ago,  since  continually  increasing,  and  at  length  grown 
to  such  an  excess  as  to  involve  the  latter  in  deep  distress 
and  danger,  have  excited  the  good  people  of  this  Province 
to  take  into  their  serious  consideration  the  present  situation 
of  publick  affairs. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  several  counties  qualified  to  vote 
at  elections,  being  assembled  on  due  notice,  have  appoint- 
ed us  their  Deputies ;  and  in  consequence  thereof,  we 
being  in  Provincial  Committee  met,  esteem  it  our  indispens- 
able duty,  in  pursuance  of  the  trust  reposed  in  us,  to  give 
you  such  Instructions,  as,  at  this  important  period,  appear 
to  us  to  be  proper. 

We,  speaking  in  their  names  and  our  own,  acknowledge 
ourselves  liege  subjects  of  his  Majesty  King  George  the 
Third,  to  whom  '•'  we  will  be  faithful  and  bear  true  alle- 
giance." 

Our  judgments  and  affections  attach  us,  with  inviolable 
loyalty,  to  his  Majesty's  person,  family,  and  Government. 

We  acknowledge  the  prerogatives  of  the  Sovereign,  among 
which  are  included  the  great  powers  of  making  peace  and 
war,  treaties,  leagues  and  alliances,  binding  us — of  appoint- 
ing all  officers,  except  in  cases  where  other  provision  is 
made,  by  grants  from  the  Crown,  or  laws  approved  by  the 
Crown — of  confirming  or  annulling  every  Act  of  our 
Assembly  within  the  allowed  time — and  of  hearing  and 
determining  finally,  in  Council,  appeals  from  our  Courts  of 
Justice.  "  The  prerogatives  are  limited,"  *as  a  learned 
judge  observes,  "  by  bounds  so  certain  and  notorious,  that 
"  it  is  impossible  to  exceed  them,  without  the  consent  of 
"  the  people  on  the  one  hand,  or  without,  on  the  other,  a 
"  violation  of  that  original  contract,!  which,  in  all  states 

•  1.  Blackttone,  237. 

t  And  though  we  are  strangers  to  the  original  of  most  states,  yet  we 
must  not  imagine  that  what  has  been  here  said,  concerning  the  manner 
in  which  civil  societies  are  formed,  is  an  arbitrary  fiction.  For  since  it 
is  certain,  that  all  civil  societies  had  a  beginning,  it  is  impossible  to 
conceive,  how  the  members,  of  which  they  are  composed,  could  unite 
to  live  together  dependent  on  a  supreme  authority,  without  supposing 
the  covenants  above  mentioned. — Burlamaqui's  Princ.  of  Pol.  Law, 
vol.  2.  p.  29. 

And  in  fact,  upon  considering  the  primitive  state  of  man,  it  appears 
most  certain,  that  the  appellations  of  sovereigns  and  subjects,  masters 
and  slaves,  are  unknown  to  nature.  Nature  has  made  us  all  of  the  same 
species,  all  equal,  all  free  and  independent  of  each  other ;  and  was 
willing  that  those,  on  whom  she  has  bestowed  the  same  faculties,  should 
have  all  the  same  rights.  It  is  therefore  beyond  all  doubt  that  in  this 
primitive  state  of  nature,  no  man  has  of  himself  an  original  right  of 
commanding  others,  or  any  title  to  sovereignty. 

There  is  none  but  God  alone  that  has  of  himself,  and  in  consequence 
of  his  nature  and  perfections,  a  natural,  essential,  and  inherent  right 
of  giving  laws  to  mankind,  and  of  exercising  an  absolute  sovereignty 
over  them.  The  case  is  otherwise  between  man  and  man  ;  they  are  of 
their  own  nature  as  independent  of  one  another,  as  they  are  dependent 
on  God.  This  liberty  and  independence  is  therefore  a  right  naturally 
belonging  to  man,  of  which  it  would  bo  unjust  to  deprive  him  against 
his  will.— /rf.  p.  38. 

There  is  a  beautiful  passage  of  Cicero's  to  this  purpose  :* — "  Nothing 
is  more  agreeable  to  the  Supreme  Deity,  that  governs  this  universe,  than 
civil  societies  lawfully  established." 

When  therefore  we  give  to  Sovereigns  the  title  of  God's  vicegerents 
upon  earth,  this  does  not  imply  that  they  derive  their  authority  imme- 
diately from  God,  but  it  signifies  only,  that  by  means  of  the  power 
lodged  in  their  hands,  and  with  which  the  people  have  invested  them, 
they  maintain,  agreeable  to  the  views  of  the  Deity,  both  order  and  peace, 
and  thus  procure  the  happiness  of  mankind. — Id.  p.  40. 

But  it  will  be  here  objected,  that  the  scripture  itself  says,  that  every 
man  ought  to  bo  subject  to  the  supreme  powers,  because  they  are  cstab. 
lished  by  God.i  I  answer,  with  Grotius,  that  men  have  established 
civil  societies,  not  in  consequence  of  a  divine  ordinance,  but  of  their 
voluntary  motion,  induced  to  it  by  the  experience  tliey  had  had  of  the 
incapacity  which  separate  families  were  under,  of  defending  themselves 
against  the  insults  and  attacks  of  human  violence.  From  thence  (lie 
adds)  arises  the  civil  power,  which  St.  Peter,  for  this  reason,  calls  a 
human  power,!  though  in  other  parts  of  scripture  it  bears  the  nime  of  a 
divine  institution,  ||  because  God  has  approved  of  it  as  an  cstabUshment 
useful  to  mankind.^ 

All  the  other  arguments,  in  favour  of  the  opinion  we  have  been  here 
refuting,  do  uot  even  deserve  our  notice.  In  general,  it  may  be  observ- 
ed, that  never  were  more  wretched  reasons  produced  than  upon  this 
subject,  as  the  reader  may  be  easily  convinced  by  reading  Puffendorf 
on  the  law  of  Nature  and  Nations,  who,  in  tlie  eliapter  corresponding 
to  this,  gives  these  arguments  at  length,  and  completely  refutes 
them, If  Id.  p.  42,  43. 

•  Nihil  Mt  illi  priiicipi  Deo,  qui  omiiem  Imnc  miindum  regit,  quod  quidem  in  terrii  (Ut 
ttcccptius,  quam  consilia  coetusque  hominum  jure  lociati,  qu»  civilatM  appellaiuui.— 
Somn.  Scifi.  c.  3. 

t  Rom.  xiiL  t  1  Ep.  c.  2.  y.  13.  II  Rora.xiii.  1. 

i  Grotius  of  tlie  right  of  War  and  Peace,  book  I.  c.  4.  lec  7, 12.  Ko.  3. 
1  3«  the  law  ot  Nature  and  Nationi,  book  VIl.  c  3. 


559 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


560 


"  impliedly,  and  in  ours  most  expressly,  subsists  between 
"  the  Prince  and  Subject. — For  these  prerogatives  are 
"  vested  in  the  Crown  for  the  support  of  society,  and  do 
"  not  intrencii  any  farther  on  our  natural  liberties,  than  is 
"  expedient  for  tlia  maintenance  of  our  civil." 

But  it  is  our  misfortune,  that  we  are  compelled  loudly  to 
call  your  attention  to  the  consideration  of  another  power, 
totally  different  in  kind — limited,  as  it  is  alleged,  by  no 
"  bounds,"  and  *"  wearing  a  most  dreadful  aspect,"  with 
regard  to  America.  We  mean  the  power  claimed  by  Par- 
liament, of  right,  to  bind  the  people  of  these  Colonies  by 
statutes,  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever" — a  power,  as  we  are  not, 
and  from  local  circumstances,  cannot  be  represented  there, 
utterly  subversive  of  our  natural  and  civil  liberties — past 
events  and  reason  convincing  us,  that  there  never  existed, 
and  never  can  exist,  a  state  thus  subordinate  to  another, 
and  yet  retaining  the  slightest  portion  of  freedom  or  happi- 
ness. 

The  import  of  the  words  above  quoted  needs  no  des- 
cant; for  the  wit  of  man,  as  we  apprehend,  cannot  possibly 
form  a  more  clear,  concise,  and  comprehensive  definition 
and  sentence  of  slavery,  than  these  expressions  contain. 

This  power  claimed  by  Great  Britain,  and  the  late 
attempts  to  exercise  it  over  these  Colonies,  present  to  our 
view  two  events,  one  of  which  must  inevitably  take  place, 
if  she  shall  continue  to  insist  on  her  pretensions.  Either, 
the  Colonists  will  sink  from  the  rank  of  freemen  into  the 
class  of  slaves,  overwhelmed  with  all  the  miseries  and  vices, 
proved  by  the  history  of  mankind  to  be  inseparably  annex- 
ed to  that  deplorable  condition :  Or,  if  they  have  sense 
and  virtue  enough  to  exert  themselves  in  striving  to  avoid 
this  perdition,  they  must  be  involved  in  an  opposition 
dreadful  even  in  contemplation. 

Honour,  justice,  and  humanity,  call  upon  us  to  hold,  and 
to  transmit  to  our  posterity,  that  liberty  which  we  received 
from  our  ancestors.  It  is  not  our  duty  to  leave  wealth  to 
our  children  :  But  it  is  our  duty  to  leave  liberty  to  them. 
No  infamy,  iniquity,  or  cruelty,  can  exceed  our  own,  if  we, 
born  and  educated  in  a  country  of  freedom,  entitled  to  its 
blessings,  and  knowing  their  value,  pusillanimously  desert- 
ing the  post  assigned  us  by  Divine  Providence,  surrender 
succeeding  generations  to  a  condition  of  wretchedness, 
from  which  no  human  efforts,  in  all  probability,  will  be 
sufficient  to  extricate  them  ;  the  experience  of  all  states 
mournfully  demonstrating  to  us,  that  when  arbitrary  power 
has  been  established  over  them,  even  the  wisest  and  bravest 
Nations,  that  ever  flourished,  have  in  a  few  years,  degen- 
erated into  abject  and  wretched  vassals. 

So  alarming  are  the  measures  already  taken  for  laying 
the  foundation  of  a  despotick  authority  of  Great  Britain 
over  us,  and  with  such  artful  and  incessant  vigilance  is  the 
plan  prosecuted,  that  unless  the  present  generation  can 
interrupt  the  work  while  it  is  going  forward,  can  it  be 
imagined  that  our  children,  debilitated  by  our  imprudence 
and  supineness,  will  be  able  to  overthrow  it,  when  com- 
pleted? Populous  and  powerful  as  these  Colonies  may 
grow,  they  will  still  find  arbitrary  domination  not  only 
strengthening  with  their  strength,  but  exceeding,  in  the 
swiftness  of  its  progression,  as  it  ever  has  done,  all  the 
artless  advantages  that  can  accrue  to  the  governed.  These 
advance  with  a  regularity,  which  the  divine  Author  of  our 
existence  has  impressed  on  the  laudable  pursuits  of  his 
creatures :  But  despotism,f  unchecked  and  unbounded  by 

•  1.  Blaekttone,  270. 

t  As  virtue  is  necessary  in  a  Republic,  and  in  a  Monarchy  honour,  so 
fear  is  nocRssary  in  a  Despotick  Government ;  with  regard  to  virtue, 
there  is  no  occasion  for  it,  and  honour  would  be  extremely  dangerous. 

Here  the  immnnse  power  of  the  Prince  is  devolved  entirely  upon 
those  to  whom  he  is  pleased  to  intrust  it.  Perseus  capable  of  setting 
a  value  upon  themselves  would  be  likely  to  create  revolutions.  Fear 
must  therefore  depress  their  spirits,  and  oxtinguisli  even  the  least  sense 
of  ambition. — Mont.  Spir.  of  Laws,  vol.  1.  book  III.  ch.  9.  An  idea  of 
despotick  power. 

When  the  savages  of  Louisiana  are  desirous  of  fruit,  they  cut  the 
tree  to  the  root,  and  gather  the  fruit."  This  is  au  emblem  of  despotick 
Government. — Id.  hook  V.  ch.  13. 

The  principlT  of  despotick  Government  is  fear ;  but  a  timid,  igno- 
rant, and  faint-spirited  people  have  no  occasion  for  a  great  number  of 
laws. 

Every  thing  ought  to  depend  hero  on  two  or  three  ideas ;  therefore 
there  is  no  necosiity  that  any  now  notions  should  bo  added.  When 
we  want  to  break  a  hor*i  wo  take  care  not  to  lot  him  chancre  his  master, 
his  lesson,  or  his  jiice.  Thus  an  impression  is  made  on  his  brain  by 
two  or  three  motions,  and  no  more. — Id.  book  V.  eh.  14. 

•  Edifying  Letlen,  11  coll.  p.  315. 


any  laws — never  satisfied  with  what  has  been  done,  while 
any  thing  remains  to  be  done  for  the  accomplishment  of  its 
purposes — confiding  and  capable  of  confiding,  only  in  the 
annihilation  of  all  opposition — holds  its  course  with  such 
unabating  and  destructive  rapidity,  that  the  world  has 
become  its  prey,  and  at  this  day.  Great  Britain  and  her 
Dominions  excepted,  there  is  scarce  a  spot  on  the  globe 
inhabited  by  civilized  Nations,  where  the  vestiges  of  free- 
dom are  to  be  observed. 

To  us,  therefore,  it  appears,  at  this  alarming  period, 
our  duty  to  God,  to  our  country,  to  ourselves,  and  to  our 
posterity,  to  exert  our  utmost  ability  in  promoting  and 
establishing  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  these 
Colonies,  on  a  constitutional  foundation. 

For  attaining  this  great  and  desirable  end,  we  request 
you  to  appoint  a  proper  number  of  persons  to  attend  a 
Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies,  appointed, 
or  to  be  appointed,  by  the  Representatives  of  the  people 
of  the  Colonies  respectively  in  Assembly,  or  Convention, 
or  by  Delegates  chosen  by  the  counties  generally  in  the 
respective  Colonies,  and  met  in  Provincial  Committee,  at 
such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  generally  agreed  on  ;  and 
that  the  Deputies  from  this  Province  may  be  induced  and 
encouraged  to  concur  in  such  measures  as  may  be  devised 
for  the  common  welfare,  we  think  it  proper  particularly  to 
inform  you  how  far  we  apprehend  they  will  be  supported 
in  their  conduct  by  their  constituents. 

[In  this  place  was  inserted  the  Argumentative  part, 
ivhich  is  here  inserted  at  the  end  of  the  Instructions J\ 

The  assumed  Parliamentary  power  of  internal  legisla- 
tion, and  the  power  of  regulating  trade,  as  of  late  exer- 
cised, and  designed  to  be  exercised,  we  are  thoroughly 
convinced  will  prove  unfailing  and  plentiful  sources  of  dis- 
sensions to  our  mother  country  and  these  Colonies,  unless 
some  expedients  can  be  adopted  to  render  her  secure  of 
receiving  from  us  every  emolument  that  can  in  justice  and 
reason  be  expected,  and  us  secure  in  our  lives,  properties, 
and  an  equitable  share  of  commerce. 

Mournfully  revolving  in  our  minds  the  calamities,  that, 
arising  from  these  dissensions,  will  most  probably  fall  on  us 
and  our  children,  we  will  now  lay  before  you  the  particular 
points  we  request  of  you  to  procure,  if  possible,  to  be 
finally  decided ;  and  the  measures  that  appear  to  us  most 
likely  to  produce  such  a  desirable  period  of  our  distresses 
and  dangers.     We  therefore  desire  of  you  : 

First.  That  the  Deputies  you  appoint  may  be  instructed 
by  you  strenuously  to  exert  themselves,  at  the  ensuin" 
Congress,  to  obtain  a  renunciation,  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain,  of  all  powers  under  the  statute  of  the  thirty-fifth  of 
Henry  the  Eighth,  chapter  the  second,  of  all  powers  of 
internal  legislation — of  imposing  taxes  or  duties,  internal 
or  external — and  of  regulating  trade,  except  with  respect 
to  any  new  articles  of  commerce,  which  the  Colonies  may 
hereafter  raise,  as  silk,  wine,  &.C.,  reserving  a  right  to  carry 
these  from  one  Colony  to  another — a  repeal  of  all  statutes 
for  quartering  troops  in  the  Colonies,  or  subjecting  them 
to  any  expense  on  account  of  such  troops — of  all  statutes 
imposing  duties  to  be  paid  in  the  Colonies,  that  were 
passed  at  the  accession  of  his  present  Majesty,  or  before 
this  time,  which  ever  period  shall  be  judged  most  advis- 
able— of  the  statutes  giving  the  Courts  of  Admiralty  in 
the  Colonies  greater  power  than  Courts  of  Admiralty  liave 
in  England — of  the  statutes  of  the  fiftli  of  George  the 
Second,  chapter  the  twenty-second,  and  of  the  twenty- 
third  of  George  the  Second,  chapter  the  twenty-ninth — 
of  the  statute  for  shutting  up  the  port  o(  Boston — and  of 
every  other  statute  particularly  affecting  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  passed  in  the  last  session  of  Parlia- 
ment. 

In  case  of  obtaining  these  terms,  it  is  our  opinion  that 
it  will  be  reasonable  for  the  Colonies  to  engage  their  obe- 
dience to  the  Acts  of  Parliament,  commonly  called  the  Acts 
of  Navigation,  and  to  every  other  Act  of  Parliament  de- 
clared to  have  force  at  this  time  in  these  Colonies,  other 
than  those  above  mentioned,  and  to  confirm  such  statutes 
by  Acts  of  the  several  Assemblies.  It  is  also  our  opinion, 
that  taking  example  from  our  mother  country,  in  abolishing 
the  ''courts  of  wards  and  liveries,  tenures  in  capite,and  by 
knight's  service  and  purveyance,"  it  will  be  reasonable  for 
the  Colonies,  in  case  of  obtaining  the  terms  before-raen- 


561 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


562 


tioned,  to  settle  a  certain  annual  revenue  on  his  Majesty,  his 
heirs  and  successors,  subject  to  the  controul  of  Parliament, 
and  to  satisfy  all  damages  done  to  the  East  India  Com- 
pany. 

This  our  idea  of  settling  a  revenue  arises  from  a  sense 
of  duty  to  our  Sovereign,  and  of  esteem  for  our  mother 
country.  We  know  and  have  felt  tlie  benefits  of  a  subor- 
dinate connexion  with  her.  We  neither  are  so  stupid  as  to 
be  ignorant  of  them ;  nor  so  unjust  as  to  deny  them.  We 
have  also  experienced  the  pleasures  of  gratitude  and  love, 
as  well  as  advantages  from  that  connection.  The  impres- 
sions are  not  yet  erased.  We  consider  her  circumstances 
with  tender  concern.  We  have  not  been  wanting,  when 
constitutionally  called  upon,  to  assist  her  to  the  utmost  of 
our  abilities ;  insomuch  that  she  has  judged  it  reasonable  to 
make  us  recompenses  for  our  overstrained  exertions ;  and 
we  now  think  we  ought  to  contribute  more  than  we  do  to 
the  alleviation  of  her  burthens. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  these  proposals  on  either  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  this  is  not  a  time  either  for  timidity  or 
rashness.  We  perfectly  know  that  the  great  cause  now  agi- 
tated, is  to  be  conducted  to  a  happy  conclusion  only  by  that 
well  tempered  composition  of  counsels,  which  firmness, 
prudence,  loyalty  to  our  Sovereign,  respect  to  our  parent 
state,  and  affection  to  our  native  country,  united,  must 
form. 

By  such  a  compact,  Great  Britain  will  secure  every 
benefit  that  the  Parliamentary  wisdom  of  ages  has  thought 
proper  to  attach  to  her.  From  her  alone  we  shall  continue 
to  receive  manufactures.  To  her  alone  we  shall  continue 
to  carry  the  vast  multitude  of  enumerated  articles  of  com- 
merce, the  exportation  of  which  her  policy  has  thought 
fit  to  confine  to  herself.  With  such  parts  of  the  world  only 
as  she  has  appointed  us  to  deal,  we  shall  continue  to  deal ; 
and  such  commodities  only  as  she  has  permitted  us  to  bring 
from  them,  we  shall  continue  to  bring.  The  Executive  and 
controlling  powers  of  the  Crown  will  retain  their  present 
full  force  and  operation.  We  shall  contentedly  labour  for 
her  as  affectionate  friends,  in  time  of  tranquillity,  and  cheer- 
fully spend  for  her  as  dutiful  children,  our  treasure  and  our 
blood,  in  time  of  war.  She  will  receive  a  certain  income* 
from  us,  without  the  trouble  or  expense  of  collecting  it — 
without  being  constantly  disturbed  by  complaints  of  griev- 

•  The  train  of  officers  employed  by  Great  Britain,  consume  a  very 
large  part  of  what  she  takes  from  us.  She  therefore  increaaos  our  dis- 
tresses to  make  up  for  that  consumption.  They  will  hereafter  grow 
more  and  more  oppressive  ;  we  more  and  more  uneasy ;  she  more  and 
more  disturbed.  We  could  raise  the  same  sum  in  a  much  more  easy, 
equal,  and  cheap  manner,  than  she  can  do.  The  attention  of  small 
States  extends  much  more  efficaciously  and  beneficially  to  every  part 
of  the  Territories,  than  that  of  the  administration  of  a  vast  Empire. 
The  Representatives  in  Assembly,  who  are  taxed  when  the  People  are 
taxed,  and  accountable  to  them,  will  have  double  motives  to  take  care 
that  the  raising  and  expending  money  is  managed  in  the  best  way. 
The  House  of  Commons  would  not  bear  to  examine  every  particular 
relating  to  the  just  taxation  of  every  county  on  this  Continent,  and  to 
settle  all  the  accounts  fairly.  If  they  could  go  through  the  immense 
labour,  it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  do  any  other  business.  In 
short,  by  not  doing  it,  they  would  bo  unjust ;  by  doing  it,  they  would 
be  useless.  Equity  and  reason  demonstrates  that  such  a  power  belongs 
not  to  them.  We  have  had  some  remarkable  instances  on  this  Conti- 
nent, some  few  years  ago,  of  the  Crown  being,  according  to  all  the 
forms  of  business,  charged  with  articles  that  never  went  to  the  use  of 
the  Crown.  Tli.ise  were  perquisites ;  and  who  could  be  so  puritanical 
as  to  blame  the  civil  word  ?  It  is  said  our  barracks  cost  about  eight  thou- 
sand pounds  of  this  money ;  and  that  the  barracks  at  another  place,  not 
deserving  a  comparison  with  ours,  cost  forty  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
We  built  our  own  ourselves,  and  were  as  saving  and  careful  as  we  could 
be,  it  may  be  supposed.  If  money  is  raised  upon  us  by  Parliament ;  of 
one  thousand  pounds  taken  out  of  our  pockets,  not  one  hundred,  in  all 
probability,  will  be  usefully  applied  to  the  service  of  the  Crown.  De- 
ficiencies will  ensue — they  must  be  supplied ;  other  Acts  are  made — 
still  others,  till  our*  "  unrepresented  blades  of  grass,"  too  frequently 
and  closely  cut  down  and  exposed  to  the  burning  heat  of  an  unsetting 
sun,  over  "  in  its  meridian,"  perish  to  tlieir  deepest  roots. 

"  There  is  not  upon  earth"  says  the  excellent  Gordon,  "  a  Nation, 
"  which,  having  had  unaccountable  Magistrates,  has  not  felt  them  to 
"  be  crying  and  consuming  mischiefs.  In  truth,  where  they  are  most 
"  limited,  it  has  been  often  as  much  as  a  whole  People  could  do  to  re- 
"  strain  them  to  their  trust,  and  to  keep  them  from  violence  ;  and  such 
"  frequently  has  been  their  propensity  to  be  lawless,  that  nothing  but 
"  a  violent  death  could  cure  them  of  their  violence.  This  evil  has  its 
"root  in  human  nature;  men  will  never  tliink  they  have  enough, 
"  wliilst  they  can  take  more ;  nor  be  content  with  a  part,  when  they 
"  can  seize  the  whole.t" 

"  That  the  business  of  most  Kingdoms  has  been  ill  managed,  pro- 
"  ceeds  from  this ;  it  imports  the  lower  rank  of  men  only,  and  the  People 
"  (whoso  cries  seldom  roach  the  Prince  till  it  is  too  late,  and  till  all  is 
"  past  remedy)  that  matters  should  bo  frugally  ordered,  because  taxes 
"  must  arise  from  their  sweat  and  labour.  But  the  great  ones,  who 
"  heretofore  have  had  the  Prince's  ear  and  favour,  or  wlio  hoped  to  have 


ances  which  she  cannot  justify,  and  will  not  redress.  In 
case  of  war,  or  in  any  emergency  of  distress  to  her,  we 
shall  also  be  ready  and  willing  to  contribute  all  aids  within 
our  power ;  and  we  solemnly  declare,  that  on  such  occa- 
sions, if  we  or  our  posterity  shall  refuse,  neglect,  or  de- 
cline, thus  to  contribute,  it  will  be  a  mean  and  manifest 
violation  of  a  plain  duty,  and  a  weak  and  wicked  desertion 
of  the  true  interests  of  this  Province,  which  ever  have 
been,  and  must  be,  bound  up  in  the  prosperity  of  our 
mother  country.  Our  union,  founded  on  mutual  compacts 
and  mutual  benefits,  will  be  indissoluble,  at  least  more  firm, 
than  an  union  perpetually  disturbed  by  disputed  rights  and 
retorted  injuries. 

Secondly.  If  all  the  terms  above  mentioned  cannot  be 
obtained,  it  is  our  opinion  that  the  measures  adopted  by 
the  Congress  for  our  relief,  should  never  be  relinquished  or 
intermitted,  until  those  relating  to  the  troops ;  internal 
legislation ;  imposition  of  taxes  or  duties  hereafter ;  the 
thirty-fifth  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  chapter  the  second ;  the 
extension  of  Admiralty  Courts ;  the  port  of  Boston  and 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  are  obtained.  Every 
modification  or  qualification  of  these  points,  in  our  judg- 
ment, should  be  inadmissible.  To  obtain  them,  we  think  it 
may  be  prudent  to  settle  some  revenue  as  above  mention- 
ed, and  to  satisfy  the  East  India  Company. 

Thirdly.  If  neither  of  these  plans  should  be  agreed  to 
in  Congress,  but  some  other  of  a  similar  nature  shall  be 
framed,  though  on  the  terms  of  a  revenue,  and  satisfaction 
to  the  East  India  Company ;  and  though  it  shall  be  agreed 
by  the  Congress  to  admit  no  modification  or  qualification 
in  the  terms  they  shall  insist  on,  we  desire  your  Deputies 
may  be  instructed  to  concur  with  the  other  Deputies  in  it ; 
and  we  will  accede  to  and  carry  it  into  execution  as  far  as 
we  can. 

Fourthly.  As  to  the  regulation  of  trade,  we  are  of 
opinion,  that  by  making  some  few  amendments,  the  com- 
merce of  the  Colonies  might  be  settled  on  a  firm  establish- 
ment, advantageous  to  Great  Britain  and  them,  requiring 
and  subject  to  no  future  alterations,  without  mutual  consent. 
We  desire  to  have  this  point  considered  by  the  Congress, 
and  such  measures  taken  as  they  may  judge  proper. 

In  order  to  obtain  redress  of  our  common  grievances,  we 
observe  a  general  inclination  among  the  Colonies  of  enter- 

"  him  in  their  possession,  were  swayed  by  another  sort  of  interest ; 
"  they  like  profusion,  as  having  had  a  prospect  to  be  gainers  by  it,  they 
"  can  easily  set  their  account  even  with  the  state ;  a  small  charge 
"  upon  their  land  is  more  than  balanced  by  a  great  place,  or  a  large 
"  pension."* 

See  the  Lord  Keeper  North's  account  of  abuses  in  the  conduct  and 
disposal  of  the  publick  money,  in  the  time  of  King  Charles  the  Sec- 
ond.+  Those  who,  in  our  times,  are  the  conductors  of  the  same  kind 
of  dirty  work,  may  compare  the  modem  ingenious  ways  and  means 
with  those  of  their  worthy  predecessors. 

Among  others,  pretended  want  of  money  in  the  Treasury,  in  order 
to  have  a  pretence  for  giving  an  exorbitant  price  for  necessaries. 
Lending  the  Crown  at  eight  per  cent.,  money  which  was  raised  at  five 
and  six.  Paying  with  the  publick  money,  pretending  it  to  be  private, 
and  taking  interest.  Depreciating  the  publick  debts  and  funds ;  buying 
them  of  the  holders  at  half  their  worth,  and  afterwards,  by  interest, 
getting  them  paid  in  full.  Pretending  to  give  up  all  power  in  recom- 
mending to  places  for  a  consideration,  and  then  insisting  on  recom- 
mending still ;  and  so  getting  both  ways.  Rolling  over  losses  upon  the 
Crown  or  publick,  while  the  gain  was  to  sink  into  private  pockets.  A 
father  stopping  a  large  sum  in  his  own  hand,  which  was  to  have  been 
paid  the  publick  creditors.  Before  he  can  be  brought  to  account  he 
dies ;  the  money  sinks  into  the  pocket  of  his  heir ;  he  obtains  a  pardon 
of  all  his  father's  debts.  Gross  frauds  in  office  found  out ;  then  new 
officers  and  salaries  set  up  as  checks.  The  new  prove  as  great  knaves 
as  the  old,  and  form  a  scheme  of  collusion  and  mutual  understanding. 
But  the  publick  pays  for  all,  and  the  power  of  the  Court  is  strength- 
ened. An  old  placeman  begs  leave  to  sell ;  pockets  the  money,  and  by 
and  by,  through  interest,  gets  a  new  place  gratis.  Extravagant  men 
squander  their  own  money  in  their  publick  employments  of  Ambassa- 
dors, Governours,  &c.,  and  charge  the  publick  with  more  than  they 
really  spent ;  while  what  they  really  spent  was  ten  times  more  than 
necessary.  The  business  of  old  offices  transferred  to  new ;  but  the 
profits  of  the  old  still  kept  up,  though  become  sinecures.  An  old  ser- 
vant of  the  publick  retires  upon  a  pension ;  he  who  succeeds  him,  by 
interest,  gets  it  continued  to  liim.  Another  gets  an  addition  to  his  sal- 
ary, and  then  sells  his  place  for  a  great  deal  more  than  it  cost  him,  and 
so  an  additional  load  is  laid  on  the  publick  ;  for  the  addition  must  bo 
continued,  because  the  place  was  bought.  An  annual  sum  is  granted 
by  the  publick  for  a  publick  use,  as  keeping  up  a  harbour,  or  the  like ; 
a  private  man,  by  interest,  gets  a  grant  of  the  job;  the  publick  concern 
is  neglected,  and  the  publick  pocket  picked.  Crown  lands  perpetually 
begged  and  given  away  to  strengthen  the  Court  interest.  The  Crown 
constantly  kept  in  debt,  and  Parliament  solicited  to  pay  those  debts  oc- 
casioned by  the  voracity  of  the  Court.  Commanders  of  fleets  order  a 
superfluous  quantity  of  stores;  by  collusion  between  them  and  the 
Btore.masters,  this  superfluous  quantity  is  sold  again  to  the  Kmg,  and 
the  money  sunk  m  their  pockets.     Sometimes  the  store-masters  gave 


•  Speech  of  Lord  Camden* 

FouETU  Sekies. 


t  Catt't  Lett  in,  78. 


•  Daren.  11, 262.         t  Dalrymp.  Mem,  U,  84. 


36 


563 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JULY,  1774. 


564 


ing  into  agreements  of  non-importation  and  non-exporta- 
tion. We  are  fully  convinced  that  such  agreements  would 
withhold  very  large  supplies  from  Great  Britain ;  and  no 
words  can  describe  our  contempt  and  abhorrence  of  those 
Colonists,  if  any  such  there  are,  who,  from  a  sordid  and  ill- 
judged  attachment  to  their  own  immediate  profit,  would 
pursue  that  to  the  injury  of  their  country,  in  this  great 
struggle  for  all  the  blessings  of  liberty.  It  would  appear 
to  us  a  most  wasteful  frugality,  that  would  lose  every  im- 
portant jxjssession,  by  too  strict  an  attention  to  small  things, 
and  lose  also  even  these  at  the  last.  For  our  part,  we  will 
cheerfully  make  any  sacrifice,  when  necessary,  to  preserve 
the  freedom  of  our  country.  But  other  considerations  have 
weight  with  us.  We  wish  every  mark  of  respect  to  be 
paid  to  his  Majesty's  Administration.  We  have  been 
taught  from  our  youth  to  entertain  tender  and  brotherly 
affections  for  our  fellow-subjects  at  home.  The  interrup- 
tion of  our  commerce  must  distress  great  numbers  of  them. 
Tiiis  we  earnestly  desire  to  avoid.  We  therefore  request, 
that  the  Deputies  you  shall  appoint,  may  be  instructed  to 
exert  themselves  at  the  Congress,  to  induce  the  Members 
of  it  to  consent  to  make  a  full  and  precise  state  of  griev- 
ances, and  a  decent  yet  firm  claim  of  redress,  and  to  wait 
the  event  before  any  other  step  is  taken.  It  is  our  opinion 
that  persons  should  be  appointed  and  sent  home  to  present 
this  state  and  claim  at  the  Court  of  Great  Britain. 

If  the  Congress  should  choose  to  form  agreements  of 
non-importation  and  non-exportation  immediately,  we  de- 
sire the  Deputies  from  this  Province  will  endeavour  to  have 
them  so  formed  as  to  be  binding  upon  all ;  and  that  they 
may  be  permanent,  should  the  publick  interest  require  it. 
They  cannot  be  efficacious  unless  they  can  be  permanent ; 
and  it  appears  to  us  that  there  will  be  a  danger  of  their 
being  infringed,  if  they  are  not  formed  with  great  caution 
and  deliberation.  We  have  determined,  in  the  present  sit- 
uation of  publick  affairs,  to  consent  to  a  stoppage  of  our 
commerce  with  Great  Britain  only ;  but  in  case  any  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Parliament,  of  which  notice  shall  be  re- 
ceived on  this  Continent,  before  or  at  the  Congress,  shall 
render  it  necessary,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Congress,  to  take 
further  steps,  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province  will  adopt 
such  steps,  and  do  all  in  their  power  to  carry  them  into 
execution. 
.  This  extensive  power  we  commit  to  the  Connress,  for 

recaipts  for  more  than  was  rocoived  into  the  King's  stores  and  the 
money  was  divided  among  the  plunderers.  The  King's  works  done  by 
the  day,  whereas  it  would  have  been  cheaper  by  the  great.  Money  pre- 
tended to  be  coined  gratis ;  lists  of  largo  sums  newly  coined  produced  ; 
but  the  contrivance  was  to  make  the  pieces  unequal,  and  then  the  too 
heavy  pieces  were  carried  back  to  the  Mint,  and  tlie  profits  aunk  in 
private  pockets,  &c. 

Secret  service  is  a  huge  cloak  thrown  over  an  immense  scone  of  cor- 
ruption ;  and  under  this  cloak  we  must  not  peep.  Our  Court  men  tuU 
u«  there  must  be  largo  sums  expended  in  this  way,  and  those  sums  can- 
not be  accounted  for ;  because  the  services  done  by  them  must  never  be 
known.  But  we  find,  that  the  Commons,  Anno  Domini  1708,  address- 
ed Queen  Anne  for  accounts  of  pensions  paid  for  secret  service  to 
Members  of  Parliament,  or  to  any  persons  in  trust  for  them ;  and  that 
"  the  Queen  ordorixl  said  account  to  be  laid  before  the  House."* 

Contracts  are  a  groat  fund  of  Ministerial  influence.  It  is  well  known 
that  our  Ministry  do  not  accept  the  most  reasonable  offer ;  but  the  of- 
fer which  is  made  by  those  who  have  the  greatest  Parliamentary  inter- 
est ;  and  that  in  war  time,  every  man  who  furnishes  for  the  Govern- 
ment is  enriched.  In  France,  the  contrary,  wliich  shows  that  wo 
manage  our  publick  money  much  worse  than  the  French  Ministry  do 
theirs.  In  the  late  war  it  is  notorious  that  several  of  our  Purveyors 
and  Commissaries  got  estates  sufficient  to  sot  them  up  for  Earls  and 
Dukes.  But  as  Burnet  t  says,  "  the  regard  that  is  shewn  to  Members 
•'  of  Parliament  among  us,  causes  that  fsw  abuses  can  bo  inquired  into 
"  or  discovered." — Pol.  Disq.  b.  v.  p.  274,  277. 

What  redress  could  a  poor,  plundered,  unrepresented  Colony  obtain 
against  a  Verrea,  supported  by  a  strong  Parliamentary  influence.  We 
know  what  several  Governours  of  Minorca  have  dared  to  do.  A  Gov- 
ornour  of  Gibraltar  has  ventured  to  oppress  even  tlio  garrison  of  that 
important  place.  The  very  drudgery  of  examining  accounts  would 
probably  secure  him.  If  cast,  the  injuries  could  not  be  recompensed. 
A  successor  might  prove  as  bad — "  Victrix  I'romnria  plorat." 

It  has  been  said  in  Great  Britain,  that  Lord  Chatham,  Lord  Camden, 
and  some  other  great  men,  have  taught  the  f  "olonles  to  despise  her  au- 
thority.  But  it  is  as  little  true  as  the  multitude  of  invectives  vented 
against  the  Colonies.  The  constant  practice  in  these  publications,  is 
to  confound  f.icts  and  dates,  and  then  to  rave.  It  should  be  remembered, 
that  the  opposition  in  America  to  the  Stiinp  Act,  was  fully  formed,  and 
the  Congress  held  at  New-York,  before  it  was  known  on  this  Continent 
that  our  cause  was  ospousjd  by  any  man  of  note  at  home.  We  should 
be  glad  to  count  such  venerable  names  in  the  list  of  our  friends.  They 
are  the  true  friends  of  our  mother  country,  as  well  as  of  this;  and  ages 
tmborn  will  bless  their  memory.  But  if  every  man  in  Great  Britain 
is  carried  by  tlie  stream  of  prejudices  into  sentiments  liostile  to  our 
freedom,  that  freedom  will  not  be  the  less  esteemed,  or  tlio  sooner  re- 
linquished by  Americam, 


'  Deb.  Com,  IT.  119. 


t  UiM,  Dim  Times,  iii.  tT9. 


the  sake  of  preserving  that  unanimity  of  counsel  and  con- 
duct that  alone  can  work  out  the  salvation  of  these  Colo- 
nies, with  a  strong  hope  and  trust  that  they  will  not  draw 
this  Province  into  any  measure  judged  by  us,  who  must  be 
better  acquainted  with  its  state  than  strangers,  highly  inex- 
pedient. Of  this  kind  we  know  any  other  stoppage  of 
trade,  but  of  that  with  Great  Britain,  will  be.  Even  this 
step  we  should  be  extremely  afflicted  to  see  taken  by  the 
Congress,  before  the  other  mode  above  pointed  out  is  tried. 
But  should  it  be  taken,  we  apprehend  that  a  plan  of  re- 
strictions may  be  so  framed,  agreeable  to  the  respective 
circumstances  of  the  several  Colonies,  as  to  render  Great 
Britain  sensible  of  the  imprudence  of  her  counsels,  and 
yet  leave  them  a  necessary  commerce.  And  here,  it  may 
not  be  improper  to  take  notice,  that  if  redress  of  our  griev- 
ances cannot  be  wholly  obtained,  the  extent  or  continuance 
of  our  restrictions  may,  in  some  sort,  be  proportioned  to 
the  rights  we  are  contending  for,  and  the  degree  of  relief 
afforded  us.  This  mode  will  render  our  opposition  as  per- 
petual as  our  oppression,  and  will  be  a  continual  claim  and 
assertion  of  our  rights.  We  cannot  express  the  anxiety 
with  which  we  wish  the  consideration  of  these  points  to  be 
recommended  to  you.  We  aVe  persuaded,  that  if  these 
Colonies  fail  of  unanhnity  or  prudence,  in  forming  their  res- 
olutions, or  of  fidelity  in  observing  them,  the  opposition  by 
non-importation  and  non-exportation  agreements,  will  be 
ineffectual ;  and  then  we  shall  have  only  the  alternative  of 
a  more  dangerous  contention,  or  of  a  tame  submission. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  shall  repose  the  highest  confidence 
in  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  the  ensuing  Congress.  And 
though  we  have,  for  the  satisfaction  of  the  good  people  of 
this  Province,  who  have  chosen  us  for  this  express  purpose, 
offered  to  you  such  instructions  as  have  appeared  expedient 
to  us ;  yet,  it  is  not  our  meaning,  that  by  these,  or  by  any 
you  may  think  proper  to  give  them,  the  Deputies  appoint- 
ed by  you  should  be  restrained  from  agreeing  to  any  meas- 
ures that  shall  be  approved  by  the  Congress.  We  should 
be  glad  the  Deputies  chosen  by  you,  could,  by  their  influ- 
ence, procure  our  opinions  hereby  communicated  to  you  to 
be  as  nearly  adhered  to  as  may  be  possible.  But  to  avoid 
difficulties,  we  desire  that  they  may  be  instructed  by  you 
to  agree  to  any  measures  that  shall  be  approved  by  the 
Congress,  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province  having  resolved 
to  adopt  and  carry  them  into  execution. 

Lastly.  We  desire  the  Deputies  from  this  Province 
may  endeavour  to  procure  an  adjournment  of  the  Congress 
to  such  a  day  as  they  shall  judge  proper,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Standing  Committee. 

Agreed,  That  John  Dickinson,  Joseph  Read,  and 
Charles  Thomson,  be  a  Committee  to  write  to  the  neigh- 
bouring Colonies,  and  communicate  to  them  the  Resolves 
and  Instructions. 

Agreed,  That  the  Committee  for  the  City  and  County 
of  Philadelphia,  or  any  fifteen  of  them,  be  a  Committee 
of  Correspondence  for  the  General  Committee  of  this 
Province.  Extract  from  the  Minutes, 

Charles  Thomson,   Cleric  Com. 


ARGUMENTATIVE    PART    OP    THE    PRECEDING    INSTRUC- 
TIONS. 

The  authority  of  Parliament  has  within  these  few  years 
been  a  question  much  agitated;  and  great  difficulty,  we 
understand,  has  occurred,  in  tracing  the  line  between  the 
rights  of  the  mother  country  and  those  of  the  Colonies. 
The  modern  doctrine  of  the  former  is  indeed  truly  remark- 
able ;  for  though  it  points  out  what  are  not  our  rights,  yet 
we  can  never  learn  from  it,  what  are  our  rights.  As  for 
example — Great  Britain  claims  a  rii^ht  to  take  away  nine- 
tenlhs  of  our  estates — have  we  a  right  to  the  remaining 
tenth  ?  No.  To  say  we  have,  is  a  "  traitorous"  position, 
denying  her  Supreme  Legislature.  So  far  from  having 
property,  according  to  these  late  found  novels,  we  are 
ourselves  a  property. 

We  ))retend  not  to  any  considerable  share  of  learning  ; 
but,  thanks  be  to  divine  goodness,  common  sense,  experi- 
ence, and  some  acquaintance  with  the  Constitution,  teach 
us  a  few  salutary  truths  on  this  important  subject. 

Whatever  difficulty  may  occur  in  tracing  the  line,  yet 
we  contend,  that  by  the  laws  of  God,  and  by  the  laws  of 
the  Constitution,  a  line  there  must  be,  beyond  which  her 


565 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774. 


566 


authority  cannot  extend.  For  all  these  laws  are  * 
"  grounded  on  reason,  full  of  justice,  f  and  true  equity," 
mild,  and  calculated  to  promote  the  freedom  and  welfare 
of  men.  These  objects  never  can  be  attained  by  abolishing 
every  restriction  on  the  part  of  the  Governours,  and  ex- 
tinguishing every  right  on  the  part  of  the  governed. 

Suppose  it  be  allowed,  that  the  line  is  not  expressly 
drawn,  is  it  thence  to  be  concluded  there  is  no  implied 
line  ?  No  English  Lawyer,  we  presume,  will  venture  to 
make  the  bold  assertion.  "  The  King  may  reject  what  bills, 
"  may  make  what  treaties,  may  coin  what  money,  may 
"  create  what  Peers,  and  may  pardon  what  offences  he 
"  pleases."!  ^^^  '*  ^'^  prerogative  respecting  these 
branches  of  it,  unlimited  ?  By  no  means.  The  words 
following  those  next  above  quoted  from  the  "  Commenta- 
ries on  the  Laws  of  England,"  are — "  unless  where  the 
"  Constitution  hath  expressly,  or  by  evident  consequence, 
"  laid  down  some  exception  or  boundary  ;  declaring,  that 
"  thus  far  the  prerogative  shall  go,  and  no  farther."  There 
are  "  some  boundaries  then,"  besides  the  "  express  excep- 
tions ;"  and  according  to  the  strong  expression  here  used, 
"  the  Constitution  declares  there  are."  What  "  evident 
consequence"  forms  those  "  boundaries  ?" 

The  happiness  of  the  people  is  the  end,  and,  if  the 
terra  is  allowable,  we  would  call  it  the  body  of  the  Con- 
stitution. Freedom  is  the  spirit  or  soul.  As  the  soul, 
speaking  of  nature,  has  a  right  to  prevent  or  relieve,  if  it 
can,  any  mischief  to  the  body  of  the  individual,  and  to 
keep  it  in  the  best  health ;  so  the  soul,  speaking  of  the 
Constitution,  has  a  right  to  prevent  or  relieve,  any  mischief 
to  the  body  of  the  society,  and  to  keep  that  in  the  best 
health.  The  "  evident  consequence"  mentioned,  must 
mean  a  tendency  to  injure  this  health,  that  is,  to  diminish 
the  happiness  of  the  people — or  it  must  mean  nothing.  If, 
therefore,  the  Constitution  "  declares  by  evident  conse- 
quence ;"  that  a  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of 
the  people,  is  a  proof,  that  power  exceeds  a  "  boundary," 
beyond  which  it  ought  not  to  "  go ;"  the  matter  is  brought 
to  this  single  point,  whether  taking  our  money  from  us 
without  our  consent,  depriving  us  of  trial  by  jury,  changing 
Constitutions  of  Government,  and  abolishing  the  privilege 
of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  by  seizing  and  carrying  ||  us 
to  England,  have  not  a  greater  tendency  to  diminish  our 
happiness,  than  any  enormities  a  King  can  commit  under 

'Pari.  Deb.  7,  409.  "What  of  that?  Shall  not  we  give  judg. 
"  ment,  because  it  is  not  adjudged  in  the  books  before  ?  We  will 
"  give  judgment  according  to  reason,  and  if  there  be  no  reason  in  the 
"  books,  1  will  not  regard  them." — Speech  of  Anderson,  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Queen's  Bench,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. — Gouldsb. 
Rep.  96  edit.,  1653. 

t  "  It  seems  to  me,  that  the  natural  justice,  wliich  is  a  duty  of  man, 
ought  to  be  styled  the  parent  and  nourishor  of  every  other  virtue:  and 
assuredly  without  this  habit,  a  man  can  neither  moderate  his  desires, 
nor  be  brave,  nor  wise.  For,  it  is  a  harmony  and  peace  of  the  whole 
■oul ;  with  a  full  concert  of  words  and  actions:  and  the  dominion 
of  such  a  habit  may  be  rendered  more  conspicuous,  if  we  examine 
the  other  habits  of  virtue.  For  the  good  of  these  is  private,  respect, 
ing  the  individual ;  but  the  good  of  natural  justice  respects  whole 
systems,  and  throughout  the  universe." 

"  In  the  celestial  system  of  the  world,  as  it  marshals  out  the  universal 
rule  of  things,  whicli  are  thus  decreed  by  God;  it  is  providence,  and 
harmony,  and  right.  In  a  civil  slate,  it  is  justly  called  peace  and 
good  order.  In  a  domestic  state,  it  is  the  like  mindedness  of  husband 
and  wife  towards  each  other ;  the  good  will  of  subordinate  members. 
In  the  body,  it  is  health  and  symmetry  of  parts,  which  are  principal 
things,  and  much  beloved  by  every  living  creature.  In  the  soul,  it  is 
wisdom ;  that  wisdom  which  ariseth  amongst  men,  from  the  knowledge 
of  causes,  and  from  natural  justice. 

"  Since  therefore,  this  habit  doth  thus  instruct,  and  preserve,  the 
whole  and  every  part ;  rendering  all  the  same,  in  heart,  and  in  tongue, 
why  may  it  not  be  saluted  by  the  universal  voice,  the  parent  and 
nourisher  of  every  virtue?" — Pol.  Pytil  Luc.  apud.  Stob.eum,  p.  105, 
edit.  Tiguri,  1559. 

i  1  Blackst.  Com.  250. 

II  "  Of  great  importance  to  the  publick  is  the  preservation  of  this  per- 
sonal liberty  :  for  if  once  it  were  left  in  the  power  of  any,  the  liighost 
Magistrato,  to  imprison  arbitrarily  whomever  he  or  his  ollicars  thouglit 
proper,  (as  in  France  it  is  daily  practised  by  the  Crown)  there  would 
noon  be  an  end  of  all  other  rights  and  immunitias.' ' — "  A  natural  and 
regular  consequence  of  tliis  personal  liberty  is,  that  every  Englishman 
may  claim  a  riglit  to  abide  in  his  own  country  bo  long  as  he  pleases, 
and  not  to  be  driven  from  it  unless  by  the  sentence  of  law.  Exile  or 
transportation  is  a  punishment  unknown  to  the  common  law."  "  Tlie 
King  cannot  constitute  a  man  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland  against  his 
will,  nor  m  ike  him  a  foreign  ambassador.  For  this  might  in  reality 
be  no  more  than  an  honourable  exile." — 1  Blackstonc,  135  to  138. 

"  These  precedents  collected  l)y  the  reverend  and  learned  Judge, 
Chief  Justice  Anderson,  and  all  written  with  his  own  hand,  do  fully 
resolve  for  the  maintenance  of  the  ancient  and  fundamental  point  of 
liberty  of  the  person,  to  be  regained  by  habeas  corpus,  when  any  one 
is  imprisoned." — Pari.  Hist.  1.  418. 


pretence  of  prerogative,  can  have  to  diminish  the  happi- 
ness of  the  subjects  in  England.  To  come  to  a  decision 
upon  this  point,  no  long  time  need  be  required.  To  make 
tills  comparison,  is  stating  the  claim  of  Pariiament  in  the 
most  favourable  light :  for  it  puts  the  assumed  power  of 
Pariiament,  to  do,  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  what  they 
please,  upon  the  same  footing  with  the  acknowledged 
power  of  the  King,  "  to  make  what  Peers — pardon  what 
offences,  Sic,  he  pleases."  But  in  this  light  that  power  is 
not  entitled  to  be  viewed.  Such  is  the  wisdom  of  the 
English  Constitution,  that  it  "  declares"  the  King  may 
transgress  a  "  boundary  laid  down  by  evident  consequence," 
even  by  using  the  power  with  which  he  is  expressly  vested 
by  the  Constitution,  in  doing  those  very  acts  which  he  is 
expressly  trusted  by  the  Constitution  to  do — as  by  creating 
too  many  or  improper  persons,  Peers  ;  or  by  pardoning 
too  many  or  too  great  offences,  &c.  But  has  the  Consti- 
tution of  jEJn^/ant/ expressly  "declared,"  that  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Great  Britain  may  take  away  the  money  of 
English  Colonists  without  their  consent,  and  deprive  them 
of  trial  by  jury,  &c  ?  It  cannot  be  pretended.  True  it  is, 
that  it  has  been  solemnly  declared  by  Parliament,  that 
Parliament  has  such  a  power.  But  that  declaration  leaves 
the  point  just  as  it  was  before  :  for  if  Parliament  had  not 
the  power  before,  the  declaration  could  not  give  it.  Indeed 
if  Parliament  is  really  "  omnipotent,"*  that  power  is  just 
and  constitutional.  We  further  observe  that  the  Constitu- 
tion has  not  expressly  drawn  the  line  beyond  which,  if  a 
King  shall  '•'  go,"  resistance  becomes  lawful.  The  learned 
author  of  those  Commentaries,  that,  notwithstanding  some 
human  frailties,  do  him  so  much  honour,  has  thought 
proper,  when  treating  of  this  subject,  to  point  out  the 
"  precedent"  of  the  Revolution,  as  fixing  the  line.  We 
would  not  venture  any  reflection  on  so  great  a  man.  It 
may  not  become  us.  Nor  can  we  be  provoked  by  his  ex- 
pressions concerning  Colonists ;  because  they  perhaps 
contain  his  real,  though  hasty  sentiments.  Surely,  it  was 
not  his  intention  to  condemn  those  excellent  men,  who 
casting  every  tender  consideration  behind  them,  nobly  pre- 
sented themselves  against  the  tyranny  of  the  unfortunate 
and  misguided  Charles's  reign ;  those  men  whom  the 
House  of  Commons,  even  after  the  Restoration,  would  not 
suffer  to  be  censured. 

We  are  sensible  of  the  objection  that  may  be  made,  as 
to  drawing  a  line  between  rights  on  each  side,  and  the  case 
of  a  plain  violation  of  rights.  We  think  it  not  material. 
Circumstances  have  actually  produced,  and  may  again  pro- 
duce this  question :  What  conduct  of  a  Prince  renders 
resistance  lawful  ?  James  the  Second,  and  his  father, 
vio.ated  express  rights  of  their  subjects,  by  doing  what 
their  own  express  rights  gave  them  no  title  to  do,  as  by 
raising  money,  and  levying  troops  without  consent  of 
Parliament.  It  is  not  even  settled,  what  violation  of  those 
will  justify  resistance.  But  may  not  some  future  Prince, 
confining  himself  to  the  exercise  of  his  own  express  rights, 
such  as  have  been  mentioned,  act  in  a  manner,  that  will  be 
a  transgression  of  a  "  boundary"  laid  down  by  "  evident 
consequence,"  the  "  Constitution  declaring  he  should  go 
no  further?"  May  not  this  exercise  of  these  his  express 
rights,  be  so  far  extended,  as  to  introduce  universal  con- 
fusion and  a  subversion  of  the  ends  of  Government  ?  The 
whole  may  be  oppressive,  and  yet  any  single  instance 
legal.  The  cases  may  be  improbable ;  but  we  have  seen 
and  now  feel  events  once  as  little  expected.  Is  it  not 
possible,  that  one  of  these  cases  may  happen ;  if  it  does, 
has  the  Constitution  expressly  drawn  a  line,  beyond  which 
resistance  becomes  lawful  ?  It  has  not.  But  it  may  be 
said,  a  King  cannot  arm  against  his  subjects — he  cannot 
raise  money  without  consent  of  Parliament.  This  is  the 
constitutional  ciieck  upon  him.  If  he  should,  it  would  be 
a  violation  of  their  express  rights.  If  their  purses  are  shut 
his  power  shrinks.  True.  Unhappy  Colonists !  Our 
money  may  be  taken  from  us — and  standing  armies  estab- 
lished over  us,  without  our  consent — every  expressly 
declared  constitutional  check  dissolved,  and  the  modes  of 
opposition  for  relief  so  contracted,  as  to  leave  us  only  the 
miserable  alternative  of  supplication  or  violence.  And 
these  it  seems,  are  the  liberties  of  Americans.  Because 
the  Constitution  has  not  "  expressly  declared"  the  line 
between  the  rights  of  the  mother  country  and  those  of  her 

*  1  Blackstone,  161. 


56T 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Stc,  JULY,  1774. 


568 


Colonists,  therefore,  the  latter  have  no  rights.  A  logick, 
equally  edifying  to  the  heads  and  hearts  of  men  of  sense 
and  humanity. 

We  assert,  a  line  there  must  be,  and  shall  now  proceed 
with  great  deference  to  the  judgment  of  others,  to  trace 
that  line,  according  to  the  ideas  we  entertain :  and  it  is 
with  satisfaction  we  can  say,  that  the  records,  statutes,  law 
Ixxjks,  and  most  approved  WTiters  of  our  mother  country, 
those  "  dead  but  most  faithful  Counsellors,"  as  Sir  Edward 
Coke  calls  them,  "  who  cannot  be  daunted  by  fear,  nor 
"  muzzled  by  aifection,  reward,  or  hope  of  preferment,  and 
"  therefore  may  safely  be  believed,"  confirm  the  principles 
we  maintain. 

Liberty,  life,  or  property,  can  with  no  consistency  of 
words  or  ideas,  be  termed  a  right  of  the  possessors,  while 
others  have  a  right  of  taking  them  away  at  pleasure.  The 
most  distinguished  authors  that  have  written  on  Govern- 
ment, declare  it  to  be  instituted  for  the  benefit  of  the 
people  ;  and  that  it  never  will  have  this  tendency,  where  it 
is  unlimited."     Even  conquest*  itself  is  held  not  to  destroy 

*  "But  in  order  to  say  something  more  particular  concerning Ithis 
subject,  let  us  obseryo  that  the  natural  state  of  Nations  in  respect  to 
each  other,  is  that  of  society  and  peace.  This  society  is  likewise  a 
state  of  equality  and  independence,  which  establishes  a  parity  of  right 
between  them ;  and  engages  them  to  hare  the  same  regard  and  re- 
spect for  one  another.  Hence  the  general  principle  of  the  law  of 
Nations  is  nothing  more  than  the  general  law  of  sociability,  which 
obliges  all  Nations  that  have  any  intercourse  with  one  another,  to 
practise  those  duties  to  which  individuals  are  naturally  subject. 

"  These  remarks  may  serve  to  give  us  a  just  idea  of  that  art,  so 
necessary  to  the  directors  of  states,  and  distinguished  commonly  by 
the  name  of  polity.  Polity  considered  with  regard  to  foreign  states,  is 
that  ability  and  address  by  which  a  Sovereign  provides  for  the  preser. 
vation,  safety,  prosperity,  and  glory  of  the  Nation  he  governs,  by 
respecting  the  laws  of  justice  and  humanity ;  that  is,  without  doing 
any  injury  to  other  states,  but  rather  by  procuring  their  advantage,  as 
much  as  in  reason  can  be  expected.  Thus  the  polity  of  Sovereigns  is 
the  same  as  prudence  among  private  people  ;  and  as  we  condemn  in 
the  latter  any  art  or  cunning  that  makes  them  pursue  their  own  ad. 
vantage  to  tlie  prejudice  of  otiiers,  so  the  like  art  would  be  censurable 
in  Princes,  were  they  bent  upon  procuring  the  advantage  of  their 
own  people  by  injuring  other  Nations.  The  reason  of  state,  so  often 
alleged  to  justify  tlie  proceedings  or  enterprises  of  Princes,  cannot 
really  be  admitted  for  this  end ;  but  in  as  much  as  it  is  reconcileablo 
with  the  common  interest  of  Nations,  or  which  amounts  to  the  same 
thing,  with  the  unalterable  rules  of  sincerity,  justice,  and  humanity." 

"  Grotius  indeed  acknowledges  that  the  law  of  nature  is  common  to 
all  Nations ;  yet  he  establishes  a  positive  law  of  Nations  contradistinct 
from  the  law  of  nature ;  and  reduces  tliis  law  of  Nations  to  a  sort  of 
human  law,  which  has  acquired  a  power  of  obliging  in  consequence 
of  the  will  and  consent  of  all  or  of  a  great  many  Nations.*  He  adds, 
that  the  maxims  of  this  law  of  Nations  are  proved  by  the  perpetual 
practice  of  people,  and  the  testimony  of  historians. 

"  But  it  has  been  justly  observed  that  this  jM-etendcd  law  of  Nations, 
contradistinct  from  the  law  of  nature,  and  invested  nevertheless  with 
a  force  of  obliging,  whether  people  consent  to  it  or  not,  is  a  supirosi- 
tion  destitute  of  all  foundation.! 

"  1.  For  all  Nations  are  with  regard  to  one  another  in  a  natural  in- 
dependence and  equality.  If  there  be  therefore  any  common  law 
between  them,  it  must  proceed  from  God,  their  common  Sovereign. 

"  2.  As  for  what  relates  to  customs  established  by  an  express  or 
tacit  consent  among  Nations,  these  customs  are  neither  of  themselves 
nor  universally,  nor  always  obligatory.  For  from  this  only,  that 
several  Nations  have  acted  towards  one  another  for  a  long  time  after 
a  particular  manner  in  particular  cases,  it  does  not  follow  that  they 
have  laid  themselves  under  a  necessity  of  acting  always  in  the  same 
manner  for  the  time  to  come,  and  much  less  that  other  Nations  are 
obliged  to  conform  to  these  customs. 

"  3.  Again,  these  customs  are  so  much  the  less  capable  of  being  an 
obligatory  rule  of  themselves,  as  they  may  happen  to  be  bad  or  unjust. 
The  profession  of  a  corsair,  or  pirate,  was,  by  a  kind  of  consent, 
esteemed  a  long  while  as  lawful,  between  Nations  that  were  not 
united  by  alliance  or  treaty.  It  seems  likewise,  that  some  Nations 
allowed  themselves  the  use  of  poisoned  arms  in  time  of  war.t  Shall 
we  say  that  these  are  customs  autliorized  by  the  law  of  Nations,  and 
really  obligatory  in  respect  to  difTorent  people?  Or  shall  we  not 
rather  consider  them  as  barbarous  practices ;  practices  from  which 
every  just  and  well  governed  Nation  ouglit  to  refrain.  We  cannot 
therefore  avoid  appealing  always  to  the  law  of  nature,  the  only  one 
that  is  really  universal,  whenever  we  want  to  judge  whether  tlie 
customs  established  between  Nations  have  any  obligatory  effect. 

"  4.  All  that  can  bo  said  on  this  subject  is,  that  when  customs  of 
an  innocent  nature  are  introduced  among  Nations,  each  of  them  is 
reasonably  supposed  to  submit  to  tliose  customs,  as  long  as  they  have 
not  made  any  declaration  to  the  contrary.  This  is  all  the  force  or 
effect  that  can  be  given  to  received  customs;  but  a  very  different 
effect  from  tliat  of  a  law  properly  so  called." — Buklahau.  Princ.  of 
Nat.  Law,  i  rot.  ]>.  196—199. 

"  But  I  will  conclude  with  that  which  I  find  reported  by  Sir  John 
Davis,  who  was  the  King's  sergeant ;  and  so,  by  the  duty  of  his  place 
would  no  doubt  maintain,  to  the  uttermost  of  his  power,  the  King's 
prerogative  royal ;  and  yet  it  was  by  him  thus  said,  in  those  Reports 
of  his  upon  the  case  of  tanistry  customs  :  '  That  the  Kings  of  Eng. 
'  land  always  had  a  monarchy  royal,  and  not  a  monarchy  signoral ; 
'  where,  under  the  first,'  saith  he,  '  the  subjects  are  free  men,  and  have 

•  See  Croliui,  rijhu  of  War  and  Peaee  ;  Preliminary  Diicoune,  (ee.  IB.  and  book  I. 
chap.  1.  lee.  U. 

t  See  Puffendorf,  L41W  of  Nature  and  Nations,  book  3.  chap.  3.  kc.  33. 

t  See  Virgil,  JBncid,  book  10,  rerie  139,  with  the  fifteenth  note  of  the  Abbe  dea 
F«ntoine#. 


all  the  rights  of  the  conquered.  Such  is  the  merciful 
reverence  judged  by  the  best  and  wisest  men  to  be  due  to 
human  nature,  and  frequently  observed  even  by  con- 
querors themselves. 

In  fine,  a  power  of  Government,  in  its  nature  tending  to 
the  misery  of  the  people,  as  a  power  that  is  unlimited,  or 
in  other  words,  a  power  in  which  the  people  have  no  share* 

'property  in  their  goods,  and  freehold  and  inheritance  in  their  lands, 
*  but,  under  the  latter,  tlicy  are  as  villains  and  slaves,  and  have  ])ro. 
'  ))erty  in  nothing.  And  therefore,  saith  he,  when  a  royal  Monarch 
'makes  a  new  conquest,  yet,  if  he  receives  any  of  the  Nation's  ancient 
'  inhabitants  into  his  protection,  they,  and  their  heirs  after  them, 
'  shall  enjoy  their  lands  and  liberties  according  to  the  laws.'  And 
there  he  vouchetli  this  precedent  and  judgment  following,  given  before 
William  the  Conqueror  himself,  viz  : 

'  That  one  Sherborn,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  being  owner  of  a, 
'Castle  and  lands  in  Norfolk,  the  Conqueror  gave  the  same  to  one 
'  Warren,  a  Norman ;  and  Sherborn  dying,  the  heir  claiming  the  same 
'  by  descent  according  to  the  law,  it  was,  before  the  Conqueror 
'himself,  adjudged  for  the  heir,  and  that  the  gift  thereof  by  the  Con. 
queror  was  void."* — Pari.  Debates,  7  vol,  p.  384. 

See  also  Puffendorf's  Law  of  Naturo  and  Nations,  b.  3,  ch.  8,  and 
b.  8,  ch.  6. 

It  is  held  by  the  best  writers,  that  a  conqueror,  in  a  just  war, 
acquires  not  a  right  to  the  property  of  those  of  the  subdued  country, 
who  opposed  him  not,  nor  of  the  poitcrity  of  those  who  did  :  nor  can 
the  pretence  of  obtaining  satisfaction  for  the  charges  and  damages  of 
the  war  justify  such  a  claim. 

•  "  In  a  free  state,  every  man  who  is  supposed  a  free  agent,  ought 
to  be,  in  some  measure,  his  own  Governour,  and  therefore,  a  branch, 
at  least,  of  the  Legislative  power  ought  to  reside  in  the  whole  body  of 
the  people.  And  this  power,  when  the  territories  of  the  state  are 
email  and  its  citizens  easily  known,  should  be  expressed  by  the  people 
in  their  aggregate  or  collective  capacity,  as  was  wisely  ordained  in  the 
petty  Repulilicks  of  Greece,  and  the  first  rudiments  of  the  Roman  State. 
But  this  will  be  highly  inconvenient  when  tlie  publick  territory  is  ex- 
tended to  any  considerable  degree,  and  the  number  of  citizens  is  in. 
creased.  In  so  large  a  state  as  ours,  it  is  therefore  very  wisely  con- 
trived that  the  people  should  do  that  by  their  Representatives,  which 
it  is  impracticable  to  perform  in  person." — 1  Blackstone,  158,  159. 

The  above  quoted  words  are  sufficient  of  themselves  to  refute  the 
notion  of  "  virtual  representation"  of  Americana  in  Parliament. 

As  to  the  argument  drawn  from  similitude  between  the  case  of  those 
in  England,  not  qualified  to  vote  by  their  property,  though  possessed 
of  a  considerable  share,  as  proprietors  of  tlie  funds — the  East  India 
Company — merchants — manufacturers,  &c.,  and  tlie  case  of  Colonists, 
the  true  answer  is,  that  there  is  no  resemblance  whatever  between  the 
cases.  A  few  propositions  will  prove  it ;  but  it  may  be  proper  to 
premise — First,  If  representation  was  intended  by  the  Constitution  of 
England,  a  complete  representation  was  intended;  for  the  reason  of 
having  any,  requires  having  a  complete  one,  as  being  the  best. 
Second,  If  a  complete  representation  was  intended  by  the  Constitution, 
every  defect  in  the  representation  is  against  the  intention  of  the  Con. 
stitution.  Third,  If  a  respectable  part  of  the  people  in  England  is  not 
represented,  it  is  a  defect.  Fourth,  If  therefore,  the  intention  of  the 
Constitution  is  to  be  regarded  as  the  Constitution,  it  involves  a  plain 
absurdity,  to  infer  a  greater  defect  being  constitutional,  from  a  smaller 
defect  which  is  unconstitutional.  Fifth,  Tlie  intention  of  the  Con- 
stitution must  be  regarded — and  practices  inconsistent  with  its  design 
must  be  amended  by  it,  if  the  happiness  which  it  means  to  promote  and 
secure,  is  to  be  regarded.  Sixth,  If  there  is  not  such  a  representation 
in  England,  as  the  Constitution  requires  there  ought  to  be.  As  to  tho 
resemblance  above  supposed.  First,  If  many  inhabitants  of  England 
have  not  a  right  to  vote  in  the  choice  of  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  there  are  many  who  liave.  Second,  Not  one  inhabitant  of 
the  Colonies  has  that  right.  Third,  Some  representation  is  better  than 
none,  though  a  complete  one  cannot  be  obtained.  Tho  first  is  a  defect 
of  mode,  tho  latter  an  extinction  of  the  substance.  There  is,  to  a 
nice  observer  of  nature,  a  perceptible  difference  between  a  deformed 
man  and  a  dead  man.  Fourth,  Proprietors  of  the  funds,  &,c.,  though 
they  have  no  right  to  such  vote,  as  proprietors,  »fcc.,  may  yet  have  it 
under  another  character  as  freeholders,  &.c.  Fifth,  When  acting  as 
freeholders,  &c.,  they  may  take  care  of  their  interests  as  proprietors,  &c. 
for — Sixth,  Their  being  proprietors,  &c.,  does  not  disqualify  them 
from  acquiring  and  enjoying  a  right  to  such  vote  by  becoming  free- 
holders, &c.,  but  Seventh,  By  acquiring  and  enjoying  a  right  to  such 
vote,  the  Colonists  must  cease  to  be  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies. 
Eighth,  Their  being  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies,  therefore,  disqualifies 
them  from  acquiring  and  enjoying  tlie  right  to  such  vote.  Ninth,  If 
those  not  entitled  to  such  vote  in  England  were  not  bound  by  statutes 
made  there,  they  would  not  be  bound  by  statutes,  nor  taxed  at  all, 
though  possessed  of  great  property — but  Tenth,  The  Colonists  are 
bound  and  taxed  by  the  Acts  of  their  Assemblies.  Eleventh,  Even 
those  not  entitled  to  such  vote  in  England,  and  incapable  of  obtaining 
it,  have  this  protection,  that  Representatives  and  their  electors  are 
bound  by  the  laws  made,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  people — and  tho 
connections  between  tho  Representatives,  their  electors,  and  the  rest 
of  the  people,  all  living  together  in  the  same  Kingdom,  are  so  many 
and  so  intimate,  that  even  the  actually  unrepresented  cannot  be  affected 
unless  the  Representatives  and  their  electors  are  affected  also. 
Twelfth,  Totally  different  is  the  condition  of  Colonists,  if  bound  by 
statutes  generally. — By  the  Acts  of  Parliament  for  raising  a  Revenue 
in  America,  the  Commons  use  the  words,  "give  and  grant."  Can 
men  give  and  grant  what  they  have  not  ?  Did  any  of  those  acts  take 
a  single  penny  out  of  the  pocket  of  a  single  giver  and  grantor?  No. 
So  fur  from  it,  that  if  there  is  any  truth  in  the  proverb,  And  money 
saved  is  money  got,  these  "  dona  ferentes"  gentlemen  put  money  into 
their  pockets  by  their  t  "  loyal  and  dutiful"  generosity.  Every  indi- 
vidual of  them  acquired  by  bestowing.  Pretensions  thus  to  giro,  are 
such  contradictions  to  fact  and  sense,  that  in  making  them,  a  sanction 
of  injuntice  is  sought  from  a  principle  of  tho  Constitution,  and  in  de- 
scribing them,  a  solecism  in  speech  becomes  a  proper  expression.     It 

•  See  DavU't  Reports,  Land,  1628,  p.  41. 

t  Prcamblw  to  Statute*  fur  raisiug  a  revenue  in  America. 


569 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


570 


is  proved  to  be,  by  reason  and  the  experience  of  all  ages 
and  countries,  cannot  be  a  rightful  or  legal  power.  For, 
as  an  excellent  Bishop  of  the  Cliurch  of  England  argues,* 
"  the  ends  of  Government  cannot  be  answered  by  a  total 
"  dissolution  of  all  happiness  at  present,  and  of  all  hopes 
"  for  the  future." 

Tlie  just  inference  therefore  from  these  premises  would 
be  an  exclusion  of  any  power  of  Parliament  over  these 
Colonies,  rather  than  the  admission  of  an  unbounded 
power. 

We  well  know  that  the  Colonists  are  charged  by  many 
l>ersons  in  Great  Britain  with  attempting  to  obtain  such  an 
exclusion  and  a  total  independence  on  her.  As  well  we  know 
the  accusation  to  be  utterly  false.  We  are  become  criminal 
in  the  sight  of  such  persons,  by  refusing  to  be  guilty  of  the 
liighest  crime  against  ourselves  and  our  posterity.  No- 
lumus  kges  Anglia  mutari.  This  is  the  rebellion  with 
which  we  are  stigmatised.  We  have  committed  the  like 
offence,  that  was  objected  by  the  polite  and  humane  Fim- 
bria against  a  rude  Senator  of  his  time.  "  We  have  dis- 
"  respectfully  refused  to  receive  the  whole  weapon  into  our 
"  body."  We  could  not  do  it  and  live.  But  that  must 
be  acknowledged  to  be  a  poor  excuse,  equally  inconsistent 
with  good  breeding  and  the  Supreme  Legislature  of  Great 
Britain. 

For  these  ten  years  past  we  have  been  incessantly  f 
attacked.     Hard  is  our  fate,  when  to  escape  the  character 

must  be  acknowledged  however,  that  the  Commons  are  more  than 
sound  divines,  for  they  improve  upon  the  text,*  and  "  count  their  loss 
for  gain." 

Statutes  might  grind  us,  while  not  an  elector  in  England  would 
know  or  regard  our  sufferings — if  acquainted  with  them,  he  might 
think  the  statutes  inflicting  them,  just  and  political.  An  open  avowal 
has  been  made  in  Parliament  that  it  is  t  "  the  indispensable  duty  of 
"  Parliament  to  tax  the  Colonies  in  order  to  ease  the  gentry  and  people 
*'  of  Great  Britain."  Let  not  Americans  over  forget  the  lordly  words  I 
To  understand  them  fully,  we  should  consider — 

Our  dispute  includes  not  only  the  present  taxes  laid  upon  us.  The  uni- 
versal property  of  England  was  interested  in  Mr.  Hampden's  suit,  about 
a  few  shillings.  If  the  Crown  had  a  right  to  those  shillings,  it  had  a 
right  to  every  shilling  of  every  man  in  the  Kingdom.  Great  Britain 
is  about  one  hundred  and  forty  millions  of  pounds  sterling  in  debt.  If 
she  can  pay  any  part  of  that  debt  by  taxing  us,  she  may  pay  the  whole 
by  taxing  us,  if  we  can  raise  the  money.  If  we  cannot,  yet  as  we  are 
upbraided  continually  in  pamphlets  and  papers  with  the  richness  of  our 
houses,  our  furniture,  our  equipage,  or  tables,  and  our  dress,  she  may 
be  made  to  think  we  abound  too  much  in  these  conveniences.  If  we 
are  reduced  to  the  condition  of  French  peasants,  it  is  no  matter.  Wo 
bslong  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain :  and  all  British  subjects,  but 
Americans,  may  do  what  they  please  with  their  own.  "  It  is  her 
indispensable  duty,  say  their  Lordships,  to  ease  herself  by  taxing  us ;" 
and  surely  there  is  virtue  enough  left  in  the  British  Parliament,  not- 
withstanding all  the  dreadful  intelligence  British  writers  send  us  over, 
to  perform  that  "  duty,"  exactly.  But  this  is  not  all.  There  are  cer- 
tain wicked  Frenchmen  and  Spaniards,  that  in  every  period  of  twenty 
or  thirty  years  oblige  Great  Britain  to  add  thirty  or  forty  millions  to 
her  debt.  Upon  an  average,  since  the  Revolution,  she  runs  annually 
in  debt  about  a  million  and  an  half.  Can  it  be  expected  her  Ministers 
will  bo  kinder  to  us  than  they  have  been  to  her  ?  where  will  the 
demand  upon  us,  where  will  our  wretchedness  stop,  if  we  have  not 
resolution  enough  to  defend  ourselves  ? 

A  statute  intended  to  have  force  on  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  is 
the  case  of  a  state  acting  upon  itself.  A  statute  intended  to  have 
force  on  the  people  of  America,  is  the  case  of  one  state  acting  upon 
another.  The  people  of  Great  Britain,  who  in  the  first  case  are  sub. 
ject  to  the  statute — in  the  second,  are  the  absolute  sovereigns  who  im- 
pose it  on  others. 

"  Virtual  representation"  then,  as  applied  to  Colonists,  is,  to  borrow 
expressions  of  the  excellent  Archbishop  Tillotson,  on  another  occa- 
sion, altering  only  two  words — "An  absurdity  of  that  monstrous  and 
"  massy  weight,  that  no  human  authority  or  wit  are  able  to  support  it. 
"  It  will  '  make  the  very  pillars  of  St.'  Stephens  "  crack,  and  require 
"  more  volumes  to  make  it  good  than  would  fill"  Westminster  Hall. 

Yet  this  most  despicable  notion  has  been  the  pretence  for  our  fellow- 
subjects  J  clapping  muskets  to  our  breasts,  and  taking  our  money  out 
of  our  pockets. 

*Hoadly's  Disc,  on  Government. 

t4  Geo.  3,  ch.  15.  4  Geo.  3,  ch.  34.  5  Geo.  3,  ch.  12.  5  Geo.  3, 
ch.  45.  6  Geo.  3,  ch.  12.  6  Goo.  3,  ch.  52.  7  Goo.  3,  ch.  41.  7 
Geo  3.  ch.  46.  7  Geo.  3,  ch.  59.  8  Geo.  3,  ch.  22.  The  Resolves 
that  Colonists  may  be  tried  in  England  under  the  thirty.fifth  Henry  tho 
Eighth.  The  blockade  of  Boston — the  Rhode.Island  Court,  &c.  The 
statutes  since  the  eighth  year  of  this  reign,  relating  to  the  Colonies, 
follow  one  another  much  in  tho  same  quick  manner  as  before:  but 
they  could  not  be  collected.  Many  of  the  statutes  here  mentioned, 
particularly  those  relating  to  the  Admiralty  Courts  and  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Customs,  are  connected  with  a  multitude  of  other  stat. 
utes,  by  being  compared  with  which  the  artifices  will  appear,  that 
gradually  departing  from  the  laws  of  England,  have  at  length  in- 
vested these  Courts  and  Commissioners  with  such  new,  unreasonable, 
unconstitutional,  and  dangerous  powers. 

•  Philippiant,  iii.  7. 

tThete  words  are  extracted  frotn  the  Protest  of  the  Lords  on  the  repeal  of  xhe  American 
Stamp  Act — see,  6. — Sixty-one  Lords  *ere  ag;ainst  tlie  repeal,  thirty-three  of  tbem  signed 
the  Protest. 

t  **  Win  their  hearts,  and  you  may  soon  have  their  hands  and  purses,"  was  the  advice 
of  old  Lord  £ur^t^A  to  qucvn  f'txadrf  A.  She  w&iwiseeiMHjffh  to  lake  it.  The  world 
knows  the  consequences. 


of  rebels,  we  must  be  degraded  into  that  of  slaves :  as  if 
there  was  no  medium  between  the  two  extremes  of  anar- 
chy and  despotism,  where  innocence  and  freedom  could 
find  repose  and  safety. 

Why  should  we  be  exhibited  to  mankind  as  a  people, 
adjudged  by  Parliament  unworthy  of  freedom?  The 
thought  alone  is  insupportable.  Even  those  unhappy  per- 
sons, who  have  had  the  misfortune  of  being  bom  under 
the  yoke  of  bondage  imposed  by  the  cruel  laws,  if  they 
may  be  called  laws,  of  the  land  where  they  received  their 
birth,  no  sooner  breathe  the  air  of  England,  tliough  they 
touch  her  shores  only  by  accident,*  than  they  instantly  be- 
come freemen.  Strange  contradiction !  j-  The  same  King- 
dom at  the  same  time,  the  asylum  and  the  bane  of  Liberty. 

To  return  to  the  charge  against  us,  we  can  safely  appeal 
to  that  Being,  from  whom  no  thought  can  be  concealed, 
that  our  warmest  wish  and  utmost  ambition  is,  that  we 
and  our  posterity  may  ever  remain  subordinate  to,  and 
dependent  upon,  our  parent  state.  This  submission  our 
reason  approves,  our  affection  dictates,  our  duty  commands, 
and  our  interest  enforces. 

If  this  submission  indeed  implies  a  dissolution  of  our 
Constitution,  and  a  renunciation  of  our  liberty,  we  should 
be  unworthy  of  our  relation  to  her,  if  we  should  not 
frankly  declare,  that  we  regard  it  with  %  horrour ;  and 
every  true  Englishman  will  applaud  this  just  distinction 
and  candid  declaration.  Our  defence  necessarily  touches 
chords  in  unison  with  the  fibres  of  his  honest  heart.  They 
must  vibrate  in  sympathetick  tones.  If  we,  his  kindred, 
should  be  base  enough  to  promise  the  humiliating  subjection 
he  could  not  believe  us.  We  should  suffer  all  the  infamy 
of  the  engagement  without  finding  the  benefit  expected  from 
being  thought  as  contemptible  as  we  should  undertake  to  be. 

But  this  submission  implies  not  such  insupportable  evils ; 
and  our  amazement  is  inexpressible  when  we  consider  the 
gradual  increase  of  these  Colonies,  from  their  slender 
beginnings  in  the  last  century  to  their  late  flourishing  con- 
dition, and  how  prodigiously,  since  their  settlement  our 
parent  state  has  advanced  in  weaUh,  force,  and  influence, 
till  she  is  become  the  first  power  on  the  sea,  and  the  envy 
of  the  world — that  these  our  better  days  should  not  strike 
conviction  into  every  mind,  that  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  the  Colonists  are  not  inconsistent  with  her  authority  and 
prosperity. 

*  Somerset's  case. 

t  To  this  contradiction,  the  following  may  be  added — Her  policy  at 
once  to  keep  peace  with  her  natural  enemies,  and  to  provoke  her 
natural  friends,  whose  assistance  one  day — and  that  day  seems  to  bo 
approaching — in  the  vicissitudes  of  human  affairs,  great  as  she  is,  sho 
may  want;  her  interest,  as  she  thinks,  to  protect  and  to  oppress  Pro- 
testant countries — to  abhor  a  large  standing  army  and  yet  voluntarily 
to  put  herself  under  the  absolute  necessity  of  perpetuating  an  im. 
mensely  large  one,  to  govern  the  many  millions  of  slaves  she  expects 
soon  to  have  on  this  vast  Continent.  Two  of  the  shrewdest,  though 
not  best  Emperors,  that  ever  lived,  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  prohibited 
every  man  of  distinction  from  setting  his  foot  in  Egypt,*  because  of 
the  importance  of  that  Province  to  Rome.  But  Great  Britain,  as  if 
these  numerous  Provinces,  much  more  remote  from  her  than  Egypt 
from  Rome,  were  of  little  consequence,  willingly  obliges  herself  to 
trust  a  mighty  armed  power  into  the  hands  of  a  subject,  in  these 
Colonies,  the  tempting  interest  of  which  subject,  and  of  the  people, 
may  engage  them  to  unite  in  establishing  an  independent  Empire,  on 
her  own  model.  Great  Britain  ought  not  to  forget  that  Rome  was 
ruined  by  keeping  standing  armies  in  her  Provinces. 

tThe  Privemates  had  revolted  from  the  Romans,  but  were  reduced. 
The  question  was  what  judgment  should  be  given  against  them?  This 
is  Livy's  account  of  the  affair,  it  the  twenty -first  chapter  of  his  eighth 
book  : 

"  Quum  ipsa  per  se  res  anceps  esset,  prout  cujusquo  ingonium  erat, 
atrociiis  mitiusvc  suadentibus;  tum  incertiora  omnia  unus  ex  Priver- 
natibus  legatis  fecit,  magis  conditionis,  in  qua  natus  esset,  quam  praj- 
sentis  necessitas,  memor :  qui,  interrogatus  a  quodam  tristioris  senten. 
tia)  auctore,  quam  poenam  meritos  Privernates  censeret  ?  earn,  inquit, 
quam  merentur,  qui  se  libortate  dignos  consent :  cujus  quum  feroci 
response  infestiores  factos  videret  consul  eos,  qui  ante  Privernatium 
causam  impugnabant;  ut  ipse  benigna  interrogatione  mitius  respon. 
sum  olicerct,  Quid,  si  poinam,  inquit,  remittimus  vobi«,  qualem  nos 
pacem  vobiscum  habituros  speremus  ?  Si  bonam  dederitis,  inquit,  et 
fidam  et  perpetuam :  si  malam,  baud  diuturnam.  Tum  vero  minari, 
nee  id  ambigu^,  Privernatem  quidam,  et  illis  vocibus  ad  reballandum 
incitari  pacatos  populos,  pars  melior  senatds  ad  meliora  responsum 
trahere,  et  dicere,  Viri,  et  liberi,  vocom  auditam,  an  crcdi  posse, 
nllum  populum,  aut  homincm  denique,  in  ea  conditione,  cujus  eum 
pseniteat,  diutis,  qu^m  necesse  sit,  mansurum  ?  Ibi  pacem  esse  fidam, 
ubi  voluntarii  pacati  sint :  neque  eo  loco,  ubi  servitutem  esse  velint, 
fidem  spcrandam  esse.  In  banc  sontentiam  maxime  consul  ipse  inch, 
navit  animos,  identidem  ad  principes  sententiarum  consulares,  uti  ex. 
audiri  posset  a  pluribus,  dicendo,  Eos  demum,  qui  nihil,  pra;terquam 
de  libertate,  cogitent,  dignos  esse,  qui  Romani  fiant.  Itaque  et  in 
senatu  causam  obtinuere,  et  ox  auetoritate  Patrum  latum  ad  populum 
est,  ut  Privernatibus  civitas  dabitur." 

f  Tac. 


571 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


572 


Tlie  cKpcrience  of  more  than  one  hundred  years  will 
surely  be  deemed,  by  wise  men,  to  have  some  weight  in 
the  scale  of  evidence  to  support  our  opinion.  We  might 
justly  ask  of  her,  why  we  are  not  permitted  to  go  on  as 
we  have  been  used  to  do  since  our  existence,  conferring 
mutual  benefits,  thereby  strengthening  each  other,  more 
and  more,  discovering  the  reciprocal  advantages  of  our 
connection,  and  daily  cultivating  afl'ections  encouraged  by 
those  advantages? 

What  unknown  offences  have  we  committed  against  her 
within  these  ten  years,  to  provoke  such  an  unexampled 
change  in  her  conduct  towards  us  ?  In  the  last  war  she 
acknowledged  us  repeatedly  to  be  faithful,  dutiful,  zealous, 
and  useful  in  her  cause.  Is  it  criminal  in  us  that  our 
numbers,  by  the  favour  of  Divine  Providence,  have  greatly 
increased  ?  That  the  poor  choose  to  Hy  from  their  native 
countries  in  Europe  to  this  Continent?  Or,  that  we  have 
so  much  improved  these  woods,  that  if  we  can  be  forced 
into  an  unsuccessful  resistance,  avarice  itself  might  be 
satiated  with  our  forfeitures  ? 

It  cannot  with  truth  be  urged,  that  projects  of  innova- 
tion have  commenced  with  us.  Facts  and  their  dates 
jirove  the  contrary.*  Not  a  disturbance  has  happened  on 
any  part  of  this  Continent,  but  in  consequence  of  some 
immediate  preceding  provocation. 

To  what  purpose?  The  charge  of  our  affecting  one 
great  or  many  small  Republicks,  must  appear  as  contempt- 
ible a  madness  to  her,  as  it  does  to  us.  Divided  as  we  are 
into  many  Provinces,!  and  incapable   of  union,  except 

•  "  The  winds  lift  up  the  waves," — said  a  wise  man — ^yet  we  road 
of  a.  weak  man  who  scourged  waves,  but  he  liad  not  raised  them.  To 
excite  commotions,  and  then  to  scourge  for  being  excited,  is  an  addi- 
tion  to  the  wildness  of  a  Xerxes,  reserved  more  particularly  to  dis- 
tinguish the  present  age,  already  sufficiently  illustrious  by  the  injuries 
offered  to  the  rights  of  human  nature. 

t  The  genius  of  a  Beccaria  suggested  to  him  the  condition  of  a 
large  Empire  verging  into  servitude — the  only  plan  for  saving  it — and 
the  difficulty  of  eiocuting  that  plan.  "An  overgrown  Republick" 
says  he,  and  such  a  limitad  Monarcliy  as  that  of  Oreat  Britain  with 
such  an  extent  of  Dominions,  may  well  bo  cilled  "  an  overgrown 
Hepublick,"  "can  only  be  saved  from  despotism  by  subdividing  it  into 
"a  number  of  confederate  Republicks.  But  how  is  this  practicable  ? 
•«  By  a  despotick  dictator,  who  with  the  courage  of  Sijlla,  has  as  much 
"  genius  for  building  up  as  that  Roman  had  for  pulling  down.  If  he 
"be  an  ambitious  man,  his  reward  will  be  immortal  glory;  if  a  pliy- 
"losopher,  the  blessings  of  his  fellow.citizons  will  sufficiently  console 
"  him  for  the  loss  of  authority,  though  he  should  not  be  insensible  to 
"their  ingratitude." 

What  was  argument  in  Italy,  is  reality  to  Great  Britain,  with  this 
additional  circumstance  in  her  favour,  that  she  must  always  continue, 
if  she  wisely  conducts  her  affairs,  though  less  than  all,  yet  greater 
than  any.  The  immense  advantages  of  such  a  situation  are  worthy 
the  closest  attention  of  every  Briton.  To  a  man,  who  has  considored 
them  with  that  attention,  perhaps  it  will  not  appear  too  bold  to  aver, 
that,  if  an  archangel  had  planned  the  connection  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  her  Colonies,  he  could  not  have  fixed  it  on  a  more  lasting  and 
Leneficial  foundation,  unless  ho  could  have  changed  human  nature.  A 
mighty  naval  power  at  the  head  of  the  whole — that  power,  a  parent 
state,  with  all  the  endearing  sentiments  attending  the  relationship, 
that  never  could  disoblige,  but  with  design — the  dependent  states  much 
more  apt  to  have  feuds  among  themselves — she  the  umpire  and  con- 
troller— those  states  producing  every  article  necessary  to  her  great- 
ness— their  interest,  that  she  should  continue  free  and  flourishing — 
their  ability  to  throw  a  considerable  weight  into  the  seals,  should  her 
government  got  unduly  poised — slie  and  those  states  Protestant — are 
some  of  the  circumstances,  that,  delineated  by  the  masterly  hand  of  a 
Beccaria,  would  exhibit  a  plan  vindicating  the  ways  of  Heaven,  and 
demonstrating  that  humanity  and  policy  are  nearly  related.  .\n 
Alexander,  a  Casar,  a  Charles,  a  Lewis,  and  others,  have  fought 
through  fields  of  blood  for  universal  empire.  Great  Britain  has  a  cer- 
tainty, by  population  and  commerce  alone,  of  attaining  to  the  most 
astonishing  and  well  founded  power  the  world  ever  saw.  The  circum- 
stances of  her  situation  are  new  and  striking.  Heaven  has  offered  to 
her  glory  and  prosperity  without  measure.  Her  wise  Ministers  disdain 
to  accept  them,  and  profer  "  a  pepper-corn."* 

So  directly  opposite  to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  has  the  conduct 
of  Administration  been  for  some  time  past,  that  it  may  safely  be 
affirmed,  that,  if  their  view  was  to  establish  arbitrary  power  over 
Great  Britain,  schemes  more  dangerous  could  not  liavo  been  laid.  To 
profess  this  purpose  would  ensure  a  dcfjat.  Any  man,  wlio  had  auch 
a  design,  would  first  take  the  opportunity  of  peace  to  set  one  part  of 
the  subject  against  the  other.  This  might  be  done  in  the  following 
manner : 

Let  every  session  of  Parliammt  produce  a  fresh  injury.  Give  no 
rest,  or  hope  of  rest.  Ln  insult  added  to  insult  fill  up  the  vacancies 
between  the  sessions.  Tease  and  persecute  into  opj]osition.  Tlien 
let  Ministers  thems-lvps  rejoice  in  the  freedom  of  the  press.  Ljt 
every  action  of  the  oppressed  be  exaggerated.  Lot  innumerable  false 
invectives  be  vented  in  pamphlets  and  newspap3r8.  Let  all  the  provo- 
cations and  excuses  be  concealed  from  publiek  siglit  as  much  as  pos- 
sible. Load  the  devoted  with  the  terms  of  tr  tilers  and  rebels.  Nearlv 
in  this  way  Scotland  was  treated  by  the  arbitrary  Ministry  of  Charles 
the  First.  But  the  Parliament  and  people  of  England  had  common 
sense  and  virtue.  The  base  deception  could  not  pass  upon  them. 
They  saw  the  snare  laid  for  them,  and  resented  it  so  deeply,  that  an 

•  Mr.  KugentU  Speech. 


against  a  common  danger,  she  knew,  that  we  could  not 
think  of  embarking  our  treasures  of  tranquillity  and  liberty, 
on  an  ocean  of  blood,  in  a  wandering  expedition  to  some 
Utopian  port.  The  history  of  mankind,  from  the  remotest 
antiquity,  furnishes  not  a  single  instance  of  a  people  con- 
sisting of  husbandmen  and  merchants,  voluntarily  engaging 

army  of  Englishmen  flod  before  an  army  of  Scotchmen  at  Neicbum. 
For  once  it  was  glorious  to  fly.  But  it  required  English  heads  and 
English  hearts  to  understand  and  to  act  the  part. 

Thug  the  Colonies  have  been  treated.  At  last  a  civil  war  may  be 
worked  up.  It  should  be  considered,  as  Lord  Mansfield  expresses  it, 
whether  "  tho  play  is  worth  tho  candle."  In  such  a  war,  every  vic- 
tory will  bo  a  defeat.  If  the  Colonies  are  subdued,  vast  sums  must 
be  raised,  and  a  prodigioua  army  must  be  supported,  to  keep  them  in 
subjection.  Great  Britain  must  feel  the  weight  of  that  influence, 
added  to  the  power  of  the  Crown.  The  Colonies  are  increasing. 
Who  can  compute  the  extent  and  effjct  of  such  an  influence  ?*  Vn. 
done  by  her  victories,  she  must  resign  her  liberty,  or  some  future 
monarch  with  her  Colonies,  unless  she  first  loses  tliom  in  another 
way.  If  she  is  unfortunate,  publiek  calamities  may  noake  great 
changes.  Such  changes  seem  to  be  intended  by  some  men.  Great 
Britain  has  been  led  into  tho  Rubicon.  She  has  not  yet  passed  it. 
We  consider  the  hostilities  already  practised,  as  the  manoeuvres  of  a 
Ministerial  war.  We  know  the  machinations  formed  against  us,  arul 
tlie  favourite  publications  industriously  spread  abroad,  to  excite  a 
jealousy  of  us  among  our  British  brethren.  We  know  how  accept, 
able  to  many  an  earthquake  would  be  to  "  sink  some  of  the  Colonies 
in  the  ocean  ;"  and  how  pleasing  to  employ  the  rest  "  in  raising  sta- 
ple commodities ;"  that  we  arc  thought  "  too  numerous,"  and  how 
much  it  would  be  judged  by  some  for  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  if 
a  pestilence  should  sweep  off  a  million  and  a  half  of  us.  These  won. 
derful  lucubrations  have  not  escaped  us.  But  here  wo  are,  by  Divine 
Providence,  three  millions  of  souls.  What  can  be  done  with  us  ?  If 
we  wore  to  bo  considered  only  as  t  Protestant  allies,  wo  ought  to  be 
esteemed  by  a  wise  people.  Such  a  people  certainly  would  not  be 
careful  to  disunite  us  from  their  interest — to  make  us  foes  when  they 
might  have  us  friends.  Some  states  have  thought  it  true  policy  to 
grant  greater  indulgencies  to  remote  dominions,  than  were  enjoyed  by 
themselves;  and  this  policy  has  been  much  applauded.  The  enjoy- 
ment of  valuable  privileges  byinferiour  states,  under  the  protection  of 
a  superiour,  is  the  strongest  bond  of  dependence.  Why  should  we 
prefer  a  dependence  on  Great  Britain  to  a  dependence  on  France,  if 
we  enjoy  loss  freedom  under  the  former,  than  wo  may  under  tho  lat- 
ter  ?  "  Firmissimum  imperium,  quo  obedientes  gaudent,"  or,  as  Lord 
Chief  Justice  Coke  expresses  it,  in  his  comment  on  the  2oth  of  Ed- 
ward tho  Third,  "  The  state  of  a  King  standeth  more  assured  by  the 
"  love  and  favour  of  tho  subject,  than  by  the  dread  and  fear  of  laws," 
&.c.t     Ought  Great   Britain  to  despise  the  advantages  she  actually 

•  **  But,  OB  the  other  hand,  it  u  to  be  considered,  that  e^ery  Prince,  in  the  first  Parlia- 
ment after  his  accession,  has,  by  long  usage,  a  truly  rojal  addition  to  his  hereditary  revt^ 
ime  Si  ttled  upon  him  for  his  liie ;  aiul  hat  never  any  occasion  to  apply  to  Parliament  for 
supplies,  but  upon  some  pulilick  necessity  of  the  whole  Realm.  This  resloi-es  to  hini  that 
constitutional  indei>endence  which  at  his  first  accession  seems,  it  must  be  owned,  to  be 
wanting.  And  then,  with  regard  to  power,  we  nray  find,  perhaps,  that  the  hands  of 
Government  are  at  least  sufficiently  strengthened  ;  and  that  axr  £»>.//f/i  Monarch  is  now 
in  no  danger  of  being  overborne  by  either  the  nobility  or  the  people.  The  instrumenia 
of  power  are  not  Jierhaps  so  open  and  avowed  as  they  formerly  were,  and  Ihei-efore  are 
the  less  liable  to  jealous  and  invidious  rertections;  but  they  are  not  the  weaker  upon  that 
account.  In  short,  our  national  debt  and  uxes  (besides  the  inconveniences  before  men- 
tioned) have  also,  in  their  natural  consequences,  thrown  such  a  weight  of  power  into 
the  Executive  scale  of  Government,  as  we  cannot  think  was  intended  by  onr  patriot 
ancestors  ;  who  gloriously  struggled  for  the  abolition  of  the  then  formidable  parts  of  the 
prerogative,  and  by  an  unaccountable  want  of  foresight  established  this  system  in  their 
sti-ad.  The  entii-e  collection  and  management  of  so  vast  a  revenue  being  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  Ci-own,  have  given  rise  to  such  a  multitude  of  new  officers,  created  by,  and 
removeahle  at  the  Koyal  iiFeasure.  tliat  they  have  extended  the  influence  of  Government 
to  every  corner  of  the  Nation.  AVitness  the  Coinmissionei-s,  and  the  multitude  of  dejH-nd. 
ents  on  the  Customs,  in  every  poit  of  the  Kingdom  ;  the  Cooimissiouers  of  Excise,  and 
their  numerous  subalterns,  in  every  inland  district ;  the  Postmasters,  and  their  servants, 
planted  in  every  town,  and  ui>on  every  publiek  road  ;  the  Commissioners  of  the  Stamps, 
anit  their  distributors,  which  are  full  as  scatteretl  and  full  asnunieroiis;  the  ofHcers  of 
the  Salt  Duty,  which,  though  a  species  of  excise,  and  conducted  in  the  same  manner,  are 
yet  made  a  distinct  corps  from  the  ordinary  managers  of  that  revenue ;  the  Surveyors  of 
Houses  and  Windows;  the  Receivers  of  the  Land  fax  ;  the  Managers  of  Lotteries,  and 
the  Commissioners  of  Hackney  Coaches ;  all  w  hich  are  either  metliately  or  innnediately 
appointed  by  the  Crown,  and  removeahle  at  pleasure  without  any  reason  assigned. 
I'liese,  it  requires  but  little  penetration  to  see,  must  give  that  power,  on  which  they 
depend  for  subsistence,  an  influence  most  amazingly  extensive,  'i'o  this  may  l>e  added 
the  frequent  opportunities  of  conferring  particular  obligations,  b)  preference  in  loans, 
subscriptions,  tickets,  remittances,  anil  other  money  transactions,  which  will  greatly 
inei-ease  this  influence;  and  that  over  those  persons  whose  altaehiiier.t,  on  account  of 
their  wealtli,  is  frequently  the  most  desirable.  All  this  is  the  natural,  though  perhaps  the 
unforeseen,  consequence  of  erfctingour  funds  of  credit,  and  to  supiKirt  them  tstabiishing 
our  present  perpetual  taxes ;  the  whole  of  which  is  entirely  new  since  the  Restoration  iu 
1660  ;  and  by  fir  the  greatest  part  since  the  Revolution  in  1683.  And  the  same  may  be 
said  with  regard  to  the  ofilcer*  in  our  numerous  army,  and  the  places  which  the  army 
has  created.  All  which  put  together  gives  the  Kxecutive  power  so  pei^iiasive  an  energy 
with  rt^spect  to  the  ptrsttns  themselves,  and  so  prevailing  an  interest  w  ith  their  friends 
anil  families,  as  will  amply  make  amends  for  the  loss  of  external  prei-ogative. 

"  Rut,  though  this  profusion  of  offices  should  have  no  effect  on  individuals,  there  is 
still  another  newly-acquired  branch  of  power;  and  that  is,  not  Ihe  influence  only,  but 
the  force  of  a  disciplined  army  ;  paid,  indi-ed,  ultimately  by  the  people,  hut  immediately 
by  the  Crown ;  raised  by  the  Crown,  offlceivd  by  the  Cniwn,  commanded  by  the  Crow  n. 
•1  hey  are  kept  on  foot,  it  is  true,  only  from  year  to  yiar,  and  that  by  the  power  of  Par- 
liameii^  ;  but  during  that  year  they  must,  by  the  nature  of  our  Coustiiulion,  if  raised  at 
all,  beat  the  absolute  disposal  of  the  Crown.  Am!  there  need  but  few  words  to  demois- 
slrate  how  great  a  trust  is  thereby  niiosird  in  the  Prince  by  his  jicople.  A  trust  tlial  is 
more  than  equivalent  to  a  thousand  little  troublesome  preni^tivi-s. 

*'  Add  to  all  this,  that,  besides  the  civil  list,  the  immense  revenue  of  almost  seven 
millions  sterling,  which  is  annually  paid  to  the  creditors  of  the  publiek,  or  c;irried  to  the 
sinking  fund,  is  first  deposited  in  the  Ro)al  Exchequer,  and  thence  issued  out  to  tlie 
ivspeciive  offices  of  payment.  This  revenue  the  people  can  never  refosc  to  raise, 
because  it  is  made  per|>etlial  by  Act  of  Parliament ;  which  also,  when  considered,  will 
aiipear  to  lie  a  trust  of  great  delicacy  and  high  importance."—!  Blacktt„ue*s  Com.  b.  1, 
ch.  8,  p.  334—336. 

t  Great  Drilain  put  herself  to  a  very  considerable  expense  last  war  in  defence  of 
Portugal,  because  that  Kingdom  was  her  ally,  and  she  derived  great  adiaiitages  from  an 
intercourse  with  her.  lint  what  are  those  advantages, or  the  attVctiuiis  arisiiigfrom  them, 
when  compared  to  the  advantages  and  affeclions  that  connect  these  Colonies  with  Grcit 
Britnill?  Woltls  cannot  express  the  surprise,  that  men  free  from  passion  must  feel  on 
considering  her  impolicy  in  labouring  to  disjoin  from  herself  the  only  true  friends  she 
has  in  the  world.  If  her  Minister  were  jiensioners  of  I'rance  and  .S/wi/i,  they  could  not 
pursue  measur.s  mure  pleasing  and  advantageous  to  those  Kingdoms. 

J  "  During  all  our  happy  days  of  concord,  partly  from  our  national  moderation,  and 
**  partlv  from  the  w  isdoiii,  and  sometimes  perhaps  Torn  the  carelessness  of  our  Miiiisten, 
**  they  have  Ix-en  trusted,  in  a  good  measure,  with  the  entire  management  of  their 
"  affaii'S  ;  ami  the  success  they  have  met  w  ith  ought  to  be  to  us  an  ever-memorable  nrfwf, 
"  that  the  trueart  of  Government  consists  in  not  gov.  ruing  too  much.  Anil  why  should 
"  friendship,  and  gratitude,  and  long  attachments,  which  inspire  all  the  relish  anil  sweet- 
**  ness  of  private  life,  be  tupposetl  to  lie  of  no  weight  in  the  intercoui-se  b;tween  great 
*•  communities?  These  are  principles  of  human  nature,  which  act  with  much  gi-eater 
**  certainty  on  iiumbers  than  on  individuals.  If  properly  cultivated  they  may  to  us  be 
**  iiroduetive  of  the  noblest  benefits  ;  and,  at  all  events,  will  neither  lessen  the  extent  of 
*•  our  power,  nor  shorten  the  duration  of  il."—Buhap  of  St.  Aiaph't  Sermon,  p.  13. 


578 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


574 


in  such  a  phrenzy  of  ambition.  No  !  Our  highest  pride 
and  glory  has  been,  with  humble  unsuspecting  duty*  to 
labour  in  contributing  to  elevate  her  to  that  exalted  station 
she  holds  among  the  Nations  of  the  earth,  and  which,  we 
still  ardently  desire  and  pray  siie  may  hold,  with  fresh 
accessions  of  fame  and  prosperity,  till  time  shall  be  no 
more. 

These  being  our  sentiments,  and,  we  are  fully  convinced, 
the  sentiments  of  our  brethren  throughout  the  Colonies, 
with  unspeakable  affliction,  we  find  ourselves  obliged  to 
oppose  that  system  of  dominion  over  us,  arising  from  coun- 
sels pernicious  both  to  our  parent  and  her  children — to 
strive,  if  it  be  possible,  to  close  the  breaches  made  in  our 
former  concord,  and  stop  the  sources  of  future  animosities. 
And  may  God  Almighty,  who  delights  in  the  titles  of  just 
and  merciful,  incline  the  hearts  of  all  parties  to  that  equi- 
table and  benevolent  temper,  which  is  necessary  solidly  to 
establish  peace  and  harmony  in  the  place  of  confusion  and 
dissension. 

The  legislative  authority  claimed  by  Parliament  over 
these  Colonies,  consists  of  two  heads :  first,  a  general 
power  of  internal  legislation ;  and,  secondly,  a  power  of 
regulating  our  trade ;  both,  she  contends,  are  unlimited. 
Under  the  first  may  be  included,  among  other  powers, 
those  of  forbidding  us  tof  worship  our  Creator  in  the 
manner  we  think  most  acceptable  to  him — imposing  taxes 
on  us — collecting  them  by  their  own  officers — enforcing 
the  collection  by  Admiralty  Courts,  or  Courts  Martial — 
abolishing  trials  by  jury — establishing  a  standing  army  | 

receives  with  safety  from  us,  because,  by  the  adoption  of  Spanish 
maxims,  she  might  with  danger  extort  more  ? 

It  is  the  duty  of  every  Colonist  to  oppose  such  maxims.  They 
threaten  ruin  to  our  mother  country  and  to  us.  We  should  be  guilty 
of  treason  against  our  Sovereign  and  the  majesty  of  the  people  of 
England,  if  we  did  not  oppose  them.  England  must  be  saved  in 
America.  Hereafler,  she  will  rejoice  that  wo  have  resisted,  and  thank 
us  for  having  offended  her.  Her  wisdom  will  in  a  short  time  discover 
the  artifices  that  have  been  used  by  her  worst  enemies  to  inflame  her 
against  her  dutiful  children  ;  that  she  has  supported  not  her  own 
cause,  but  the  cause  of  an  Administration ;  and  will  clearly  distin- 
guish which  will  most  conduce  to  her  benefit,  safety,  and  glory,  well 
treated  and  affectionate  Colonies,  or  millions  of  slaves,  an  unnatural 
increase  of  her  standing  forces,  and  an  addition  to  the  influence  of  the 
Crown,  defying  all  calculation. 

•  It  has  been  suggested,  "  that  subjects  sometimes  err,  by  not 
believing  that  Princes  mean  as  well  as  they  do."  But  the  instances 
are  numerous  where  princes  and  their  courtiers  err,  by  not  believing 
that  subjects  mean  as  well  as  they  do. 

t  See  Canada  BUI. 

t  The  army  under  the  command  of  General  Gage,  in  the  Province 
of  Massachusettt  Bay  alone,  amounts  to  several  thousand  men,  kept 
there  without  consent  of  their  Assembly,  and  to  be  augmented  as  tlie 
General  shall  think  proper. 

"  I  must  own,  sir,  I  can  see  but  one  reason  for  raising  at  this  pre. 
"  sent  juncture,  this  additional  number  of  troops,  and  that  is  to 
"  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Minister  against  the  next  election,  by 
•*  giving  him  the  power  of  disposing  of  commissions  to  the  sons, 
"  brothers,  nephews,  cousins,  and  friends  of  such  as  have  interest  in 
"  boroughs,  into  some  of  which,  perhaps,  troops  may  be  sent  to  pro- 
"  cure  the  free  election  of  their  members,  in  imitation  of  the  late 
"  Czarina  sending  her  troops  into  Poland  to  secure  tlie  free  election 
"  of  a  King. 

"  But  still  there  is  one  thing  more  fatal  than  all  I  have  yet  named, 
"  that  must  be  the  consequence  of  so  great  a  body  of  troops  being 
"  kept  on  foot  in  England,  and  will  be  the  finishing  stroke  to  all  our 
"  liberties.  For,  as  the  towns  in  England  will  not  be  able  much 
"  longer  to  contain  quarters  for  them,  most  of  those  who  keep  publick 
"  houses  being  near  ruined  by  soldiers  billetted  on  them ;  so,  on  pre- 
'•  tence  of  the  necessity  of  it,  barracks  will  be  built  for  quartering 
*'  them,  which  will  be  as  so  many  fortresses  with  strong  garrisons  in 
"  them,  erected  in  all  parts  of  England,  which  can  tend  to  nothing, 
"  but  by  degrees  to  subdue  and  enslave  the  Kingdom. 

"  But  if  ever  this  scheme  should  be  attempted,  it  will  bo  incumbent 
"  on  every  Englishman  to  endeavour  to  prevent  it  by  all  methods,  and 
"  as  it  would  be  the  last  stand  that  could  be  ever  made  for  our  liberties, 
"  rather  than  suffer  it  to  bo  put  in  execution,  it  would  be  our  duty  to 
"  draw  our  swords,  and  never  put  them  up  till  our  liberties  were 
"  secured,  aud  the  authors  of  our  intended  slavery  brought  to  condign 
"  punishment.  I  hope  I  shall  be  forgiven,  if,  during  the  debates,  I 
"  shall  take  the  liberty  of  speaking  again ;  for  I  am  determined  to 
"  figlit,  inch  by  inch,  every  proposition  that  tends,  as  I  think  this 
"  does,  to  the  enslaving  my  country." — Lord  Viscount  Gage's  Speech 
in  1739.  Pari.  Deb.  Book  iUh.  p.  388.  See  Montesq.  on  Standing 
Armies. 

A  Minister  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  he  "  should  al. 
"  ways  consider  it  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution,  that  the  military  should 
"  act  under  the  civil  authority."  But,  by  order,  tlie  Commandcr-in. 
chief  of  the  forces  has  precedence  of  a  Governour,  in  the  Provmco  un- 
der his  government.  By  his  Majesty's  order,  transmitted  in  a  letter 
dated  the  9th  of  February,  17G5,  from  tlie  Secretary  of  State  to  the 
Commander-in-chief,  it  is  declared,  "  that  the  orders  of  the  Commandor- 
"  in-chief,  and  under  him,  of  the  Brigadiers  General,  commanding  in  the 
"  Northern  and  Southern  Departments,  in  all  military  affairs,  shall  be 
"  supreme,  and  must  be  obeyed  by  the  troops  as  such,  in  all  the  Civil 
"  Governments  in  America.  That  in  cases  wliere  no  specifick  orders 
"  have  been  given  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  or  by  the  Brigadier  Gen- 


among  us  in  time  of  peace,  without  consenj  of  our  Assem- 
blies— paying  them  with  our  money — seizing  our  young 
men*  for  recruits — changing  Constitutions  of  Govern- 
ment f — stopping  the  press — declaring  any  action,  even  a 
meeting  of  the  smallest  number,  to  consider  of  peaceable 
modes  to  obtain  redress  of  grievances  %  high  treason — ta- 
king Colonists  to  Great  Britain  to  be  tried  || — exempting 
'•  murderers"'^  of  Colonists  from  punishment,  by  carrying 
them  to  England,  to  answer  indictments  found  in  the  Colo- 
niesH — shutting  up  our  ports — prohibiting  us  from  slitting** 
iron  to  build  our  houses,  makingff  hats  to  cover  our  heads, 
or  clothing  to  cover  the  rest  of  our  bodies,  &cc.fj 

"  eral  commanding  in  the  District,  the  Civil  Governour  in  Council,  and 
"  where  no  Council  there  subsists,  the  Civil  Governour  may,  for  the  ben- 
"  efit  of  his  Governmant,  give  orders  for  the  marching  of  troops,  the  dis- 
"  position  of  them  for  making  and  marching  detachments,  escorts,  anil 
"  such  purely  military  services  within  his  Government,  to  the  command- 
"  ing  ofScer  of  the  troops,  who  is  to  give  proper  order  for  carrying  tho 
"  same  into  execution,  provided  they  are  not  contradictory  to,  or  incom- 
"  patible  with,  any  order  he  may  have  received  from  the  Commander- 
"  in-chief,  or  tlie  Brigadier  General  of  the  District." 

In  May,  1769,  the  Houss  of  Representatives  for  Massachusetts  Bay, 
requested  Governour  Bernard  "  to  give  the  necessary  and  effectual  or- 
"ders  for  the  removal  of  the  forces,  by  saa  and  land,  out  of  the  port  of 
"  Boston,  and  from  the  gate  of  the  city,  during  the  session  of  the  said 
"  Assembly."  To  whicli  he  answered  :  "  Gentlemen :  I  have  no  au- 
"  thority  over  his  Majesty's  ships  in  this  port,  or  liis  troops  within  this 
"  town ;  nor  can  I  give  any  orders  for  their  removal. 

"  May  31,  1769.  Fra.  Bernard." 

Thus,  our  Governours,  the  Captains  General,  and  Commanders-in- 
chiof,  representing  the  Sovereign,  and  known  to  the  Constitution  of 
these  Colonies,  arj  deprived  of  their  legal  authority,  in  time  of  peace, 
by  an  order ;  and  a  perpetual  dictatorial  power  established  over  us.  To 
accomplish  this  great  purpose,  it  was  thought  proper,  during  the  last 
war,  to  change  the  mode  of  grxnting  military  commissions,  and  to  pass 
that  to  the  General  in  America,  under  the  great  seal.  It  is  not  known 
whether  this  uncommon  formality  has  been  observed  with  regard  to  tho 
Major  Generals  of  the  respective  "  Districts." 

*  The  Germans  have  been  justly  celebrated  in  different  ages,  for  sa- 
gacity in  promoting  the  arts,  and  for  martial  spirit ;  yet,  how  unhappy 
have  they  been  made  in  a  short  period  of  time,  by  that  single  engine  of 
arbitrary  power,  a  standing  army.  Their  distress  was  wrought  up  to 
such  a  degree,  that  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  relinquished  their 
native  country,  and  fled  to  the  wildernesses  of  America.  It  was  a  way 
of  thinking  and  acting  that  bjcame  them.  For  German*  may  truly 
be  called  the  fathers  of  Englishmen.  From  *Germany  came  their  an- 
cestors, and  tlie  first  principles  of  the  Constitution.  Germans,  there- 
fore, seem  to  be  more  justly  entitled  than  other  foreigners  to  the  bless- 
ings of  that  Constitution.  To  enjoy  them  in  this  free  country  as  it 
then  was,  they  came  here ;  but  now  unfortunately  find  arbitrary  Gov- 
ernment and  a  standing  array  jiursuing  them  even  into  these  woods. 
Numbers  of  them  now  in  these  Provinces  liave  served  in  the  armies  of 
the  several  Princes  in  Germany,  and  know  well,  that  one  reason  with 
their  riders  for  putting  swords  into  their  hands,  was  to  cut  the  throats 
of  their  own  fathers,  brothers,  and  relations,  who  should  attempt  to  re. 
lieve  themselves  from  any  part  of  their  miseries.  Their  former  Sover- 
eigns are  now  completing,  it  is  said,  the  cruel  tragedy  of  tyranny. 
They  will  not  suffer  those  they  have  made  wretched,  to  seek  lor  a 
more  tolerable  existence  in  some  other  part  of  the  globe.  It  is  their 
duty,  say  these  unfeeling  Princes,  "  to  be  unhappy,  and  to  renounce  all 
hopes  of  relief."  They  are  prohibited  from  leaving  their  country. 
Those  who  have  already  escaped  into  these  Colonies,  remember  what 
they  and  their  parents  suffered  in  Germany.  The  old  tell  the  stories 
of  their  oppressions  to  the  younger ;  and  however  improbable  it  may 
appear  on  the  other  side  of  tho  Atlantic,  it  is  asserted  by  persons  well 
acquainted  with  this  people,  that  they  have  very  little  inclination  to 
suii'er  tlie  same  cruelties  again  in  America. 

t  Bill  for  changing  the  Constitution  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

t  General  Gage's  Proclamation,  dated  June  29,  1774. 

II  Resolves  in  the  House  of  Lords,  on  thirty-fifUi  Henry  the  Eighth, 

chapter  2. 

(/  Bill  for  the  Administration  of  Justice,  &c. 

IT  Boston  Act.         *»  Twenty-third  George  the  Second,  chapter  29. 

tt  Fifth  George  the  Second,  chapter  21. 

tt  If  Great  Britain  has  a  constitutional  power  to  prohibit  us  from 
slitting  iron  as  she  has  done,  she  has  a  constitutional  power,  that  is,  a 
right,  to  prohibit  us  from  raising  grain  for  our  food ;  for  the  principle 
that  supports  one  law,  will  the  other.  What  a  vast  demand  must  be 
made  on  her  for  this  article,  and  how  firmly  would  her  dominion  bo 
established,  if  we  depended  wholly  on  her  for  our  daily  bread?  Her 
modern  writers  consider  Colonists  as  slaves  of  Great  Britain,  shut  up 
in  a  large  work-house,  constantly  kept  at  labour  in  procuring  sucli 
materials  as  she  prescribes,  and  wearing  such  clothes  as  she  sends. 
Should  she  ever  adopt  the  measure  above  mentioned,  and,  on  our  com- 
plaints of  grievances,  withhold  food  from  us  ;  what  then  ?  Why.  tlien, 
on  her  principle,  it  would  be  right  to  be  starved.  To  say  in  such  case 
we  should  have  any  other  right,  would  be  a  '*  traitorous  and  rebellious 
denial  of  the  Supreme  Legislature  of  Great  Britain :"  for  she  "  has 
power  of  rig)it  to  bind  us  by  statutes  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

Let  not  any  person  object  that  the  supposition  of  such  a  case  is  the 
suggestion  of  fancy.  The  Carthagenians,  those  masters  in  the  sub- 
lime jioliticks  of  commerce — politicks  that  have  produced  so  many 
dreadful  scenes  upon  earth,  forbade  the  Sardinians  to  raise  corn,  in  or. 
der  to  keep  tliem  in  due  subjection.  The  East  Indies,  St.  Vincents,  tho 
proceedings  at  Rkode.lsland,  and  the  Boston  Act,  «fcc.,  give  rise  to 
many  alarming  apprehensions  in  America.  There  are  few  men  on  this 
Continent  would  bo  as  much  surprised  at  that  measure,  as  at  some  late 
measures.  The  beginning  justifies  any  apprehensions.  Power  de- 
bauches the  affections.  The  improbability  of  cases  happening,  is  no 
•  I  BiacktUnc,  p.  147. 


575 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


576 


In  our  Provincial  Legislatures,  the  best  judges  in  all 
cases  what  suits  us — founded  on  the  immutable  and  un- 
alienable riglits  of  human  nature,  tlie  fii-st  principles  of  the 
Constitution,  and  charters  and  grants  made  by  tiie  Crown, 
at  periods  when  the  power  of  making  them  was  univer- 
sally acknowledged  by  the  parent  stale,  a  power  since 
frequently  recognised  by  her,  subject  to  the  controul  of  the 

answer  in  such  important  considerations.  The  laudable  spirit  of  com- 
merce may  bo  inBanied  into  rapacity  and  cruelty  in  a  Nation,  as  well 
a-s  in  an  individual.  Wo  must  regard  the  power  claimed  by  Great 
Britain,  not  solely  her  will  or  contingencies  depending  on  that  will. 
If  she  affi.xes  no  limits  to  her  power,  why  should  we  affix  any  to  its 
effects  ?  "I  know,"  says  Mr.  Hoadly,  "  it  is  next  to  impossible  that 
"  any  such  case  should  happen ;  but  if  such  things  be  said,  and  such 
"  cases,  in  effect,  be  put,  it  is  necessary  to  speak  upon  the  supposition 
"  of  such  cases.  And  methinks  it  is  but  a  narrow-spirited  proceeding 
*'  in  us  to  go  just  no  farther  iu  our  notions,  than  a  compliance  with 
"  our  own  present  condition  forceth  us ;  to  exclude  from  our  regard 
"  the  condition  of  all  other  Nations,  and  all  cases,  but  just  that  which 
"  hath  happened  last  of  all  in  our  own." 

That  the  plan  of  governing  us  by  withholding  necessaries  of  life 
has  been  considered,  and  in  what  light  Colonies  are  viewed  at  home, 
the  following  extracts  will  partly  shew : 

"  It  appears  that  the  original  and  grand  evil  attending  thorn,  was 
the  settlement  of  so  considerable  a  part  in  a  climate  incapable  of  yield- 
ing  the  conunodities  wanting  in  Britain. 

"  These  Northern  Colonies,  long  after  their  disadvantageous  nature 
was  known,  were  continually  increased  by  fresh  migrations  from  Eu- 
rope; which,  as  I  before  observed,  ought  totally  to  have  been  prevent- 
ed, and  such  migrations  have  been  encouraged  only  to  the  beneficial 
Colonies. 

"  Since  the  late  war,  Britain  laid  the  trade  of  the  Colonies  under 
some  very  strict  regulations,  which  certainly  cut  off  many  inlets  by 
which  they  formerly  received  much  Spanish  and  Portuguese  coin. 
The  principle  upon  which  such  regulations  were  formed,  of  securing 
to  the  mother  country  alone  all  matters  of  commerce,  I  have  already 
attempted  to  prove  just  and  necessary. 

"  When  once  their  supernumeraries  are  become  manufacturers,  it 
will  require  more  than  British  policy  to  convert  them  into  planters. 

"  I  nmst  think  this  point  of  such  great  importance,  as  to  extend 
probably  to  the  annihilation  of  manufactures  in  our  Colonies.  To 
conclude,  it  is  in  the  proposed  settlement  on  the  Ohio  we  must  first  look 
for  hemp  and  flax ;  as  such  great  numbers  of  the  old  American  farm- 
ers have  removed  and  settled  there,  which  may,  in  those  fertile  tracts, 
be  cultivated  in  such  abundance  as  to  enable  us  to  undersell  all  the 
world,  as  well  as  supply  our  own  consumption.  It  is  on  those  high, 
dry,  and  healthy  lands,  that  vineyards  will  be  cultivated  to  the  best 
advantage,  as  many  of  those  hills  contain  quarries  of  stone,  and  not 
in  the  unhealthy  sea-coasts  of  our  present  Colonies.  To  these  we 
should  bring  the  settlers  from  Europe,  or,  at  least,  suffer  none  to  go 
north  of  New-York;  by  which  means  our  numbers  would  increase  in 
those  parts  where  it  is  our  interest  they  should  increase  ;  and  the  re- 
port of  the  settlers  from  the  new  Colony  on  the  Ohio,  would  be  a  con- 
stant drain  of  people  from  our  unprofitable  Northern  ones ;  by  which 
means,  they  would,  in  future  times,  as  well  as  the  present,  be  prevent- 
ed from  extending  their  manufactures. 

"  What  I  shall  therefore  venture  to  propose,  is,  that  the  Govern, 
ment,  through  the  means  of  a  few  merchants  acquainted  with  the 
American  trade,  that  can  be  tolerably  depended  upon,  should  establish 
factors  at  Boston,  Philadelphia,  New.York,  and  a  few  other  ports,  for 
the  sale  of  such  cargoes  of  British  manufactures  as  should  be  consigned 
to  them ;  and  to  consist  of  such  particularly  as  were  most  manufac- 
tured in  the  Province,  with  directions  immediately  and  continually  to 
undersell  all  such  Colony  manufactures.  By  this  means,  the  operation 
of  the  succeeding  measures,  from  the  number  of  hands  rendered  idle, 
would  be  so  much  easier  to  be  executed. 

"  The  ships  which  carried  out  such  cargoes  should  be  large  bulky 
ones,  of  eight,  nine  hundred,  and  one  thousand  tons  burden,  for  the 
sake  of  bringing  large  quantities  of  deals,  &c.,  back,  at  a  less  propor- 
tionate expense ;  and,  previous  to  their  arrival  in  America,  cargoes  of 
these  should  be  ready  for  them.  The  Colonists  should  bo  engaged  to 
work  their  iron  mines,  and  get  the  product  ready  in  bars,  &c.,  and  vast 
quantities  of  deals  and  squared  timber  ready  for  loading  the  ships.  All 
which,  on  tho  certain  and  immediate  prospect  of  a  sale,  would  easily 
bo  effected ;  as  it  is  well  known  they  have,  more  than  once,  proved  to 
the  liegislaturo  that  they  could  supply  all  Europe  with  these  articles, 
had  they  but  the  demand. 

"  But  I  laid  it  down  as  a  rule  to  proceed  upon,  that  trade,  fishing, 
and  manufacturing,  were  put  an  entire  stop  to  among  the  Colonies. 

"  If  the  Sugar  Islands  contained  ten  millions  of  people,  as  destitute 
of  necessaries  as  they  are  at  present,  Britain  would  be  as  sure  of  their 
allegiance  as  she  is  at  present,  provided  no  Power  more  formidable 
than  herself  at  sea  arose  for  thoir  protection. 

"  The  first  dependence  of  our  Colonies,  as  well  as  all  their  People, 
is,  to  change  the  terms  a  little  upon  corn  worked  into  bread,  and  iron 
wrought  into  implements ;  or,  in  other  words,  it  is  upon  necessary  agri- 
culture and  necessary  manufactures ;  for  a  people  who  do  not  possess 
these,  to  think  of  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  another  who  supplies  them 
with  them,  is  an  absurd  idea.  This  is  precisely  the  case  with  our 
Sugar  Islands.  Let  us  suppose  the  Continental  Colonies  to  bo  as  hap. 
py  in  the  necessary  agiiculture,  as  they  really  are,  but  to  be  absolutely 
without  manufactures,  could  they  throw  off  their  allegiance  to  Britain, 
be  their  numbers  what  they  would  ?  No,  certainly ;  for  that  is  nothing 
more  than  supposing  tliey  should  throw  off  their  allegiance  to  hoes  and 
spades,  and  coats  and  shoes,  which  is  absurd  to  imagine.  Can  any  one 
imagine  that  a  rebellion  can  be  carried  on  among  a  people,  when  the 
greatest  success  must  be  attended  with  the  loss  of  half  the  necessaries 
of  life ! 

"  The  following,  among  other  effects,  relative  to  this  point,  would 
be  the  consequence  of  the  plan  sketched  out  in  tho  preceding  section  : 

"  The  people  would  depend  on  Britain  for  those  necessaries  of  life 
which  result  from  manufactures. 

"  The  cultivation  of  staples  would  be  more  profitable  to  them  than 
any  other  employment  whatever. 


Crown,  as  by  law  established,  is  vested  the  exclusive  right 
of  internal  legislation. 

Such  a  right  vested  in  Parliament,  would  place  us  exact- 
ly in  the  same  situation,  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
would  have  been  reduced  to,  had  Jamet  the  First  and  his 
family  succeeded  in  their  scheme  of  arbitrary  power. 
Changing  the  word  Stuarts  for  Parliament,  and  Britons 

"  The  sale  of  those  staples  would  depend  on  Britain. 

"  Tho  people  w^ould  all  be  spread  over  an  immense  country  as  plant- 
ers ;  none  of  them  collected  in  towns.* 

"  To  whicli  circumstances  I  shall  odd,  in  respect  to  Britain's  further 
policy, 

"  That  she  should  abide  by  the  boundaries  fixed  already  to  the  old 
Colonies,  that  of  the  rivers'  heads ;  and  all  further  settling  to  be  in  new 
Colonies,  wherever  they  were  traced. 

"  That  she  should  keep  tho  inland  navigation  of  the  Continent ;  that 
is,  of  all  the  great  lakes  and  navigable  rivers,  to  herself,  and  not  suffer 
any  sets  of  men  to  navigate  them,  and  thereby  communicate  from  one 
part  of  the  Continent  to  another. 

"  That  she  should  never  suffer  any  Provincial  troops  or  militia  to  be 
raised,  but  reserve  entirely  to  herself  the  defence  of  the  fronticrs.t 

"That  she  should  throw  what  obstacles  she  could,  upon  all  plans  of 
communication  from  Colony  to  Colony,  or  conveniences  of  speedy 
removals  from  place  to  place. 

"  That  in  proportion  as  any  Colony  declined  in  staples,  and  threat- 
ened not  to  be  able  to  produce  a  sufficiency  of  them,  the  inhabitants 
should  receive  such  encouragement  to  leave  it,  as  more  than  to  drain 
its  natural  increase  unless  new  staples  were  discovered  for  it. 

"  This  is  now  the  case  with  those  I  have  distinguished  by  tho  title  of 
the  Northern  Colonics ;  insomuch  that  Nova-Scotia,  Canada,  jVeto 
England,  Nea-York,  New-Jersey,  and  Pennsyhania,  would  be  nearly 
of  as  much  benefit  to  this  country  buried  in  the  ocean  as  they  are  at 
present." — Political  Essays. 

The  conduct  of  Administration  corresponds  exactly  with  the  senti- 
ments of  this  modern  writer,  and  with  the  measures  pursued  by  Philip 
the  Second  of  Spain  against  the  Low  Countries.  The  reasons  given  by 
one  in  Administration  for  attacking  the  Colonies,  seem  to  be  copied 
(with  some  small  alterations  on  account  of  religion)  from  the  famous 
advice  of  the  unfeeling  Duke  of  Alva,  that  "  specie  retinendce  digni- 
tatis," cost  his  master  his  glory,  his  happiness,  and  his  Provinces — and 
sunk  his  country  into  distresses,  from  which  she  is  not  yet  recovered. 
"  At  vero  dux  Albanus  arma  et  ultioneni,  contendebat,  unicum  leesiB 
"  auctoritati  principis  reraedium.  Quippe  ceteris  artibus  ac  diuturna 
"  facilitate  nihil  aliud  effectum,  quam  ut  regi  obedientia,  rebellibus 
"  timer  adimeretur.  Fostulanso  principio  Belgas,  ut  Hispanus  c  provin- 
"  cia  miles  excederet :  id  scilicet  uuum  deesse  constantes  ad  quietem 
"  populorum.  Num  propterea,  irapetrata  externorum  missione  quie- 
"  visse  ?  An  potius  et  confidentiusefflagitasse,  ut — clavo  deturbarotur 
"  Granvellanus.  At  unius  forte  naufragiocomplacatos  fuisse  vcntos. — 
"  Quin  uimio  ut  licentia  crescit  facilius — homines  a  nostra  facilitate 
"  securi — libellis  deridiculis,  flagitiosis  couspirationibus — unprobis  pa- 
"lam  carminibus — minis — precibus  armatis — extorserent  quod  aver- 
*'  ent — obstinatis  inverecunde  legationibus  Hispaniam  fatigareut — Hie 
"  quoque  visum  dementis;  principis  aliqua  iudigna  posccntibus  indul- 
"  gero.  Enim  vero  quid  ex  ilia  indulgentia  relatum,  nisi  ut  votorura 
"  ubique  compotes,  non  parendo :  subditos  sese  obliviscerentur,  obse- 
"  quium  dedisceront,  atque  exuta  principis  revercntia,  coinmunicata 
"  provinciarum  defectione,  tanquam  culpee  societate  tutiores,  humana 
"  omnia  contrectatse  semcl  libertati  post  habercnt.  Nunc  vero  non 
"  unius  civitatis,  sod  provmciarum  consensu  peccatura  esse  in  regem. 
"  Nee  quia  rebelles  in  presentia  conquiescant,  minus  ferociie  animis 
"  inesse,  resumpturos  utiquo  vires,  ubi  metum  ultionis  abjecerint.  Sic 
"  ille  pronus  ad  asperiora,  disserebat." — Strada  de  bello  lielgico,  lib.  6, 

It  is  evident,  that  the  British  Ministers  have  diligently  studied 
Strada,  and  the  other  authors  who  have  transmitted  to  posterity  the 
pleasing  and  instructive  annals  of  Philippick  policy,  as  every  measure 
they  have  taken,  is  founded  on  a  precedent  set  by  that  celebrated 
school  of  humanity. 

Alva  is  the  favourite  master-— on  his  conduct  they  keep  their  eyes 
steadily  and  reverently  fixed,  and  it  may  truly  be  said — they  follow 
him  with  no  unequal  steps.  Great,  good,  and  wise  men  1  whom  some 
future  Puffendorf  or  Temple  will  duly  celebrate. 

"  In  15(>4,  Granville  was  removed  from  the  Council,  to  appease  the 
people.  Thoir  joy  was  short-lived ;  for  as  the  same  measures  were 
pursued,  it  began  to  be  said  publickly,  that  though  his  body  was 
removed  from,  his  spirit  still  influenced,  tho  Council.  Upon  applica- 
tion for  a  relaxation  of  tho  edicts,  it  was  said,  that  moderation  had 
only  made  matters  worse,  and  the  observation  of  tliem  was  again 
enjoined  upon  more  severe  penalties  tlian  before. 

"  At  length  an  Association  was  entered  into,  for  mutually  defend- 
ing each  other.  This  being  signed  by  above  four  hundred  persons  of 
quality,  who  all  protested,  that  they  meant  nothing  but  tho  honour  of 
God,  the  glory  of  tho  King,  and  the  good  of  their  country,  they  met 
and  petitioned,  that  the  Proclamation  might  be  revoked :  but  the  King 
would  consent  to  no  mitigation.  Good  advice  was  given  to  him.  But 
the  Duke  W Alva's  violent  Council,  who  proposed  the  entire  abolish- 
ment of  the  liberties  of  the  Proviiices,t  was  most  pleasing,  and  fol. 
lowed.  The  cruel  Duke  was  sent  into  tho  Low  Countries  with  a 
powerful  army.  The  Counts  D'Egnwnt  and  Horn  were  immediately 
seized,  on  a  pretence  that  they  had,  underhand,  spirited  up  the  people's 
disaffection.  They  were  afterwards  executed.  All  who  had  signed  the 
Association  or  Petition  were  declared  guilty  of  ^  high  treason,  and 
answerable  for  what  had  happened.  A  Council,  called,  from  its  cruel 
proceedings,  ||  tho  Council  of  Blood,  was  erected  for  trying  the  accused, 
from  whicli  there  was  no  appeal.     (Note  well)  Alva  himself  tried  the 

•  **  This  imint  which  is  of  infinite  importance,  won  hi  pretty  fully  be  occasionr  d  by  other 
parts  of  tht!  plan.  Hut,  to  enstiiv  so  great  a  point,  no  new  towns  shoultl  be  Buffered,  nor 
es-en  villaj^es;  than  which  nothing  could  be  easier  to  luana^^e;  nor  would  they  be  any 
where  necfssarj'  but  by  the  inaffazines  of  naval  stores  for  loading  ships.  All  possible  tie- 
crease  of  numbers  in  tbecitiea  alrc.idy  in  being,  should  be  elfected.  So  systematically 
absurd  is  it  to  found  towns  and  cities,  as  Britain  has  hitherto  constantly  done,  in  all  the 
Colonies  she  has  formed.' ' 

t  "  Specie  tuendi  finiam,jugum  liberis  prcvinciis  meditatur."— Sfrarfo,  lib.  2. 
%  "Lay  them  at  my  feet."  $  See  General  Gage's  Proclamatioii, 

II  nesoluiions  in  Parliament  for  trying  CalooiiU  iu  England,  Hlwde-Ulttnit  Court. 
Late  Acu  fur  MaiiachuKtti  Bay, 


677 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


578 


for  Americans,  tlie  arguments  of  tlie  illustrious  patriots  of 
tliose  times,  to  wliose  virtues  their  descendants  owe  every 
blessing  they  now  enjoy,  apply  with  inexpressible  force 
and  appositeness,  in  maintenance  of  our  cause,  and  in 
refutation  of  the  pretensions  set  up  by  their  too  forgetful 
l»sterity,  over  their  unhappy  Colonists.  Confiding  in  the 
undeniable  truth  of  this  single  position,  that,  "  to  live  by 

accused  in  their  own  country,  where  their  friends  and  witnesses  might 
attend  them ;  whore  the  pains  of  death  itself  might  be  mitigated,  by  see- 
ing witli  their  dying  eyes,  tliat  they  expired  beloved  and  lamented.  Here, 
the  disciples  exceed  their  tutor.  This  is  too  great  a  consolation  to  be 
indulged  to  a  Colonist.  He  must  be  carried  three  thousand  miles  across 
tiie  ocean — that  ho  may  not  only  die,  but  be  insulted  in  his  last  mo- 
ments, with  the  mockery  of  a  trial,  where  the  clearest  innocence 
stands  no  chance  of  acquittal,  and  with  the  formality  of  a  sentence 
founded  on  a  statute  past  before  the  Colonies  existed.  On  the  approach 
of  tho  army,  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  other  Lords  fled ;  and  being 
summoned  to  appear  before  the  Council,  in  default  thereof,  were  con. 
demned,  and  their  estates  confiscated.  Alva  treated  all,  the  innocent 
and  guilty,  with  such  rigour,  that  it  gave  rise  to  tho  following  saying 
of  a  Spanish  officer — "  Haretici  fraxerunt  templa ;  boni  nihil  faxerunt 
contra ;  ergo  omnes  dcbent  patibulari." — Puffendork's  Introduction — 
Art.     "  Spain"  and  "  the  United  Provinces." 

Sir  William  Temple's  account  of  the  disturbances  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries agrees  exactly  with  the  foregoing  extracted  out  of  Puffendorf,  by 
which  it  will  appear  with  what  a  surprising  exactness  of  resemblance 
the  affairs  of  the  Colonics  have  been  carried  on  by  Administration. 

"  The  war  with  France  being  concluded,  it  was  resolved  to  keep  up 
the  troops  in  these  Provinces,  and  that  the  states  should  support 
them,  which  by  a  long  course  of  war,  was  grown  customary.  When 
Philip  would  have  put  Spanish  garrisons  into  some  of  their  towns, 
and  for  the  sake  of  their  admitting  them  quietly,  gave  the  command 
to  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  Court  Egmont,  they  told  him  plainly, 
tliat  all  the  brave  stands  they  had  made  against  the  power  of  France, 
availed  them  but  little,  if  they  must  at  last  be  enslaved  by  another 
foreign  Power." — Puffendorf. 

"  The  hatred  of  the  people,  the  insolence  of  the  troops,  with  the 
charge  of  their  support,  made  them  looked  upon  by  the  inhabitants 
in  general,  as  tho  instruments  of  their  oppression  and  slavery,  and 
not  of  their  defence,  when  a  general  peace  had  left  them  no  ene- 
mies :  And  therefore  the  states  began  here  their  complaints,  with  a 
general  consent  and  passion  of  all  the  nobles,  as  well  as  towns  and 
country.  And  upon  the  delays  that  were  contrived,  or  fell  in,  the 
states  first  refused  to  raise  any  more  moneys,  either  for  tho  Span- 
iards' pay,  or  their  own  standing  troops ;  and  the  people  ran  into 
so  great  despair,  that  in  Zealand  they  absolutely  gave  over  the  work- 
ing at  their  dikes,  suffering  the  sea  to  gain  every  tide  upon  the  coun. 
try,  and  resolving,  as  they  said,  rather  to  be  devoured  by  that  element 
than  by  tlie  Spanish  soldiers ;  so  that  at  last  the  King  consented  to 
their  removal.  Another  grievance  was  the  appointment  of  new  judges* 
and  those  absolutely  depending  on  the  King,  &c" 

"  Granville  strained  up  to  the  highest  his  master's  authority  and  the 
execution  of  his  commands,   while  the    Provinces   were  resolute  to 
protect  the  liberties  of  their  country,  against  the  admission  of  this 
now  and  arbitrary  judicature,  unknown  to  all   ancient  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  their  country.     The  King  at   last  consented  to   Granville's 
recess.     Then  all  noise  of  discontent  and  tumult  was  appeased.     But 
quickly  after  the  same  Councils  were   resumed.     The  disturbances 
then  grew  greater  than  before.     But  by  the  prudence  and  moderation 
of  the  Duchess  of  Parma,  the  Governess,  the  whole  estate  of  the  Prov- 
inces  was  restored  to  its  former  peace.   This  Duchess,  and  the  Duke  of 
Feria,  one  of  the  chief  Ministers  in  Spain,  thought  and  advised,  that 
the  then  present  peace  of  the  Provinces  ought  not  to  be  invaded  by 
new  occasions,  nor  the  royal  authority  lessened,  by  the  King  being 
made  a  party  in  a  war  upon  his  subjects.     But  the  King  was  immove- 
able ;  he  despatched  Alva  into  the  Low  Country  at  the  head  of  ten 
thousand  veteran  Spanish  and  Italian  troops,  under  the  command  of 
the  best  officers,  which  the  wars  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  or  Philip  the 
Second,  had  bred  up  in  Europe ;  which,  with  two  thousand  more  in  the 
Provinces,  under  the  command   of  so  old  and  renowned  a  General  as 
the  Duke  of  Alva,  made  up  a  force,  which  nothing  in  the  Low  Countries 
could  look  in  the  face  with  other  eyes  than  of  astonishment,  submis- 
sion, or  despair.     This  power  was  for  the  assistance  of  the  Governess, 
the  execution  of  the  laws,  the  suppressing  and  punishing  all  who  had 
been  authors  or  fomentors  of  the  late  disturbances. t     On  his  arrival 
the   Governess  having  obtained    leave    of  the   King,   retired  out  of 
the  Province.     The   Duke  of  Alva  was  invested  in  the  Government 
with  powers  never  before  given  to  any  Governour.     A  Council,  called 
the  Council  of  Blood,}  was  erected  for  the  trial  of  all  crimes  commit- 
ted against  the  King's  authority.     The  towns  stomached  the  breach  of 
their  Charters,  the  people  of  their  liberties,  the  knights  of  the  golden 
fleece  the  Charters  of  their  order,  by  these  new  and  odious  courts  of 
judicature;  all  complain  of  the  disuse  of  the  states, ||  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  armies,  but  all  in  vain.     The  King  was  constant  to  what  he 
had  determined.     Alva  was  in  his  nature  cruel  and  inexorable.     The 
new  army  was  fierce  and  brave,  and  desirous  of  notliing  so  much  as  a 
rebellion  in  tho   country.     The  people  were  enraged,  but  awed  and 
unheaded.     All  was  seizure  and  process; — confiscation  and  imprison- 
ment ; — blood  and  horrour ; — insolence  and  dejection ; — punishments 
executed,  and  meditated  revenge.     The  smaller  branches  were  lopt 
off  apace ;   the   great   ones   were  longer   a   hewing  down.     Counts 
Egmont  and  Horn  lasted  several  months ;  but  at  length,  in  spite  of  all 
their  services  to  Charles  the  Fifth  and  to  Philip,  as  well  as  of  their  new 
merits  in  quieting  of  the  Provinces,  and  of  so  great  supplications  and 
intercessions  as  were  made  in  their  favour,  both  in  Spain  and  Flanders, 
tliey  were  publickly  beheaded  at  Brussels,  which  seemed  to  break  all 
patience  in  tho  people ;  and  by  their  end  to  give  those  commotions  a 

•  Ailmirally  Courti.  R/iaile-Iilant)  Court,  for  enforcing  the  statute  of  tliirtj-fifth 
Henr)/  the  Kiijlith.  Act  for  ngulMius  tlic  Govornmeut  of  Maitac/iuiclli  Bay.  Act  for 
Atlniiitiatration  of  Justice,  &c. 

t  See  Speeches  in  Parliament,  and  Preambles  to  the  l«te  Acts.    %  See  note  in  Page  75. 

I  Fivquent  ilinolutioD  of  Atierabliet— and  tlieir  total  uscleisiiess,  if  Parliament  aid 


one  man's*  will,  became  the  cause  of  all  men's  misery," 
they  generously  suffered.  And  the  worthy  Bishop  before 
mentioned,  who,  for  strenuously  asserting  the  principles  of 
the  Revolution,  received  the  unusual  honour  of  being  re- 
commended by  a  House  of  Commons  to  the  Sovereign  for 
preferment,  has  justly  observed,  that  "  misery  is  the  same 
whether  it  comes  from  the  hands  of  many  or  of  one." 

"  It  could  not  ajjpear  tolerable  to  him  (meaning  Mr. 
"  Hooker,  author  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Policy)  to  lodge  in 
"  the  Govemours  of  any  Society  an  unlimited  authority,  to 
"  annul  and  alter  the  Constitution  of  the  Govenimcnt,  as 
"  they  should  see  fit,  and  to  leave  to  the  governed  the 
"  privilege  only  of  absolute  subjection  in  all  such  altera- 
"  tions  ;"  f  or,  to  use  the  Parliamentary  phrase,  "  in  all 
cases  whatsoever." 

From  what  source  can  Great  Britain  derive  a  single 
reason  to  support  her  claim  to  such  an  enormous  power  ? 
That  it  is  consistent  with  the  laws  of  nature,  no  reasonable 
man  will  pretend.  That  it  contradicts  the  precepts  of 
Christianity,  is  evident.     For  she  strives  to  force  upon  us 

beginning,  which  cost  Europe  so  much  blood,  and  Spain  a  great  part 
of  the  Low  Country  Provinces.  The  war  begun,  Alva  had  at  first  great 
success.  Moved  with  no  rumours,  terrified  with  no  threats  from  a 
broken  and  unarmed  people,  and  thinking  no  measures  or  forms  were 
any  more  necessary  to  be  observed  in  the  Provinces,  he  pretends 
greater  sums  are  necessary  for  the  pay  and  reward  of  his  victorious 
troops  than  were  annually  granted  upon  the  King's  request  by  tho 
states  of  the  Provinces:  {Note.  Hero  our  Ministers  have  again 
improved  upon  Philip's;  for  they  have  taxed  us,  without  making 
requests.)*  And  therefore  demands  a  general  tax  of  the  hundreth  part 
of  every  man's  estate,  to  be  raised  at  once :  and  for  tho  future,  tlie 
twentieth  of  all  immoveable,  and  the  eighteenth  of  all  that  was  sold. 
The  states  with  much  rcluctancy  consent  to  the  first,  as  a  thing  that 
ended  at  once.  They  petition  the  King,  but  without  redress;  draw  out 
the  year  in  contests,  sometimes  stomachful,  sometimes  Immble  with 
the  Governour :  till  the  Duke,  impatient  of  delay,  causes  the  edict 
without  consent  of  tho  states,  to  be  published.  The  people  refuse  to 
pay ;  the  soldiers  begin  to  levy  by  force ;  the  townsmen  all  shut  up 
their  shops ;  the  people  in  the  country  forbear  the  market ;  so  as  not 
so  much  as  bread  and  meat  is  to  be  bought  in  the  town.  The  Duke 
is  enraged ;  calls  the  soldiers  to  arms ;  and  commands  several  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  refused  the  payments,  to  be  hanged  that  very  night 
upon  their  sign  posts ;  whicli  moves  not  the  obstinacy  of  the  people. 
And  now  tho  officers  and  the  guards  are  ready  to  begin  the  executions, 
when  news  comes  to  town  of  the  taking  of  the  Briel,  by  the  Gaeses,f 
and  of  the  expectation  that  had  given  of  a  sudden  revolt  in  the 
Province   of  Holland. 

"  This  unexpected  blow  struck  the  Duke  of  Alva,  and  foreseeing 
the  consequences  of  it,  because  he  knew  the  stubble  was  dry,  and  now  he 
found  the  fire  was  fallen  in,  he  thought  it  an  ill  time  to  make  an  end 
of  the  tragedy  in  Brabant,  whilst  a  new  scene  was  opened  in  Holland; 
and  so  giving  over  for  the  present  his  taxes  and  executions,  applies  his 
thoughts  to  the  suppression  of  this  new  enemy  that  broke  in  upon  him 
from  the  sea.  And  now  began  that  great  commotion  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, which  never  ended  but  in  the  loss  of  those  Provinces,  when  the 
death  of  the  Royal  Government  gave  life  to  a  new  Commonwealth." — 
Observat.  upon  the  United  Provinces  of  the  Netherlands,  by  Sir  Wih- 
LIAM  Temple. 

Philip  and  his  junto  of  Cabinet  Ministers  thought  themselves  no 
doubt  very  wise,  and  politick  as  so  many  MachiaveU.  But  what  says, 
and  will  say  mankind  as  long  as  the  memory  of  those  events  is  pre- 
served 7  That  their  counsels  were  despicable,  their  motives  detestable, 
and  their  minds  like  those  described  by  the  Bishop  of  Lerida,  that 
exactly  resembled  the  horns  of  the  cows  in  his  country — little,  "  hard 
and  crooked." 

•  Hooker.  "  For  a  man  to  bo  tenant  at  will  of  his  liberty,  I  can 
never  agree  to  it.  It  is  a  tenure  not  to  be  found  in  all  Littleton."— 
Speech  of  Sir  Edward  Coke. 

"  Etiam  si  dominus  non  sit  molestus,  tnmen  miserrimum  eat,  paste  « 
velit." — Cicero. 

. "  The  free 


Know  no  gentle  tyranny." — Rowe. 

t  Hoadly's  Discourse  on  Government. 

•  Another  advantage  the  British  Ministers  have  over  the  Spanish  in  depth  of  polic)', 
is  very  remarkable.  Spain  was  a  great  Empire.  The  Low  Countries  a  mere  speck,  com- 
pared witli  it.  Spain  was  not  a  maritime  state  that  depended  upon  them  for  the  supply  of 
her  revenue.    Had  they  beeusunk  in  the  sea, she  would  scarcely  have  felt  the  loss.    Her 

Erospect  of  success  was  almost  certain.  France,  her  llien  inveterate  enemy,  exhausted 
y  a  civil  war  and  divided  into  two  powerful  parties.  Every  circumstance  is  directly 
the  reverse  to  Great  Britain  in  lier  present  contest  with  tlie  Colonies.  **  Siquidem 
*'  verissimum  est,  ignem  tectis  ilijicere,  el  injecto  spatium  modumque  statuere,  non  esse 
•'  in  cjusdera  mauu,"—Strada,  lib.  7. 

t  Beggars. — They  were  called  so  in  contempt,  when  they  petitioned.  The  people 
thereupon  assumed  Uiat  name,  perhaps  to  keep  up  the  memory  of  an  insult  occasioned 
by  their  loyalty.  ^    -  „ 

The  whole  country  of  the  seven  United  Provinces  is  not  as  large  as  one  half  ot  Penn- 
sulvania  ;  and  when  they  began  their  contest  with  Pliilip  the  Second,  for  their  bljerty, 
contained  alwut  as  many  inhabitants  as  are  now  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 
Philip's  Empire  then  comprehended  in  Europe,  all  Spain  and  Portugal,  the  two 
5iri/ifj,and  such  Provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  as  ailhered  to  him— maiiy  Islands  of 
importance  in  the  Mediterranean— Ibe  Milanese  and  many  other  veiy  valuable  Ierntone« 
in  Italy  and  elsewhere.— In  Africa  and  Asia,  all  the  Uominions  belonging  to  .S/ioin  anil 
Portugal—in'  America  the  immense  countnts  subject  to  those  two  Kiiigdonis,  with  all 
Uieir  treasures  and  yet  unexhausted  mines,  and  tlie  Spanish  West  Indies  His  armit^ 
were  numerous  and  veteran,  excellently  officered,  and  commanded  by  the  most  renowned 
Generals.  Sogrea  was  their  force,  that  during  the  wars  in  the  Low  Countnes.  Ins  Com- 
mander-in-chief, the  Prince  nt  Parma,  marched  twice  into  f  ronre,  and  obliged  that 
great  Oeneial  and  glorious  King,  Henry  the  Fourth,  to  raise  at  one  time  the  siegeat 
Varis,  and  at  another,  that  of  Roan.  So  considerable  was  the  naval  power  ot  Plulip,  that 
in  the  midst  of  the  same  wars,  he  fitted  out  his  dreadful  Armada  to  invade  hngland.  \et 
seven  little  Provinces,  or  countries,  as  we  should  call  them,  inspired  by  one  generous 
resolution  "  To  die  free,  rather  than  to  live  slaves,"  not  only  baffled,  but  brought  down 
into  the  dust,  that  enormous  power,  that  had  contended  for  universal  tmpire,  and  for 
half  a  century  was  the  terrour  of  the  world.  Such  an  aniaiirig  change  indeed  took 
place,  that  those  Provinces  afterwardi  actually  protected  Spam  agauist  the  power  of 
France, 


FoDRTH  Series. 


37 


579 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


580 


terms,  which  she  would  judge  to  be  intolerably  severe  and 
cruel,  if  imposed  on  herself".  "  Virtual  representation"  is 
too  ridiculous  to  be  regarded.  The  necessity  of  a  supreme 
sovereign  Legislature,  internally  superintending  the  whole 
Empire,  is  a  notion  equally  unjust  and  dangerous.  '*  The 
"  pretence"  says  Mr.  Justice  Blackstonc,  speaking  of 
James  the  First's  reign,  '•  for  wiiich  arbitrary  measures  was 
•'  no  other  than  the  tyrant's  ])lea  of  the  necessity  of  un- 
"  limited  powers,  works  of  evident  utility  to  the*  publick, 
"  the  supreme  reason  above  all  reasons,  whicii  is  the  sal- 
"  ration  of  the  King's  lands  and  people."  This  was  not 
the  doctrine  of  James  only.  His  son  unhappily  iniierited  it 
from  him.  On  this  flimsy  foundation  was  built  the  claim 
of  sliip  money,  &ic.  Nor  were  there  wanting  men,  who 
could  argue,  from  the  Courtly  text,  that  Parliaments  were 
too  stupid  or  too  factious,  to  grant  money  to  the  Crown, 
wiien  it  was  their  interest  and  their  duty  to  do  so.  Tiiis 
argument,  however,  was  fully  refuted,  and  slept  above  a 
century  in  proper  contempt,  till  the  posterity  of  those  who 
had  overthrown  it,  thought  fit  to  revive  the  exploded  ab- 
surdity. Trilling  as  the  pretence  was,  yet  it  might  much 
more  properly  be  urged  in  favour  of  a  single  person,  than 
of  a  multitude.  The  counsels  of  a  Monarch  may  be  more 
secret.  His  measures  more  quick.  In  passing  an  Act  of 
Parliament  for  all  the  Colonies,  as  many  men  are  consulted, 
if  not  more,  than  need  be  consulted,  in  obtaining  the  assent 
of  every  Legislature  on  the  Continent.  If  it  is  a  good 
argument  for  Parliaments,  it  is  a  better  against  them.  It 
therefore  proves  nothing  but  its  own  futility.  The  sup- 
posed advantages  of  such  a  power  could  never  be  attained 
but  by  the  destruction  of  f  real  benefits,  evidenced  by 
facts  to  exist  without  it.  The  Swiss  Cantons,  and  the 
United  Provinces,  are  combinations  of  independent  states. 
The  voice  of  each  must  be  given.  The  instance  of  these 
Colonies  may  be  added  :  for  stating  the  case,  that  no  act 
of  internal  legislation  over  them  had  ever  been  passed  by 
Great  Britain,  her  wisest  statesmen  would  be  perplexed 
to  show,  that  she  or  the  Colonies  would  have  been  less 
flourishing  than  they  now  are.  What  benefits  such  a 
power  may  produce  hereafter,  time  will  discover.  But 
the  Colonies  are  not  dependent  on  Great  Britain,  it  is 
said,  if  she  has  not  a  supreme  unlimited  Legislature  over 
them.  "  I  would  ask  these  loyal  subjects  of  the  King," 
says  the  author  of  a  celebrated  invective  against  us.  J 
"  what  King  it  is  they  profess  tliemselves  to  be  the  loyal 
"  subjects  of?  It  cannot  be  his  present  most  gracious  Ma- 
"  jesty,  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain,  for  his 
"  title  is  founded  on  an  Act  of  Parliament,  and  they  will 
"  not  surely  acknowledge  that  Parliament  can  give  them 
"  a  King,  which  is  of  all  others,  the  highest  act  of  sov- 
"  ereignty,  when  they  deny  it  to  have  power  to  tax  or 
"  bind  them  in  any  other  case  ;  and  I  do  not  recollect  that 
"  there  is  any  Act  of  Assembly,  in  any  of  the  Colonies, 

•  With  such  smooth  words  may  the  most  dreadful  designs  be  glossed 
ov^r.  "Tliere  are  some  men  who  call  evil,  good,  and  bitter,  sweet. 
—justice  is  now  called  popularity  and  fjction." — Pari.  Hist.  8.  193. 

"  A  man  sliall  not  unprofitably  spend  his  contemplation,  tliat  upon 
this  occasion  considers  the  method  of  Corf's  justice  (a  method  tisrribly 
remarkable  in  many  passages,  and  upon  many  persons,  wliich  we 
shall  be  compelled  to  remember  in  this  discourse),  that  the  same 
principles,  and  the  same  application  of  those  principl.  s,  should  be 
used  to  the  wresting  all  sovereign  power  from  the  Crown,  which  the 
Crown  had  a  little  before  made  use  of  for  the  extending  its  autliority 
and  power  beyond  its  bounds,  to  the  prejudice  of  the  just  rights  of  the 
pubjoct.  A  supposed  necessity  was  then  thought  ground  enough  to 
create  a  power,  and  a  bare  averment  of  that  necessity  to  beget  a 
practic3  to  impose  wliattax  they  thought  convenient  upon  the  subject, 
by  writs  of  ship  money  never  before  known ;  and  a  supposed  necensity 
now,  and  a  bare  averment  of  that  necessity,  is  as  confidently,  and 
more  fatally,  concluded  a  good  ground  to  exclude  the  Crown  from 
the  use  of  any  power,  by  an  ordinance  never  before  heard  of,  and  the 
game  ma.xim  of  "  ealus  populi  suprema  lex,"  whicli  has  been  used  to 
the  infringing  the  liberty  of  tlio  one,  made  use  of  for  destroying  the 
rights  of  the  other." — Lord  Ci.\rk.nuon's  Hist.  h.  v.  p.  54. 

tTlius  the  Patriots  of  Charlef's  days  argued  ;  "  It  is  not,  that  ship 
"  money  hath  been  levied  against  us,  but  it  is,  that  thereby  ship 
"  money  is  claimed,  which  is  the  gift  and  earnest  penny  of  all  we 
"  have  :  it  is  not,  that  our  persons  liave  been  imprisoned  for  the  pay. 
"mcnt  of  ship  money,  but  that  our  persons  and  lives  are,  upon  the 
'•  same  ground  of  law,  delivered  up  to  will  and  pleasure.  It  is,  that 
"  our  birthright  is  destroyed,  and  that  there  luitb  boon  an  endeavour 
"  to  reduce  us  to  a  lower  state  than  villi  nagc.  The  Lord  might  tax 
•'  his  villain  de  haut  ei  de  basse,  might  imprison  him,  but  Ins  life  was 
"  his  own ;  tho  law  secured  him  that." — .Lord  Clarendon. 

t  See  note  on  these  words  "  Therefore  a  power  of  regulating  our 
"  trade,  involves  not  in  it  the  idea  of  a  Supreme  Legislature  over  us," 
— I'age  590. 


"  for  settling  the  Crown  upon  King  William  or  the  illus- 
"  trious  House  o(  Hanover."  *  "  Curious  reasoning  this."t 
It  is  to  be  wished  tlie  gentleman  had  "  recollected"  that 

*  "TIio  Controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  Ra- 

viewcd."  The  learned  gentleman  who  wrote  this  piece,  has  thought 
proper  to  quit  his  argument,  step  out  of  his  way,  |>crsonally  abuse, 
and  severely  attack  tho  writer  of  the  *'  Faruier's  Letters."  llin 
principal  objections  are  the  following,  and  the  answers  licro  given 
may  perhaps  bo  sufficient  to  show  with  wliat  force  iiis  objections  are 
generally  urged.  First,  lie  s.iys,  "  llie  writer  of  tile  Letters  tells  us 
**that  tho  drawbacks  which  are  allowed  on  some  articles  upon  their 
"exportation  from  Eiigluiid  amount  to  more  money  than  all  the  duties 
"together  which  are  luid  upon  them  on  their  arrival  in  the  Colonies 
"will  produce.  I  believe  it  is  tlie  first  tune  that  the  Colani.s  of  any 
"state  have  complained  of  the  injustice  of  the  mother  country  in 
"luying  taxes  upon  them,  which  were  not  sufficicintly  heavy,  nor  was 
"  it  ever  before  discovered  that  the  proper  .means  to  redress  the 
"  grievances  of  any  people,  wera  to  increase  their  taxes."  Page  16. 
Answer :  The  truth  of  the  assertion  in  tlie  Letters  is  not  denied.  It  is 
assuuied  by  the  author  of  "  Tho  Controversy,"  as  the  foundation  of  his 
argument.  If  then.  Parliament  would  have  raised  more  money,  "by 
"stopping  the  drawbacks,  than  by  laying  the  duties  to  be  paid  in  the 
"  Colonies,"  why  were  tliey  laid  ?  From  respsct  for  Parliament  it 
must  i)U  supposed,  they  were  l.iid  for  some  jmrpose.  It  was  not  for 
the  sake  of  tho  money.  For  what  then  ?  To  tst,.blish  a  precedent 
for  taxing  tho  Colonies,  says  the  writer  of  the  L::tters.  The  author  of 
"  The  Controversy"  dojs  not  deny  it ;  but  enters  into  a  dissertation  upon 
tho  more  and  the  less,  which  is  not  the  point  in  question. '  Second. 
Tile  writer  of  the  Letters  says,  that,  an  Act  of  Parliament  commanding 
us  to  do  a  certain  thing,  if  it  has  any  vulidily  is  a  tax  upon  us,  for 
the  expense*  that  accrues  in  complying  with  it.  In  reply  to  this  the 
autlior  of  "The  Controversy"  enumerates  many  instances  of  sover. 
eignty  subjecting  the  Colonies  to  expense,  whicli  lie  supposes  may 
be  legally  exercised  within  the  Colonies  "  by  Act  of  Parliament." 
Pages  23,  24.  Answer :  The  propriety  of  this  sujiposition  is  denied, 
and  remains  to  be  proved.  "  Absurdities  and  contradictions"  ara 
plentifully  attributed  to  the  wr't?r  of  the  Letters,  because  lie  will  not 
acknowledge,  that  the  power  of  Parliament  "  to  r.^giilate  trade,  and 
preserve  the  connection  of  the  whole  Empire  in  due  order,"  involves  ia 
it  a  power  to  "  tax  the  Colonies,"  or  "  to  put  them  to  any  expense," 
Piirli.iment  shall  please.  A  person  of  such  sagacity,  as  the  author  of 
"The  Controversy,"  might  plainly  have  perceived,  if  his  resentment  had 
not  prejudiced  his  candour,  that  tho  writer  of  the  Letters  was  unwilling 
to  give  up  any  point,  which  he  then  thought  essential  to  the  freedom 
and  welfare  of  his  country,  and  at  the  t-auie  time  was  t  unwilling  to 
propose  any  new  subject  of  dispute.  Justly  has  tho  author  of  "The 
Controversy"  observed,  that  "it  would  be  endless  to  trace  this  doctrine 
of  taxes  through  all  the  consequences."  Pjge  23.  Tliird.  The  writer 
of  the  Letters  says,  "  wo  ur  j  as  much  dependent  on  Great  Britain  as  a 
"  perfectly  free  people  can  be  on  another."  On  this  the  author  of  "  The 
Controversy"  kindly  observes,  that — "  it  is  a  pity  the  learned  editor 
"  (tho  English  editor,  it  is  supposed)  has  not  given  the  publick  a  dis. 
"  sertation  on  that  most  ingenious  and  instructive  passage."  Page  25. 
Answer :  American  understandings  discover  no  inconsistency  in  the 
idea  of  "  a  state  being  dependent,  and  yet  perfectly  free,"  and  their 
t  >mper  is  so  moderate  that  they  would  be  content  with  that  degree  of 
freedom,  wliich  is  compatible  with  a  d!pjnilenc3.  If  the  proposition 
puzzles  British  understandings,  it  is  presumed  to  be,  because  Britons 
will  not  give  tliemselves  the  trouble  to  think  of  any  dependence,  but 
of  such,  as  is  destructive  of  all  freedom  ;  thougli  they  themselves  are 
dependent  in  some  measure  on  others.  Fourth.  The  writer  of  tho 
Letters  says,  "  if  money  he  raised  upon  us  by  others  without  our  con. 
"sent,  for  our  defence,  those  who  are  the  judges  in  levying  it,  must 
"  also  be  the  judges  in  applying  it."  [Of  consequence,  tho  money.  Slid 
to  be  taken  from  us  for  our  defence,  may  be  employed,  to  our  injury, 
t  Id.  p.  17. 

*  This  sentence  related  to  t]ie  dissolution  of  tlie  Assembly  of  2*(rwTorky  for  not  com- 
plying with  the  Act  of  ParliaiiKiit  for  nut  supplying  ihc  troops.  Last  session  of  Parlia- 
nient  an  Act  was  pasted  fctr  the  more  conimudious  (^uarterinj;  of  the  troops  in  America. 
It  is  not  vet  come  ovf  r ;  but  deserves  the  aiteiiiion  of  (he  Colonists,  evt-n  it  it  hus  not  the 
remarkable  features,  thai  distinguish  the  prodiiciions  of  the  last  session. 

■f  If  any  |>ci*3on  shrill  imsiijine  that  he  discovers  in  these  Lettei-s,  the  least  dislike  of  the 
dependence  or  these  Colonit-s  on  Great  Briaiu^  1  lug  ilmt  such  peisoii  will  not  I'uruiaiiy 
juitginent  on  purliculsn'  t-xpres»ions,  but  Mill  consider  the  icnor  of  all  the  lettei's  taken 
together.  In  thatcusi*,  1  fluiter  myself,  thutevtry  uiiin-tjutl,ct-d  render  will  be  convinced 
tliat  the  truf  interests  of  Great  Britain  are  as  dear  to  mc,  as  they  ought  to  be  to  every 
good  subject. 

"  If  I  am  an  entlnisiast  in  any  thing,  it  is  in  my  zeal  for  the  per|>etnal  ilependence  of 
these  Colonies  on  iheir  mother  couutrj— a  dfi)t'ndi.-ncu  founded  on  mutual  tieneHtv,  the 
cuntinuaitce  of  which  can  lie  sreurtd  onl>  by  mutual  iifiiciions.  '1  hertfuie  it  is,  that 
with  i-xtn-me  apprt-hension  1  view  the  smallest  seeds  of  discontent,  which  a)"e  nnwearily 
scattered  ahroiid.  Fifty  or  sixty  jean  will  make  astonishing  alterations  in  th^seCuIoiiivs  ; 
and  this  eoiisideratiun  shou  d  n  nder  it  the  husiui-ss  of  Great  B'itnin  more  and  inoie  to 
cultivate  our  good  disposition  towards  her :  hut  the  mi»fm'(une  is,  that  (hose  gri-at  men, 
who  are  wrestling  for  power  at  home,  think  themselvtn  very  slitjhily  interested  in  the 
jnoaperity  of  iheir  coimtry  fifij  or  sixty  years  hence,  but  are  deeply  concerned  in  blowing 
uj)  a  jK>pttlar  clamour  for  snpp"sed  immediate  advaiiiages. 

*•  Kor  uiy  jjai-t,  I  regard  Great  Britain  as  a  bulwjiik,luippily  fixed  between  these  Colo- 
nies and  the  [wwerful  Nations  of  Europe.  I'hat  Kingdom  n-muining  safe,  wu,  under  its 
piotection,  enjojing  peace,  nmy  diffuse  the  blessings  of  religion, science,  and  liberty, 
through  remote  wildernesses.  It  is  therefore  incontesiibly  our  duty,  and  our  intei*est,  to 
Bup|K)rt  the  stivngth  of  Great  Britain,  When  confiding  In  that  sirtngth,  she  btgins  to 
forget  from  whence  it  arose,  it  will  bean  easy  ihing  to  show  the  source.  She  may  re.idily 
be  nmiiiuled  of  the  toud  alarm  spiead  among  her  itierchantH  and  tradesmen,  by  the  uuj- 
versal  association  of  these  Colonies,  at  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  not  to  iiiijHirt  any  of 
lier  manufactures. 

*•  In  the  year  171S,  the  Jiussianjt  and  Sivedes  entered  into  sn  agreement  not  lo  suffer 
Great  Britain  to  export  any  naval  stores  fiom  their  Doiinnions,  but  in  Russian  or 
57tr//f*/i  shipi,  and  at  their  own  pnces.  Great  yj/Tni/i  was  distressed.  Pitch  and  tar 
j-ose  to  three  jtounds  a  banvl.  At  length  klu  thonghl  of  getting  thi-Ne  articles  from  the 
Colonies  ;  and  the  attempt  succei  ding,  they  fell  down  lo  fifteen  shiiiings.  In  t)ie  vear 
175ft.  Great  Britain  was  threatened  with  an  invasion.  An  easterly  wind  blowingfor  six 
weeks,  she  could  not  man  her  fleet,  and  ihe  whole  Nation  was  thmwn  into  the  utmost 
consternation.  'I  he  wind  changed.  Ihe  American  shins  arrived,  i  he  fle«.t  sailed  in 
ten  or  fifteen  days.  There  niv  some  other  i-etl  ciions  on  this  subject,  worthy  of  the  mo»t 
<leliherate  attt-ntam  of  the  Britinh  Parliament ;  but  they  ai-c  of  such  a  luunre,  that  I  do 
not  choose  lo  meniion  (hem  publickiy,  1  thought  it  my  duty,  in  the  year  1765,  w  hile  the 
Stamp  Act  was  in  suspense,  to  wiite  my  lentimenis  toa  geiiiUnmn  of  great  influence  at 
home,  who  afterwards  distinguished  himself,  by  (spousing  uurcause,  in  the  debates  con- 
cerning the  repeal  of  'hat  Ad.'*— ^"rmc;'/  Letter,  xii.  Page  100. 

If  tlie  author  of  *•  The  Coniroversj"  had  seen  the  Utter  above  leferred  to,  he  would  have 
fotind,thal.ilK  difference  iKtwetn  the  premgaiive  in  Great  Br 'tuin  and  America^  and 
the  exercise  of  internal  legislation  by  parliament  over  the  CoI'mies.  with  some  other  [Mnntj 
therein  mentioned,  weir  leptx-senii  d  in  the  stnnigtst  teiuH  the  writer  of  the  Letlen  could 
use,  as  unjujt,  ami  certainly  unding  in  a  few  years  to  produce  the  deepest  discoutenis. 
The  time  is  at  length  cuiue  «  hen  silence  in  America  on  these  subjects  would  be  stupid 
or  criiuinul. 


581 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774. 


682 


without  any  such  "  Act  of  Assembly"  none  of  the  Colo- 
nists ever  rebelled.  What  Act  of  Parliament  is  here 
meant?  Surely  not  the  eleventh  of  Henry  the  Seventh, 
chapter  the  first,  in  favour  of  a  King  de,  facto.  Probably 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  of  William  the  Third,  chapter 
the  second,  "  for  the  further  limitation  of  the  Crown,  &z,c," 
is  intended.  And  is  it  imagined  that  the  words  "  Domin- 
ions and  Territories  thereunto  belonging"  in  that  statute, 
form  his  Majesty's  title  to  the  sovereignty  of  these  Colo- 
nies ?  The  omission  of  them  might  have  looked  odd  ;  but 
what  force  is  added  by  their  insertion  ?  The  settlement 
of  the  Crown  of  Ens;land  includes  the  settlement  of  the 
Colonies.  King  Jfilliam  is  mentioned — and  will  the 
gentleman  venture  to  say,  that  JVilUnm  was  not  King  of 
England  and  Sovereign  of  these  Colonies,  before  his  title 
was  "declared"  or  "recognised"  by  "an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment ?"  The  gentleman  slurs  over  this  case.  His  zeal 
for  the  "  illustrious  House  of  Hanover"  would  be  little 
gratified,  by  inferring,  that  because  the  two  Houses,  with 
the  consent  of  the  Nation,  made  a  King,  therefore  the  two 

Wo  may  be  *  chiiined  in  by  a  line  of  fortifications — obliged  to  pay  for 
the  building  and  maintaining  them — and  bo  told  that  they  arc  for  our 
defence.]  With  what  face  can  wo  dispute  the  fact  after  having 
granted  that  those  who  apply  the  money,  had  a  right  to  levy  it  ?  For 
surely  it  is  much  easier  for  their  wisdom  to  understand  how  to  apply 
it  in  the  best  manner,  than  how  to  levy  it  in  the  best  manner. 
Besides  the  right  of  levying  is  of  infinitely  more  consequence  than 
that  of  applying.  The  peojilo  of  England,  who  would  burst  out  into 
fury  if  the  Crown  should  attempt  to  levy  money  by  its  own  authority, 
have  always  assigned  to  the  Crown  the  application  of  money." 

From  the  words  relating  to  "  application,"  the  author  of  "  The 
Controversy"  deduces  a  "proof,"  that  the  writer  of  the  Letters  is  very 
deficient  in  "  his  knowledge  of  the  Constitution,"!  &c.  Answer.  Is 
this  treatment  generous  ?  In  such  questions,  ought  the  attack  to  bo 
turned  from  the  cause  to  the  man  ?  The  writer  of  the  Letters  pretends 
not  to  be  distinguislied  as  a  "  critick  on  Government,"  nor  for  "  just. 
ness  or  elegance  of  composition."}  Surely,  evon  the  author  of  "  The 
Controversy"  must  now  be  convinced  of  his  aversion  to  writing,  as 
that  performance,  with  all  "  the  justness  and  elegance  of  its  coinpo- 
"  sition,  knowledge  of  the  subject  handled,  and  constitutional  learning 
"  displayed  in  it,"  and  employed  to  pull  to  places  the  reputation  of  the 
writer  of  the  Letters,  has  not  roused  him  during  so  many  years  sinco 
its  publication,  to  make  a  single  effort  in  vindication  of  his  character. 
Was  it  imagined  that  every  objection  was  just,  because  not  replied  to  ? 
Many  reasons,  besides  a  fear  of  encountering  objections,  may  prevent 
an  answer.  In  truth,  lie  cannot  be  called  a  volunteer  author.  Ho 
never  did,  and  never  dared  to  write,  but  when  the  honour  or  interest 
of  his  country  was  assaulted ;  when  duty  compelled  every  one  to  con- 
tribute what  assistance  ho  could  in  her  defence,  and  when  ho  hoped 
the  cause  would  draw  some  kind  of  a  veil  over  his  defects.  Ho 
expected  he  might  escape,  as  the  Spartan  youth  did,  with  some  slight 
censure  for  engaging  ijnproperly  armed,  but  that  his  motive  would 
excuse  him  from  a  severe  ono.  How  well  founded  the  present  reproach 
is,  will  now  be  considered.  One  would  imagine,  that  a  man  of  com- 
mon sense,  on  reading  the  foregoing  extract  from  the  Letters,  would 
understand  the  writer  plainly  to  mean,  by  "  levying,"  the  power  of 
"  taxing ;"  and  by  "  applying,"  the  power  of  "  employing"  tha 
money  raised  by  taxing ;  or,  in  other  terms,  the  actual  expenditure  of 
it.  This  meaning  is  evident,  the  conclusion  being  express,  that  "  if 
"  others  may  be  judges  in  applying  money,  of  consequence  it  may  be 
"  employed  to  our  injury ;"  and  then  follow  some  instances  in  which 
it  "  may  be  so  employed."  All  this  is  very  clear.  How,  then,  does 
the  very  ingenious  gentleman  open  his  way  to  the  writer  of  the  Let. 
ters  to  give  him  this  violent  blow  ?  By  a  dexterity  worthy  of  imitation, 
if  justifiable.  Ho  leaves  out  of  his  quotation  all  the  words  enclosed 
within  the  last  crotchet,  beginning  at  the  words  "  of  consequence," 
and  ending  at  the  words  "  our  defence,"  that  showed,  beyond  a  pos. 
sibility  of  doubt,  in  what  sense  the  word  "  applying"  was  used — takes 
no  notice  of  the  omission — imposes  another  sense  on  the  word — and 
then  insults,  may  it  bo  said,  over  the  supposed  mistake  of  saying, 
"  that  the  people  of  England  have  always  assigned  to  the  Crown  the 
"  application  of  money." 

Wliat  sense  ho  or  others  may  assign  to  the  word  "  application,"  is 
not  the  point ;  but  whetlier  the  word,  taken  in  that  sense  which  the 
writer  of  the  Letters  expressly  annexed  to  it,  is  used  with  propriety 
by  him,  or  whether  it  is  used  in  such  a  manner  as  to  "  prove  he  is 
"  very  deficient  in  his  knowledge  of  the  Constitution  ?"  By  that  word, 
as  he  defines  it,  positively  as  languiigo  cm  declare  any  meaning,  he 
intends  the  actual  expenditure  and  "  employment"  of  money.  And 
is  the  reader  to  be  tricked  out  of  that  definition,  and  another  sense 
shufHed  in,  morjly  to  impeach  a  man's  character  by  slight  of  pen  ? 

Has  not  the  Constitution  "  assigned  to  the  Crown  the  actual  expen- 
diture and  employment  of  money  ?"  Is  not  this  power  part  of  the 
Executive  ?  Uojs  not  Mr.  Justice  Blackstone  mention  this  power  to 
show  the  vast  influence  of  the  Crown  ?  He  particularly  takes  notice 
of  it,  with  respect  to  the  army,  in  these  expressions:  "  Paid,  indeed, 
"  ultimately  by  the  people,  but  immediately  by  the  Crown ;  raised  by 
"  the  Crown,  oflicered  by  the  Crown,  commanded  by  the  Crown."!| 

•  The  Ttrobabi'.ity  of  thU  measui-e  taking  place,  is  coiifinned  by  tlie  Canada  Bill,  a 
political  device  su  exlniordiimi'y,  as  to  excite  surprise  even  in  those  Colonists  w  ho  live  in 
the  year  1774.  By  this  Bill,  it  is  said,  the  Legislative  power  is  lotlged  in  the  Governour 
aiid  a  few  men,  not  less  than  seventeen,  nor  more  than  twenty-three,  apiwinted  ami  re- 
moveable  by  the  Crown ;  and  the  Government  becomes  wholly  mililury.  Trials  by  jury 
are  aboliithed,  thonifh  multitudes  of  En^Hifi  subjects  settled  there  on  tiie  encouragement 
given  by  the  King's  Proclamation  in  1763.  'i'he  French  laws  are  restored,  and  all  the 
coinitry  on  the  back  of  tin  se  Colonies  is  added  to  Cittiatla.  and  put  under  the  same  mili- 
tai7  Government.  This  is  indeed  to  be  **chained  in."  Nothing  is  wanting  to  complete 
the  plan,  but  our  money,  to  defray  tl)<'  expense  of  erecting  strong  holds  among  our  woutis 
and  mountains,  and  to  brilM;  our  Indiani;  and  then  the  expression  of  **  beating  our 
swords  into  plough-shares"  will  be  reversed  in  an  extraordinary  manner;  for  ''our 
plough-shares"  will furuish  the  very   ''swords"  that  are  to  cutour  own  Uiroats. 


tPage  31. 


t  Pages  22  and  25. 


I  1  DIackslone,  330. 


Houses  can  make  laws.  Yet  that  conclusion  would  be  as 
justifiable  as  this — that  the  assent  of  the  Colonies  to  an 
election  of  a  King  by  the  two  Houses,  or  to  the  limitation 
of  the  Crown  by  Act  of  Parliament,  proves  a  right  in 
Parhament  to  bind  the  Colonies  by  statutes  "  in  all  cases 
whatsoever."  In  such  great  points,  the  conduct  of  a 
people  is  influenced  solely  by  a  regard  for  their  freedom 
and  happiness.  The  Colonies  have  no  other  head  than 
the  King  of  England.  The  person,  who  by  the  laws  of 
that  Realm  is  King  of  that  Realm,  is  our  King. 

A  dependencef  on  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  is  a  novelty — a  dreadful  novelty.  It  may  be 
compared  to  the  engine  invented  by  the  Greeks  for  the 
destruction  of  Troy.X  It  is  full  of  armed  enemies,  and 
the  walls  of  the  Constitution  must  be  thrown  down  before 
it  can  be  introduced  among  us. 

When  it  is  considered  that  the  King  as  King  of  England 
has  a  power  in  making  laws — the  power  of  executing  them 
— of  finally  determining  on  appeals — of  calling  upon  us 
for  supplies  in  times  of  war  or  any  emergency — that  every 
branch  of  the  prerogative  binds  us,  as  the  subjects  are 
bound  thereby  in  England — and  that  all  our  intercourse 

Is  not  the  word  "  application,"  used  hero,  too,  not  only  properly,  as 
defined,  but  properly  in  a  constitutional  sense  ? 

True  it  is,  that  the  word  is  sometimes  used  as  synonymous  with 
appropriation,  though  this  latter  seems  to  be  the  fittest  word  to  mean 
the  designation  of  money  to  particular  purposes  in  acts  of  Parliament. 
Could  it  be  possible,  that  the  author  of  "  The  Controversy"  should 
imagine  the  writer  of  the  Letters  could  bo  ignorant  of  such  designa- 
tion or  appropriation  of  money  by  Parliament,  when  one  can  scarcely 
open  a  book  of  Statutes  without  observing  them  ?  Parliament  may 
accommodate  grants  of  money  to  publick  necessities,  and  may  call 
officers  of  the  Crown  to  account  for  money ;  but  these  powers  no  more 
prove  the  actual  expenditure  and  employment  of  money  to  belong  to 
Parliament,  than  the  power  of  calling  officers  of  the  Crown  to  account 
for  injurious  leagues,  or  declarations  of  war,  proves  the  power  of  Par- 
liament to  make  leagues  or  to  declare  war.  Besides,  it  being  contended 
against  the  Colonies,  that  the  "  sovereign  power"  is  lodged  in  King, 
Lords  and  Commons,  the  same  persons  may  tax  and  expend,  to  what 
excess,  and  in  what  manner  they  please,  while  the  Colonies  will  have 
no  kind  of  control  over  thom ;  and  that  such  an  union  of  those  pow. 
ers  is  unconstitutional  and  dangerous  to  the  Colonies  in  extreme,  was 
the  point  the  writer  of  the  Letter  offensively  ventured  to  insist  on. 

Exactly  in  the  sense  here  contended  for,  are  the  words  "  appropria. 
tion"  and  "  application"  used  in  some  of  the  best  authorities.  Bishop 
Ellys,  in  his  Tracts  on  Liberty,  page  31,  says:  "  The  Parliament,  at 
"  present,  in  granting  money,  does,  for  the  most  part,  appropriate  it  to 
"  particular  services,  whereby  the  application  of  it  is  more  effjctually 
"  secured."  "  When  any  aids  are  given,  the  Commons  only  do  judge 
"  of  the  necessities  of  the  Crown,  which  cannot  be  otherwise  made 
"  manifest  to  them  than  by  inquiring  how  the  money  which  hath  been 
"  granted,  and  revenue  of  the  Crown,  is  expended  and  applied."* 
"Out  of  the  aids  given  by  Parliament,  (which,  by  the  law  of  England, 
"  are  appropriated,  and  ought  to  have  been  employed  in  the  common 
"  profit  of  the  whole  Realm,)  many  large  sums  of  money,  during  the 
"  times  of  such  heavy  taxes  upon  the  people,  have  been  diverted  under 
"  the  head  of  secret  services,  and  for  salaries,  bounties,  and  pen- 
"  sions,"  &.C.+ 

Some  other  unfairnesses  there  are  in  this  famous  piece,  that  need  only 
be  viewed,  to  be  refuted ;  but  of  which,  it  may  be  said,  if  a  "  prece- 
dent" established  by  the  respectable  gentleman  himself,  can  procure 
pardon  for  the  expression,  that  "  they  are  not  entitled  to  notice." 
How  could  he  venture  to  assert,  as  ho  does,  that  "  the  purpose  of  the 
"  Letters  was  to  excite  resentment  in  the  Colonies  against  their  parent 
"  country,  and  to  push  them  on  to  a  separation  from  her."  The  Let- 
ters prove  the  contrary.  Few  men  have  expressed  a  warmer  zeal  for 
tha  connection  than  the  writer  of  them  I  Yet  his  reputation  is  to  bo  at- 
tacked on  every  account,  and  a  charge  even  of  disloyalty  directly 
levelled  against  him.  The  author  is  welcome  to  take  what  other 
licenses  ho  pleases  in  his  apprehensions  of  the  writer ;  but  he  ought 
not  to  have  denisd  his  integrity.  Their  intentions  must  stand  the  test 
of  a  tribunal  that  decides  for  eternity.  May  they  then  appear  equally 
pure. 

True,  indeed,  are  those  words  of  Lord  Clarendon :  "  Let  no  honest 
"  man  tliat  is  once  entered  into  the  lists,  think,  he  can,  by  any  skill  or 
"  comportment  prevent  these  conflicts  and  assaults — but  let  him  look 
"  upon  it  as  a  purgatory  he  is  unavoidably  to  pass  through,  and  con- 
"  stantly  performing  the  duties  of  justice,  integrity,  and  uprightness, 
"  depend  upon  Providence,  and  tune,  for  a  vindication." 

t  This  word,  "  dependence,"  as  applied  to  the  states  connected  with 
England,  seems  to  be  a  now  one.  It  qppoars  to  have  been  introduced 
into  the  language  of  the  law,  by  the  Commonwealth  Act  of  1659  A 
"  dependence  on  Parliament"  is  still  more  modern.  A  people  cannot 
be  too  cautious  in  guarding  against  such  innovations.  "  The  creden- 
"  tials  of  the  Imperial  Ambassadors  to  the  states  of  Holland,  were 
"  directed  '  to  our  faithful  and  boloved.'  The  words  seem  to  be  very 
"kind,  but  the  cautious  states  discovered  that  this  was  the  style  of  the 
"  Imperial  Chancery  in  writing  to  the  vassals  of  the  Empire.  The 
"  question  was,  wliether  the  credentials  should  be  opened  ?  And  it  was 
"  urged,  tliat  a  solemn  embassy  ought  not  to  be  disappointed,  for  a  few 
"  trifling  words.  But  the  states  resolved  to  send  them  back  unopened, 
"  which  they  did.  Oilier  credentials  were  then  sent,  with  a  proper  di- 
"  roction,  and  the  Ambassadors  were  well  received." — Arcana,  imp.  del. 
"p.  106. 

{7  Co.  18. 

•  Words  of  the  Commons  at  a  conference  with  the  Lords.— Pa^^  HUt, 
t  Addt«it  of  the  House  of  Comiaom  to  Queen  Anne.— Pari.  Hut, 


583 


CORRESPOrsDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774. 


584 


with  foreigners  is  regulated  by  Parliament.  Colonists  may 
"surely"  be  acknowledged  to  speak  with  truth  and  preci- 
sion, in  answer  to  the  "  elegantly"  exprest  question — 
"  What  King  it  is,"  &ic.,by  saying  that  "  his  most  gracious 
Majesty  George  the  Third"  is  tlie  King  of  England,  and, 
therefore,  "  the  King"  they — profess  themselves  to  be 
"  loyal  subjects  of." 

We  are  aware  of  the  objection,  that  "  if  the  King  of 
"  England  is  therefore  King  of  the  Colonies,  they  are  sub- 
"  ject  to  the  general  legislative  authority  of  tliat  Kingdom." 
The  premises  by  no  means  warrant  this  conclusion.  It  is 
built  on  a  mere  supposition,  that  the  Colonies  are  thereby 
acknowledged  to  be  within  the  Realm,  and  on  an  incanta- 
tion expected  to  be  wi-ought  by  some  magick  force  in  those 
woods.  To  be  subordinately  connected  with  England  the 
Colonies  have  contracted.  To  be  subject  to  the  general 
legislative  authority  of  that  Kingdom,  they  never  contracted. 
Such  a  power  as  may  be  necessary  to  preserve  this  connec- 
tion she  has.  The  authority  of  the  Sovereign,  and  the 
authority  of  controlling  our  intercourse  with  foreign  Na- 
tions form  that  power.  Such  a  power  leaves  the  Colonies 
free.  But  a  general  legislative  power  is  not  a  power  to 
preserve  that  connection,  but  to  distress  and  enslave  them. 
If  the  first  power  cannot  subsist  without  the  last,  she  has 
no  right  even  to  the  first — the  Colonies  were  deceived  in 
their  contract — and  the  power  must  be  unjust  and  illegal ; 
for  God  has  given  to  them  a  better  right  to  preserve  their 
liberty,  than  to  her  to  destroy  it.  In  other  words,  suppos- 
ing King,  Lords,  and  Commons,  acting  in  Parliament, 
constitute  a  sovereignty  over  the  Colonies,  is  that  sover- 
eignty constitutionally  absolute  or  limited?  That  states 
without  freedom  should,  by  principle,  grow  out  of  a  free 
state,  is  as  impossible  as  that  sparrows  should  be  produced 
from  the  eggs  of  an  eagle.  The  sovereignty  over  the  Col- 
onies must  be*  limited.  Hesiod  long  since  said,  "  half  is 
better  than  the  whole;"  and  the  saying  never  was  more  justly 
applicable  than  on  the  present  occasion.  Had  the  unhappy 
Charles  remembered  and  regarded  it,  his  private  virtues 
might  long  have  adorned  a  throne,  from  which  his  publick 
measures  precipitated  him  in  blood.  To  argue  on  this 
subject  from  other  instances  of  Parliamentary  power,  is 
shifting  the  ground.  Tlie  connection  of  the  Colonies  with 
England,  is  a  point  of  unprecedented  and  delicate  nature. 
It  can  be  compared  to  no  other  case  ;  and  to  receive  a  just 
determination,  it  must  be  considered  with  reference  to  its 
own  peculiar  circumstances.^     Tlie  common  law  extends 

*  "  Ncc  regibua  infinita  avt  libera  potestas,  was  the  Constitution  of  our 
German  ancestors  on  the  dontiuent,  and  tliis  is  not  only  consonant  to 
the  principles  of  nature,  of  liberty,  of  reason,  and  of  society,  but  has 
always  been  esteemed  an  express  part  of  tlie  common  law  of  England, 
even  when  prerogative  was  at  the  highest." — 1  Black.  233. 

tThe  learned  Judge  [in  Vol.  1,  page  107.]  says  this  country  was 
not  "  uninhabited  when  discovered  and  planted  by  the  Enfrlish,  &c., 
"  but  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  conquered,  ceded,  or  infidel  country. 
"Oar  American  plantations  are  principally  of  this  latter  sort,  being 
"obtained  in  the  last  century,  cither  by  right  of  conquest  and  driving 
"  out  the  natives  (with  what  natural  justice,  I  shall  not  at  present  in. 
"  quire)  or  by  treaties ;  and  therefore  the  common  law  of  England,  as 
"  such,  has  no  allowance  or  authority  there,  they  being  no  part  of  the 
"mother  country,  but  distinct  (though  dependent)  Dominions.  They 
"  are  subject  however  to  the  control  of  the  Parliament." 

According  to  this  doctrine,  the  Colonists  are  considered  in  a  legal 
view  by  the  parent  state,  "  as  infidels  or  conquered  people,"  not  as  her 
children,  with  her  consent,  establishing  societies  for  her  benefit. 
Though  not  a  single  man  of  the  "  infidels  or  conquered"  people, 
should  now  bo  found  to  reside  in  each  Colony ;  yet  a  political  eon. 
tagion  is  communicated  to  Englishmen  in  aecula  seculorum,  beoauso 
Indians  once  fished  in  the  rivers,  and  hunted  in  the  woods.  If  this  be 
their  "coudition,"  then,  according  to  the  law  laid  down  by  the  Judge, 
"  they  are  subject  not  only  to  the  control  of  Parliament,  but  the  King 
"  may  alter  and  impose  what  laws  ho  pleasos."* 

It  Ls  not  known  what  the  learned  Judge  means  by  the  word  "  prin- 
cipally." Perhaps  he  alludes  to  the  ill  directed  humanity  and  justice 
of  the  first  settlers  of  some  Colonics,  who  purchased  the  lands  from  the 
natives,  for  valuable  and  satisfactory  considerations.  It  was  a  very 
useless  exercise  of  their  virtues,  for  tlicir  posterity.  If  they  had  by 
accident  settled  an  "  uninhabited"  country,  the  invaluable  riglits  of 
the  common  law  would  have  attended  them ;  hut  when  they  dared  to 
obtain  a  settlement  by  humanity  and  justice,  they  forfeited  all  rights 
of  the  common  law,  to  the  latest  succeeding  ages.  Can  this  be  law  ? 
Every  case  quoted  by  the  Judge,  it  is  humbly  appreheiuled,  makes  a 
distinction  between  states  or  societios  composed  of  English  subjects, 
and  those  composed  of  "conquered"  people,  &c.,  and  that  this  is  the 
only  distinction  warrantable  by  those  cases.  That  the  conquerors 
should  hi  considered  as  the  conquered,  the  cxpcUors  of  the  natives  as 
the  expelled  natives,  and  the  Christian  possessors  and  owners  by  fair 
purchases  from  those  who  had  a  right  to  sell,  as  the  infi<lcls  no  longer 
I)0sse88ing  or  owning,  seems  to  involve  a  confusion  of  ideas,  little 
agreeing  with  the  strength  of  reason  that  informs  the  common  law. 
It  is  very  remarkable,  how  our  ablest  antagonists  are  perplexed  in 
*  1  Blvcktttinc,  107,  and  ibe  oues  there  cited. 


to  Colonies ;  yet  Mr.  Justice  Blackstone  says,  "  such  parts 
"  of  the  law  as  are  neither  necessary  nor  convenient  for 
"  them,  as  the  jurisdiction  of  the  spiritual  courts,  fee, 
"  are  therefore  not  in  force."  If  even  the  common  law, 
in  force  within  the  Realm  of  England  when  the  Colonists 
quittted  it,  is  thus  abridged  by  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  Colonies,  at  least  equally  just,  and  constitutional  is  it, 
that  tiie  power  of  making  new  laws  within  the  Realm  of 
England,  should  be  abridged  with  respect  to  Colonies,  by 
those  peculiar  circumstances.* 

framing  their  arguments  against  us.  Even  the  learned  Judge  does  not 
express  himself  with  his  usual  perspicuity  :  but  the  want  of  it  is  well 
atoned,  if  we.  Colonists,  can  bo  thereby  deprived  of  the  benefits  of  the 
common  law,  and  bo  absolutely  subjected  to  the  King  ;  for  thesa 
courtly  tenets  are  the  only  consequences  deducible  from  the  curious 
argument  that  tends  to  involve  these  Coloni:>s  in  the  misfortunea  of 
"conquered,  ceded,  or  infidel  countries."  The  "control  of  Parlia- 
raent"  is  asserted  to  be  supreme,  in  every  case.  Whether  the  Colonies 
were  ssttled  in  "  uninhabited  countries,"  or  in  "  conquered,  ceded,  or 
infidel  countries,"  makes  no  dilfurenco   as  to  that  point. 

Another  learned  gentlem;in  has  discovered,  that  we  "  are  not  en- 
titled to  as  great  a  degree  of  freedom  as  Ireland."  Why  ?  "  Because 
Ireland  was  a  conquered  country."  This  remark  does  not  seem  to  re- 
move the  difficulty.  Let  us  hear  the  point  a  little  more  explained. 
"  Ireland  it  is  true,  was  conquered,  but  certain  concessions  were  made 
"  to  the  people.  These  were  the  terms  granted  them,  but  England  is 
"  obliged  to  keep  no  terms  with  the  Colonists."  At  every  step  these 
gentlemen  take,  those  writers,  who  have  contributed  so  much  to  the 
glory  of  their  country,  turn  upon  them,  and  directly  oppose  them. 
They  at  first  shrink  before  these  venerable  advocates  for  liberty  and 
humanity,  but  recollecting  themsalves,  they  distinguish  and  refine,  in 
order  to  take  away  the  substance  of  every  argument,  and  to  whittle 
down  a  Hooker  and  a  Locke  into  a  Lestrange  and  a  Filmer.  After 
taking  these  liberties,  they  at  lengtli  grow  bold  enough  to  arraign  the 
authority  of  any  man,  even  Mr.  Locke  himself,  if  his  writings  cannot, 
by  all  this  art,  be  turned  to  their  purpose. 

We  need  not  be  surprised  after  this,  that  every  Colonist  who 
ventures  honestly  to  assart,  as  well  as  he  can,  the  cause  of  his  native 
land,  should  be  treated  with  little  respect.  The  Colonies  have  always 
been  on  the  defensive.  It  is  hoped  they  will  always  continue  so.  But 
the  author  of  "  The  Controversy"  charges  them  with  great  cunning,  a 
left  handed  wisdom  that  must  disgr.ice  any  people,  bscause  they  have 
not  resisted,  in  places  where  th;;y  were  not  immediately  attacked.  "  It 
"  is  the  artifice  of  the  managers,  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies,  to  avoid 
"  general  questions,  and  to  keep  back  and  conceal  consequences,  lest 
**  the  unsuspecting  people  of  England  should  too  soon  catch  the  alarm 
"  and  resolve  to  withstand  their  first  attempts  at  independency."* 
That  is,  they  have  acted  just  as  the  "unsuspecting  people  of  Bnj'. 
land"  have  done  in  their  controversios  with  the  Crown.  They  con. 
fined  themselves  from  time  to  time,  to  a  demand  of  redress  for  the  in. 
jm'i  s  offered  them.  Tliis  behaviour  of  the  Colonists  would,  by  some 
persons,  be  deemed  modest  and  respectiul.  Now  indeed  the  conduct 
of  Administration  demonstrates  to  us,  that  we  must  enlarge  our  vi  jws, 
and  endeavour  to  take  a  prospjct  of  all  the  mischiefs  necessarily  at- 
tending a  claim  of  boundless  power  with  an  unbounded  inclination  to 
exercise  it.  The  gentleman  may  perhaps  call  for  fire  and  faggots  to 
extirpate  our  political  heresy ;  but  we  trust,  and  trust  firmly,  that  the 
sense  and  generosity  of  the  good  people  of  England  will  discover  and 
defeat  the  present  plan  against  their  liberties,  as  they  have  already  so 
many  other  schemes  of  tliat  tendency — that  they  will  behold  their 
dutiful  children  with  compassionate  love,  and  with  just  indignation 
those  unrelenting  enemies  from  wliom  th3y  can  expect  no  other 
favour,  but  that  England  "  shall  be  the  last  they  will  devour." 

*  The  author  of  "  The  Controversy,"  in  page  31  of  his  work,  argues 
thus  concerning  the  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain  over  the  Colo. 
uies :  "  The  lands  in  all  the  Colonies  having  therefore  been  clearly 
"  shown  to  be  part  of  the  Dominions  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  posses- 
"  sors  of  them  to  hold  them  under  autlioritics  and  titles  derived  from  the 
"British  state,  Mr.  Locke  would  require  no  other  proof  of  the  right  of 
"  the  Legislative  power  of  Great  Britain  to  the  obedience  of  the  pos- 
"  sessors  of  those  lands  ;  for  speaking  of  the  manner  by  which  a  man 
"  tacitly  makes  himself  a  subject  of  any  country  or  Uovernment,  he 
"  says," — 

"  It  is  commonly  supposed,  that  a  father  could  oblige  his  posterity  to 
"  that  Government  of  which  he  himself  was  a  subject,  and  that  his 
"  compact  held  them ;  whereas  it  being  only  a  necessary  condition 
"  annexed  to  tlie  land,  and  the  inheritance  of  an  estate,  which  is  under 
"that  Government,  reaches  only  those  who  will  take  it  on  that  con- 
"  dition,  and  so  is  no  natural  tie  or  engagement,  but  a  voluntary  sub- 
"  mission  ;  for  every  man's  children  being  by  nature  as  free  as  himself 
"  or  any  of  his  ancestors  ever  were,  may,  wliilst  tliey  are  in  that  frae. 
"dom,  choose  what  society  they  will  join  themsjlvos  to,  what  Com. 
" monwealth  they  will  put  themselves  under;  but  if  they  will  enjoy 
"  the  inheritance  of  their  ancestors,  they  must  take  it  on  the  same 
"terms  their  ancestors  had  it,  and  submit  to  all  the  conditions  annexed 
"  to  such  a  possession.  Whoever  (says  he  in  another  place)  by  inheri- 
"tance,  purchase,  permission,  or  otherways,  enjoys  any  part  of  tlie 
"  lands  so  annexed  to,  and  under  the  government  of,  that  Common- 
"  wealth,  must  take  it  with  the  condition  it  is  under ;  that  is,  of 
"submitting  to  tlie  Government  of  the  Commonwealth  under  whose 
"jurisdiction  it  is,  as  far  forth  as  any  subject  of  it."  Page  31.  The 
iugcnuity  of  the  gentleman  is  here  again  remarkable.  Mr.  Locke,  in 
his  eighth  chapter  on  Civil  Government,  "  of  the  beginning  of  political 
societies,"  immediately  before  the  words  above  mentioned  "whoever 
by  inheritance,"  &c.,  speaks  of  a  man  who  "  unites  his  person,  which 
"  was  before  free,  to  a  society  for  the  securing  and  regulating  of  pro- 
"  perty,  and  submits  to  the  community  those  possessions  which  he  has 
"  or  shall  acquire,  that  do  not  already  belong  to  any  other  Govern. 
"  ment."  These  words  the  gentleman  not  thinking  (|uite  to  his  pur- 
pose in  this  place,  separates  from  the  words  of  his  quotation,  and  so 
gives  Mr,  Locke's  conclusion  without  his  premises.  However,  three 
pages  after,  he  is  so  candid,  as  to  give  the  premises  without  the  con- 
•  Page  15. 


585 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


586 


The  laws  of  England  with  respect  to  prerogative,  and 
in  other  instances,  have  accommochited  themselves,  witiiout 
alteration  by  statutes,  to  a  change  of  circumstances,  the 
welfare  of  the  people  so  requiring.  A  regard  for  that 
grand  object  perpetually  animates  the  Constitution  and 
regulates  all  its  movements — unless  unnatural  obstructions 
interfere — 

"  Speritiis  intus  alit,  totamque  infusa  per  artm 
"  Mens  agitnt  molem,  et  magno  se  corpore  miscet." 

Another  argument  for  the  extravagant  power  of  intenial 

elusion.  How,  or  wliy  ?  to  support  tliis  most  curious  distinction — tliat 
Mr.  Locke  in  tliat  celobrated  part  of  his  argument,  where  speaking  of 
"  Government  taliing  tlie  property  of  sul>jects,"  he  says,  "  What  pro- 
"  party  have  I  in  tliat,  which  another  may  by  riglit  talso  from  me  wlien 
ho  pleases,"  *  "  moans  no  more"  than  tliat  the  supreme  legislative 
power  h  IS  no  riglit  to  take  the  property  of  others  witiiout  their  consent 
"  for  the  private  use  or  purpose  of  the  legislative."  So  that  according 
to  this  construction  tlie  Constitution  of  a  well  established  Government, 
or  the  freedom  of  a  people,  depends  not  on  the  groat  right  which  God 
has  given  them  *' of  having  a  share  in  the  government  of  themselves," 
whereby  their  property  is  secured,  but  merely  on  the  "  purpose"  to 
which  the  property  taken  from  them,  without  their  consent,  is  applied 
by  those  who  thus  take  it.  And  yet  this  gentleman  has  severely 
attacked  the  writer  of  the  Letters  for  using  the  word  "  purpose"  in  a 
much  more  confined  sense,  in  saying  a  "tax  is  an  imposition  on  the 
subject  for  the  sole  purpose  of  levying  money." 

Mr.  Locke  in  the  preceding  chapter,  speaking  of  Monarchy,  says, 
"  that  absolute  power  purifies  not  men's  hlood.  i'or  if  it  bo  askod  what 
"security  or  sjnse  arisis  in  such  a  state,  against  the  violence  and  op- 
**  pression  of  the  absolute  ruler  ?  The  very  question  can  scarce  be  bornj. 
"They  are  ready  to  toll  you  it  deserves  death,  only  to  ask  after  safety. 
"  Betwixt  subject  and  subject  they  will  grant  there  must  be  measures, 
"laws,  and  judges,  for  their  mutual  peace  and  security  :  but  as  for  the 
"  ruler,  he  ought  to  be  absolute,  and  is  above  all  such  circumstances ; 
"because  he  has  power  to  do  more  hurt  and  wrong,  'tis  right  when  he 
"  do3S  it.  To  ask  how  you  can  be  guarded  from  harm  or  injury  on  that 
"  side  where  the  strongest  hand  is  to  do  it,  is  presently  the  voice  of 
"  fiction  and  rebellion."  But  here  our  opponent  may  come  in  with 
another  distinction.  "  Mr.  Locke  speaks  here  of  an  absolute  ruler,  not 
"of  absolute  rulers.  Lilly  proves  there  is  the  singular  and  plural 
'*  numbjr,  A  power  that  Mr.  Locke  would  have  held  illegal  in  a 
"  Pisisiraius  or  a  Stuart,  he  would  have  held  legal  in  the  Four  Hundred 
"o£  Athens,  or  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain."  Let  the  distinction 
be  allowed  its  due  weight.  Can  it  be  believed  that  such  a  friend  to 
mankind,  as  Mr.  Locke  was,  could  ever  think  absolute  dominion  t 
just  or  legal  ?  Would  not  such  a  sentiment  directly  oppose  those 
principles  his  benevolence  induced  him  to  take  so  much  pains  to  vindi. 
cate  and  establish  ?  Would  the  sound  of  the  words — "  dependence" — 
"  subordination" — "  within  the  Realm" — "  part  of  the  Dominions",  &c., 
have  convinced  him  that  it  was  "  the  indispensable  duty  of  Parlia. 
"  mont  to  ease  the  gentry  and  people  of  Great  Britain,  by  taxing  the 
"Colonists  without  their  consent?" — and  that  it  was  the  indispensable 
duty  of  the  Colonists,  on  constitutional  principles,  to  submit  to  such 
taxation  '  The  learned  say  that  the  too  rigid  attention  of  the  mind  to 
one  idea  sometimes  is  the  cause  of  madness.  So  rigid  has  been  the  at- 
tention of  many  heads  in  Great  Britain  to  the  idea  of  dependence,  that 
it  seems  to  have  occasioned  a  kind  of  insanity  in  them ;  and  by  rumi- 
nating, speechifying,  and  enacting  about  it  and  about  it,  they  have  lost 
all  ideas  of  justice,  humanity,  law,  and  Constitution,  and,  in  short,  of 
every  quality  that  used  to  distinguish  men  from  thereat  of  this  creation, 
and  Englishmen  from  the  rest  of  mankind.  But  Mr.  Lockers  under, 
standing,  evan  in  the  present  whirl  of  the  political  world,  would  have 
preserved  him  just  and  tenacious  of  his  principles.  The  case  he  puts, 
and  on  whicli  the  author  of  "  The  Controversy"  argues,  is  that  of  a 
submission  to  the  terms  of  Government  in  a  Commonwealth.  The 
question  between  Great  Britain  mid  the  Colonies  is,  what  are  the  terms 
of  their  connection  under  all  the  circumstances  of  it  ? 

It  is  not  recollected  that  Mr.  Locke  ever  insinuates  that  the  Parlia. 
ment  of  Great  Britain  might  bind  the  people  of  Ireland  by  statutes, 
"  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  Yet  there  was  in  his  tune  a  famous  dispute 
concerning  the  authority  of  Parliament  over  that  Kingdom.  So  far 
was  he  from  favouring  the  claim  of  Parliament,  that  it  is  hoped,  it  can 
clearly  be  proved  he  favoured  the  other  side  of  the  question. 

His  friend  Mr.  Molineux,  in  a  Letter  dated  March  15,  1697-8,  tells 
him  of  his  intention  to  visit  him,  when  he  could  get  loose  from  busi- 
ness :  "  But  this  I  cannot  hope  for  till  the  Parliament  in  England 
"  rises.  I  should  be  glad  to  know  from  you  when  that  is  expected,  for 
"  indeed  they  bear  very  hard  upon  us  in  Ireland.  How  justly  they  can 
"  bind  us  without  our  consent  and  lleprosentatives,  I  leave  the  author 
"of  the  two  treatises  on  Government  to  consider" — meaning  Mr. 
Locke's  two  treatises,  one  on  Government,  the  other  on  Civil  Gov- 
ernment; though  they  are  published  also  as  one  treatise,  the  first  book 
of  which  is  under  the  first  title,  and  the  second  book  under  the  second 
title. 

Mr.  Locke,  in  his  Answer,  dated  April  6,  1698,  says,  "Amongst 
"other  things  I  would  be  glad  to  talk  with  you  about,  before  I  die,  is 
"that  whicli  you  suggest  at  the  bottom  of  the  first  page  of  your  letter. 
"  I  am  mightily  concerned  for  the  place  you  meant  in  the  question  you 
"  say  you  will  ask  the  author  of  tlie  treatise  you  mention,  and  wish 
"  extremely  well  to  it,  and  would  be  very  glad  to  be  informed  by  you 
"  what  would  be  best  for  it,  and  debate  with  you  the  way  to  compose  it : 
"  but  this  cannot  be  done  by  letters ;  the  subject  is  of  too  great  extent, 
"  the  views  too  large,  and  the  particulars  too  many  to  bo  so  managed. 
"Come  therefore  yourself,  and  come  as  well  prepared  as  you  can.  But 
"  if  you  talk  with  others  on  that  point  there,  mention  not  me  to  any 
"  body  on  that  subject ;  only  let  you  and  I  try  what  good  we  can  do  for 
"  those  whom  we  wish  well  to ;  great  things  have  sometimes  been 
"  brought  about  from  small  beginnings  well  laid  together." 

Mr.  Molineux  quickly  after  came  over  from  Ireland  to  England  to 

see  Mr.  Locke. 

•  Page  33.  .    .       ., 

t"  AI»M)!utcclomirtioii,  liowever  placed,  is  aofarfi-om  being  one  kind  of  ciTil  society, 
Uiat  it  is  a$  incousistcut  with  it,  as  slavery  is  with  property."— i.ocAc  on  CivU  Gov.  p.  174, 


legislation  over  us  remains.  It  has  been  urged  with  great 
vyarmth  against  us,  that  "  precedents"  show  this  power  is 
rightfully  vested  in  Parliament. 

Submission  to  unjust  sentences  proves  not  a  right  to  pass 
them.  Carelessness  or  regard  for  the  peace  and  welfare 
of  the  community  may  cause  the  submission.  Submission 
may  sometimes  be  a  less  evil  than  opposition,  and,  there- 
fore, a  duty.  In  such  cases  it  Is  a  submission  to  the  Divine 
authority,  which  forbids  us  to  injure  our  country ;  not  to 
the  assuiued  authority  on  which  the  unjust  sentences  were 
founded.  But  when  submission  becomes  inconsistent  with 
and  destructive  of  the  publick  good,  the  same  veneration  for, 
and  duty  to  the  Divine  authority,  commands  us  to  oppose. 
The  all-wise  Creator  of  man  impressed  certain  laws  on  his 
nature.  A  desire  of  happiness  and  of  society  are  two  of 
those  laws.  They  were  not  intended  to  destroy,  but  to 
support  each  other.  Man  has  therefore  a  right  to  promote 
the  best  union  of  both,  in  order  to  enjoy  both  in  the  high- 
est degree.  Thus,  while  this  right  is  properly  exercised, 
desires  that  seem  selfish,  by  a  happy  combination,  produce 
the  welfare  of  others.  "  This  is  removing  submission 
"  from  a  foundation  unable  to  support  it,  and  injurious  to 
"  the  honour  of  God,  and  fixing  it  upon  much  firmer 
"  ground."* 

No  sensible  or  good  man  ever  suspected  Mr.  Hooker  of 
being  a  weak  or  factious  person,  "  yet  he  plainly  enough 
"  teacheth,  that  a  society,  upon  experience  of  universal 
"  evil,  have  a  right  to  try  by  another  form  to  answer  more 
"  efiectually  the  ends  of  Government."  And  Mr.  Hoadly 
asks — "  Would  the  ends  of  Government  be  destroyed 
"  should  the  miserable  condition  of  the  people  of  France, 
"  which  has  proceeded  from  the  King's  being  absolute, 
"  awaken  the  thoughts  of  the  wisest  heads  amongst  them, 
"  and  move  them  all  to  exert  themselves,  so  as  that  those 
"  ends  should  be  better  answered  for  the  time  to  come  ?" 

What  mind  can  relish  the  hardy  proposition,  that  because 
precedents  have  been  introduced  by  the  inattention  or 
timidity  of  some,  and  the  cunning  or  violence  of  others, 
therefore  the  latter  have  a  right  to  make  the  former  miser- 
able— that  is,  that  precedents  that  ought  never  to  have  been 
set,  yet  being  set,  repeal  the  eternal  laws  of  natural  justice, 
humanity,  and  equity .f 

The  argument  from  precedents  begins  unluckily  for  its 
advocates.  The  first  produced  against  us  by  the  gentleman 
before  mentioned,  was  an  Act  past  by  the  Commonwealth 
Parliament  in  1650  to  "  punish"  Virginia,%  Barhadoes, 
Antigua,  and  Bermudas,  for  their  fidelity  to  Charles  the 
Second.  So  ancient  is  the  right  of  Parliament  to  "  punish" 
Colonists  for  doing  their  duty.  But  the  Parliament  had 
before  overturned  Church  and  Throne,  so  that  there  in  an 
older  "  precedent"  set  against  these. 

That  Parliament  sat  amidst  the  ruins  that  surrounded  it, 
fiercer  than  Marius  among  those  of  Carthage.  Brutal 
power  became  an  irresistible  argument  of  boundless  right. 
What  the  style  of  an  Aristotle  could  not  prove,  the  point 
of  a  CromweWs  sword  sufficiently  demonstrated.  Inno- 
cence and  justice  sighed  and  submitted.     What  more  could 

•  Hoadly's  Discourse  on  Government. 


-"  I  could  never  think 


A  mortal's  law  of  power  or  strength  sufficient 
To  abrogate  the  unwritten  law  divine, 
Immutable,  eternal,  not  like  those 
Of  yesterday,  but  made  ere  time  began." 

SopHocLEs's  Antig.  Frank.  Transl. 

It  should  be  considered  whether  it  ever  was  or  ever  can  be  the  true 
interest  of  a  Kingdom  or  state  to  violate  the  laws  of  natural  justice, 
equity,  and  humanity.  These  laws  may  be  called  the  laws  of  God. 
Can  they  be  broken  with  impunity  ?  The  Scriptures  are  full  of  les- 
sons on  this  subject,  and  history  fui-nishes  instances  sufficient  to  alarm 
ojipressors  if  they  would  attend  to  them.  All  the  glories  of  Charles 
the  Bold,— CAar/cs  the  Fifth,— PAHip  the  Second,— CAarZes  the 
Twelfth, — Lewis  the  Fourteenth, — and  a  numerous  list  of  distm. 
guished  Princes,  were  overcast,  when  unrelenting  cruelty  came  to 
jireside  over  their  resolutions.  From  Athens  to  Genoa  the  observation 
holds  true.  Let  not  the  opinion  be  condemned  as  presumptuous  before 
it  be  fully  inquired  into.  It  is  worth  an  inquiry. 
f   "  Discite  justitiam  moniti  et  non  temnere  divos." 

England  has  been  prosperous  in  many  civil  wars,  but  they  were  m 
defence  of  liberty.  She  never  engaged  in  one  against  liberty.  Would 
to  Heaven  she  would  sot  the  world  the  much  wanted  example  of  lenity 
in  Government.  Mankind  might  gain  by  it.  The  other  mode  has 
been  sufficiently  tried,  and  proved  to  be  iiupolitick  and  ruinous. 

X  This  loyal,  generous  Colony  preserved  its  principles  with  such 
spirit,  notwithstanding  the  oppression  above  mentioned,  that  in  Jauu. 
ary,  1659,  they  threw  off  all  obedience  to  the  Pariiament,  replaced 
the  King's  Governour,  and  proclaimed  Charles  the  Second  several 
months  before  the  Restoration  in  Europe. 


587 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &ic.,  JULY,  1774. 


588 


they  do  ?  The  Restoration  took  place,  and  a  legal  Parlia- 
ment would  not  douht  but  it  had  as  extensive  a  right  as  an 
illegal  one.  The  Revolution  succeeded,  and  with  it  methods 
for  blending  together  the  powers  of  King  and  people  in  a 
manner  before  unknown.  A  new  political  alenibick  was 
fixed  on  the  great  principle  of  re^^istance,  and  in  it  severe 
experiments  were  to  be  made  on  every  other  principle  ol 
tiie  Constitution.  How  the  boldness  of  Ministers  and  con- 
tempt of  the  peo])le  have  increased  since  that  period,  not 
a  man  the  least  acquainted  with  English  history  can  be 
ignorant.  The  Colonies  were  in  a  sitate  of  infancy — still 
in  a  state  of  childhood.  Not  a  single  statute  concerning 
them  is  re:;ollecled  to  have  been  passed  before  the  Revolu- 
tion but  such  as  related  to  the  regulation  of  trade.  •'  Pre- 
cedents" were  afterwards  made,  that,  when  they  grew  up, 
the  authority  of  a  master  might  succeed  that  of  a  parent. 

Precedents,  it  is  apprehended,  are  no  otherwise  regarded 
in  the  English  laws  than  as  they  establish  certainty  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people — according  to  the  maxim — "  Miser- 
able is  the  servitude  when  the  laws  are  uncertain."  Pre- 
cedents militating  against  the  welfare  or  happiness  of  a 
people,  are  inconsistent  with  the  grand  original  principle 
on  which  they  ought  to  l)e  founded.  Tlieir  supposed 
sanction  increases  in  proportion  to  the  repetitions  of  injus- 
tice. They  must  be  void.  In  subjects  of  dispute  between 
man  and  man,  precedents  may  be  of  use,  though  not 
founded  on  the  best  reason.  They  cause  a  certainty,  and 
all  may  govern  themselves  accordingly.  If  they  take 
from  an  individual  one  day,  they  may  give  to  him  the 
next.  But  precedents,  to  overthrow  principles,  to  justify 
the  perpetual  oppression  of  all,  and  to  impair  the  power 
of  the  Constitution,  though  a  cloud  of  thenx  appear,  have 
no  more  force  than  the  volumes  of  dust  that  surround  a 
triumphal  car.  They  may  obscure  it :  they  cannot  stop  it. 
What  would  the  liberties  of  the  people  of  England  have 
been  at  this  time  if  precedents  could  have  made  laws 
inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  ?  Precedents,  tending 
to  make  men  unhappy,  can  with  propriety  of  character  be 
quoted  only  by  those  beings  to  whom  the  misery  of  men 
is  a  delight. 

"  If  the  usage  had  been  immemorial  and  uniform,  and 
"  ten  thousand  instances  could  have  been  produced,  it 
"  would  not  have  been  sufficient ;  because  the  practice 
"  must  likewise  be  agreeable  to  the  principles  of  the  law,* 
"  in  order  to  be  good  :  whereas  this  is  a  practice  inconsist- 
"  ent  with,  and  in  direct  opposition  to,  the  first  and  clearest 
"  principles  of  the  law"f — to  those  feelings  of  humanity, 
"  out  of  which  mankind  will  not  be  reasoned,  when  power 
"  advances  with  gigantick  strides  threatening  dissolution  to 
"  a  state — to  those  inherent  though  latent  powers  of  society, 
"  which  no  climate,^  no  time,  no  constitution,  no  contract, 
"  can  ever  destroy  or  diminish."  || 

A  Parliamentary  power  of  internal  legislation  over  these 
Colonies,  appears  therefore  to  us,  equally  contradictory  to 
humanity  and  the  Constitution,  and  illegal. 

As  to  the  second  head,  a  power  of  regulating  our  trade, 
our  opinion  is,  that  it  is  legally  vested  in  Parliament,  not  as 
a  Supreme  Legislature  over  these  Colonies,  but  as  the  Su- 
preme Legislature  and  full  Representative  of  the  parent 
state,  and  the  only  judge  between  her  and  her  children  in 
commercial  interests,  which  the  nature  of  the  case,  in  the 
progress  of  their  growth,  admitted.  It  has  been  urged 
with  great  vehemence  against  us,  and  seems  to  be  thought 
their  fort  by  our  adversaries,  "  that  a  power  of  regulation  is 
"  a  power  of  legislation  ;  and  a  power  of  legislation,  if  con- 

•  This  is  a  maxim  of  law,  that — "  A  bad  usage  ought  to  be  abol- 
ished." 

t  Letter  on  general  warrants. 

}  1  Blackstone,  p.  2 15. 

||-'  Equal  distribution  of  justice,  and  free  enjoyment  of  property,  are 
the  great  objects  of  society ;  and  no  time,  precedent,  statute,  or  insti. 
tutiou,  should  deter  men  from  keoping  these  uppermost  in  their 
thoughts." — ^Ir.  Hu.\ik'9  Histori/  of  Kngland. 

"The  jurisdiction  of  the  Star  Chamber,  martial  law,  imprisonment 
"by  warrants  from  the  Privy  Council,  and  other  practices  of  a  like 
"nature,  though  established  for  several  centuries,  were  scarce  ever 
"  allowed  by  tlie  English  to  be  parts  of  their  Constitution  :  the  aftec- 
"tion  of  the  Nation  for  libjrty  still  prevailed  over  all  precedent  and 
"over  all  political  reasoning:  The  exercise  of  these  powers,  after 
"  being  long  the  source  of  secret  murmurs  among  the  people,  was,  in 
"  fulness  of  time,  solemnly  al)olished,  as  illegal,  at  least  as  oppressive, 
•"  by  the  whole  Lsgislative  authority," — Id. 

To  these  iustancos  may  be  added,  the  late  practice  of  general  war- 
rants, that  had  the  sauctiou  of  prcccduuts,  even  since  the  lievolutiou. 


"  stitutional,  must  be  universal  and  supreme  in  the  utmost 
"  sense  of  the  words."  It  is  therefore  concluded,  that  the 
Colonists  by  acknowledging  the  power  of  regulation,  have 
acknowledged  every  other  power.  On  this  objection  we 
observe,  that  according  to  a  maxim  of  law,  "  It  is  deceitful 
and  dangerous  to  deal  in  general  projjositions."  The 
freedom  and  happiness  of  states  depend  not  on*  artful 
arguments,  but  on  a  few  plain  principles.  The  plausible 
appearance  of  the  objection  consists  in  a  confused  compre- 
hension of  several  points,  entirely  distinct  in  their  nature, 
and  leading  to  consequences  directly  opposite  to  each 
other.  There  was  a  time  when  England  had  no  Colonies. 
Trade  was  the  object  she  attended  to,  in  encouraging 
them.  A  love  of  freedom  was  manifestly  the  chief  motive 
of  the  adventurers.  The  connection  of  Colonies  with 
their  parent  state  may  be  called  a  new  object  of  the  Eng- 
lish laws.  That  her  riirht  extiniruishes  all  their  rights — 
rights  essential  to  freedom,  and  which  they  would  have 
enjoyed,  by  remaining  in  their  parent  state,  is  ofiensive  to 
reason,  humanity,  and  the  Constitution  of  that  state. 
Colonies  could  not  have  been  planted  on  these  terms. 
What  Englishman,  but  an  ideot,  would  have  become  a 
Colonist  on  these  conditions  ?  to  mention  no  more  particu- 
lars, "  That  every  shilling  he  gained  might  rightfully  be 
"  taken  from  him — trial  by  jury  abolished — tl  e  building 
"  houses,  or  making  cloths  with  the  materials  found  or 
"  raised  in  the  Colonies,  prohibited — and  armed  men  set 
"  over  him  to  govern  him  in  every  action  ?" 

Had  these  Provinces  never  been  settled — had  all  the 
inhabitants  of  them  now  living  been  born  in  En^^land  and 
resident  there,  they  would  now  enjoy  the  rights  of  English- 
men; that  is,  they  would  be  free  in  that  Kingdom.  We 
claim  in  the  Colonies  these  and  no  other  riglits.  There 
no  other  Kingdom  or  state  interferes.  But  their  trade, 
however  important  it  may  be,  as  the  afiairs  of  mankind 
are  circumstanced,  turns  on  other  principles.  All  the 
power  of  Parliament  cannot  regulate  that  at  their  pleasure. 
It  must  be  regulated  not  by  Parliament  alone,  but  by  trea- 
ties and  alliances  formed  by  the  King  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  Nation,  with  other  States  and  Kingdoms.  The 
freedom  of  a  people  consists  in  being  governed  by  laws,  in 
which  no  alteration  can  be  made,  without  their  consent. 
Yet  the  wholesome  force  of  these  laws  is  confined  to  the 
limits  of  their  own  country.  That  is,  a  Supreme  Legis- 
lature to  a  people,  which  actsjnternally  over  that  people, 
and  inevitably  implies  personal  assent,  representation,  or 
slavery.  When  an  universal  Empire  is  established,  and 
not  till  then,  can  regulations  of  trade  properly  be  called 
acts  of  Supreme  Legislature.  It  seems  from  many 
authorities,  as  if  almost  the  whole  power  of  regulating  the 
trade  of  England  was  originally  vested  in  the  Crown. 
One  restriction  appears  to  have  been,  that  no  duty  could 
be  imposed  without  the  consent  of  Parliament.  Trade 
was  little  regarded  by  our  warlike  ancestors.  As  com- 
merce became  of  more  importance,  duties  and  severities 
were  judged  necessary  additions  to  its  first  simple  state, 
Parliament  more  and  more  interfered.  The  Constitution 
was  always  Iree,  but  not  always  exactly  in  the  same  man- 

*  Our  chance  of  success  would  be  slight  indeed  if  it  depended  on 
subtleties  of  reasoning.  Who  can  resist  the  skilful  and  courageous 
attacks  of  those  Britons,  who  have  not  long  since  distinguished  them, 
selves  in  the  polemical  fields?  Have  they  not  proved  to  the  satisfac- 
tion of  thousands,  the  non-existence  of  matter — the  necessity  of  human 
actions — consequently  the  innocence  of  them — the  comfortable  mor- 
tality of  the  soul — that  virtue  is  a  name — vice  a  jest — liberty  a  non- 
entity— Christianity  an  imposture — and,  with  duo  detestation  be  it  men. 
tioned,  that  we  have  no  idea  of  power,  nor  of  any  Being  endowed 
with  any  power,  much  less  of  one  endowed  with  infinite  power  ? 

AVith  explosions  of  learning  and  flashi'S  of  wit,  these  well  trained 
troops  would  keep  up  a  terrible  fire  of  artillery  and  small  arms  ;i gainst 
us  undisciplined  Americans.  We  must  not  meet  them  in  the  shock 
of  battle.  That  would  be  nvidness  in  the  extreme.  We  nmst 
make  the  most  of  our  natural  advantages.  There  we  are  safe  ;  and 
all  the  forces  that  can  be  brought  to  the  assault,  will  never  be  able  to 
prevail  against  us.  To  drop  the  metaphor.  "  Inquiry  ceases  to  be 
"rational,  and  becomes  both  whimsical  and  pernicious,  when  it  ad. 
"  vancos  as  far  as  some  late  authors  have  carried  it,  to  controvert  the 
'•first  principles  of  knowledge,  morality,  religion,  and  consequently 
"the  fundamental  laws  of  the  i?ri((sA  Government,  and  of  all  well 
"  regulated  society."— Mr.  Beattie  on  Truth. 

It  has  been  asserted  bv  some  men  distingnished  as  historians,  that 
the  zeal  of  the  reformers  in  religion  engaging  tliem  to  think  liberally 
on  that  subject,  led  them  to  think  with  like  freedom  in  civil  affairs, 
whereby  the  Government  of  England  received  its  greatest  improve, 
ment.  If  the  sentiment  is  just,  may  it  not  be  inferred,  that  contempt 
for  religion  must  necessarily  introduce  an  indifference  for  all  the  just 
rules  of  Government  and  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  ? 


589 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


590 


ner.  "  By  the  Feodal  law,  all  navigable  rivers  and  havens 
*'  were  computed  among  the  regalia,  and  were  subject  to  the 
"  Sovereign  of  the  state.  And  in  England  it  hath  always 
"  been  held,  that  the  King  is  Lord  of  the  whole  shore,  and 
"  particularly  is  guardian  of  the  ports  and  havens,  which  are 
"  the  inlets  and  gates  of  the  Realm :  and,  therefore,  so 
"  early  as  the  reign  of  King  John,  we  find  ships  seized  by 
"  the  King's  officers  for  putting  in  at  a  place  that  was  not 
"  a  legal  "port.  These  legal  ports  were  undoubtedly  at 
"  first  "assigned  by  the  Crown  ;  since  to  each  of  them  a 
"  Court  of  Portmote  is  incident,  the  jurisdiction  of  which 
"  must  flow  from  the  Royal  authority.  The  erection  of 
"  beacons,  lighthouses,  and  sea  marks,  is  also  a  branch  oi 
"  the  Royal  prerogative.  The  King  may  enjoin  any  man 
'•  from  going  abroad,  or  command  any  man  to  return. 
"  The  powers  of  establishing  publick  marts,  regulating  of 
'•'  weights  and  measures,  and  the  giving  authority  to,  or 
"  making  current,  money,  the  medium  of  commerce,  be- 
'•  long  to  the  Crown.  By  making  peace  or  war,  leagues 
"  and  treaties,  the  King  may  open  or  stop  trade  as  he 
"  pleases.  The  Admiralty  Courts  are  grounded  on  the 
"  necessity  of  supporting  a  jurisdiction  so  extensive,  though 
"  opposite  to  the  usual  doctrines  of  the  common  law.  The 
"  laws  of  Oleron  were  made  by  Richard  the  First,  and 
"  are  still  used  in  those  courts."  In  the  '=  Mare  causum" 
are  several  regulations  made  by  Kings.*  Time  forbids  a 
more  exact  inquiry  into  this  point :  but  such  it  is  appre- 
hended will,  on  inquiry,  be  found  to  have  been  the  power 
of  the  Crown,  that  our  argument  may  gain  but  cannot  lose. 

*  Tlie  power  of  regulating  trade  was  carried  so  far  by  the  Crown  as 
Bometiraes  to  impose  duties ;  and  Queen  Elizabeth  obtained  several 
judgments  in  the  Exchequer  on  such  regulations.  Lord  Chief  Justice 
Coke  a.n8wers  the  argument  founded  on  these,  in  2  Inst.  62, 63.  Princes 
aimed  at  too  much  power — exceeded  due  bounds — their  imprudence 
produced  "grievances" — and  the  people,  who  always  suffer  when  their 
rulers  are  weak  or  wicked,  would  no  longer  trust  such  opportunitijs  of 
oppression  in  their  hand.  The  power  of  impressing  seamen  shows  the 
extensive  authority  in  naval  affairs  trusted  to  "  the  Crown." — 1  Black- 
stone,  419.     Foster's  Rep.  154. 

So  extremely  averse  were  the  English  to  foreign  affairs,  and  to  the 
exercise  even  of  Parliamentary  authority  concerning  them,  that  though 
the  Mation  was  justly  provoked  against  the  French  King  for  the  injury 
done  to  Edward  the  First,  by  withholding  Acquitaine  and  his  other  in- 
heritances in  manner  (as  Lord  Chiaf  Justice  Coke  observes  in  his  2d 
Inst.  p.  532,)  and  by  some  cruel  actions  of  Frenchmen  against  Eng- 
lishmen, and  had  in  full  Parliament  granted  him  aids,  subsidies,  for  the 
maintenance  of  his  wars  in  foreign  parts,  yet  in  the  confirmationes 
ehartarum, Edicard  the  First,  therein  taking  notice,  "that  many  men 
"  doubted  whether  these  grants  by  Parliament  might  not  turn  in  serv- 
"  ago  of  them  and  their  heirs,  as  precedents,  expressly  declares  in  those 
"  statutes,  tliat  such  grants  shall  not  be  drawn  into  custom."     The 
comment  says — "  It  was  holden  that  the  subjects  of  the  Realm  ought 
"  not  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  the  King's  wars  out  of  the 
"  Realm — but  this  matter  never  was  in  quiet  until  it  was  mora  partic- 
"  ularly  explained  by  divers  Acts  of  Parliament."     The  comment  then 
mentions  several  Acts  declaring  that  no  Englishman  sliould  be  bound 
to  contribute  to  the  King's  wars  out  of  England,  in  Scotland,  Gasco- 
igny,  Ireland,  Calais,  (though  these  three  last  were  countries  dependent 
on  England)  and  says,  "  these  Acts  of  Parliament  are  but  declarations 
"  of  the  ancient  law  of  England.     But  hero  may  be  observed  that 
"when  any  ancient  law  or  custom  of  Parliament"  [such  as  before  men- 
tioned by  making  Acts  relating  to  foreign  wars]  "  is  broken,  and  the 
"  Crown  possessed  of  a  precedent,  how  difficult  a  think  it  is  to  restore 
"the  subject  again  to  his  former  freedom  and  safety." — 2  In.  527-529. 
The  author  of  "  The  Controversy,"  wlio,  with  a  liberality  of  senti- 
ment, becoming  a  pleader  against  freedom  and  tlie  best  interest  of  man- 
kind, counts    "statute   books" — "Ministers" — "King's   Council" — p. 
77,  78 — "scraps  of  Journals" — p.  81,  and  ordinances  of  "the  Rump 
Parliament" — p.  87,  among  his  "  Deities" — p.  78 ;  and  grieves  that  we 
poor  "  infidel"  Colonists  will  not  pay  his  idols  the  veneration  his  zeal 
judges  due  to  them,  has  collected  a  good  many  fragments  of  proceed- 
ings in  the  House  of  Commons  from  the  year  1614  to  1628.     The 
amount  is  this,  that  the  Ministers  of  the  Crown  insisted  that  ParHiment 
could  not  make  laws  for  America  ;  that  the  Commons  doubted ;  but  at 
lengtli,  in  1724,  came  to  an  opinion  that  t)ie    King's  patent  for    "a 
monopoly  of  fishing  on  the  coasts  of  America  was  a  grievance," — 
that  a  "  clause  of  forfeiture"  against  those  who  interfered  in  the  fish- 
ery was  void — and  past  a  Bill  "  for  a  free  liberty  of  fisliing,"  &o.     It 
appears  in  the  debates  that  the  fishery  was  free  before  the  patent  was 
granted.     These  extracts  do  not  show  what  became  of  the  Bill  in  the 
House  of  Lords.     One  Mr.  Brooke  said  in  1621 — "  We  may  make  laws 
"here  for  Virginia,  for  if  the  Kuig  gives  consent  to  this  Bill  past  here 
"  and  by  the  Lords,  this  will  control  the  pitcnt." 

It  seems,  as  if  the  notion  of  the  King's  regulating  power  still  pre- 
vailed, but,  that  "  a.  clause  of  forfeiture"  in  such  regulations  was  void. 
So  much  had  the  power  of  Parliamsnt  grown  since  King  John's  reign. 
Nor  does  it  appear  to  have  boon  unreasonable,  as  commerce  became  of 
more  consequence.  The  instance  hero  mentioned  r,;lat3d  to  a  regula- 
tion of  trade ;  and  however  the  King  might  have  accommodated  the 
point,  with  the  otlier  branches  of  tlio  L  gislature,  the  whole  proceed- 
ing is  immaterial.  If  it  was  a  right  actually  enjoyed  by  Englishmen 
to  fish  on  the  coasts  of  a  plantation — and  a  grant  by  the  Crown  of  tlio 
fishery  to  the  people  of  the  plantation  excluding  the  people  of  England, 
could  not  divest  them  of  their  right — or,  "  if  by  the  King's  giving  his 
consent  to  a  Bill  passed  by  Lords  and  Commons" — "  the  patent  might 
bo  controlled" — it  does  not  follow  that  the  King,  Lords,  and  Commons 
could  divest  the  people  of  the  plantations  of  all  their  rights. 


We  will  proceed  on  a  concession,  that  the  power  of  regu- 
lating trade  is  vested  in  Parliament. 

Commerce  rests  on  concessions  and  restrictions  mutually 
stipulated  between  the  different  Powers  of  the  world  ;*  and 
if  these  Colonies  were  sovereign  states,  they  would,  in  all 
probability,  be  restricted  to  their  present  portion.f  The 
people  of  England  were  freemen  before  tliey  were  mer- 
chants. Whether  they  will  continue  free,  they  themselves 
must  determine.  How  they  shall  trade  must  be  deter- 
mined by  Germans,  French,  Spaniards,  Italians,  Turks, 
Moores,  &ic.  The  right  of  acquiring  property  depends 
on  the  rights  of  others ;  the  right  of  acquired  property 
solely  on  the  owner.  The  possessor  is  no  owner  without 
it.  "  Almost  every  leaf  and  page  of  all  the  volumes  of 
the  common  law  prove  this  right  of  property  ."J  Why 
should  this  right  be  sacred  in  Great  Britain,  "  the  chief 
corner  stone"  in  the  solid  foundation  of  her  Constitution, 
and  an  empty  name  in  her  Colonies  ?  The  lamb  that  pre- 
sumed to  drink  in  the  same  stream  with  a  stronger  animal, 
though  lower  down  the  current,  could  not  refute  the  charge 
of  incommoding  the  latter  by  disturbing  the  water.  Such 
power  have  reasons  that  appear  despicable  and  detestable 
at  first  when  they  are  properly  enforced. 

From  this  very  principle  arose  her  power ;  and  can  that 
power  now  be  justly  exerted  in  suppression  of  that  princi- 
ple ?  It  cannot.  Therefore  a  power  ||  of  regulating  our  trade 

*Case  of  the  Ostend  East  India  Company. 

t "  Another  light,  in  which  the  laws  of  England  consider  the  King 
with  regard  to  domestick  concerns,  is  the  arbiter  of  commerce.  By 
commerce,  I  at  present  mean  domestick  commerce  only.  It  would  lead 
me  iuto  too  large  a  field,  if  I  were  to  attempt  to  enter  upon  the  nature 
of  foreign  trade,  its  privileges,  regulations,  and  restrictions ;  and  would 
be  also  quite  beside  the  purpose  of  these  commentaries,  which  are  con- 
fined to  the  laws  of  England.  Whereas  no  municipal  laws  can  be 
sufficient  to  order  and  determine  the  very  extensive  and  complicated 
affairs  of  traffick  and  mr^rchandise  ;  neither  can  they  have  a  proper  au- 
thority for  this  purpose.  For,  as  these  are  transactions  carried  on  be. 
tween  subjects  of  independent  states,  the  municipal  laws  of  one  will 
not  bo  regarded  by  the  other.  For  wliich  reason  the  affairs  of  com. 
merce  are  regulated  .by  a  law  of  their  own,  called  the  Law  Merchant,  or 
Lex  Mercatoria,  which  all  Nations  agree  in  and  take  notice  of.  And  in 
particular  it  is  held  to  be  part  of  the  law  of  England,  which  decides 
the  causes  of  merchants  by  the  general  rules  which  obtain  in  all  com- 
mercial countries;  and  that  often  even  in  matters  relating  to  domestic 
trade,  as  for  instance  with  regard  to  the  drawing,  the  acceptance,  and 
the  transfer  of  inland  bills  of  exchange." 

t  Parliamentary  History. 

II  This  distinction  between  a  Supreme  Legislature  and  a  power  of 
regulating  trade,  is  not  a  new  one.  We  find  it  clearly  made,  by  the 
Judges  of  England,  at  a  period  wlien  the  modern  profitable  mode  of 
blending  together  in  Parliament  the  authorities  of  the  Crown  and  peou. 
pie,  had  not  extinguished  all  reverence  ior  the  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution. 

By  the  statute  of  the  second  of  Henry  the  Sixth,  ch.  4th,  Calais  was 
confirmed  a  staple  place  for  the  wool  exported  from  England,  Wales, 
and  Ireland.  Some  wool  shipped  from  this  last  Kingdom  was  con- 
signed to  Sluice,  in  Flanders.  The  ship,  by  stress  of  weather,  was 
forced  into  Calais,  where  the  wool  was  seized  as  forfeited.  The  chief 
question  in  the  Exchequer  Chamber  was,  whether  the  statute  bound 
Ireland.  In  Richard  the  Third,  twelfth,  the  case  is  thus  reported : 
"  Et  ibi  quoad  ad  primam  qucstioncra  dicebant,  quod  terra  Hibernia 
"  inter  so  habct  Parliamentum  et  omnimodo  curias  prout  Anglia,  et  per 
"  idem  Parliamentum  faciunt  legos  mutant  leges,  et  non  obligantur  per 
"statuta  in  Anglia,  quia  non  hie  habent  milites  Parliamenti ;  sed  hoc 
"  intelligitur  de  terris  per  rebus  in  terris  tantum  efficiend  ;  sedpersonae 
' '  eorum  sunt  subjecti  regis,  et  tanquam  subjecti  orunt  obligati  ad  aliqu. 
"  am  rem  extra  terram  illam  faciendam  contra  statutum,  sicut  habitan. 
"  tes  in  Callesia,  Oascognia,  Guien,  &c.,  dum  fuere  subjecti ;  et  obedi. 
"entes  erunt  sub  admiriltate  Anglia  de  re  facta  super  altum  mare;  et 
"  similiter  breve  de  errore  de  judiciis  redditis  in  Hibernia  in  banco  regis 
"hie  in  Anglia." 

Brooke,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  mentions  the 
case  almost  in  the  same  words,  title  Parliament  98 — but  says — "  tho 
"  Chief  Justice  was  of  opinion,  that  the  statutes  of  England  shall  bind 
"  Ireland,  which  was  in  a  manner  agreed  by  the  otlier  Justices ;  and 
"  yet  it  was  denied  the  former  day ;  Yet  note,  that  Ireland  is  a  Realm 
"  of  itself,  and  has  a  Parliament  in  itself." 

Hore  it  may  bo  observod,  first,  th;it  the  reason  assigned  by  the 
Judges,  why  tlie  statutes  of  England  bind  not  ihe  people  of  Ireland, 
though  specially  named,  contains  a  constitutional  principle,  the  sine 
qua  of  freedom.  Secondly,  that  the  people  of  Ireland,  as  subjects  of 
tho  King,  were  "  under  the  Admiralty  of  England  as  to  things  done 
on  the  high  sea ;"  which  is  a  strong  confirmation  given  by  the  Judges 
of  England  to  the  sujiposition  before  made,  of  the  power  of  regulating 
trade  being  formerly  vested  in  tlie  King.  Thirdly,  that  the  opinion  of 
the  Chief  Justice,  and  tho  other  Justices,  such  as  it  was,  "  reddendo 
singula  singulis,  et  secundum  subjectam  materiam,"  proves  at  most, 
only  that  Ireland  was  bound  by  statutes  regulating  their  trade,  for 
such  was  tlie  second  Henry  the  Sixth,  ch.  4th,  on  which  the  case  arose. 
Fourtlily,  that  Brooke,  a  man  of  great  eminence  and  dignity  in  the 
law,  appears,  by  his  note,  to  have  been  dissatisfied  with  the  judgment, 
thougli  only  on  a  statute  of  regulation,  for  this  reason  of  such  weight 
with  an  Englishmen~"hvca.uso  Ireland  is  a  Realm  of  itself,  and  has  a 
Parlianinnt  witliiu  itself."  Fifthly,  tliut  the  authority  of  the  Crown, 
including  the  regulation  of  the  trade  of  Ireland,  and  sending  writs  of 
errour  there,  were  sufficient  restraints  to  secure  the  obedience  and  sub. 
ordination  of  tliat  Kingdom.  This  roason  scorns  to  have  held  its 
ground  till  Lord  Chief  Justice  Coke's  time ;  and  though  a  great  rever. 


591 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &:c.,  JULY,  1774. 


592 


involves  not  in  it  the  idea  of  Supreme  Legislature  over  us. 
The  first  is  a  power  of  a  preserving  "  protecting"  nature. 
The  last,  as  applied  to  America,  is  such  a  power  as  Mr. 
Justice  Blaclcsione  describes  in  these  words :  "  whose 
"  enormous  weigiit  spreads  hon'our  and  destruction  on  all 
"  inferiour  movements."  The  first  is  a  power  subject  to  a 
constitutional  check.  Great  Britain  cannot  injure  us  by 
taking  away  our  commerce  without  hurting  herself  imme- 
diately. The  last  is  a  power  without  check  or  limit.  She 
might  ruin  us  by  it.  The  injury  thereby  to  herself  might 
be  remote  as  to  be  despised  by  her. 

ence  is  entertained  for  his  memory,  yet  it  can  never  be  aeknowlociged, 
tiiat  an  "obiter  dictum"  of  his,  or  of  any  other  man,  is  a  rule  of  law. 
In  Cahin's  case,  the  Chief  Justice  reciting  the  foregoing  case,  says : 
"  HiBER-MA  habet  Parliamentum,  et  faciunt  legis,  et  nostra  statuta 
non  legant  eoa,  quia  non  mittunt  viilites  ad  Parliamentum"  (wliich, 
"  adds  he,"  is  to  be  understood,  unless  tliey  bo  espacially  named.)  And 
docs  the  "especially  naming  tliem"  give  them  a  representation,  or 
remove  tlie  injustice  of  binding  them  without  it  ?  This  observation  in 
plain  English  would  run  thus ;  "  Our  statutes  do  not  bind  the  people 
"  of  Ireland,  when  wo  do  not  intend  to  bind  them,  because  they  are 
"  not  represented  in  our  Parliament ;  but  our  statutes  bind  them  when 
"  we  intend  to  bind  them."  What  is  this  but  saying — "  tliat  to  speak 
"  of  their  not  being  represented,  is  a  mere  jargon ;  and  the  sole  point 
"  b,  whether  it  is  our  will  to  bind  them" — or  in  other  words — "  tliat  our 
"statutes  do  not  bind  them,  for  a  reason  as  strong  as  man  can  give, 
"and  so  acknowledged  by  us  to  be,  which  yet  is  no  reason  at  all :  for, 
"  where  there  is  no  occasion  for  its  operation  it  applies  not ;  and 
"  whore  there  is  occasion  it  is  of  no  force."  His  Lordship  had  just  be 
fore  taken  notice  that  "  a  writ  of  errour  did  lie  in  the  King's  Bench  of 
England  of  erroneous  judgment  in  the  King's  B^'iich  of  Ireland;" 
and  perhaps  that  led  him  in  the  course  of  his  argument  to  ima- 
gine, there  miglit  be  a  like  pre-eminence  of  the  Parliament  of  Eng. 
land  over  that  of  Ireland,  That  this  was  his  reason  seems  certain, 
l>ecause,  at  a  meeting  of  Commissioners  to  consider  of  a  projected 
union  between  England  and  Scotland,  at  which  the  Chief  Justice  was 
present — Moor  196,  it  is  said,  "  that  Parliament  has  power  over /re/ond, 
"  as  is  proved  by  that  a  writ  of  errour  may  be  brought  of  a  judgment 
"  in  the  King's  bench  of  Ireland."  In  the  4th  lust.,  he  also  says,  the 
people  of  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and  Man,  are  not  bound  by  the  statutes  of 
England,  unless  they  are  specially  named.  Yet  whoever  examines  the 
statutes  relating  to  Ireland,  Guernsey,  Jersey,  and  Man,  will  have  very 
little  cause  to  believe,  that  it  has  been  thought  in  England,  that  statutes 
would  generally  bind  the  people  of  those  countries,  notwithstanding 
the  subjection  of  Ireland,  and  the  other  Islands,  the  many  distresses 
of  the  former,  and  the  weakness  of  the  latter,  have  afforded  opportu. 
nities  of  extending  such  a  power  over  them.  With  respect  to  all  these 
places  scarce  a  statute  can  be  found  of  any  period,  but  for  the  regula. 
tion  of  their  trade.  The  same  observation  may  be  made  as  to  Gas- 
coigny,  Guienne,  and  Calais.  Justice  Wylde,  in  2  Vent  5,  said  :  "  he 
"  had  seen  a  charter  whereby  these  places  were  recited  to  be  united  to 
"  England  by  mutual  pact.  And  writs  of  errour  run  there."  "  Wales 
"  was  a  conquered  country,  and  the  people  submitted  to  Edward  the 
"  First,  dc  alto  et  basso." 

Whatever  pretence  the  Chief  Justice's  opinion  was  founded  on,  it 
has  been  carefully  repeated  in  many  law  books  since.  Whether  his 
Lordship  meant  that  statutes  of  England  could  bind  the  people  of 
Ireland,  in  taking  away  trials  by  jury — taxing  them,  and  "  in  all  casjs 
whatsoever,"  or  only  in  preserving  their  subordination,  as  by  regula. 
ting  their  trade,  which  was  the  case  referred  to  in  his  comment,  does 
not  appear.  The  Parliament,  in  declaring  the  dependence  of  Ireland, 
did  not  venture  to  claim  a  power  of  binding  the  people  of  that  King, 
dora  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever."*  With  respect  to  all  these  declara- 
tions, however,  as  they  are  made  to  refer  to  us,  we  may  answer  as  the 
lion  did  to  the  man  in  the  fable. 

Much  the  same  arbitrary  construction  has  been  made  on  the  ques- 
tion, whether  a  man  could  be  tried  in  England,  on  a  charge  of  com- 
mitting treason  in  Ireland.  In  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign,  "  Gerrade, 
"  Chancellor  of  Ireland,  moved  that  question  to  the  counsel  of  the 
"  Queen,  and  it  was  lield  by  Wray,  Dier,  and  Gerrarde,  Attorney  Gen. 
"  eral,  he  could  not,  because  he  was  a  subject  of  Ireland  and  not  of 
"  England;  and  if  tried  in  England,  he  could  not  be  tried  by  his 
"  peers." — Dier,  360.  Afterwards,  to  gratify  the  Queen's  resentment 
against  some  rebels,  they  were  tried  in  England;  and  thus  passion 
and  complaisance  made  very  good  law  against  reason  and  justice. 

Having  mentioned  Calvin's  case,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  observe, 
that  if  the  author  of  "  Tlie  Controversy"  had  taken  the  trouble  of  read, 
ing  it,  he  might  have  found  his  perplexities  removed  on  the  question 
that  has  given  him  so  much  anxiety,  and  brought  such  a  load  of  re- 
proaches on  the  Colonics.  He  is  provoked  at  our  insolence,  for  pre- 
tending to  be  any  thing  more  than  aliens  in  England,  while  we  deny 
the  power  of  Parliament  to  bind  us  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  In 
that  case,  the  gentleman  would  have  discovered,  that  the  Judges  of 
England  held,  that  a  man  born  in  Scotland,  under  the  allegiance  of 
James  the  First,  after  his  accession  to  the  Throne  of  England,  was 
entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  a  subject  born  in  England;  though  the  ob- 
jection, that  statutes  of  England  could  not  bind  Scotland,  or  a  man 
residing  there,  who  held  lands  in  England,  was  mentioned  in  the  course 
of  the  argument.  The  great  difficulty  being  got  over,  if  the  gentle. 
man  will  go  a  step  farther,  and  perceive  some  little  distinction  be- 
tween Colonies  proceeding  out  of  the  loins  of  England,  and  the  "  con- 
quered" countries  of  Ireland  and  Wales — the  countries  of  Gascoigny, 
Guienne,  and  Calais,  "united  by  mutual  pact  to  England,"  and  tlio 
Islands  of  Guernsey,  Sec,  "  lying  within  the  four  seas,  whose  Sover- 
eigns annexed  them  to  England;"  and  will  only  allow  the  Colonists  a 
little  more  regard  than  is  professed  in  law  books  for  those  countries,  and 
about  as  much  as  has  been  actually  observed  towards  them  by  Parlia- 
ment, he  will  have  no  further  occasion  to  say  severe  things  of  those 
who  are  willing  to  esteem  him  ;  and  then,  if  he  can  persuade  liis  wor- 
thy countrymen  to  adopt  his  sentiments,  their  anger  will  no  longer  give 
pain  to  those  who  almost  adore  them. 

*  Nor,  to  this  day,  Aoet  Paritiitnent  tax  them,  he. ',  and,  therefore,  (be  ioTeienc^  U 
tut,  that  luither  they  uor  the  Chief  Justice  meant  luch  8  power. 


The  power  of  regulation  was  the  only  band  that  could 
have  held  us  together,  formed  on  one  of  these  "  original 
contracts"  whicii  only  can  be  a  foundation  of  just  authori- 
ty. Without  such  a  band,  our  general  commerce  with  for- 
eign Nations,  might  have  been  injurious  and  destructive  to 
her.  Reason  and  duty  reject  such  a  license.  This  our 
duty  resembles  that  of  children  to  a  parent.  The  parent 
has  a  power  over  them  ;  but  they  have  rights  that  the  pa- 
rent cannot  take  away.  Heaven  grant  that  our  mother 
country  may  regard  us  as  her  children,  that  if,  by  the  dis- 
pensation of  Providence,  the  time  shall  come  when  her 
power  increases  the  memoiy  of  former  kindnesses,  may 
supply  its  decays,  and  her  Colonies,  like  dutiful  children, 
may  serve  and  guard  their  aged  parent,  forever  revering 
the  arms  that  held  them  in  their  infancy,  and  the  breasts 
that  supported  their  lives  while  they  were  little  ones. 

It  seems  as  if  the  power  of  regulation  might  not  inaptly 
be  comjiared  to  the  prerogative  of  making  peace,  war, 
treaties,  or  alliances,  whereby  "  the  whole*  Nation  are 
bound  against  their  consent ;"  and  yet  the  prerogative  by 
no  means  implies  a  Supreme  Legislature.  The  language 
held  in  "  the  Commentaries"  on  this  point,  is  very  remark- 
able. "  With  regard  to  foreign  concerns,  the  King  is  the 
"  Delegate  or  Re])resentative  of  the  people;  and  in  him, 
"  as  in  a  centre,  all  the  rays  of  his  people  are  united  ;f  and 
"  the  sovereign  power,  quoad  hoc,  is  vested  in  his  per- 
"  son. "J  Will  any  Englishman  say  these  expressions  are 
descriptive  of  the  King's  authority  within  the  Realm  ? 
"  Is  the  sovereign  power  within  that  vested  in  his  ])erson  ? 
He  is  styled  "  Sovereign"  indeed  ;  "  his  Realm  is  declared 
"  by  many  Acts  of  Parliament  an  Empire,  and  his  Crown 
"  Imperial."  But  do  these  splendid  appellations,  the  high- 
est known  in  Europe,  signify  that  "  sovereign  power  is 
vested  in  his  person  within  the  Realm  ?"  We  have  a  full 
answer  in  the  Commentaries.  "  The  meaning  of  the  Le- 
"  gislature,  when  it  uses  these  terms  of  Empire  and  Impe- 
"  rial,  and  applies  them  to  the  Realm  and  Crown  of  Eng- 
"  land,  is  only  to  assert  that  our  King  is  equally  sovereign 
"  and  independent  within  these  his  Dominions ;  and  owes 
"  no  kind  of  subjection  to  any  Potentate  upon  earth."  Thus 
we  maintain,  that  with  regard  to  foreign  affairs,  the  parent 
original  state  '•'  is  the  Delegate  or  Representative"  of  the 
entire  Dominions,  "  the  sovereign  power,  quoad  hoc,  is 
vested"  in  her.  Her  acts  under  this  power  "  irrevocably 
bind  the  whole  Nation."  But  yet  this  power  by  no  means 
implies  a  Supreme  Legislature. 

The  exercise  of  this  power,  by  statutes,  was  absolutely 
necessary;  because  it  was,  and  could  only  be  lodged,  as 
the  laws  of  the  parent  state  stand  in  the  Supreme  Legisla- 
ture of  that  state,  consisting  of  King,  Lords,  and  Com- 
mons ;  and  statutes  are  the  modes  by  which  these  united 
sentiments  and  resolutions  are  expressed.  It  is  universally 
acknowledged  in  Great  Britain,  that  it  infers  no  power  of 
taxation  in  King  trnd  Lords,  that  their  limited  authority  is 
used  in  cloathing  gifts  ami  grants  of  the  Commons  with 
the  forms  of  law ;  nor  does  it  infer  Supreme  Legislature 
over  us,  that  the  limited  authority  of  King,  Lords,  and 
Commons,  is  used  in  cloathing  regulations  of  trade  with 
the  form  of  law.  The  Commons  joining  in  the  law  is  not 
material.  The  difference  is  only  in  the  mode  of  assent. 
Theirs  is  express,  ours  is  implied,  as  the  assent  of  the 
"  whole  Nation"  is  in  the  preceding  instances. 

This  power  of  regulation  appears  to  us  to  have  been 
pure  in  its  principle,  simple  in  its  operation,  and  salutary  in 
its  effects.  But  for  some  time  j)ast,  we  have  observed, 
with  pain,  that  it  bath  been  turned  to  other  purposes  than 
it  was  originally  designed  for,  and  retaining  its  title,  hath 
become  an  engine  of  intolerable  oppressions  and  grievous 
taxations.  The  argument  of  an  eminent  Judge  states  the 
point  in  a  similar  case,  strongly  for  us,  in  these  words: 
"  Though  it  be  granted  that  the  King  hath  the  custody  of 
"  the  havens  and  ports  of  this  Island,  being  the  \ery  gates 
"  of  this  Kingdom,  and  is  trusted  with  the  keys  of  these 
"  gates  ;  yet,  the  inference  and  argument  tiiereupon  made, 
"  I  utterly  deny.  For  in  it  there  is  mutatio  hypothesis, 
"  and  a  transition  from  a  thing  of  one  nature  to  another ; 
"  as  the  premises  are  of  a  power  only  fiduciary,  and  in 
"  point  of  trust  and  government,  and  the  conclusion  infers 
"  a  right  of  interest  and  gain.  Admit  the  King  has  cus- 
"  todiam  portuuin,  yet  he  hath  but  the  custody,  which  is  a 
•  1  Blackst.  232,  257.  t  Fol.  252.  t  Fol.  257. 


593 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


594 


"  trust,  and  not  dominium,  utile.  He  hath  power  to  open 
"  and  shut,  upon  consideration  of  publick  good  to  the  peo- 
"  pie  and  state,  but  not  to  make  gain  and  benefit  by  It : 
"  the  one  Is  protection  ;  the  other  is  expllatlon."  By  com- 
mon law,  the  King  may  restrain  a  subject  from  going 
abroad,  or  enjoin  him  by  his  Chancellor  from  proceeding  at 
law :  But  to  conclude,  that  he  may  therefore  take  money, 
not  to  restrain  or  not  to  enjoin,  is  to  sell  Government,  trust, 
and  common  justice.* 

SURRY    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  respectable  body  of  the  Freeholders 
and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Surry,  on  due  no- 
tice, at  the  Court  House  of  the  said  county,  the  16th  day 
of  July,  1774, 

Allen  Cocke,  Esquire,  Moderator: 

The  Proceedings  and  Resolutions  of  the  late  Members 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  since  their  dissolution,  respect- 
ing the  alarming  situation  of  North  America,  were  seriously 
deliberated  upon,  and  the  following  Resolves  unanimously 
agreed  to: 

1st.  Resolved,  That  we  acknowledge  all  due  obedience 
to  his  present  Majesty,  and  will  defend  him  with  our  lives 
and  fortunes. 

2d.  Resolved,  That,  as  British  subjects,  who  know  the 
invaluable  blessings  of  their  birthright,  we  will  not  submit 
to  the  imposition  of  any  taxes  or  duties,  to  be  paid  by  the 
inhabitants  within  this  Dominion,  by  any  other  power  than 
the  General  Assembly,  duly  elected  ;  and  that  in  them,  and 
them  only,  is  the  constitutional  right  of  taxation  vested. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  we  will  cheerfully  join  with  our  suf- 
fering brethren  of  America,  in  the  firmest  bonds  of  union, 
against  exporting  or  importing  any  commodities  to  or  from 
Great  Britain,  till  our  just  and  legal  rights  are  restored. 

4th.  Resolved,  That  the  cause  of  the  town  of  Boston 
is  the  common  cause  of  all  British  America. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  as  the  population  of  this  Colony, 
with  freemen  and  useful  manufacturers,  is  greatly  obstructed 
by  the  importation  of  slaves  and  convict  servants,  we  will 
not  purchase  any  such  slaves  or  servants  hereafter  to  be 
imported. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  subscriptions  be  opened  in  this 
county,  for  the  relief  of  our  suffering  brethren  in  the  town 
of  Boston.-f 

7lh.  Resolved,  That  Allen  Cocke  and  Nicholas  Faiilcon, 
Junior,  Esquires,  our  late  Representatives  be,  and  they  are 
hereby  nominated  and  appointed  to  attend  the  general 
meeting  of  Deputies  of  other  counties  and  corporations 
within  this  Colony,  in  the  City  of  Williamsburg,  on  the 
first  day  of  August  next,  there  to  concert  such  measures 
as  may  be  found  most  expedient  for  the  general  good  of 
the  Colonies. 

8th.  Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  meeting  do  trans- 
mit the  proceedings  of  this  day  to  the  Printers  of  both 
Gazettes,  and  request  them  to  publish  the  same  without 
delay.  James  Kee,  Clerk  of  the  Meeting. 


The  inhabitants  of  all  the  counties  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland  are  subscribing  with  great  liberality  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  distressed  town  of  Boston  and  Charlestovm. 
The  inhabitants  of  Alexandria,  we  hear,  in  a  few  hours, 
subscribed  three  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  for  that  noble 
purpose. 

Subscriptions  are  opened  in  this  town  for  the  support  and 
animation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  under  their  present 
great  conflict  for  the  common  freedom  of  us  all,  which 
have  already  been  so  successful,  that  a  vessel  is  now  load- 
ing with  provisions  for  that  place,  as  a  testimony  of  the  af- 
fection of  this  people  towards  their  persecuted  brethren, 
now  bravely  contending  against  "  fraud,  power,  and  the 
most  odious  oppression,"  which  God  grant  may  never  rise 
triumphant  over  "  right,  justice,  social  happiness,  and  free- 
dom." 


Baltimore,  Maryland,  July  16,  1774. 
A  vessel  has  sailed  from  the  Eastern  Shore  of  this  Prov- 
ince, with  a  cargo  of  provisions,  as  a  free  gift  to  our  be- 
sieged brethren  at  Boston.X 

•  Rights  of  the  people  as  to  impositions. 

t  WiLLiAJisBURG,  July  28,  1774. — It  is  with  much  pleasure  we  learn 
that  the  County  of  Surry,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  are  actuated 
with  the  warmest  affection  towards  tlie  suffering  town  of  Boston.  Wo 
are  told,  that  immediately  after  the  breaking  up  of  the  meeting  of  the 
freeholders  and  others,  to  consult  upon  the  most  proper  measures  to  bo 
taken,  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  barrels  of  Indian  corn  and 
wheat  were  subscribed,  and  that  twelve  or  thirteen  subscription  papers 
are  now  out  for  that  purpose.  Upon  a  moderate  computation,  our  cor. 
respondent  informs  us,  eleven  or  twelve  hundred  barrels  of  different 
commodities  will  be  produced  by  this  county  for  the  benefit  of  those 
firm  and  intrepid  .Sons  of  Liberty,  the  Bosioniam. 

It  would  be  needless  to  recognise  the  particular  generosity  of  each 
county  in  this  Colony,  as  the  publick  must  be  very  well  acquainted, 
from  the  many  Resolves  which  have  been  published,  that  all  Virginia 
are  unanimous  in  their  endeavours  to  contribute  whatever  relief  or  as- 
sistance may  be  in  their  power. 

t  Boston,  August  29,  1774. — Yesterday  arrived  at  Marllehead, 
Captain  Perkins,  from  Baltimore,  with  three  thousand  bushels  of  In- 
diiin  corn,  twenty  barrels  of  rye,  and  twenty-one  barrels  of  bread,  sent 
by  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  of  Boston, 
together  with  one  thousand  bushels  of  corn  from  Annapolis,  sent  in 
the  same  vessel,  and  for  the  Biime  benevolent  purpose. 

Fourth  Series.  38 


SUSSEX    COUNTY    (nEW-JERSEy)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  number  of  Freeholders  and  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  Sussex,  in  the  Province  of  New- 
Jersey,  at  the  Court  House  in  Newtown,  in  the  said  county, 
on  Saturday,  the  16th  of  July,  A.  D.,  1774, 

Hugh  Hughes,  Esquire,   Chairman : 

1st.  Resolved,  That  it  is  our  duty  to  render  true  and 
faithful  allegiance  to  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great 
Britain,  and  to  support  and  maintain  the  just  dependence 
of  his  Colonies  upon  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  under 
the  enjoyment  of  our  constitutional  rights  and  privileges. 

2d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  undoubtedly  our  right  to  be 
taxed  only  by  our  own  consent,  given  by  ourselves  or  our 
Representatives ;  and  that  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament  for 
imposing  taxes  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in 
America;  and  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the 
port  of  Boston,  are  oppressive,  unconstitutional,  and  inju- 
rious in  their  principles  to  American  freedom ;  and  that  the 
Bostonians  are  considered  by  us  as  suffering  in  the  general 
cause  of  America. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting, 
that  firmness  and  unanimity  in  the  Colonies,  and  an  agree- 
ment not  to  use  any  articles  imported  from  Great  Britain 
or  the  East-Indies  (under  such  restrictions  as  may  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  general  Congress  hereafter  to  be  appointed 
by  the  Colonies)  may  be  the  most  effectual  means  of  avert- 
ing the  dangers  that  are  justly  apprehended,  and  securing 
the  invaded  rights  and  privileges  of  America. 

4th.  Resolved,  That  we  will  join,  with  the  greatest 
cheerfulness,  the  other  counties  of  this  Province,  in  send- 
ing a  Committee  to  meet  with  those  from  the  other  coun- 
ties, at  such  time  and  place  as  they  shall  appoint,  in  order 
to  choose  proper  persons  to  represent  this  Province  in  a 
general  Congress  of  Deputies  sent  from  each  of  the  Colo- 
nies. 

5th.  Resolved,  That  we  will  faithfully  and  strictly  ad- 
here to  such  regulations  and  restrictions  as  shall  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  Members  of  the  said  Congress,  and  that  shall 
by  them  be  judged  expedient  and  beneficial  to  the  good  of 
the  Colonies. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  the  Committee  hereafter  named  do 
correspond  and  consult  with  the  Committees  of  the  other 
counties  in  this  Province,  and  meet  with  them  in  order  to 


appoint  Deputies  to  represent  this  Province  in  general 
Congress. 

7th.  Resolved,  We  do  appoint  the  following  gentlemen 
our  Committee,  for  the  purpose  above  mentioned :  Hugh 
Hughes,  Nathaniel  Petiit,  Thomas  Van  Home,  Thomas 
Anderson,  Archibald  Stewart,  Abia  Brown,  John  B. 
Scott,  Esquires,  Messrs.  E.  Dunlap,  Mark  Thompson, 
W.  Maxwell. 


FRO.M  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  BOSTON  TO  THE  COMMITTEE 
or  BALTIMORE. 

Boston,  July  IG,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  Your  important  letter  of  the  27th  ultimo, 
with  the  enclosures,  came  safe  to  hand,  and  were  regarded 
as  "  good  news  from  a  far  country." 

The  part  taken  by  the  Province  of  Maryland,  must 
henceforth  stop  the  mouths  of  those  blasphemers  of  hu- 
manity who  have  affected  to  question  the  existence  of  pub- 
lick virtue.     So  bright  an  example  as  you  have  set,  cannot 


195 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


596 


fciil  to  animate  and  encourage  even  the  lukewarm  and  indif- 
ferent ;  more  especially  such  honest  men  as  wish  to  be  as- 
sured of  support  before  they  engage  in  so  weighty  an  enter- 
prise. 

Tlie  account  you  gave  us  of  the  spirit  and  magnanimity 
of  the  people  of  Virginia,  confirms  us  in  the  opinion  we 
liave  ever  had  of  that  ancient  Colony,  of  whose  disinter- 
ested virtue  tiiis  Province  lias  had  ample  experience.  The 
noble  sacrifice  you  stand  ready  to  make,  of  the  staple  com- 
modity of  your  Province,  so  materially  affecting  the  reve- 
nue of  Great  Britain,  and  your  generous  interposition  in 
our  favour,  have  our  warmest  acknowledgments.  So  much 
honour,  wisdom,  publick  and  private  virtue  ;  so  much  readi- 
ness in  every  Colony,  to  afford  every  species  of  aid  and 
assistance  that  the  suffering  state  requires,  must  evince  to  a 
venal  herd,  that  notwithstanding  they  may  be  utterly  unac- 
quainted with  the  meaning  of  the  word  patriotism,  it  has, 
however,  a  substantial  existence  in  North  America.  With 
the  smiles  of  an  all-governing  Providence  upon  the  vigor- 
ous efforts  of  our  inestimable  brethren  at  home  and  abroad, 
we  promise  ourselves  a  final  deliverance  from  the  calamities 
we  are  now  subjected  to ;  and  which,  for  our  own,  our 
country,  and  posterity's  political  salvation,  we  resolve,  by 
God's  assistance,  to  sustain  with  fortitude  and  patience. 
We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  and  fellow-countrymen. 
Signed  by  order, 

William  Cooper,  Town  Clerk. 


YORK  COrNTY  (vIRGINIa)  RESOLUTIONS. 

On  Monday,  the  18th  of  July,  the  Freeholders  and 
other  Inhabitants  of  York  County,  in  Virginia,  met,  ac- 
cording to  publick  notice,  at  the  Court  House,  in  York,  to 
consider  what  was  to  be  done  in  the  present  distressed  and 
alarming  situation  of  affairs  throughout  the  British  Colo- 
nies in  America, 

Thomas  Nelson,  Jun.,  Esq.,  being  chosen  Moderator, 

Opened  the  business  of  the  Meeting  with  the  following 
Address  to  the  people : 

Friends  and  Countrymen :  We  are  met  to-day  upon 
one  of  the  most  important  matters  that  can  engage  the 
attention  of  men.  You  are  all  well  acquainted  with  the 
attacks  which  have  been  lately  made  by  the  British  Par- 
liament upon  what  is  dearer  to  Americans  than  their  lives 
— their  liberties.  You  have  heard  of  the  acts  of  oppres- 
sion which  have  passed  against  a  sister  Colony,  under 
which  it  is  now  actually  groaning,  and  you  must  be  sen- 
sible that  this  is  only  a  prelude  to  the  designs  of  Parliament 
upon  every  other  part  of  this  wide  extended  Continent. 
In  this  light  did  our  late  truly  patriotick  and  houoinabie 
House  of  Burgesses  regard  it,  and  I  am  not  now  to  inform 
you  what  has  been  the  consequence — our  Assembly  has 
been  dissolved — our  country  left  without  law  for  its  gov- 
ernment, and  without  means  of  defending  itself  against  an 
invading  enemy.  In  this  inelancholy  situation  of  things, 
many  of  our  late  worthy  Representatives  convened  in 
Mllliamshurg,  and  there  agreed,  after  they  should  collect 
the  sentiments  of  the  people  througiiout  the  Colony,  to 
meet  again  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  to  concert 
such  measures  as  would  be  most  likely  to  procure  us  a 
speedy  redress  of  our  grievances,  and  security  against  them 
for  the  time  to  come ;  your  are  now  called  together  to 
deliberate  upon  these  matters,  to  choose  who  shall  repre- 
sent you  in  the  approaching  important  meeting,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  your  sentiments  upon  those  things  which 
are  to  come  before  them.  I  need  not  observe  how  much 
you  are  concerned  in  the  event  of  their  proceedings.  You 
all  know  what  it  is  to  be  freemen  ;  you  know  the  blessed 
privilege  of  doing  what  you  please  with  your  own  ;  and 
you  can  guess  at  the  misery  of  those  who  are  deprived  of 
this  right.  Which  of  these  will  be  your  case  depends 
upon  your  present  conduct.  We  have  found  already  that 
petitions  and  remonstrances  are  ineffectual,  and  it  is  now 
time  that  we  try  other  expedients.  We  must  make  those 
who  are  endeavouring  to  oppress  us  feel  the  effects  of  their 
mistaken,  of  their  arbitrary  policy;  and  not  till  then  can 
we  expect  justice  from  them. 

From  the  publick  papers  we  learn  the  sentiments  of 
many  of  the  counties  of  Virginia ;  and  it  appears  that 
they  think  it  necessary  for  the  accomplishing  of  their  pur- 


poses to  drop,  till  they  are  redressed,  all  commercial  inter- 
course with  Great  Britain.  Whether  consistently  with 
justice,  as  a  people  in  debt,  we  can  stop  our  exports,  is  a 
point  which  seems  doubtful ;  but  that  imports  ought  to  be 
prohibited  necessity  demands,  and  no  virtue  forbids.  It  is 
not  supposed  that  we  can  do  this  without  subjecting  our- 
selves to  many  inconveniences  ;  but  inconveniences  when 
opposed  to  a  loss  of  freedom,  are  surely  to  be  disregarded. 
Besides,  I  am  told,  by  men  acquainted  with  these  things, 
that  the  goods  already  in  the  country,  and  those  expected 
in  the  fall,  will  be  suflicient  to  supply  the  wants  of  all 
Virginia  for  two  years.  In  the  mean  time  we  must,  if 
our  grievances  be  not  redressed,  turn  our  attention  to  the 
breeding  of  sheep,  the  raising  of  flax,  hemp,  and  cotton, 
and  to  manufactures.  It  is  true  we  must  resign  the  hope 
of  making  fortunes  ;  but  to  what  end  should  we  make  for- 
tunes, when  tiiey  may  be  taken  from  us  at  the  pleasure  of 
others  ?  I  hope  you  will  take  these  matters  into  your  most 
serious  consideration — weigh  them  with  that  attention 
which  n)atters  of  such  moment  merit — determine  with 
wisdom  and  moderation ;  and,  once  detennined,  let  no 
difficulties  or  dangers  shake  your  resolutions. 

It  w-as  then  unanimously  Resolved,  That  as  the  consti- 
tutional Assemblies  of  Virginia  have  been  prevented  from 
exercising  their  right  of  providing  for  the  security  of  the 
hberties  of  the  people,  that  right  again  reverts  to  the  peo- 
ple, as  the  fountain  from  whence  all  power  and  legislation 
flow ;  a  right  coeval  with  human  nature,  and  which  they 
claim  from  the  eternal  and  immutable  laws  of  Nature's  God. 

Resolved,  also,  That  Dudley  Digges  and  Thomas  Nel- 
son, Jun.,  Esquires,  do  attend  at  the  City  of  IVilliainshurg, 
on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  in  a  general  Convention 
from  the  other  counties  in  Virginia,  there  to  exert  their 
utmost  abilities  to  put  a  stoj)  to  that  growing  system  of 
Ministerial  despotism  which  has  so  long  threatened  the 
destruction  of  America. 

And  that  you,  our  Delegates,  may  be  made  acquainted 
with  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of  this  county,  it  is  their 
opinion  that  you  proceed  to  choose  proper  persons  to  rep- 
resent the  Colony  of  Virginia  in  a  general  Congress  of 
America,  to  meet  at  such  time  and  place  as  may  hereafter 
be  agreed  on. 

That  these  Representatives  be  instructed  to  form  a  decla- 
ration of  American  rights,  setting  forth  that  British  Ame- 
rica, and  all  the  inhabitants  thereof,  shall  be  and  remain  in 
due  subjection  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  to  the  illus- 
trious family  on  the  Throne  ;  submitting  by  tiieirown  volun- 
tary act,  and  enjoying  all  the  freedom  and  privileges  of  the 
free  people  of  England.  That  it  is  the  first  law  of  legis- 
lation, and  of  the  British  Constitution,  that  no  man  shall 
be  taxed  but  by  his  own  consent,  expressed  either  by  him- 
self or  his  Representatives ;  that  tiie  Americans  cannot  be 
represented  in  the  British  Parliament ;  and,  therefore, 
tliat  every  edict  of  the  British  Parliament  imposing  any  tax 
or  custom,  duty,  or  imposition  whatsoever,  on  the  people 
of  America,  without  their  consent,  is  illegal,  and  subver- 
sive of  tlie  first  principles  of  the  British  Constitution,  and 
of  the  natural  rights  of  men  ;  that  it  is  the  undoubted  right 
and  true  interest  of  tlie  Sovereign,  as  supreme  ruler  of  tl.e 
whole  Emjjire,  to  provide  for  the  welfare  of  his  sulijects 
within  the  Realm  at  the  head  of  the  British  Parliament, 
and  of  those  in  America,  at  the  head  of  his  American 
Assemblies,  by  laws  adapted  to  their  local  situation,  and 
suited  to  the  exigencies  of  each  ;  and,  by  that  negative 
with  which  he  is  invested  by  the  Constitution,  to  restrain 
the  different  States  of  his  Executive  Dominion  from  enact- 
ing laws  to  destroy  the  freedom,  and  jjiejudicing  the  inter- 
ests, of  one  another;  that  the  King,  in  his  BritiJi  Parlia- 
ment, shall  have  a  supremacy  for  regulating  the  trade  of 
America,  with  this  reasonable  reserve,  that  all  die  British 
Colonies  enjoy  a  free  trade  » ith  each  other ;  and  that  no 
tax,  duty,  or  imposition  whatsoever,  be  laid  by  the  British 
Parliament,  on  any  article  which  the  American  Colonies 
are  obliged  to  import  from  Great  Britain  only;  and  that 
tiiis  rigiit  of  supremacy  be  deemed  or  expressed  a  resigna- 
tion by  our  own  voluntary  act,  flowing  from  a  ju  U  sen-e  of  tlie 
protection  we  have  hitherto  received  from  Great  Britain. 

And  farther,  the  people  of  this  country  are  of  opin- 
ion that  the  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  laying  a  duty 
on  tea,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  to  be  col- 
lected in  America,  w  ilhout  her  consent,  is  an  illegal  tax. 


597 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


598 


That  the  Act  which  blocks  up  tlie  port  of  Boston, 
destroys  her  trade,  and  subjects  her  inhabitants  to  the 
worst  of  inconveniences  and  liardships,  is  oppressive  and 
unconstitutional.  That  the  people  of  Boston  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  Parliament  by  a  just  defence  of  their  liberties 
and  properties ;  and  that  the  cause  for  which  they  suffer 
is  the  general  cause  of  every  British  Colony  in  America. 

That  the  Bill,  commonly  called  the  Murdering  Bill,  if 
passed  into  an  Act,  is  not  only  unconstitutional,  but  shock- 
ing to  human  nature  ;  that  its  evident  design  is  to  privilege 
the  soldiers  to  commit,  with  impunity,  the  most  cruel  out- 
rages, even  against  the  lives  of  Americans,  whilst  it  cuts 
off  from  an  accused  American  ever  hope  of  being  ac- 
quitted. 

That  the  most  effectual  means  of  obtaining  a  speedy 
redress  of  American  grievances,  is  to  put  a  stop  to  imports 
from  Great  Britain,  with  as  few  exceptions  as  possible, 
until  the  said  oppressive  Acts  be  repealed,  and  American 
rights  established ;  and  that  what  relates  to  exports  be  left 
to  the  determination  of  the  Convention  in  August. 

That  industry  and  frugality  be  adopted,  in  their  largest 
extent,  throughout  this  Colony  ;  and  that  horse  racing,  and 
every  species  of  expensive  amusement,  be  laid  aside,  as 
unsuitable  to  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  unbecoming 
men  who  feel  for  its  distresses. 

That  the  first  day  of  September  next,  or  the  time  of  the 
general  Congress,  be  set  apart  as  a  day  of  prayer  and  sup- 
plication to  the  Almighty  disposer  of  human  events,  to 
direct  the  Councils  of  the  Americans,  and  so  to  dispose  of 
the  heart  of  our  Sovereign,  that  a  general  harmony  may  be 
restored  to  the  British  Empire. 

That  a  subscription  be  immediately  opened  for  the  relief 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  under  the  direction  of  the 
Deputies  for  this  county,  who  are  desired  to  promote  and 
encourage  the  same. 

That  the  above  Resolves  and  opinions  be  published  in 
the  Virginia  Gazette. 

William  Russell,  Clerk. 


FAIRFAX    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  In- 
habitants of  the  County  of  Fairfax,  at  the  Court  House 
in  the  Town  of  Alexandria,  on  Monday,  the  18th  day 
of  July,  1774 : 

George  Washington,  Esquire,  Chairman,  and 
Robert  Harrison,  Gentleman,  Clerk. 

Resolved,  That  this  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia 
cannot  be  considered  as  a  conquered  country,  and,  if  it  was, 
that  the  present  inhabitants  are  the  descendants,  not  of  the 
conquered,  but  of  the  conquerors.  That  the  same  was  not 
settled  at  the  national  expense  of  England,  but  at  the 
private  expense  of  the  adventurers,  our  ancestors,  by  so- 
lemn compact  with,  and  under  the  auspices  and  protection 
of,  the  British  Crown,  upon  which  we  are,  in  every  re- 
spect, as  dependent  as  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and 
in  the  same  manner  subject  to  all  his  Majesty's  just,  legal, 
and  constitutional  prerogatives ;  that  our  ancestors,  when 
they  left  their  native  land,  and  settled  in  America,  brought 
with  ihem,  even  if  the  same  had  not  been  confirmed  by 
Charters,  the  civil  Constitution  and  form  of  Government 
of  the  country  they  came  from,  and  were  by  the  laws  of 
nature  and  Nations  entitled  to  all  its  privileges,  immunities, 
and  advantages,  which  have  descended  to  us,  their  pos- 
terity, and  ouglit  of  right  to  be  as  fully  enjoyed  as  if  we 
had  still  continued  within  the  Realm  of  England. 

Resolved,  That  the  most  important  and  valuable  part 
of  the  British  Constitution,  upon  which  its  very  existence 
depends,  is  the  fundamental  principle  of  the  people's  being 
governed  by  no  laws  to  which  they  have  not  given  their 
consent  by  Representatives  freely  chosen  by  themselves, 
who  are  affected  by  the  laws  they  enact  ecjually  with  their 
constituents,  to  whom  they  are  accountable,  and  whose 
burthens  they  share,  in  which  consists  the  safety  and 
happiness  of  the  community ;  for  if  this  part  of  the  Con- 
stitution was  taken  away,  or  materially  altered,  the  Gov- 
ernment must  degenerate  either  into  an  absolute  and 
despotick  monarchy,  or  a  tyrannical  aristocracy,  and  the 
freedom  of  the  people  be  aimihilated. 

Resolved,  Therefore,  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  Ameri- 


can Colonies  are  not,  and  from  their  situation,  cannot  be 
represented  in  the  British  Parliament,  that  the  Legisla- 
tive power  here  can,  of  right,  be  exercised  only  by  our 
Provincial  Assemblies,  or  Parliaments,  subject  to  the 
assent  or  negative  of  the  British  Crown,  to  be  declared 
within  some  proper  limited  time ;  but  as  it  was  thought 
just  and  reasonable  that  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
should  reap  advantages  from  the  Colonies  adequate  to  the 
protection  they  afforded  them,  the  British  Parliament 
have  claimed  and  exercised  the  power  of  regulating  our 
trade  and  conmierce,  so  as  to  restrain  our  inqiorting  from 
foreign  countries  such  articles  as  they  could  furnish  us 
with,  of  their  own  growth  and  manufacture,  or  exporting  to 
foreign  countries  such  articles  and  portions  of  our  produce 
as  Great  Britain  stood  in  need  of,  for  her  own  consump- 
tion or  manufacture.  Such  a  power  directed  with  wisdom 
and  moderation,  seems  necessary  for  the  general  good  of 
that  great  body  politick  of  which  we  are  a  part,  although  in 
some  degree  repugnant  to  the  principles  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Under  this  idea,  our  ancestors  submitted  to  it,  the 
experience  of  more  than  a  century,  during  the  government 
of  his  Majesty's  royal  predecessors,  have  proved  its  utility, 
and  the  reciprocal  benefits  flowing  from  it  produced  mu- 
tual uninterrupted  harmony  and  good  will  between  the 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  who  during 
that  long  period  always  considered  themselves  as  one  and 
the  same  people  ;  and  though  such  a  power  is  capable  of 
abuse,  and  in  some  instances  hath  been  stretched  beyond 
the  original  design  and  institution,  yet  to  avoid  strife  and 
contention  with  our  fellow-subjects,  and  strongly  impressed 
with  the  experience  of  mutual  benefits,  we  always  cheer- 
fully acquiesced  in  it  while  the  entire  regulation  of  our 
internal  policy,  and  giving  and  granting  our  own  money, 
were  preserved  to  our  own  Provincial  Legislatures. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  these  Colonies,  on  all 
emergencies,  to  contribute  in  proportion  to  their  abilities, 
situation,  and  circumstances,  to  the  necessary  charge  of 
supporting  and  defending  the  British  Empire,  of  which 
they  are  a  part ;  that  while  we  are  treated  upon  an  equal 
footing  with  our  fellow-subjects,  the  motives  of  self-inter- 
est and  preservation  will  be  a  sufficient  obligation,  as  was 
evident  through  the  course  of  the  last  war  ;  and  that  no 
argument  can  be  fairly  applied  to  the  British  Parliament's 
taxing  us,  upon  a  presumption  that  we  should  refuse  a  just 
and  reasonable  contribution,  but  will  equally  operate  in 
justification  of  the  Executive  power  taxing  the  people  of 
England,  upon  a  supposition  of  their  Representatives 
refusing  to  grant  the  necessary  supplies. 

Resolved,  That  the  claim  lately  assumed  and  exercised 
by  the  British  Parliament  for  making  all  such  laws  as  they 
think  fit  to  govern  the  people  of  these  Colonies,  and  to 
extort  from  us  our  money  without  our  consent,  is  not  only 
diametrically  contrary  to  the  first  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution and  the  original  compacts  by  which  we  are  depend- 
ent upon  the  British  Crown  and  Government,  but  is  totally 
incompatible  with  the  privileges  of  a  free  people  and  the 
natural  rights  of  mankind,  will  reiider  our  own  Legislatures 
merely  nominal  and  nugatory,  and  is  calculated  to  reduce 
us  from  a  state  of  freedom  and  happiness  to  slavery  and 
misery. 

Resolved,  That  taxation  and  representation  are  in  their 
nature  inseparable ;  that  the  right  of  withholding,  or  of 
giving  and  granting  their  own  money,  is  the  only  effectual 
security  to  a  free  people  against  the  encroachments  of 
despotism  and  tyranny ;  and  that  whenever  they  yield  the 
one,  they  must  quickly  fall  a  prey  to  the  other. 

Resolved,  That  the  powers  over  the  people  ot  America, 
now  claimed  by  the  British  House  of  Commons,  in  whose 
election  we  have  no  share  ;  in  whose  determinations  we 
have  no  influence ;  whose  information  must  be  always 
defective,  and  often  false  ;  who  in  many  instances  may 
have  a  separate,  and  in  some  an  opposite  interest  to  ours; 
and  who  are  removed  from  those  impressions  of  tenderness 
and  compassion,  arising  from  personal  intercourse  and 
connection,  which  soften  the  rigours  of  the  most  despotick 
Governments,  must,  if  continued,  establish  the  most  griev- 
ous and  intolerable  species  of  tyranny  and  oppression  that 
ever  was  inflicted  upon  mankind. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  greatest  wish  and  inclination, 
as  well  as  interest,  to  continue  our  connection  with,  and 
dependence  upon,  the  British  Government ;  but  though 


599 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Stc,  JULY,  1774. 


600 


we  are  its  subjects,  we  will  use  every  means  which  Heaven 
hath  given  us  to  prevent  our  becoming  its  slaves. 

Resolved,  That  there  is  a  premeditated  design  and 
system  formed  and  pursued  by  the  British  Ministry  to 
introduce  an  arbitrary  Government  into  iiis  Majesty's  Ame- 
rican Dominions,  to  uhicli  end  tliey  are  artfully  prejudicing 
our  Sovereign  and  inflamin<r  the  minds  of  our  fellow-sub- 
jects  in  Great  Britain,  by  propagating  the  most  malevo- 
lent falsehoods,  particularly  that  there  is  an  intention  in 
the  American  Colonies  to  set  up  for  independent  states, 
endeavouring  at  the  same  time,  by  various  acts  of  violence 
and  oppression,  by  sudden  and  repeated  dissolutions  of  our 
Assemblies,  whenever  they  presume  to  examine  the  ille- 
gality of  Ministerial  mandates,  or  deliberate  on  the  violat- 
ed rights  of  their  constituents,  and  by  breaking  in  upon 
the  American  Charters,  to  reduce  us  to  a  state  of  desper- 
ation, and  dissolve  the  original  compact,  by  which  our 
ancestors  bound  themselves  and  their  posterity  to  remain 
dependent  upon  the  British  Crown ;  which  measures, 
unless  effectually  counteracted,  will  end  in  the  ruin,  both 
of  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  the  several  Acts  of  Parliament  for  rais- 
ing a  revenue  upon  the  people  of  America,  without  their 
consent ;  the  erecting  new  and  dangerous  jurisdictions  here  ; 
the  taking  away  our  trials  by  jury  ;  the  ordering  persons, 
upon  criminal  accusations,  to  be  tried  in  another  country 
than  that  in  which  the  fact  is  charged  to  have  been 
committed ;  the  Act  inflicting  Ministerial  vengeance  upon 
the  town  of  Boston ;  and  the  two  Bills  lately  brought  into 
Parliament  for  abrogating  the  Charter  of  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  for  the  protection  and  encourage- 
ment of  murderers  in  the  said  Province,  are  part  of  the 
abovementioned  iniquitous  system  ;  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston  are  now  suffering  in  the  common  cause 
of  all  British  America,  and  are  justly  entitled  to  its  sup- 
port and  assistance ;  and,  therefore,  that  a  subscription 
ought  immediately  to  be  opened,  and  proper  persons  ap- 
pointed, in  every  county  in  this  Colony,  to  purchase  pro- 
visions and  consign  them  to  some  gentlemen  of  character 
in  Boston,  to  be  distributed  among  the  poorer  sort  of  the 
people  there. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  cordially  join  with  our  friends 
and  brethren  of  this  and  the  other  Colonies,  in  such  meas- 
ures as  shall  be  judged  most  effectual,  for  procuring  a  re- 
dress of  our  grievances ;  and  that,  upon  obtaining  such  re- 
dress, if  the  destruction  of  the  tea  at  Boston  be  regarded  as 
an  invasion  of  private  property,  we  shall  be  willing  to  con- 
tribute towards  paying  the  East  India  Company  the  value  ; 
but,  as  we  consider  the  said  Company  as  the  tools  and  in- 
struments of  oppression  in  the  hands  of  Government,  and 
the  cause  of  the  present  distress,  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  that  the  people  of  these  Colonies  should  forbear 
all  further  dealings  with  them,  by  refusing  to  purchase 
their  merchandise,  until  that  peace,  safety,  and  good  order, 
which  they  have  disturbed,  be  perfectly  restored  ;  and  that 
all  tea  now  in  this  Colony,  or  which  shall  be  imported  into 
it,  shipped  before  the  first  day  of  September  next,  should 
be  deposited  in  some  store-house,  to  be  appointed  by  the 
respective  Committees  of  each  county,  until  a  sufficient 
sum  of  money  be  raised,  by  subscription,  to  reimburse 
the  owners  the  value,  and  then  to  be  publickly  burnt  and 
destroyed ;  and  if  the  same  is  not  paid  for  and  destroyed 
as  aforesaid,  that  it  remain  in  the  custody  of  the  said 
Committees,  at  the  risk  of  the  owners,  until  the  Act  of 
Parliament  imposing  a  duty  upon  tea  for  raising  a  revenue 
in  America,  be  repealed ;  and  immediately  afterwards  be 
delivered  unto  the  several  proprietors  thereof,  their  agents 
or  attomies. 

Resolved,  That  nothing  will  so  much  contribute  to  de- 
feat the  pernicious  designs  of  the  common  enemies  of  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  as  a  firm  union  of  the  latter, 
who  ought  to  regard  every  act  of  violence  or  oppression 
inflicted  upon  any  one  of  them,  as  aimed  at  all ;  and  to 
effect  this  desirable  purpose,  that  a  Congress  should  be 
appointed,  to  consist  of  Deputies  from  all  the  Colonies,  to 
concert  a  general  and  uniform  plan  for  the  defence  and 
preservation  of  our  common  rights,  and  continuing  the  con- 
nection and  dependence  of  the  said  Colonies  upon  Great 
Britain,  under  a  just,  lenient,  permanent,  and  constitutional 
form  of  Government. 

Resolved,  That  our  most  sincere  and  cordial  thanks  be 


given  to  the  patrons  and  friends  of  liberty  in  Great  Britain, 
for  their  spirited  and  patriotick  conduct  in  support  of  our 
constitutional  rights  and  privileges,  and  their  generous  ef- 
forts to  prevent  the  present  distress  and  calamity  of  Ame- 
rica. 

Resolved,  That  every  little  jarring  interest  and  dispute 
which  hath  ever  happened  between  these  Colonies,  should 
be  buried  in  eternal  oblivion ;  that  all  manner  of  luxury 
and  extravagance  ought  immediately  to  be  laid  aside,  as 
totally  inconsistent  with  the  threatening  and  gloomy  pros- 
pect before  us ;  that  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  all  the 
gentlemen  and  men  of  fortunes  to  set  examples  of  temper- 
ance, fortitude,  frugality,  and  industry,  and  give  every  en- 
couragement in  their  power,  particularly  by  subscriptions 
and  premiums,  to  the  improvement  of  arts  and  manufac- 
tures in  America ;  that  great  care  and  attention  should  be 
had  to  the  cultivation  of  flax,  cotton,  and  other  materials  for 
manufactures  ;  and  we  recommend  it  to  such  of  the  inhabit- 
ants as  have  large  stocks  of  sheep,  to  sell  to  their  neighbours 
at  a  moderate  price,  as  the  most  certain  means  of  speedily 
increasing  our  breed  of  sheep  and  quantity  of  wool. 

Resolved,  That  until  American  grievances  be  redressed, 
by  restoration  of  our  just  rights  and  privileges,  no  goods  or 
merchandise  whatsoever  ought  to  be  imported  into  this 
Colony,  which  shall  be  shipped  from  Great  Britain  or  Ire- 
land, after  the  first  day  of  September  next,  except  linens  not 
exceeding  fifteen  pence  per  yard,  coarse  woollen  cloth,  not 
exceeding  two  shillings  sterling  per  yard ;  nails,  wire,  and  wire 
cards,  needles  and  pins,  paper,  saltpetre,  and  medicines, which 
may  be  imported  until  the  first  day  of  September,  1776  ;  and 
if  any  goods  or  merchandise,  other  than  those  hereby  ex- 
cepted, should  be  shipped  from  Great  Britain  after  the  time 
aforesaid,  to  this  Colony,  that  the  same,  inmiediately  upon 
their  arrival,  should  either  be  sent  back  again  by  the  owners, 
their  agents  or  attomies,  or  stored  and  deposited  in  some 
warehouse,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Committee  for  each  re- 
spective county,  and  there  kept  at  the  risk  and  charge  of 
the  owners,  to  be  delivered  to  them  when  a  free  importa- 
tion of  goods  hither  shall  again  take  place ;  and  that  the 
merchants  and  venders  of  goods  and  merchandise  within 
this  Colony  ought  not  to  take  advantage  of  our  present 
distress,  but  continue  to  sell  the  goods  and  merchandise 
which  they  now  have,  or  which  may  be  shipped  to  them 
before  the  first  day  of  September  next,  at  the  same  rates 
and  prices  they  have  been  accustomed  to  do  within  one 
year  last  past ;  and  if  any  person  shall  sell  such  goods  on 
any  other  terms  than  above  expressed,  that  no  inhabit- 
ant of  this  Colony  should,  at  any  time  forever  thereafter, 
deal  with  him,  his  agent,  factor,  or  storekeeper,  for  any 
commodity  whatsoever. 

Resolved,  That  it  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  merchants  and  venders  of  goods  and  merchandise  with- 
in this  Colony  should  take  an  oath  not  to  sell  or  dispose  of 
any  goods  or  merchandise  whatsoever  which  may  be  ship- 
ped from  Great  Britain  after  the  first  day  of  September 
next,  as  aforesaid,  except  the  articles  before  excepted  ;  and 
that  they  will,  upon  the  receipt  of  such  prohibited  goods, 
either  send  the  same  back  again  by  the  first  opportunity,  or 
deliver  them  to  the  Committees  of  the  respective  counties, 
to  be  deposited  in  some  warehouse,  at  the  risk  and  charge 
of  the  owners,  until  they,  their  agents,  or  factors,  shall  be 
permitted  to  take  them  away  by  the  said  Conmiittees  ;  and 
that  die  names  of  those  who  refuse  to  take  such  oath, 
be  advertised  by  the  respective  Conunittces,  in  the  counties 
wherein  they  reside ;  and  to  the  end  that  the  inhabitants 
of  this  Colony  may  know  what  merchants  and  venders  of 
goods  and  merchandise  have  taken  such  oath,  that  the 
respective  Committees  should  grant  a  certificate  thereof  to 
every  such  person  who  shall  take  the  same. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
during  our  present  difficulties  and  distress,  no  slaves  ought 
to  be  imported  into  any  of  the  British  Colonies  on  this  Con- 
tinent ;  and  we  take  this  opportunity  of  declaring  our  most 
earnest  wisiies  to  see  an  entire  stop  forever  put  to  such  a 
wicked,  cruel,  and  unnatural  trade. 

Resolved,  That  no  kind  of  lumber  should  be  exported 
from  this  Colony  to  the  IVest  Indies,  until  America  be  re- 
stored to  her  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  if  tlie  other 
Colonies  will  accede  to  a  like  resolution ;  and  that  it  be 
recommended  to  the  general  Congress  to  appoint  as  early 
a  day  as  possible  for  stopping  such  exports. 


601 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


602 


Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  if 
American  grievances  be  not  redressed  before  the  first  day 
of  November,  1775,  tiiat  all  exports  of  produce  from  the 
several  Colonies  to  Great  Britain,  should  cease ;  and  to 
carry  the  said  resolution  more  effectually  into  execution, 
that  we  will  not  plant  or  cultivate  any  tobacco  after  the 
crop  now  growing,  provided  the  same  measure  shall  be 
adopted  by  the  other  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  as  well  as 
those  who  have  heretofore  made  tobacco,  as  those  who  have 
not.  And  it  is  our  opinion,  also,  if  the  Congress  of  Depu- 
ties from  the  several  Colonies  shall  adopt  the  measure  of 
non-exportation  to  Great  Britain,  as  the  people  will  be 
thereby  disabled  from  paying  their  debts,  that  no  judgments 
should  be  rendered  by  the  Courts  in  the  said  Colonies,  for 
any  debt,  after  information  of  the  said  measures  being  de- 
termined upon. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  a 
Solemn  Covenant  and  Association  should  be  entered  into 
by  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  Colonies,  upon  oath,  that  they 
will  not,  after  the  time  which  shall  be  respectively  agreed 
on  at  the  general  Congress,  export  any  manner  of  lumber 
to  the  West  Indies ;  nor  any  of  their  produce  to  Great 
Britain  ;  or  sell  or  dispose  of  the  same  to  any  person  who 
shall  not  have  entered  into  the  said  Covenant  and  Associa- 
tion ;  and  also,  that  they  will  not  import  or  receive  any 
goods  or  merchandise  which  shall  be  shipped  from  Great 
Britain,  after  the  first  day  of  September  next,  other  than 
the  before  enumerated  articles ;  nor  buy  or  purchase  any 
goods,  except  as  before  excepted,  of  any  person  whatso- 
ever, who  shall  not  have  taken  the  oath  herein  before  re- 
commended to  be  taken  by  the  merchants  and  venders  of 
goods;  nor  buy  or  purchase  any  slaves  hereafter  imported 
into  any  part  of  this  Continent,  until  a  free  exportation  and 
importation  be  again  resolved  on  by  a  majority  of  the 
Representatives  or  Deputies  of  the  Colonies ;  and  that  the 
respective  Committees  of  the  counties  in  each  Colony,  so 
soon  as  the  Covenant  and  Association  becomes  general, 
publish  by  advertisements  in  their  several  counties,  a  list  of 
tlie  names  of  those,  (if  any  such  there  be)  who  will  not 
accede  thereto,  that  such  traitors  to  their  country  may  be 
publickly  known  and  detested. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
this  and  the  other  associating  Colonies  should  break  off  all 
trade,  intercourse,  and  dealings,  with  that  Colony,  Prov- 
ince, or  town,  which  shall  decline  or  refuse  to  agree  to  the 
plan  which  shall  be  adopted  by  the  general  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  should  the  town  of  Boston  be  forced  to 
submit  to  the  late  cruel  and  oppressive  measures  of  Gov- 
ernment, that  we  shall  not  hold  the  same  to  be  binding  upon 
us,  but  will,  notwithstanding,  religiously  maintain,  and  in- 
violably adhere  to,  such  measures  as  shall  be  concerted  by 
the  general  Congress,  for  the  preservation  of  our  lives,  lib- 
erties, and  fortunes. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  Deputies  of  the 
general  Congress,  to  draw  up  and  transmit  an  humble  and  du- 
tiful Petition  and  Remonstrance  to  his  Majesty,  asserting  in 
decent  firmness  our  just  and  constitutional  rights  and  privi- 
leges, lamenting  the  fatal  necessity  of  being  compelled  to 
enter  into  measures  disgusting  to  his  Majesty  and  his  Par- 
liament, or  injurious  to  our  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain ; 
declaring,  in  the  strongest  terms,  our  duty  and  affection  to 
his  Majesty's  person,  family,  and  Government,  and  our  de- 
sire forever  to  continue  our  dependence  upon  Great  Bri- 
tain ;  and  most  humbly  conjuring  and  beseeching  his  Ma- 
jesty not  to  reduce  his  faithful  subjects  of  America  to  a 
state  of  desperation,  and  to  reflect,  that  from  our  Sovereign 
there  can  be  but  one  appeal.  And  it  is  the  ophiion  of  this 
meeting,  that  after  such  Petition  and  Remonstrance  shall 
have  been  presented  to  his  Majesty,  the  same  shall  be 
printed  in  the  public  papers  in  all  the  principal  towns  in 
Great  Britain. 

Resolved.  That  George  Washington,  Esquire,  and 
Charles  Broadwater,  Gentleman,  lately  elected  our  Rep- 
resentatives to  serve  in  the  General  Assembly,  attend  the 
Convention  at  Williamsburg,  on  the  first  day  of  August 
next,  and  present  these  Resolves  as  the  sense  of  the  people 
of  this  county  upon  the  measures  proper  to  be  taken  in  the 
present  alarming  and  dangerous  situation  of  America. 

Resolved,  That  George  Washington,  Esquire,  John 
West,  George  Mason,  William  Rumney,  William  Ramsay, 
George  Gilpton,  Robert  Hanson  Harrison,  John  Carlyk, 


Robert  Adam,  John  Dalton,  Philip  Alexander,  James 
Kirk,  JVilliam  Brown,  Charles  Broadwater,  William 
Payne,  Martin  Cockbume,  Lee  Massey,  William  Harts- 
home,  Thomas  Triplett,  Charles  Alexander,  Thomas  Pol- 
lard, Townsend  Dade,  Junior,  Edward  Payne,  Henry 
Gunncll,  and  Thomas  Lewis,  be  a  Committee  for  this 
county ;  that  they,  or  a  majority  of  them,  on  any  emer- 
gency, have  power  to  call  a  general  meeting,  and  to  con- 
cert and  adopt  such  measures  as  may  be  thought  most 
expedient  and  necessary. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  Proceedings  be  trans- 
mitted to  the  Printer  at  Williamsburg,  to  be  published. 


ASSEMBLY  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

July  18,  1774,  P.  M. — The  Representatives  of  the 
Province  having  been,  by  virtue  of  the  Governour's  writs 
to  the  Sheriffs  of  the  several  counties  for  that  purpose, 
directed,  summoned  to  meet  this  day  in  Assembly  ;  a  quo- 
rum met  accordingly. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Pawling  and  Mr.  Hillegas  wait  on 
the  Governour,  and  acquaint  him  that  the  House  beinw  met, 
pursuant  to  his  summons,  they  are  ready  to  receive  any 
business  he  may  be  pleased  to  lay  before  them,  and  request 
a  copy  of  the  VVrit  by  which  they  have  been  convened. 

The  Members  return  and  Report,  they  had  waited  on 
the  Governour,  and  delivered  their  Message  according  to 
order,  and  that  his  Honour  was  pleased  to  say,  he  would 
immediately  furnish  the  House  with  a  copy  of  the  Writ 
requested. 

The  Governour,  by  Mr.  Secretary,  sent  down  the  said 
Writ  accordingly,  also  a  written  Message  to  the  House, 
with  sundry  Letters  and  Petitions  from  different  parts  of 
the  frontiers,  concerning  the  present  Indian  disturbances, 
which  were  in  part  read  by  order,  and  the  said  Message 
follows  in  these  words,  viz  : 

"  Gentlemen  :  Tlie  importance  of  the  matter  I  have 
to  lay  before  you,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  make  it  unneces- 
sary to  apologize  to  you  for  calling  you  together  at  a  sea- 
son of  the  year  of  all  others  the  most  inconvenient  for  you 
to  attend  to  publick  business. 

"  I  am  to  inform  you,  that  in  the  latter  end  of  April 
last,  about  eleven  Delaware  and  Shawanese  Indians  were 
barbarously  murdered  on  the  river  Ohio,  about  ninety  miles 
below  Pittsburgh,hy  two  parties  of  while  men,  said  to  be 
Virginians.  As  we  were  at  that  time  in  a  state  of  perfect 
amity  with  the  Western  Indians,  and  it  does  not  appear 
that  those  who  were  killed  by  the  above  parties  had  given 
them  the  least  provocation,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  conjecture 
what  could  be  the  inducement  to  act  so  cruel  and  inhu- 
man. 

"  As  soon  as  the  unfortunate  affair  was  known  on  the 
frontiers  of  this  Province,  messengers  were  despatched  to 
assure  the  Indians  that  these  outrages  had  been  committed 
by  wicked  people,  without  the  knowledge  or  countenance 
of  any  of  the  English  Governments,  and  requesting  they 
might  not  be  the  means  of  disturbing  the  friendship 
which  subsisted  between  us.  This  step  had  so  far  a  good 
effect  as  to  quiet  them  for  the  present,  and  prevent  them 
coming  to  a  resolution  to  enter  into  a  general  war  with  us. 
It  did  not,  however,  restrain  the  particular  friends  and  rela- 
tions of  the  deceased,  who,  it  seems,  contrary  to  the  advice 
of  their  Chiefs,  in  a  short  time  afterwards  took  their  re- 
venge, by  murdering  a  number  of  Virginians  settled  to 
the  Westward  of  the  river  Monongahela.  Alarmed  at 
this  proceeding,  the  out-settlers  left  their  habitations  and  fled 
with  their  families  into  the  interiour  parts ;  and  the  panick 
soon  became  so  universal  that  a  great  part  of  the  West- 
ern frontier  of  this  Province  was  totally  deserted  ;  and  it 
is  impossible  to  say  when  the  mischief  would  have  stopped 
had  not  a  number  of  rangers  been  raised  by  the  Magis- 
trates and  odiers,  in  the  County  of  Westmoreland,  who 
were  stationed  in  proper  places  to  protect  the  inhabitants, 
and  act  defensively  in  case  of  an  attack.  This  measure 
I  esteemed  a  very  salutary  one,  supplied  the  men  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  ordered  them  to  be  kept  up  till 
the  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  under  a  full  persuasion  that 
you  would  cheerfully  defray  the  necessary  expenses  attend- 
ing it. 

"  It  would  be  too  tedious  to  relate  the  several  occur- 


603 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


604 


rences  which  have  happened,  from  time  to  time,  since  the 
first  act  of  hostility  committed,  but  I  refer  you  for  more  par- 
ticular information  therein  to  the  Letters  and  Papers  I  liave 
ordered  the  Secretary  to  lay  before  you.  You  will  thereby 
perceive  that  the  Delawares  and  S/iawanesc  have  repeat- 
edly made  the  strongest  professions  of  a  pacifick  disposition, 
and  their  desire  that  matters  should  be  accommodated  ;  and 
as  an  earnest  desire  of  their  sincerity,  they  not  only  pro- 
tected the  persons  and  goods  of  our  traders  among  them 
from  the  violence  of  some  of  their  young  warriors,  but 
actually  escorted  many  of  them  back  to  their  friends  near 
Pittsburgh,  at  the  risk  of  their  own  lives.  Hence,  we  had 
great  reason  to  believe,  that  by  a  just  and  discreet  conduct 
a  rapture  with  them  might  have  been  avoided.  But  I  am 
sorry  to  inform  you  tiiat  1  have  received  intelligence,  that 
the  very  Indians,  who  thus  generously  escorted  our  traders 
home,  were,  contrary  to  all  faith,  pursued  on  their  return, 
attacked,  and  one  of  them  wounded  by  a  party  of  Vir- 
ginians, sent  out  for  the  purpose  by  one  Conolly,  a  Militia 
Captain,  appointed  by  the  Government  of  Virginia,  at 
Pittsburgh,  who  has  lately  taken  possession  of  that  place 
under  the  pretence  of  its  being  out  of  tiie  bounds  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  and  within  the  Colony  of  Vir- 
ginia. By  this  unhappy  step  there  is  great  reason  to  ap- 
prehend that  it  will  be  difficult  to  persuade  the  Indians 
further  to  confide  in  any  overtures  that  can  be  made,  or 
assurances  given  them,  and  that  we  shall  be  involved  in 
the  calamities  of  an  Indian  war.  Nothing  in  my  power 
has  been  neglected  which  I  thought  might  have  a  tendency 
to  avert  so  great  an  evil.  I  have  wrote  to  Sir  William 
Johnson,  requesting  him  he  would  interest  himself  on  the 
occasion,  and  use  his  influence  with  the  Six  Nations,  to 
assist  in  healing  the  breach  with  their  Western  brethren  ; 
and  have  despatched  a  letter  to  Lord  Dunmore,  represent- 
ing the  misconduct  of  Conolly,  and  the  dangerous  conse- 
quences of  his  unjust  and  violent  proceedings.  What  will 
be  the  event  time  only  can  discover ;  but  in  this  dark  and 
uncertain  state  of  things,  I  think  it  my  duty  most  earnestly 
to  recommend  it  to  you,  to  make  timely  and  effectual  pro- 
vision for  the  security  of  our  frontier  settlements,  that,  in 
case  of  a  war  with  the  savages,  they  may  have  that  imme- 
diate protection  and  assistance  which  they  look  for,  and 
have  a  right  to  expect,  from  the  Government  under  which 
they  live  ;  and  that  you  will  also  provide  for  the  discharg- 
ing such  expenses  as  have  hitherto  arisen  by  my  orders 
for  their  defence,  in  which  I  shall  readily  concur  with 
you. 

"  Could  you  devise  any  other  probable  method,  by  which 
this  unhappy  difference  with  the  Indians  could  be  accom- 
modated, it  would  give  me  infinite  satisfaction  ;  and  nothing 
could  afford  me  more  pleasure  than  the  being  instrumental 
in  accomplishing  so  desirable  an  end.        John  Penn." 

July  18,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  foregoing  Message,  and  the  Papers 
attending  it,  be  referred  to  further  consideration  to-morrow 
morning. 

The  House  adjourned  to  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

July  19,  1774. — The  House  met  pursuant  to  adjourn- 
ment, and  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Letters  and 
Petitions  sent  down  with  the  Governour's  Message  of  last 
night,  which  were  severally  read,  and  ordered  to  lie  on  the 
table. 

Tiie  Committee  of  Correspondence  laid  before  the  House 
sundry  Letters  and  copies  of  Resolves  from  the  Speakers 
of  the  Assemblies  of  Massachusetts  Bay  and  Rhode-Island; 
also  a  Letter  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for 
the  Colony  of  Virginia,  with  an  Answer  to  the  said 
Letters  from  the  Committee  of  this  House,  which  were 
read  by  order,  and  are  as  they  severally  follow,  viz : 

Province  of  Massacliusutts  Bay,  Juno  17,  1774. 

Sir:  Agreeable  to  the  directions  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  this  Province,  I  have  the  honour  to  transmit 
to  you  a  copy  of  certain  Resolves  they  entered  into  in 
their  present  session,*  by  which  you  will  perceive  that  it 
is  their  opinion  that  a  meeting  of  Committees  from  the 
several  Colonies  on  this  Continent  is  highly  expedient  and 
necessary,  and  that  they  propose  that  such  a  meeting  be  at 

'Resolutions,  June  17,  1774. 


the  City  of  Philadelphia,  on  the  first  day  of  September 
next;  and  that  for  the  |)urposes  mentioned  in  said  Resolves 
they  have  appointed  a  Committee  of  five,  on  the  part  of 
this  Province,  whom  they  have  directed  to  repair  to  Phil- 
adelphia, at  the  lime  above  mentioned.  As  this  appears 
to  be  a  measure  absolutely  necessary  for  the  establishment 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Colonies  upon  a  just  and 
solid  foundation,  and  for  the  restoration  of  union  and  har- 
mony between  both  countries,  it  is  not  doubted  but  it  will 
be  agreed  to  in  your  Colony  ;  if  it  should,  it  is  desired  that 
as  early  notice  as  possible  might  be  transmitted  to, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Cushinc,  SpeaJcer. 
To  the  Honourable  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives of  Peimsylvania. 

New.Port,  June  20, 1774. 
Sir  :  Agreeable  to  the  directions  of  the  General  As- 
sembly, I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  you  a  copy  of  certain 
Resolutions  entered  into   by  them,  respecting   the   very 
alarming  situation  of  the  Colonies.* 

I  have  also  to  infonn  you,  that  upon  this  occasion,  the 
Assembly  have  adjourned  to  the  fourth  Monday  in  August 
next.  1  am,  with  very  great  regard,  sir,  your  most  hum- 
ble servant,  Metcalf  Bowler,  Speaker. 
To  the  Honourable  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 

Williamsburg,  Virginia,  May  28,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  enclosed  papers  will  explain  to  you 
our  present  political  state  here,  with  respect  to  our  un- 
happy dispute  with  our  mother  country.  The  propriety 
of  appointing  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  of 
British  America,  to  meet  annually  in  general  Congress, 
appears  to  be  a  measure  extremely  important  and  exten- 
sively useful,  as  it  tends  so  effectually  to  obtain  the  united 
wisdom  of  the  whole  in  every  case  of  general  concern. 
We  are  desired  to  obtain  your  sentiments  on  this  subject, 
which  you  will  be  pleased  to  furnish  us  with.  Being  very 
desirous  of  communicating  to  you  the  opinions  and  conduct 
of  the  late  Representatives  on  the  present  posture  of 
American  affairs,  as  quickly  as  possible,  we  beg  leave  to 
refer  you  to  a  future  letter,  in  wliich  we  shall  more  fully 
express  our  sentiments  on  those  subjects. 

We  are,  with  great  respect,  gentlemen,  your  most 
obedient  servants,  Peyton  Randolph, 

Robert  C.  Nicholas, 
Dudley  Dicges. 
To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  Pennsylvania. 

Upon  motion, 

Resolved,  That  on  Thursday  next  this  House  will 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
consider  the  subject  of  the  foregoing  Lettere  and  Resolves. 

Resolved,  upon  motion,  That  the  Connnittees  from  the 
several  counties  of  this  Province,  now  met  on  publick 
affairs  in  the  city,  be  admitted,  if  they  choose  it,  to  hear 
the  debates  of  the  House  on  that  day. 

A  Petition  from  the  County  of  Northumberland  was 
presented  to  the  House  and  read,  setting  forth.  That  the 
Petitioners  being  situated  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Province, 
in  a  county  lately  laid  out,  thinly  inhabited,  and  having 
within  the  limits  of  its  jurisdiction  a  great  body  of  intruders 
from  tlie  Colony  of  Connecticut,  who  refuse  subjection  to 
this  Government,  they  find  themselves  unable  to  enforce 
the  laws,  and  bring  offenders  to  justice,  through  want  of  a 
proper  publick  jail ;  that  the  unavoidable  expenses  of  the 
county  having  hitherto  reijuired  nearly  the  whole  amount 
of  the  county  levies,  the  Trustees  have  not  yet  received 
any  money  from  that  source,  for  erecting  the  necessary 
Public  Buildings,  nor  is  it  likely  a  sufficiency  for  this  useful 
purpose  can  be  raised  in  that  way  for  years  to  come — 
that  the  Petitioners,  calling  to  mind  the  indulgence  of 
former  Assemblies  to  other  counties  of  this  Province  in 
their  infancy,  are  encouraged  to  pray  that  so  much  of  the 
money  in  the  Loan  Ollice,  appropriated  to  the  use  of  the 
said  county,  as  will  be  sufficient  to  build  at  least  a  County 
Jail,  may  be  ordered  to  he  paid  into  the  hands  of  the 
Trustees  appointed  by  law  to  erect  such  building  in  the 
said  county  to  be   immediately  applied  to  that  necessary 

■Resolutions,  June  15,  1774. 


605 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


606 


work,  and  that  the  said  money  be  charged  to  the  county, 
and  reimbursed  in  the  usual,  or  any  otlier  way,  which  the 
House  may  think  proper. 

Ordered  to  he  on  the  table. 

A  iMember  presented  to  the  Chair  a  paper  from  the 
Provincial  Connnittee  met  on  publick  business  at  the  Car- 
penter's Hall  in  this  city,  whicii  was  read  by  order,  and  is 
as  follows,  viz : 

"  At  a  Provincial  Committee,  composed  of  Deputies 
from  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  and  the 
Counties  o( Bucks,  Chester,  Lancaster,  York,  Cumberland, 
Burks,  Northampton,  Northumberland,  and  Bedford,  met 
at  the  Carpenter's  Hall,  on  Tuesday,  July  19th,  1774, 
Thomas  Willing,  Esquire,  Chairman: 
"  Upon  motion,  agreed, 

"  That  tlie  ninth  Resolve  agreed  to  unanimously  by  this 
Provincial  Committee,  be  copied,  and  sent  to  the  honour- 
able House  of  Assembly,  viz  : 

"  9.  Resolved,  unanimously,  That  there  is  an  absolute 
necessity  that  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
Colonies  be  immediately  assembled  to  consult  together, 
and  form  a  general  plan  of  conduct  to  be  observed  by  all 
the  Colonies,  for  the  purposes  of  procuring  relief  for  our 
suffering  brethren  ;  obtaining  redress  of  our  grievances ; 
preventing  future  dissensions ;  firmly  establishing  our 
rights  ;  and  restoring  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies  on  a  constitutional  foundation. 

"  Agreed,  That  Isaac  Howell,  Joseph  Hart,  Francis 
Richardson,  Emanuel  Carpenter,  Joseph  Donaldson, 
Robert  Magaw,  Daniel  Broadhead,  John  Okely,  and 
JVilliam  Scull,  be  a  Committee  to  wait  upon  the  House 
with  the  above  Resolve,  and  that  they  be  instructed  tain- 
form  the  House  that  the  Committee  are  employed  in 
finishing  their  Resolves,  and  drawing  up  their  sentiments 
on  the  present  situation  of  publick  affairs,  which,  when 
completed,  will  be  laid  before  the  honourable  House. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  Committee, 

"  Thomas  Willing,   Chairman." 

The  House  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Govemour's 
Message,  which  was  again  read  by  order,  and  after  some 
debate  thereon, 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Hunter  and  Mr.  Thompson  wait 
on  the  Governour,  and  request  he  will  be  pleased  to  furnish 
the  House  with  an  account  of  the  number  of  men  raised  by 
the  Magistrates  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  inhabitants, 
and  an  estimate  of  the  expense  that  hath  accrued  on  that 
measure  to  the  present  time. 

July  20,  1774.  The  House  met  pursuant  to  their  ad- 
journment. Mr.  Speaker  and  Mr.  Rhoads  laid  before  the 
House  two  Letters  from  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esquire, 
dated  London,  the  6th  and  26th  of  April  last,  with  some 
other  Papers,  on  publick  aflairs,  which  being  severally 
read  were, 

Ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  Members  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Governour  with 
the  Message  of  last  night,  reported  that  they  had  delivered 
the  same  according  to  order;  and  that  his  Honour  was 
pleased  to  say,  he  had  already  laid  before  the  House  all 
the  Papers  he  was  possessed  of  relating  to  the  ranging 
companies  on  the  frontiers,  but  would  endeavour  to  procure 
as  soon  as  possible,  the  further  information  requested  by 
the  House,  and  lay  it  before  such  Commissioners  as  may 
be  appointed  to  pay  the  said  Companies. 

The  House  then  proceeded  in  the  consideration  of  the 
Govemour's  Message,  and  after  some  time  spent  therein, 
adjourned  to  three  o'clock,  P.  M. 

The  House  again  taking  into  consideration  the  Gov- 
emour's Message  and  tlie  Papers  sent  down  vviili  it. 

Resolved,  That  Michael  Hillegas,  George  Gray, 
Thomas  Mifflin,  and  Charles  Humphreys,  Esquires,  or 
any  three  of  them,  by  and  with  tlie  consent  and  approba- 
tion of  the  Governour  of  tiiis  Province  for  the  time  being, 
may  draw  orders  on  the  Provincial  Treasurer  for  any  sum 
not  exceeding  two  thousand  pounds,  to  be  disposed  of  in 
paying  and  victualling,  until  the  tenth  day  oi  August  neyH, 
a  number  of  rangers  lately  raised  by  tlie  Magistrates  of 
Westmoreland  County,  for  removing  the  panick  into  which 
the  inhabitants  of  the  said  county  have  been  thrown  by  the 


late  Indian  disturbances,  and  for  other  incidental  expenses ; 
and  also  in  maintaining  the  peace  and  friendship  subsisting 
between  this  Province  and  the  Indians ;  the  said  sum  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  money  struck  by  virtue  of  the  Act,  entitled, 
"  An  Act  for  the  support  of  the  Government  of  this 
"  Province,  making  the  excise  on  wine,  rum,  brandy,  and 
"  other  spirits,  more  equal,  and  for  preventing  frauds  in 
"  collecting  and  paying  the  said  excise." 

Resolved,  That  if,  after  the  said  tenth  day  of  August,  it 
shall  appear  to  the  Governour,  and  the  said  Michael  Hille- 
gas, George  Gray,  Thomas  Mijlin,  and  Charles  Humph- 
reys, necessary  to  employ  any  number  of  the  said  rangers, 
this  House  will  pass  a  Bill  for  paying  and  victualling  them, 
until  the  20th  of  September  next,  provided  their  number 
shall  not  exceed  two  hundred. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will  make  provision  for 
paying  the  reward  of  one  hundred  pounds  to  any  person 
who  shall  apprehend  James  Cooper  and  John  Hinkson, 
who  it  is  said,  have  barbarously  murdered  an  Indian  on  the 
frontiers  of  this  Province,  and  deliver  them  into  the  custody 
of  the  keeper  of  the  jail  within  either  of  the  Counties  of 
Lancaster,  York,  or  Cumberland,  or  the  sum  of  fifty 
pounds  for  either  of  them. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  at  its  next  sitting,  pass 
a  bill,  and  present  the  same  to  the  Governour  for  indemni- 
fying the  Provincial  Treasurer  for  the  payment  of  the  said 
moneys. 

July  21,  1774. — ^This  day  the  Provincial  Committee, 
composed  of  Committees  from  the  several  Committees  of 
the  Province,  waited  on  the  House,  and  being  admitted, 
their  Chairman  presented  at  the  table  sundry  Papers, 
containing  a  number  of  Resolves  on  the  present  grievances 
of  the  Colonies,  and  Instructions  to  their  Representatives, 
recommending  such  measures  as  appear  to  the  said  Com- 
mittee most  proper  for  obtaining  redress ;  and  then  with- 
drawing, the  said  Papers  were  severally  read,  and  ordered 
to  lie  on  the  table  for  the  pemsal  of  the  Members. 

The  Order  of  Tuesday  last  being  read, 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will,  to-morrow  morning, 
resolve  itself  into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  to 
consider  the  several  Papers  before  them,  received  from  the 
Speakers  and  Committees  of  Correspondence  for  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Virginia,  on  the  present 
state  of  the  Colonies. 

July  22,  1774. — The  House  met  pursuant  to  adjourn- 
ment ;  and  the  Order  of  yesterday  being  read,  resolved  itself 
into  a  Committee  of  the  whole  House,  upon  the  subject  of 
the  several  Letters  and  Resolves  received  from  the  Colonies 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Virginia,  and, 
after  some  time  spent  therein,  Mr.  Speaker  resumed  the 
Chair,  and  Mr.  Rhoads  reported  from  the  Committee,  that 
tliey  had  considered  the  business  before  them,  and  having 
come  to  a  Resolve  thereon,  he  was  ordered  to  report  the 
same  whenever  the  House  shall  be  pleased  to  receive  it. 

Ordered,  That  the  Resolve  of  the  Committee  be  receiv- 
ed immediately. 

Mr.  Rhoads  then  (according  to  order)  reported  the  said 
Resolve,  which  he  first  read  in  his  place,  and  then  delivered 
at  the  Clerk's  table,  where  the  same  was  again  read,  by 
order,  and  follows  in  these  words,  viz  : 

"  The  Committee  of  the  whole  House  taking  into  their 
most  serious  consideration  the  unfortunate  differences  which 
have  long  subsisted  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Ame- 
rican Colonies,  and  been  greatly  increased  by  the  opera- 
tion and  effects  of  divers  late  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment : 

"  Resolved,  n.  c.  d..  That  diere  is  an  absolute  necessity 
that  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  be 
held  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be,  to  consult  together  upon 
the  present  unhappy  state  of  the  Colonies,  and  to  fomi  and 
adopt  a  plan  for  the  purposes  of  obtaining  redress  o(  Ame- 
rican grievances,  ascertaining  American  rights,  upon  the 
most  solid  constitutional  principles,  and  for  establishing  that 
union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colo- 
nies, which  is  indispensably  necessary  for  the  welfare  and 
happiness  of  both." 

The  House  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Resolve 
from  the  Committee  of  the  whole  House ;  and  after  some 
debate  thereon,  adopting  and  confirming  the  same. 


607 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


608 


Resolved,  n.  c.  d.,  That  tlie  Honourable  Joseph  Gal- 
loway, Speaker,  Samuel  Rhoads,  Thomas  Miffiin,  Charles 
Humphreys,  John  Morton,  George  Ross,  and  Edioard 
Biddle,  Esquii'es,  be  and  tliey  are  hereby  appointed  a 
Committee  on  the  part  of  this  Province,  for  the  purposes 
aforesaid,  and  tliat  they,  or  any  four  of  them,  do  meet  such 
Committees  or  Delegates  from  tiie  other  Colonies,  as  have 
been  or  may  be  appointed,  either  by  their  respective 
Houses  of  Representatives,  or  by  Convention,  or  by  the 
Provincial  or  Colony  Committees,  at  such  time  and  place 
as  shall  be  generally  agreed  on  by  such  Committees ;  and 
that  the  Speaker  of  this  House  be  directed,  in  a  letter  to 
the  Speakers  of  the  Houses  of  Representatives  of  the  other 
Colonies,  to  inform  them  of  these  Resolves.* 
Upon  motion. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Hillegas,  Mr.  Miles,  Mr.  Brown, 
Mr.  John  Jacobs,  Mr.  Webb,  Mr.  Ross,  Mr.  Pope,  and 
Mr.  Allen,  be  a  Committee  to  prepare  and  bring  in 
draughts  of  Instructions  for  the  Deputies  to  the  ensuing 
Congress ;  a  Circular  Letter  to  the  Speakers  of  the  several 
Colony  Assemblies,  and  an  Answer  to  the  Governour's 
Message  on  Indian  Affairs. 

July  2.3,  1774. — Mr.  Speaker  laid  before  the  House  a 
Letter  from  Major  Hamilton,  Commanding  Officer  at  the 
Barracks  of  this  city,  which  was  read  by  order,  and  is  as 
follows : 

Philadelphia,  July  21,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  lake  the  liberty  to  inform  you,  that  his  Majesty's 
troops  under  my  command  stand  much  in  need  of  the  aid 
of  the  Legislature  of  this  Province ;  their  bedding,  uten- 
sils, and  apartments,  require  inspection  and  want  repairs. 
I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  knowing  this  Barrack  these 
seven  years,  and  shall  always  be  happy  in  declaring,  that 

•  Philadelphia,  July  23,  1774. — The  Committees  from  the  several 
counties  of  this  Province  met  in  this  City,  the  15tli  instant,  and  being 
rery  busy  ever  since  in  framing  Instructions  to  the  Assembly,  witli 
which  they  were  psrmitted  to  attend  the  House  on  the  21st  inst.,  hav- 
ing previously  voted  three  of  their  body,  as  proper  persons  to  attend 
the  Congress,  and  represent  this  Province,  viz  :  Thomas  Willing,  John 
Dickinson,  and  James  Wilson.  Yesterday  morning  the  Committee 
were  again  admitted  into  the  House,  when,  to  their  disappointment, 
the  matter  was  not  taken  up  and  debated  before  them ;  but  a  Resolve 
of  the  House  was  read  to  them  which  had  been  agreed  to  before  their 
admission,  setting  forth,  tliat  the  House  did  vote  •*»»»•  persons  to 
attend  the  ensuing  Congress.  After  which  the  House  filled  up  the 
blank  with  the  names  of  the  following  persons,  to  appear  at  the  Con. 
gress,  in  behalf  of  this  Province,  viz  :  Joseph  Galloway,  Samuel  Rhoads, 
John  Morton,  Charles  Humphreys,  George  Ross,  Edward  Biddle,  and 
Thomas  Mifflin;  but  as  yet  it  is  not  known  how  tlicy  will  be  instruct, 
cd  by  the  House. 

The  following  Piece  was  handed  about  among  the  Members  of  tha 
Assembly  on  the  evening  of  the  21st  instant : 

To   the  Representatives  of  the  Province  of  Pennstlvania,  now  met  in 
this  City: 

"  All  numerous  Assemblies,  however  composed,  are  mere  mobs,  and 
"  swayed  in  their  debates  by  the  least  motive ;  this  is  confirmed  by 
"  daily  experience.  An  absurdity  strikes  a  member,  he  conveys  it  to 
"  his  neighbours  and  the  whole  is  infected.  Separate  this  great  body, 
"  and  though  every  member  be  only  of  middling  sense,  it  is  not  probable 
"  any  thing  but  reason  can  prevail.  Influence  and  example  buing  re. 
"  movod,  good  sense  will  also  get  the  belter  of  bad.  The  only  way  of 
"  making  people  wise,  is  to  keep  them  from  uniting  into  large  Assem. 
"  blies." — Hume. 

Gentlemen  :  Permit  a  cool  considerate  observer  of  the  present  dis. 
traded  proceedings  of  this  Province,  for  one  moment  to  claim  your 
attention. 

Let  not,  I  bosaech  you,  the  noise  and  confusion  of  the  scene  stifle  the 
voice  of  wisdom,  or  prevent  the  full  display  of  your  ancient  prudence. 
The  call  of  one  not  less  well  aff"jeted  to  the  privileges  and  liberties, 
derived  to  us  from  our  cxcallent  Constitution,  than  the  most  zealous  of 
lier  sons,  of  one  not  heated  by  the  fjllacious  spirit  of  a  pretended 
patriotism,  nor,  he  trusts,  too  tamely  sub.Tiissive  to  the  Innd  of  oppres. 
sion,  solicits  your  most  serious  consideration.  Let  him  not  supplicate 
in  vain  !  yet  even  on  the  last  precipice  on  which  the  vestiges  of  order 
and  regularity  shall  be  traced,  pause,  ponder,  maturely  deliberate,  and 
with  every  n  rve  of  reason  extended,  refljct  on  the  past,  and  penetrate 
into  the  future. 

You  are  now  met  in  a  Legislative  capacity,  and  are  to  determine  on  a 
matter  the  most  important  in  itself — tlie  most  interesting  in  its  conse. 
qiiences,  of  any  that  ever  came  bjfor.!  you.  Nothing  less  is  to  be  agi. 
tilted  than  whether  the  people  of  the  Province  shall  assort  their  rights 
and  privileges  on  constitutional  grounds  ;  or,  deviating  from  the  long 
known  and  securely  trodden  paths  of  prudence  and  regularity,  wander 
into  the  nnizy  labyrinths  of  perplexity  and  disorder. 

From  the  respective  counties  of  tliis  Province  persons  have  been 
delegated,  to  tike  into  their  serious  consideration  the  presint  alarming 
state  of  affairs;  to  deliberate  on  means  the  most  effectual  forolitaininT 
redress  of  our  grievances ;  and  to  give  such  instructions  to  j-ou  as  tlioy 
may  judge  expedient.  By  what  legal  authority  th^y  hav;  proe;eded  let 
them  demonstrate.  Among  tliem  are  gentlemen  of  the  first  abilities ; 
of  characters  the  most  respectable  ;  let  any  of  them  take  up  the  pen, 
and  convince  you  that  their  appointment  is  constitutional,  or  that 
their  proceedings  have  been  conducted  with  justice  or  equity.  A  single 
delegate  for  one  of  the  frontier  counties,  has  a  vote  in  every  debate 


no  troops  have  been  better  supplied,  nor  any  applications 
from  commanding  officers  more  politely  attended  to  than 
here;  from  which  1  am  encouraged  to  hope,  that  the  House 
of  Assembly  will,  during  this  sitting,  order  the  necessary 
inspection,  and  afford  such  a  supply  as  their  generosity  and 
judgment  shall  dictate.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with 
great  respect,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Isaac  Hamilton, 
Major  to  his  Majesty's  I8th,  or  Royal  Irish  Regiment 
of  Foot. 
To  the  Honourable  Joseph  Galloway,  Esq. 

Upon  consideration  of  the  foregoing  Letter, 
Ordered,  That  Mr.  Hillegas  and  Mr.  Miles  be  a  Com- 
mittee to  examine  into  the  present  condition  of  the  said 
Barracks,  and  report  thereon  to  the  House  at  their  next 
meeting. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  and  bring  in  In- 
structions for  the  Deputies  appointed  to  attend  the  ensuing 
Congress ;  a  Circular  Letter  to  the  Speakers  of  the  several 
Assemblies  of  the  Colonies,  and  an  Answer  to  the  Gover- 
nour's Message,  reported  they  had  essayed  a  Draught  for 
each  of  those  purposes,  which  they  presented  to  the  Chair ; 
and  the  same  being  read  by  order,  were  agreed  to  by  the 
House,  and  are  as  they  severally  follow,  viz. : 

Instructions  to  the  Committee  of  Assembly  appointed  to 
attend  the  General  Congress. 

Gentlemen  :  The  trust  reposed  in  you  is  of  such  a  na- 
ture, and  the  modes  of  executing  it  may  be  so  diversified  in 
the  course  of  your  deliberations,  that  it  is  scarcely  possible 
to  give  you  particular  Instructions  respecting  it.  We  shall 
therefore  only  in  general  direct,  that  you  are  to  meet  in 
Congress  the  Committees  of  the  several  British  Colonies, 
at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  generally  agreed  on,  to 

deemed  equivalent  to  the  whole  Committee  of  this  opulent  and 
populous  city  and  county.  Is  this  reasonable,  or  is  it  consistent  with 
thatjust  proportion  observed  in  limiting  the  number  of  Representatives 
for  the  counties,  which  compose  your  House  ?  To  hesitate  on  a  deci. 
sion  of  this  question,  betrays  an  unpardonable  partiality,  or  a  shameful 
weakness. 

This  is  not  all,  they  have  resolved  on  Instructions  to  be  handed  to 
you.  These  Resolves  have  not  been  entered  into  without  warm  opposi. 
tion,  and  without  great  division  ;  if  they  are  to  have  any  weight, 
they  are  to  supersede  you  ;  if  you  are  influenced  by  tliem,  they  incur 
a  dissolution  of  our  Charter.  The  gentlemen  cliosen  by  ballot  on  the 
first  of  October,  are  the  only  persons  before  whom  every  grievance 
should  come  ;  you  are  the  men ;  you  are  chosen  to  represent  us  on 
every  occasion ;  in  you  we  have  reposed  the  most  unlimited  confidence  ; 
no  body  of  men  are  to  su|>ersedo  you  ;  you  are  the  guardians  of  our 
rights;  we  look  to  j'ou  for  protection  against  every  encroachment 
and  now  implore  you  to  avert  every  innovation.  Let  us  for  one  moment 
examine  how  for  these  Resolves  must  be  short  of  the  general  sentiments 
of  the  people.  The  Committees  are  appointed  at  county  meetings, 
where,  it  is  notorious,  not  one  fourth  of  the  freeholders  attend.  The 
resolutions  are  previously  drawn  up  by  some  zealous  partizan,  perhaps 
by  some  fiery  spirit,  ambitiously  solicitous  of  forcing  himself  into 
publick  notice ;  too  often  by  persons  whose  only  consequence  is  derived 
from  the  calamities  in  which  their  country  may  be  involved.  The 
orator  mounts  the  rostrum,  and  in  some  preconceived  s])cech,  height- 
ened no  doubt,  with  all  the  aggravations  which  the  fertility  of  his  genius 
can  suggest,  exerts  all  the  powers  of  elocution,  to  heat  his  audience 
with  that  blaze  of  patriotism,  with  which  he  conceives  himself  inspir. 
ed,  at  such  a  time  when  the  passion  of  Liberty,  implanted  in  every 
breast,  is  awakened ;  when  the  threats  of  tyranny,  and  a  terrour  of 
slavery,  are  artfully  set  before  tliem ;  a  measure  need  only  be  proposed 
to  be  resolved  on  :  and  I  am  well  convinced  many  an  American  has 
given  his  assent  to  such  a  measure,  from  which  a  little  reflection 
would  have  made  him  retract  with  horrour. 

From  this  fountain  originates  the  authority  of  the  Committees;  it  is 
a  fountain  from  which  no  legal  authority  can  he  derived ;  we  know 
not  where  such  precedents  may  terminate  ;  setting  up  a  power  to  con. 
troul  you,  is  setting  up  anarchy  above  order — it  is  the  bkginni.ng  of 

REPUBLICANISM. 

Sophistry  with  her  specious  pretences  may,  perhaps,  gloss  over  the 
matters,  but  sound  reason  will  never  aid  the  demonstration.  They  are 
gigantick  strides  to  set  up  the  resolves  of  the  populace  above  the  law, 
and  above  tlie  Constitution.  Nip  this  pernicious  weed  in  the  bud,  before 
it  has  taken  too  deep  root. 

Methinks  I  already  see  a  new  Cassias  rise,  and  tell  your  Speaker  he 
dilfi^rs  from  him  in  sentiment ;  asserts  that  they  only  are  the  men  made 
privy  to  the  desires  and  wishes  of  your  constituents ;  and  that  they 
have  a  right  to  dictate  to  you  what  shall  be  done. 

If  these  princi])les  become  prevalent,  suffer  tlio  hardihood  of  truth, 
ungracious  as  it  may  sound  in  their  ears,  to  tell  you  that  )'ou  are  only 
mere  machines,  atoj;  et  pneterea  nihil.  If  these  measures  be  sanctified 
by  you;  if  a  precedent  bo  once  established,  it  remains  only  in  some 
future  day,  for  some  popular  loader,  who  may  dissent  from  you  in 
opinion,  to  raise  a  general  clamour;  collect  his  number;  propound  his 
resolves ;  quote  this  established  precedent  to  support  him  ;  and,  in  the 
tone  of  autliority,  demand  entrance  into  the  Senate.  But  it  is  not  my 
part  to  point  out  to  you  the  innumoral)le  inconveniences  and  mischiefs 
with  wliich  this  measure,  if  adopted,  is  pregnant. 

Deliver  down  to  posterity  "  the  laws,  the  rights,  the  generous  plan  of 
power,"  which  your  ancestors  have  delivered  to  you  ;  and  let  not  the 
murmurs  of  your  children  be  heard,  for  want  of  foresight  and  pre. 
caution.  A  Freeman. 


609 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


610 


consult  together  on  the  present  critical  and  alarming  situa- 
tion and  state  of  the  Colonies;  and  that  j'ou,  with  them, 
exert  your  utmost  endeavours  to  form  and  adopt  a  plan 
which  shall  afford  the  best  prospect  of  obtaining  a  redress  of 
Amtrican  grievances,  ascertaining  the  American  rights,  and 
establishing  that  union  and  harmony  which  is  most  essen- 
tial to  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  both  countries ;  and 
in  doing  this,  you  are  strictly  charged  to  avoid  every  thing 
indecent  or  disrespectful  to  the  mother  state.  You  are 
also  directed  to  make  report  of  your  proceedings  to  the 
next  Assembly.     Signed  by  order  of  the  House, 

Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker. 
Philadelphia,  July  23,  1774. 

Letter  to  the  Speakers  of  the  several  Assemblies  of  the 
Colonies. 

Philadelphia,  July  23,  1774. 

Sir  :  By  order  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 1  have  the  honour  to  enclose  a  copy  of  certain 
Resolves  entered  into  by  them,  respecting  the  present 
alarming  state  of  the  Colonies,  and  appointing  a  Commit- 
tee to  meet  the  Committees  of  the  other  Colonies  in  Con- 
gress. I  am,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker. 

To  the  Honourable  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  of  the  Colo- 
ny of  •»•»•  * 

Answer  to  the  Governour's  Message. 

May  it  please  your  Honour :  The  House  have  taken 
into  their  serious  consideration  your  Message  of  the  18th 
instant,  respecting  the  panick  into  which  the  frontier  in- 
habitants have  been  thrown  by  the  late  murders  committed 
on  some  of  the  Western  Indians,  and  their  apprehensions 
thence  arising  of  an  Indian  war;  and  sensibly  affected 
with  the  unhappy  situation  of  those  inhabitants,  after  ma- 
ture deliberation  on  the  measures  taken  by  the  Magistrates, 
and  approved  by  your  Honour,  we  have  resolved  to  pay 
and  victual  the  troops  raised  for  their  relief,  until  the  10th 
day  of  next  month  ;  and  if  it  shall  then  appear  to  the  Gov- 
ernour  and  Commissioners,  that  the  continuance  of  them  is 
necessary,  we  have  agreed  to  provide  for  such  a  number, 
not  exceeding  two  hundred,  as  your  Honour  and  the  Com- 
missioners shall  think  expedient,  until  the  20th  day  of  Sep- 
tember next. 

And  as  you  are  pleased  to  intimate,  "  that  could  we  de- 
"  vise  any  other  probable  method  than  what  was  recom- 
"  mended  in  your  Message,  by  which  the  unhappy  differ- 
"  ences  with  the  Indians  can  be  accommodated,  it  would 
'•'  give  you  infinite  satisfaction,"  we  beg  leave  to  recom- 
mend to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of  taking  the 
necessary  measures  to  renew  the  peace  and  friendship  be- 
tween this  Province  and  the  Indians,  and  to  mediate  the 
unhappy  differences  between  them  and  the  Colony  of  Vir- 
ginia, as  it  appears  to  us  scarcely  possible  that  they  can 
subsist,  without  continuing  the  frontiers  of  this  Province 
in  their  present  fears  and  distress. 

The  House,  with  horrour,  look  upon  the  frequent  murders 
that  have  lieen  of  late  committed  on  some  of  the  Western 
Indians,  in  and  to  the  westward  of  this  Province,  and  think 
it  their  duty  to  aid  Government  in  discouraging  the  perpe- 
tration of  such  atrocious  offences,  not  only  against  the  au- 
thority of  Government,  but  in  open  violation  of  treaties 
subsisting  between  this  Province  and  those  Indians ;  and, 
therefore,  have  voted  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds  as  a 
reward  for  ap^jrehcnding  Johti  Hinkson  and  James  Cooper, 
wlio  have  lately,  as  is  said,  cruelly  put  to  death  Joseph 
Weepy,  a  friendly  Indian,  within  the  bounds  of  this 
Province. 

The  Resolutions  the  House  have  entered  into  on  this 
occasion,  we  have  herewith  communicated. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  House, 

Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker. 

July  23,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Ewing  and  Mr.  Hunter  wait  on  the 
Govemour  with  the  foregoing  Answer  to  his  Message,  and 
acquaint  him  that  the  House  incline  to  adjourn  to  Monday 
the  19th  day  of  September  next,  if  his  Honour  has  no  ob- 
jection thereto  ;  and  request  to  know  at  what  time  to-day 
he  will  be  pleased  to  meet  the  House,  to  enact  into  laws 
the  Bills  that  have  received  his  assent. 

Fourth  Series. 


The  Members  return,  and  report  they  had  delivered  their 
Message  according  to  order;  and  that  his  Honour  was 
pleased  to  say,  he  had  no  objection  to  the  time  of  adjourn- 
ment proposed  by  tlie  House,  and  would  be  in  the  Council 
Chamber  immediately,  to  enact  into  laws  the  two  Bills  that 
have  been  agreed  on. 

Ordered,  Ti)at  Mr.  Hillegas  and  Mr.  Miles  do  get  the 
great  seal  affixed  to  the  Bills  after  they  are  passed  into 
laws,  and  deposite  the  same  in  the  Rolls  Office. 

A  Message  by  Mr.  Secretary : 

"  Sir:  The  Govemour  is  in  the  Council  Chamber,  and 
requires  the  attendance  of  the  House." 

Then,  Mr.  Speaker,  with  the  whole  House,  waited  on 
his  Honour,  and  being  returned  from  the  Council  Chamber, 
the  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair,  and  reported  that  they  had 
waited  on  the  Govemour,  and  presented  two  Bills,  entituled 
"  An  Act  to  continue  an  Act  entituled  '  An  Act  to  amend 
the  Act  entituled  •  An  Act  to  prevent  the  exportation  of 
bread  and  flour  not  merchantable ;" '  and  "  An  Act  for 
"  lending  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  pounds  to  the  several 
"  and  respective  Counties  of  Bedford,  Northumberland, 
"  and  Westmoreland,  for  building  a  Court  House  and  Prison 
"  in  each  of  the  said  counties ;"  to  which  Bills  his  Honour 
had  been  pleased  to  give  his  assent,  by  enacting  the  same 
into  laws. 

The  House  then  adjourned  to  Monday,  the  1 9th  day  of 
September  next,  at  four  o'clock,  P.  M. 


MONMOUTH    COUNTY    (neW-JERSEy)  RESOLUTIONS. 

On  Tuesday,  July  19,  1774,  a  majority  of  the  Commit- 
tees from  the  several  Townships  in  the  County  of  Mon- 
mouth, of  the  Colony  of  New-Jersey,  met  according  to 
appointment,  at  the  Court  House  at  Freehold',  in  said 
county  ;  and  appearing  to  have  been  regularly  chosen  and 
constituted  by  their  respective  Townships,  they  unan- 
imously agreed  upon  the  propriety  and  expediency  of 
electing  a  Committee  to  represent  the  whole  county  at  the 
approaching  Provincial  Convention,  to  be  held  at  the  City 
of  New-Brunswick,  for  the  necessary  purpose  of  consti- 
tuting a  Delegation  from  this  Province,  to  the  general 
Congress  of  the  Colonies,  and  for  all  such  other  important 
purposes  as  shall  hereafter  be  found  necessary. 

They,  at  the  same  time,  also  recorded  the  following 
Resolutions,  Determinations,  and  Opinions,  which  they 
wish  to  be  transmitted  to  posterity,  as  an  ample  testimony 
of  their  loyalty  to  his  British  Majesty,  of  their  firm  at- 
tachment to  the  principles  of  the  glorious  Revolution,  and 
their  fixed  and  unalterable  purpose,  by  every  lawful  means 
in  their  power,  to  maintain  and  defend  themselves  in  the 
possession  and  enjoyment  of  those  inestimable  civil  and 
religious  privileges  which  their  forefathers,  at  the  expense 
of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  have  established  and  handed 
down  to  them. 

1.  In  the  names  and  behalf  of  their  constituents,  the 
good  and  loyal  inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Monmouth,  in 
the  Colony  of  New-Jersey,  they  do  cheerfully  and  pub- 
lickly  proclaim  their  unshaken  allegiance  to  tiie  person  and 
Government  of  his  most  gracious  Majesty  King  George  the 
Third,  now  on  the  British  Throne,  and  do  acknowledge 
themselves  bound  at  all  times,  and  to  the  utmost  exertion 
of  their  power,  to  maintain  his  dignity  and  lawful  sovereignty 
in  and  over  all  his  Colonies  in  America  ;  and  that  it  is  their 
most  fervent  desire  and  constant  prayer  that,  in  a  Protest- 
ant succession,  the  descendants  of  the  illustrious  House  of 
Hanover,  may  continue  to  sway  the  British  sceptre  to  the 
latest  posterity. 

2.  They  do  highly  esteem  and  prize  the  happiness  of 
being  governed,  and  having  their  liberty  and  property 
secured  to  them,  by  so  excellent  a  system  of  laws  as  that 
of  Great  Britain,  the  best  doubtless  in  the  universe  ;  and 
they  will,  at  all  times,  cheerfully  obey  and  render  every 
degree  of  assistance  in  their  power  to  the  full  and  just  exe- 
cution of  them.  But  at  the  same  time  will,  with  the 
greatest  alacrity  and  resolution,  oppose  any  unwarrantable 
innovation  in  them,  or  any  additions  to,  or  alterations  in  the 
grand  system  which  may  appear  iinconstitutional,  and,  con- 
sequently, inconsistent  with  the  liberties  and  privileges  of 
the  descendants  of  free-born  American  Britons. 

3.  As  there  has  been  for  ages  past  a  most  happy  union 

39 


611 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


612 


and  uninterrupted  connection  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  Colonies  in  America,  tliey  conceive  their  interests  are 
now  become  so  intimately  blended  together,  and  their  mu- 
tual dependence  upon  each  other  to  be  at  this  time  so  del- 
icately great,  that  they  esteem  every  thing  which  has  a 
tendency  to  alienate  affection,  or  disunite  them  in  any  de- 
gree, higlily  injurious  to  their  common  happiness,  and 
directly  calculated  to  produce  a  Revolution  likely  to  prove 
in  the  end  destructive  to  both  ;  they  do,  therefore,  heartily 
disclaim  every  idea  of  that  spirit  of  independence  which 
has  of  late,  by  some  of  our  mistaken  brethren  on  each 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  been  so  groundlessly  and  injuriously 
held  up  to  the  attention  of  the  Nation,  as  having,  through 
ambition,  possessed  the  breasts  of  the  Americans.  And, 
moreover,  they  devoutly  beseech  the  Supreme  Disposer  of 
all  events,  graciously  to  incline  the  heart  of  our  Sovereign, 
and  all  his  Ministers,  to  a  kind  and  impartial  investigation  of 
the  real  sentiments  and  disposition  of  his  truly  loyal  Ame- 
rican subjects. 

4.  Notwithstanding  many  great  men  and  able  writers 
have  employed  their  talents  and  pens  in  favour  of  the 
newly  adopted  mode  of  taxation  in  America,  they  are  yet 
sensible  of  no  convictive  light  being  thrown  upon  the  sub- 
ject ;  and,  therefore,  although  so  august  a  body  as  that  of 
the  British  Parliament  is  now  actually  endeavouring  to 
enforce,  in  a  military  way,  the  execution  of  some  distress- 
ing edicts  upon  the  capital  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony, 
they  do  freely  and  solenmly  declare,  that  in  conscience  they 
deem  them,  and  all  others  that  are,  or  even  may  be,  framed 
upon  the  same  principles,  altogether  unprecedented  and 
unconstitutional,  utteriy  inconsistent  with  the  true  original 
intention  of  Magna  Charta,  subversive  of  the  just  rights 
of  free-born  Englishmen,  agreeable  and  satisfatory  only  to 
the  domestick  and  foreign  enemies  of  our  Nation,  and  con- 
sequently pregnant  with  complicated  ruin,  and  tending 
directly  to  the  dissolution  and  destruction  of  the  British 
Empire. 

5.  As  they,  on  the  one  hand,  firmly  believe  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony  in  general,  and 
those  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  particular,  are,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  as  loyal  subjects  as  any  in  all  his  Majesty's 
widely  extended  Dominions ;  and  on  the  other,  that  (al- 
though the  present  coercive  and  oppressive  measures 
against  them  may  have  taken  their  rise  in  some  part  from 
the  grossest  and  most  cruel  misrepresentation  both  of  their 
disposition  and  conduct,)  the  blockade  of  that  town  is  prin- 
cipally designed  to  lead  the  way  in  an  attempt  to  execute 
a  dreadful  deep  laid  plan  for  enslaving  all  America.  They 
are,  therefore,  clearly  of  opinion,  that  the  Bostonians  are 
now  eminently  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  Ame- 
rican freedom,  and  that  their  fate  may  probably  prove  de- 
cisive to  this  very  extensive  Continent,  and  even  to  the 
whole  British  Nation ;  and  they  do  verily  expect  that 
unless  some  generous  spirited  measures  for  the  publick 
safety  be  speedily  entered  into,  and  steadily  prosecuted, 
every  other  Colony  will  soon,  in  turn,  feel  the  pernicious 
effects  of  the  same  detestable  restrictions.  Whence  they 
earnestly  entreat  every  rank,  denomination,  society,  and 
profession  of  their  brethren,  that,  laying  aside  all  bigotry, 
and  every  party  disposition,  they  do  now  universally  con- 
cur in  one  generous  and  vigorous  effort  for  the  encourage- 
ment and  support  of  their  suffering  friends,  and  in  a  reso- 
lute assertion  of  their  birth-right,  liberties,  and  privileges. 
In  consequence  of  which  they  may  reasonably  expect  a 
speedy  repeal  of  all  tlie  arbitrary  edicts  respecting  tiie 
Massachusetts  Government,  and  at  the  same  time  an  effec- 
tual preclusion  of  any  future  attempts  of  the  kind  from  the 
enemies  of  our  happy  Constitution,  either  upon  them  or 
any  of  their  American  brethren. 

6.  in  case  it  shall  hereafter  appear  to  be  consistent  with 
the  result  of  the  deliberations  of  the  general  Congress, 
that  an  interruption,  or  entire  cessation,  of  conmiercial 
intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  and  even  (painful  as  it 
may  be)  with  the  Hest  Indies,  until  said  oppressive  Acts 
be  repealed,  and  the  liberties  of  America  fully  restored, 
stated,  and  asserted,  will  on  this  deplorable  emergency  be 
really  necessary  and  conducive  to  the  publick  good  ;  they 
promise  a  ready  acquiescence  in  the  measure,  and  will 
recommend  the  same  as  far  as  their  influence  shall  extend. 

7.  As  a  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
American  Colonies  is  proposed  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia, 


some  time  in  September  next,  they  declare  their  entire 
approbation  of  the  design,  and  think  it  the  only  rational 
method  of  evading  those  aggravated  evils  which  threaten 
to  involve  the  whole  Continent  in  one  general  calamitous 
catastrophe.  They  are  therefore  met  this  day,  vested  with 
due  authority,  from  their  respective  constituents,  to  elect  a 
Committee  to  represent  this  County  of  Monmouth  in  any  fu- 
ture necessary  transactions  respecting  thecause  of  liberty,  and 
especially  to  join  the  Provincial  Conventions  oon  to  be  held 
at  New-Brunsuick ,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  and  con- 
stituting a  number  of  Delegates,  who,  in  behalf  of  this  Col- 
ony, may  steadily  attend  said  general  Congress,  and  faith- 
fully serve  the  labouring  cause  of  freedom  ;  and  they  have 
consequently  chosen  and  deputed  the  following  gentlemen 
to  that  important  trust,  viz  :  Edward  Taylor,  John  Ander- 
son, John  Taylor,  James  Grover,  and  John  Lawrence, 
Esquires,  Doctor  JSathaniel  Scudder,  and  Messrs.  John 
Burrowes,  John  Covenhoven,  Joseph  Holmes,  Josiah 
Holmes,  and  Edward  Milliams;  Edward  Taylor,  F,sq., 
being  constituted  Chairman,  and  any  five  of  them  a  sufii- 
cient  number  to  transact  business.  And  they  do  beseech  and 
entreat,  instmct  and  enjoin  them,  to  give  their  voice  at  said. 
Provincial  Convention,  for  no  persons  but  such  as  they 
in  good  conscience  and  from  the  best  information  shall 
verily  believe  to  be  amply  qualified  for  so  interesting  a 
department ;  particulariy  that  they  be  men  highly  approved 
for  integrity,  honesty,  and  uprightness,  faithfully  attached 
to  his  Majesty's  person  and  lawful  Government,  well  skilled 
in  the  principles  of  our  excellent  Constitution,  and  steady 
assertors  of  all  our  civil  and  religious  liberties. 

8.  As,  under  die  present  operation  of  the  Boston  Port 
Bill,  thousands  of  our  respected  brethren  in  that  town  must 
necessarily  be  reduced  to  great  distress,  they  feel  themselves 
affected  with  the  sincerest  sympathy  and  most  cordial  com- 
misseration  ;  and  as  they  expect,  under  God,  that  the  final 
deliverance  of  America  will  be  owing,  in  a  great  degree,  to 
a  continuance  of  their  virtuous  struggle,  they  esteem  them- 
selves bound  in  duty  and  interest,  to  afford  them  every 
assistance  and  alleviation  in  their  power;  and  they  do  now, 
in  behalf  of  their  constituents,  declare  their  readiness  to 
contribute  to  the  relief  of  the  suffering  poor  in  that  town ; 
therefore,  they  request  the  several  Committees  of  the 
counties,  when  met,  to  take  into  their  serious  consideration 
the  necessity  and  expediency  of  forwarding,  under  a  sanc- 
tion from  them,  subscriptions  through  every  part  of  this 
Colony,  for  that  truly  humane  and  laudable  purpose ;  and 
that  a  proper  plan  be  concerted  for  laying  out  the  product 
of  such  subscriptions  to  the  best  advantage,  and  afterwards 
transmitting  it  to  Boston  in  the  safest  and  least  expensive 
way. 

9.  As  we  are  now,  by  our  Committees  in  this,  in  con- 
junction with  those  of  the  other  Colonies,  about  to  delegate 
to  a  number  of  our  countrymen,  a  power  equal  to  any 
wherewith  human  nature  alone  was  ever  invested ;  and  as 
we  firmly  resolve  to  acquiese  in  the  issue  of  their  delibera- 
tions, we  do  therefore  earnestly  entreat  them,  seriously  and 
conscientiously  to  weigh  the  inexpressible  importance  of 
their  arduous  department,  and  fervently  to  solicit  that  di- 
rection and  assistance  in  the  discharge  of  their  trust,  which 
all  the  powers  of  humanity  cannot  afford  them  ;  and  we 
do  humbly  and  devoutly  beseech  that  God,  in  whose  hand 
are  the  hearts  of  all  flesh,  and  who  ruleth  them  at  His 
pleasure,  graciously  to  infuse  into  the  whole  Congress  a 
spirit  of  true  wisdom,  prudence,  and  just  moderation  ;  and 
to  direct  them  to  such  unanimous  and  happy  conclusions, 
as  shall  terminate  in  His  own  honour  and  glory  ;  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Protestant  succession  of  the  illustrious 
House  of  Hanover;  the  mutual  weal  and  advantage  of 
Great  Britain  and  all  her  Dominions,  and  a  just  and  perm- 
anent confirmation  of  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of 
America.  And  now,  lastly,  under  the  consideration  of  a 
bare  possibility,  that  the  enemies  of  our  Constitution  may 
yet  succeed  in  a  despotick  triumph  over  us  in  this  age,  we 
do  earnestly,  (should  that  prove  the  case)  call  upon  all  fu- 
ture generations  to  renew  the  glorious  struggle  for  liberty, 
as  oft  as  Heaven  shall  afford  them  any  probable  means  of 
success. 

May  this  notification,  by  some  faithful  record,  be  handed 
down  to  the  yet  unborn  descentlanis  of  Americans,  that 
nothinir  but  the  most  fatal  necessity  could  have  wrested  the 
present  inestimable  enjoyments  from  tlieir  ancestors.     Let 


613 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  JULY,  1774. 


614 


them  universally  inculcate  upon  their  beloved  offspring  an 
investigation  of  those  truths,  respecting  botli  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty,  which  have  been  so  clearly  and  fully  stated 
in  this  generation.  May  they  be  carefully  taught  in  all 
their  schools ;  and  may  they  never  rest,  until,  through  a 
Divine  blessing  upon  their  efforts,  true  freedom  and  liberty 
shall  reign  triumphant  over  the  whole  Globe. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  Committees, 

Edward  Taylor,   County  Chairman. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  JUSTICES  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  SUFFOLK 
TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  GOVERNOUR  GAGE,  PRESENTED 
JULY    19,    1774. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

The  present  term  affords  the  earliest  opportunity  to  the 
Justices  of  his  Majesty's  Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
of  the  County  of  Suffolk,  to  address  your  Excellency  on 
your  safe  arrival  and  accession  to  the  chief  seat  of  Govern- 
ment '\v.  this  Province. 

Your  Excellency's  appointment  at  this  time  of  difficulty 
and  distress,  is  a  renewed  instance  of  the  King's  great  at- 
tention and  regard  to  the  interest  of  this  country  and  Great 
Britain,  when  the  exertion  of  great  abilities  are  so  neces- 
sary to  restore  that  peace  and  harmony  which  every  good 
man  must  most  sincerely  desire  ;  and  we  doubt  not  that  the 
exercise  of  the  important  powers  you  are  vested  with,  will 
discover  those  principles  of  benevolence  which  have  ever 
distinguished  your  Excellency  in  other  Departments. 

We  assure  you,  sir,  in  our  station,  we  shall  use  our  best 
endeavours  to  promote  justice  and  a  due  obedience  to  the 
laws,  and  to  our  utmost,  advance  the  prosperity  and  happi- 
ness of  your  administration.  '  ' 

THE    GOVERNOUr's    ANSWER. 

Gentlemen  :  It  is  with  much  thankfulness  I  receive 
your  Address.  Your  obliging  congratulations  on  my  safe 
arrival,  and  the  idea  you  are  pleased  to  entertain  of  my 
abilities,  coming  from  gentlemen  so  distinguished  as  the 
Justices  of  his  Majesty's  Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 
cannot  fail  of  being  extremely  grateful  to  me. 

The  hopes  you  form,  through  me,  of  peace  and  harmo- 
ny being  restored  betwixt  Great  Britain  and  this  Province, 
as  it  is  my  warmest  wish,  so  it  calls  forth  the  exertion  of 
all  my  abilities  to  that  effect ;  and  the  assistance  you  are 
pleased  to  promise  me  of  using  your  best  endeavours  to 
promote  justice  and  a  due  obedience  to  the  laws,  must  con- 
tribute greatly  to  this  desirable  end. 

Boston,  July  19,  1774. 


ADDRESS  OF  THE  FREEHOLDERS  AND  TRADESMEN  OF 
EASTON,  in  THE  COUNTY  OF  BRISTOL,  TU  GOVERNOUR 
GAGE,    PRESENTED    JULY     19,     1774. 

To  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Esq.,  Captain-General 
and  Govemour-in-chief  in  and  over  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England. 
May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

We  do  wait  on  your  Excellency  to  pay  our  hearty  con- 
gratulations on  your  arrival  to  this  Province;  to  acknow- 
ledge our  gratitude  to  our  Sovereign,  for  his  gracious  ap- 
pointment of  you  to  the  head  of  this  Province  at  this  very 
important  juncture,  and  to  give  you  firm  assurance  that  we 
will  do  every  thing  in  our  power,  in  our  respective  stations, 
to  promote  peace  and  good  order  in  the  Province. 

VVe,  in  full  confidence  from  the  amiable  character  your 
Excellency  has  obtained  in  your  other  important  Depart- 
ments in  America,  rely  yon  will  ever  delight  in  the  pro- 
moting the  good  of  this  Government. 

\Ve  find  a  peculiar  difficulty  in  expressing  the  distresses 
of  our  minds  relating  to  the  uniiappy  circumstances  of  this 
Province,  and  can  with  sincerity  say,  that  we  have  no 
doubt,  from  your  well  known  character,  that  you  will  do  all 
that  is  in  yotir  power  to  extricate  us  out  of  our  distresses,  in 
any  way  consistent  with  the  true  interest  of  Great  Britain 
and  her  Colonies,  which  we  hold  inse])arable ;  and  we  do 
bear  our  testimony  against  all  riots,  routs,  combinations, 
and  unwarrantable  resolves,  which  we  apprehend  have 
been  the  unhappy  occasion  of  many  of  our  troubles ;  and 
as  there  is  now  circulating  throughout  this  Province  certain 


inflammatory  pieces,  signed  by  order  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  of  the  town  of  Boston,  directed  to  the 
several  towns  in  this  Province,  stimulating  the  people  to 
break  off  all  connections  with  Great  Britain,  which  have 
still  a  tendency  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  people  of 
this  Province  from  the  mother  country,  and  create  discord 
and  confusion,  we  do  assure  your  Excellency,  that  we  will 
do  every  thing  in  our  power  to  discountenance  such  pro- 
ceedings, and  are  ready  to  aid  the  civil  officers  in  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  good  and  wholesome  laws,  and  render  your 
Excellency's  administration  successful  and  prosperous. 
Signed  by  forty-six  Inhabitants. 

the  governour's  answer. 

Gentlemen  :  I  return  you  thanks  for  this  obliging  Ad- 
dress ;  and  the  assurance  you  give  me  of  doing  all  in  your 
power,  in  your  respective  stations,  to  promote  peace  and 
good  order  in  the  Province.  It  is  the  duty  of  my  station 
to  use  every  endeavour  to  restore  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies ;  and  it  is  my  most  ardent  wish, 
as  an  Englishman,  that  the  union  betwixt  them  was  so 
strongly  cemented  as  never  to  be  dissolved. 

But  while  unwearied  pains  are  taken  to  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  people  against  the  mother  country,  paying  no 
attention  to  truth,  law,  or  justice,  visibly  with  intent  to 
widen  the  breach,  which  might  be  repaired  by  temper,  de- 
cency, and  moderation,  so  salutary  a  work  appears  unfor- 
tunately at  too  great  a  distance. 

Boston,  July  19,  1774. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  BRISTOL, 
TO  HIS  FRIEND  IN  PHILADELPHIA,  DATED  JULY  20, 
1774. 

Surrounded  as  I  am  by  a  thousand  different  businesses, 
still  I  cannot  resist  the  strong  inclination  I  feel  to  tell  you 
that  I  am  alive  and  well  once  more  in  Old  England.  For- 
merly I  loved  the  country  and  people,  but  now  both  ap- 
pear odious  to  me.  Their  conduct  towards  the  Americans 
is  horrid,  cruel,  and  detestable.  They  call  )'e  all  thieves, 
pirates,  and  rebels  ;  for  which,  in  return,  I  make  no  scruple 
to  call  them  knaves,  scoundrels,  and  spiritless  slaves. 
Every  day  I  am  in  the  most  furious  quarrels  in  vindication 
of  America,  that  ever  you  saw.  I  wish  to  God  that  you 
had  a  few  more  friends  in  this  city.  I  shall,  through  my 
zealous  attachment,  lose  or  endanger  my  election ;  but  no 
matter.  They  already  cry — no  American ;  no  Bill-of- 
Rights-man.  My  acquaintance  tell  me  I  am  too  warm; 
but  do  you  tell  me,  my  friend,  who  that  is  made  up  of 
American  flesh  and  blood,  can  sit  calm  and  composed  to 
hear  his  native  country,  with  his  dearest  connections,  ca- 
lumniated, belied,  and  reprobated  !  No !  By  Heaven  and 
Earth  I  swear  I  never  will  silently  put  up  with  such  ill 
usage,  while  I  have  breath  to  speak,  or  hands  to  fight. 

I  am  just  returned  from  London.  It  is  with  a  degree  of 
pleasure,  I  can  assure  you,  many  of  the  great  men  are 
ashamed  of  what  they  have  done,  seriously  dreading  the 
associations  and  resentment  of  the  Virginians  in  particu- 
lar. The  revenue  arising  from  the  duties  on  tobacco  is 
mortgaged  ;  and  a  stop  to  their  exportations  would  make  a 
glorious  confusion  among  their  High  Mightinesses. 

When  I  left  America  I  recommended  moderation,  but 
with  concern  I  find  that  conduct  will  not  do.  Resentment 
must  show  itself;  for  our  Ministers  wish  themselves  well 
out  of  it.  Firmness  on  the  part  of  the  Americans  will  en- 
sure them  the  victory.  Now  is  the  crisis — the  important 
crisis  of  your  whole  lives  ;  you  can  lose  nothing  by  a  pa- 
triotick  stand  ;  you  may  gain  every  thing. 

The  people  of  this  country  are  sunk  in  luxury,  and  wish 
only  to  get  their  hands  into  the  purses  of  Americans  to 
support  them  in  it.  They  are  totally  indifferent  about  lib- 
erty, and  lost  to  every  sense  of  honour  or  virtue.  Open 
corruption  is  connived  at  and  approved;  oppression,  black 
as  hell,  darkens  the  annals  of  the  present  times  ;  and  Bri- 
tons seem  lia|)py  in  their  supine  folly  and  base  vassalage. 

If  once  the  Americans  submit,  I  foresee  a  train  of  evils 
ready  to  light  upon  them.  Taxes,  impositions,  and  op- 
pressions, witiiout  moderation  or  end.  Now  is  the  appoint- 
ed time  to  struggle  like  men  for  your  dear  inheritance  ;  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  Providence  and  a  new  Padia- 
ment  will  do  you  ample  justice.    1  will  weary  Heaven  with 


ei5 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


616 


my  prayers  for  your  success.  My  sincere  good  wishes  at- 
tend you  and  all  the  rest  of  my  worthy  countrymen  at 
Philadelphia. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  OOVERNOUR  GAGE  TO  THE 
EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Boston,  July  20,  1774. 

Affairs  continue  here  much  in  the  same  situation  as  when 
I  wrote  to  your  Lordship  on  the  6th  instant,  though  I  don't 
find  the  merchants  have  repeated  their  attempt  to  comply 
with  the  Port  Bill,  with  the  spirit  I  hoped  for.  Ma- 
terials wanted  to  carry  on  trades,  1  am  told,  begin  to  fail ; 
and  the  carrying  molasses  and  rum  twenty-eight  miles  by 
land,  is  found  not  to  answer  as  well  as  it  was  expected  it 
would ;  but  the  people  are  kept  uj)  by  the  assurances  of 
assistance  from  the  other  Colonies,  where  their  leaders  have 
contrived  to  raise  a  flame,  which  has  not  been  a  little  in- 
creased by  letters,  speeches,  and  paragraphs^  sent  from 
England. 

South  Carolina  has  sent  some  rice  for  tiie  support  of  the 
people  here.  1  don't  mean  the  Province,  but  some  disaf- 
fected persons  in  Charhstoivn ;  and  a  {ew  sheep,  it  is  said, 
has  been  sent  from  some  other  place  ;  but  resources  of  this 
kind  are  too  precarious  to  be  depended  upon,  and  must  fail 
them.  The  great  object  here  has  been  to  persuade  the 
other  Colonies  to  make  the  cause  of  Boston  the  common 
cause  of  America;  and  when  the  Deputies  for  holding  the 
general  Congress  assemble,  the  Boston  faction,  it  is  prob- 
able, will  pay  the  rest  the  compliment  of  taking  their  ad- 
vice ;  and  I  understand  it  to  be  the  opinion  of  most  of  the 
other  Colonies,  that  Boston  should  begin  by  indemnifying 
the  India  Company.  The  virulent  party  at  Neio-York is 
routed  ;  and  we  are  told  tiiat  Philadelphia  is  moderate. 

I  have  not  yet  received  the  new  Act  for  the  better  gov- 
ernment of  this  Province,  though  it  is  printed  here ;  and 
many  tell  me  I  must  expect  all  the  opposition  to  the  exe- 
cution of  it  that  can  be  made.  I  hope  the  new  Counsel- 
lors and  the  Magistrates  will  be  firm. 

The  fast  day  appointed  by  the  faction,  was  kept  in  this 
town  on  the  14th  instant,  as  generally  and  punctually  as  if 
it  had  been  appointed  by  authority.  I  might  say  the  same 
of  most  other  places,  though  it  was  not  universal ;  for  in  a 
few  places  no  regard  was  paid  to  it ;  but  the  League  and 
Covenant  has  not  succeeded  as  the  faction  expected. 

They  rely  here  to  obtain  all  their  ends,  on  the  same  mea- 
sures as  they  before  adopted,  viz:  an  union  of  the  Colo- 
nies; a  non-importation,  if  their  demands  are  not  satisfied; 
the  assistance  of  their  friends  in  England,  and  a  general 
clamour  of  the  merchants  and  manufacturers. 


HANOVER    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    ADDRESS. 

.  At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  Hanover  County, 
at  the  Court  House,  on  Wednesday,  the  20th  oiJuly,  1774, 
the  following  Address  was  agreed  to : 

To  John  Syme  and  Patrick  Henry,  Jun.,  Esqrs. : 

Gentlemen  :  You  have  our  thanks  for  your  patriotick, 
faithful,  and  spirited  conduct  in  the  part  you  acted  in  the 
late  Assembly,  as  our  Burgesses ;  and  as  we  are  greatly 
alarmed  at  the  proceedings  of  the  British  Parliament,  re- 
specting the  town  of  Boston  and  the  Province  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay ;  and  as  we  understand  a  meeting  of  Dele- 
gates from  all  the  counties  in  this  Colony,  is  appointed  to 
he  held  in  Williamslmrg,  on  the  first  day  of  next  month, 
to  deliberate  on  our  publick  affairs,  we  do  hereby  appoint 
you,  gentlemen,  our  Delegates ;  and  we  do  request  you 
then  and  there  to  meet,  consult,  and  advise,  touching  such 
matters  as  are  most  likely  to  effect  our  deliverance  from  the 
evils  which  our  countr)"  is  threatened. 

The  importance  of  those  things  which  will  ofTer  them- 
selves for  your  deliberation  is  exceeding  great ;  and  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  effect  of  the  measures  you  may 
adopt  will  reach  our  latest  posterity,  you  will  excuse  us  for 
giving  you  our  sentiments,  and  pointing  out  some  particu- 
lars proper  for  that  plan  of  conduct  we  wish  you  to  observe. 

We  are  freemen  ;  we  have  a  right  to  be  so,  and  to  enjoy 
all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  our  fellow-subjects  in 
England ;  and  while  we  retain  a  just  sense  of  that  freedom, 
and  those  rights  and  privileges  necessary  for  its  safety  and 


security,  we  shall  never  give  up  the  right  of  taxation.  Let  it 
suffice  to  say,  once  for  all,  we  will  never  be  taxed  but  by  our 
own  Representatives.  This  is  the  great  badge  of  freedom, 
and  British  America  hath  been  hitherto  distinguished  by 
it ;  and  when  we  see  the  British  Parliament  trampling 
upon  that  right,  and  acting  with  determined  resolution  to 
destroy  it,  we  would  wish  to  see  the  united  wisdom  and 
fortitude  of  America  collected  for  its  defence. 

The  sphere  of  life  in  which  we  move  has  not  afforded 
us  light  sufficient  to  determine  with  certainty  concerning 
those  things  from  which  the  troubles  at  Boston  originated. 
Whether  the  people  there  were  warranted  by  justice,  wheti 
they  destroyed  the  tea,  we  know  not ;  but  this  we  know, 
that  the  Parliament,  by  their  proceedings,  have  made  us 
and  all  North  America,  parties  in  the  present  dispute,  and 
deeply  interested  in  the  event  of  it ;  insomuch,  that  if  our 
sister  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  is  enslaved,  we  cannot 
long  remain  free. 

Our  minds  are  filled  with  anxiety,  when  we  view  the 
friendly  regards  of  our  parent  state  turned  into  enmity ; 
and  those  powers  of  Government  formerly  exerted  for  our 
aid  and  protection,  formed  into  dangerous  efforts  for  our 
destruction.  We  read  our  intended  doom  in  the  Boston 
Port  Bill ;  in  that  for  altering  the  mode  of  trial  in  criminal 
cases ;  and  finally,  in  the  Bill  for  altering  the  form  of  Gov- 
ernment in  the  Massachusetts  Bay.  These  several  Acts 
are  replete  with  injustice  and  oppression,  and  strongly  ex- 
pressive of  the  future  policy  of  Great  Britain  towards  all 
her  Colonies.  If  a  full  uncontrolled  operation  is  given  to 
this  detestable  system,  in  its  earliest  stages,  it  will  probably 
be  fixed  upon  us  forever. 

Let  it,  therefore,  be  your  great  object  to  obtain  a  speedy 
repeal  of  those  Acts ;  and  for  this  purpose  we  recommend 
the  adoption  of  such  measures  as  may  produce  the  hearty 
union  of  all  our  countrymen  and  sister  Colonies.  United 
we  stand ;  divided  we  fall.  To  attain  this  wished  for 
union,  we  declare  our  readiness  to  sacrifice  any  lesser  in- 
terest arising  from  soil,  climate,  situation,  or  productions, 
peculiar  to  us. 

We  judge  it  conducive  to  the  interests  of  America,  that 
a  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  all  the  Colonies  be 
held,  in  order  to  form  a  plan  for  guarding  the  claims  of  the 
Colonists,  and  their  constitutional  rights,  from  future  en- 
croachment, and  for  the  speedy  relief  of  our  suffering 
brethren  at  Boston.  For  the  present,  we  think  it  proper 
to  form  a  general  Association  against  the  purchase  of  all 
articles  of  goods  imported  from  Great  Britain,  except  ne- 
groes, clothes,  salt,  saltpetre,  powder,  lead,  utensils  and 
implements  for  handicraft-men  and  manufacturers,  which 
cannot  be  had  in  America;  books,  papers,  and  the  like 
necessaries ;  and  not  to  purchase  any  goods  or  merchandise 
that  shall  be  imported  from  Great  Britain,  after  a  certain 
day  that  may  be  agreed  on  for  that  purpose  by  the  said 
general  meeting  of  Deputies  at  Williamsburg,  except  the 
articles  aforesaid,  or  as  shall  be  allowed  to  be  imported  by 
the  said  meeting ;  and  that  we  will  encourage  the  manufac- 
tures of  America  by  every  means  in  our  power.  A  regard 
to  justice  hinders  us  at  this  time  from  withholding  our  ex- 
ports. Nothing  but  the  direct  necessity  shall  induce  us  to 
adopt  that  proceeding,  which  we  shall  strive  to  avoid  as 
long  as  possible. 

The  African  trade  for  slaves,  we  consider  as  most 
dangerous  to  virtue  and  the  welfare  of  this  country  ;  we 
therefore  most  earnestly  wish  to  see  it  totally  discouraged. 

A  steady  loyalty  to  the  Kings  of  England  has  ever  dis- 
tinguished our  country  ;  the  present  slate  of  things  here, 
as  well  as  the  many  instances  of  it  to  be  found  in  our 
history,  leave  no  room  to  doubt  it.  God  grant  we  may 
never  see  the  time  when  that  loyalty  shall  be  found  incom- 
patible with  the  rights  of  freemen.  Our  most  ardent  desire 
is,  that  we,  and  our  latest  posterity,  may  continue  to  live 
under  the  genuine,  unaltered  Constitution  of  England,  and 
be  subjects,  in  the  true  spirit  of  that  Constitution,  to  his 
Majesty,  and  his  illustrious  House  ;  and  may  the  wretches 
who  afiirm  that  we  desire  the  contrary  feel  the  punishment 
due  to  falsehood  and  villainy. 

While  prudence  and  moderation  shall  guide  your 
Councils,  we  trust,  gentlemen,  that  firmness,  resolution,  and 
zeal,  will  animate  you  in  the  glorious  struggle  ;  the  arm  of 
power,  which  is  now  stretched  forth  against  us,  is  indeed 
formidable  ;  but  we  do  not  despair.     Our  cause  is  good  ; 


ef? 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


£18 


and  if  it  is  served  with  constancy  and  fidelity,  it  cannot  fail 
of  success.  We  promise  you  our  best  support,  and  we 
will  heartily  join  in  such  measures  as  a  majority  of  our 
countrymen  shall  adopt  for  securinir  the  publick  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  the  above  Address  be  transmitted  to 
the  Printers,  to  be  published  in  the  Gazettes. 

William  Pollard,   Clerk. 


STAFFORD    COUNXy    (vIRCINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the   County  of  Stafford,  the  following  Address  was 
agreed  to  be  presented  : 
To  John  Alexander  and  Charles  Carter,  Esqrs.  : 

Gentlemen  :  You  are  chosen  to  convey  the  sentiments 
of  the  freeholders  and  iniiabitants  of  this  County  to  a 
meeting  of  the  agents  from  every  county  in  the  Colony,  to 
be  held  in  Williamsburg  on  the  first  day  of  August. 
Permit  us  on  the  occasion  to  recommend  to  you  a  conduct 
decent,  thougii  spirited  ;  animated,  yet  prudent. 

You  will  declare  us  unanimously  determined  to  preserve 
inviolate  every  privilege  and  immunity  transmitted  by  our 
ancestors  ;  that  we  reject,  with  a  disdain  becoming  the  de- 
scendants of  Englishmen,  every  mode  of  taxation,  but  by 
our  Representatives  ;  that  we  are  united  in  our  prayers  and 
wishes  for  a  speedy  restoration  of  that  harmony  which  for- 
merly subsisted  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies  ; 
but,  alas !  we  can  but  deem  the  prospect  distant  while  Par- 
liament continues  to  enslave  us  ;  while  the  port  of  Boston, 
in  our  sister  Colony  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  is  now  actually 
blocked  up  with  an  armed  force,  for  having,  with  a  becom- 
ing fortitude  and  resolution  withstood  the  fixure  of  a  most 
unconstitutional  tax.  Can  we  behold  this  attempt  upon 
Boston  but  as  a  prelude  to  what  every  other  Colony,  as 
well  as  ourselves,  are  to  expect  ?  Do  not  the  inhabitants 
of  that  city,  the  first  sufferers  in  the  cause  of  American 
liberty,  demand  every  assistance  from  our  united  counsels 
and  resolutions?  We  approve,  we  willingly  accede  to 
the  Association  of  our  late  Assembly  after  their  dissolution. 
It  must  affect  the  East  India  Company,  whose  concur- 
rence with  Administration  in  their  attempts  on  our  liberties, 
ought  for  ever  to  render  them  odious  and  detestable  to 
every  American.  But  while  we  testify  our  approbation  of 
fhose  measures,  we  declare,  at  the  same  time,  that  we  con- 
ceive them  in  our  opinion  to  be  inadequate  to  our  purpose, 
and  totally  insufficient  to  procure  a  removal  of  our  com- 
plaints. They  are  not  calculated  to  alarm  the  merchant 
trading  to  America,  nor  will  they  serve  to  arouse  the 
manufacturers,  from  whose  interest,  joined  to  that  of  those 
worthy  personages  who  are  friends  to  our  liberties,  from 
principle,  we  are  solely  to  expect  redress.  Let  us  make 
it  their  interest,  on  the  present  occasion,  to  serve  us. 
This.,  we  conceive,  may  be  easily  effected  by  a  general 
stoppage  of  all  exports  and  imports  to  and  from  Great 
Britain  and  the  West  India  Islands,  an  occlusion  of  the 
Courts  of  Justice,  but  in  criminal  cases,  breaches  of  the 
peace,  and  matters  of  record.  These  matters  we  request 
you  to  recommend  to  the  meeting,  as  well  by  your  votes, 
as  every  other  method  in  your  power. 

John  Washington,       Samuel  Selden, 

TowNSHEND  Dade, 

Richard  Fowke, 

W.  G.  Stewart, 

William  Mountjoy, 

Traverse  Daniel, 

John  James, 

Resolved,  That  an  exemption  from  Parliamentary  taxa- 
tion is  the  clear  and  undoubted  right  of  the  American 
Colonies ;  that  this  right  hath  been  uniformly  claimed  and 
allowed  by  the  King  and  Parliament  of  Great  Britain, 
from  the  first  settlement  of  America,  and  that  an  attempt 
to  deprive  them  of  this  right  is  both  contrary  to  the  laws 
and  Constitution  of  England,  and  would  reduce  the  Ameri- 
cans to  a  slavery  the  most  deplorable  and  ignominious. 

Resolved,  That  to  surrender  the  inestimable  and  un- 
questioned right  which  the  people  of  America  have  to  be 
taxed  by  their  Representatives  only,  would  be  a  total 
departure  from  the  dignity  of  human  nature,  and  would 
argue  such  a  baseness  of  soul,  as  must  render  them  un- 
worthy of  the  name  of  British  subjects. 


Yelverton  Peyton, 
William  Garrard, 
William  Brent, 
Robert  Stith, 
Thomas  Mountjoy. 


Resolved,  That  though  the  members  of  this  meeting  do 
most  ardently  wish  to  see  restored  the  good  old  system  of 
tenderness  and  protection  on  the  part  of  the  mother 
country,  and  love  and  respect  on  the  part  of  the  Colonies, 
they  are,  nevertheless,  firmly  and  seriously  resolved  to  do 
whatever  shall  be  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  just  and 
equitable  claim  of  a  distinct  legislation  in  the  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  every  encroachment  made  by  British. 
Pailiament  on  the  rights  of  any  one  of  his  Majesty's  Colo- 
nies or  Plantations  in  America,  ought  to  be  looked  upon  as 
an  infringement  upon  the  just  rights  and  inherent  privileges 
of  the  whole. 

Resolved,  That  the  only  sure  and  effectual  measure  to 
preserve  America,  and  disarm  the  hand  of  oppression,  will 
be  to  put  an  entire  and  immediate  stop  to  all  intercourse  of 
trade  with  Great  Britain  and  the  West  Indies,  and  also 
to  the  exportation  of  wheat,  flour,  provisions,  and  lumber, 
to  any  part  of  Europe. 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  Colony  ought  not  to 
have  any  communication  in  the  way  of  trade,  or  otherwise, 
with  any  Colony  or  Island  in  North  America,  who  refuse 
to  unite  with  them  in  stopping  all  trade  with  Great  Britain 
and  the  West  Indies,  as  mentioned  above. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
the  Courts  of  Justice  in  this  Colony  ought  to  decline 
trying  any  civil  causes  until  the  grievances  of  America 
are  redressed. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  unanimous  opinion  of  this 
meeting,  and  is  now  earnestly  recommended  to  the  late 
Representatives,  that  they  will,  when  the  sense  of  the 
counties  can  be  collected,  appoint  a  meeting  at  the  Falls  of 
James  River,  or  some  other  convenient  place,  to  fix  upon 
a  plan  for  carrying  into  execution  the  measures  proposed 
by  the  people  ;  and  it  is  hoped  that  Deputies  from  the  mer- 
chants will  attend. 

Resolved,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  of  the 
following  persons: 


John  Alexander, 
Charles  Carter, 
Jolm  Washington, 
Townelwnd  Dade, 
William  Hooe, 
Robert  Washington, 
Henry  Fitzhugh, 
Francis  Thornton, 
Gerrard  Hooe, 
Nath.  Washington, 
Robert  Stith, 
Henry  Fitzhugh,  Jun., 
Lawrence  Washington 
L.  Washington,  Jun., 
William  Fitzhugh, 
John  Stuart, 
Alvin  Moxly, 
Andrew  Grant, 
Rev.  William  Stuart, 
Wm.  Gibbon  Stuart, 
John  Wadrop, 
Baldwin  Dade, 
Thomas  Bunbury, 


Thos.  Bunbury,  Jun., 
Housin  Hooe, 
Chandler  Fowke, 
Richard  Fowke, 
Thomas  Massey, 
Robert  Yates, 
Charles  Massey, 
Peter  Hansborough, 
Seymour  Hooo, 
Nehemiah  Mason, 
Sigismund  Massey, 
Samuel  Selden, 
Gowry  Waugh, 
John  Fitzhugh, 
Thomas  Fitzhugh, 
Henry  Fitzhugh,  Jun., 
William  Garrard, 
William  Mountjoy, 
Peter  Daniel, 
Traverse  Daniel, 
Thomas  Mountjoy, 
Wm.  Mountjoy,  Jan., 
John  Mountjoy, 


AUin  Waller, 
John  Waller, 
Yelverton  Peyton, 
John  Browne, 
Rev.  Clement  Brooke, 
Elijah  Thrailkill, 
George  Brent, 
William  Brent, 
Robert  Brent, 
John  Moncure, 
John  Bronaugh, 
Baily  Washington, 
John  James, 
William  Adic, 
Richard  Hewette, 
Elias  Hoar, 
John  Ralls, 
Thomas  Ludwell  Lee, 
Robert  Knox, 
John  Grigg, 
John  Withers, 
James  Withers, 
John  Murray. 


Resolved,  That  ten  of  the  Committee,  with  the  Mod- 
erator, be  sufficient  for  transacting  business. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  this  Colony  to  con- 
tribute as  far  as  their  power  extends  to  the  rehef  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Boston,  who  are  now,  by  the  hard  hand  of 
oppression,  marked  out  as  the  victims  of  Ministerial  wrath, 
for  their  spirited  exertions  in  the  great  cause  of  American 
freedom,  and  that  subscriptions  be  immediately  set  on  foot 
for  their  relief,  under  the  conduct  of  the  Committee. 

Resolved,  That  John  Alexander  and  Charles  Carter, 
gentlemen,  be  chosen  to  attend  the  General  Meeting  in 
M^'illiamshurg,  on  the  first  day  of  August,  to  transact 
business  for  the  inhabitants  of  Stafford  County. 

William  Garrard,   Clerk. 


WILMINGTON    (nOKTH    CAROLINa)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  District 
of  Wilmington,  in  the  Province  of  North  Carolina,  held 
at  the  town  of  Wilmington,  July  21,  1774  : 

William  Hooper,  Esq.,   Chairman. 

Resolved,  That  Colonel  James  Moore,  John  Ancrum, 
Frederick  Jones,  Samuel  Ashe,  Robert  Howe,  Robert 
Hogg,  Francis  Clayton,  znd  Archibald  Machine,  Esqrs., 
be  a  Committee  to  prepare  a  Circular  Letter  to  the  several 


619 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Stc,  JULY,  1774. 


620 


counties  of  this  Province,  expressive  of  the  sense  of  the 
inhahitiints  of  this  District,  with  respect  to  the  several  Acts 
of  Parliament  lately  made  for  the  oppression  of  our  sister 
Colony  of  tlie  Massachusitts  Bay,  for  having  exerted  itself 
in  defence  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  America. 

Resolved,  That  it  will  be  higlily  ex|)edient  that  the 
several  counties  of  tliis  Province  should  send  Deputies  to 
attend  a  general  meeting  at  Johnston  Court  House,  on  the 
20th  day  of  August  next,  tlien  and  there  to  debate  upon 
the  present  alarming  state  of  British  America,  and  in  con- 
cert with  the  otlier  Colonies,  to  adopt  and  prosecute  such 
measures  as  will  most  eflectually  tend  to  avert  tlie  miseries 
that  threaten  us. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  of  opinion,  in  order  to  effect  an 
uniform  plan  for  the  conduct  of  all  North  America,  that  it 
will  be  necessary  that  a  gvineral  Congress  be  held,  and  that 
Deputies  should  there  be  present  from  the  several  Colonies, 
fully  informed  of  the  sent'unents  of  those  in  whose  behalf 
they  appear,  that  such  regulations  may  then  be  made  as 
will  tend  most  effectually  to  produce  an  alteration  in  the 
British  policy,  and  to  bring  about  a  change  honourable  and 
beneficial  to  all  America. 

Resolved,  That  we  have  the  most  grateful  sense  of  the 
spirited  conduct  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  all  the  other 
Northern  Provinces,  and  also  the  Province  of  South  Car- 
olina, upon  this  interesting  occasion,  and  will,  with  our 
purses  and  persons,  concur  with  them  in  all  legal  measures 
that  may  be  conceived  by  the  Colonies  in  general  as  most 
expedient  in  order  to  bring  about  the  end  which  we  earn- 
estly wish  for. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
Philadelj)hia  will  be  the  most  proper  place  for  holding  the 
American  Congress,  and  the  20th  day  of  September  the 
m*jst  suitable  time  ;  but  in  this  we  submit  our  own  to  the 
general  convenience  of  the  other  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  cause  of  the  town  of 
Boston  as  the  common  cause  of  British  America,  and  the 
inhabitants  thereof  as  suffering  in  the  defence  of  the  rights  of 
tlie  Colonies  in  general ;  and  that  therefore  we  have,  in  pro- 
portion to  our  abilities,  sent  a  supply  of  provisions  for  the 
indigent  inhabitants  of  that  place,  thereby  to  express  our 
sympathy  in  their  sufferings,  and  as  an  earnest  of  our  sincere 
intentions  to  contribute,  by  every  means  in  our  power,  to 
alienate  their  distress,  and  to  induce  them  to  maintain, 
with  prudence  and  firmness,  the  glorious  cause  in  which 
they  are  at  present  embarked.* 

CIRCULAR  LETTER  FROM  THE  WILMINGTON  COMMITTEE 
TO  THE  FREEHOLDERS  OF  THE  SEVERAL  COUNTIES  OF 
THE  PROVINCE  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

Gentlemen  :  At  this  conjuncture  of  British  politicks, 
when  the  liberty  and  property  of  iVortA  ^menVfln  subjects 
are  at  stake,  when  the  schemes  of  a  designing  Minister  are 
so  far  matured  to  action,  that  the  port  of  Boston  is  shut 
up,  that  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay  is  cruelly  in- 
fringed, and  its  Government  converted  into  one  nearly 
military,  to  be  silent  would  be  insidious. 

To  avoid  such  an  imputation  to  this  part  of  the  Province, 
we,  the  subscribers,  appointed  a  Committee  of  Correspond- 
ence for  the  town  and  District  of  Wilmington,  at  a  most 
respectable  meeting  of  the  freeholders  of  this  district,  by 
their  express  command,  take  this  earliest  opportunity  of 
acquainting  you  with  their  resolutions,  a  copy  of  which  we 
now  enclose  you,  and  request  that  you  would  send  the 
Members,  already  by  you  elected,  to  represent  you  in 
General  Assembly,  or  such  other  persons  whom  you  shall 
approve  of,  to  appear  as  your  Deputies  at  the  Court  House 
of  Johnston  County,  on  the  20th  day  of  August  next, 
possessed  of  the  sentiments  of  those  in  whose  behalf  they 
attend,  and  with  full  power  to  express  it  as  obligatory  on 
tlie  future  conduct  of  the  inhabitants  of  tliis  Province  ;  and 
then  and  there  to  consult  and  determine  what  may  be 
necessary  to  the  general  welfare  of  America,  and  of  this 
Province.  We  at  the  same  time  take  the  liberty  to  inform 
you  that  there  has  been  set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  the 

•  Wilmington,  July  27  — In  a  former  pap.ir  we  observed  a  subscrip. 
tion  had  bjcn  oponod  licrj  in  bjlialf  of  such  people  in  Boston  as  ar3 
deprived,  by  tlie  stoppaga  wantonly  put  to  the  trade  of  tlint  place,  of 
tb*>  usual  moans  of  subsisting  thciiisolvcs  and  families;  we  now  ob. 
••rve,  with  particular  pleasure,  that  Bi;veral  widow  ladies  of  this  town 
hare  contributed  very  liberally  to  that  benuvolcnt  design. 


relief  of  the  poor  artizans  and  labourers  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  precluded  by  one  of  forementioned  measures  of 
the  British  Minister  from  following  their  respective  occu- 
pations, and  we  have  reason  to  congratulate  ourselves  upon 
the  generous  contribution  of  the  inhabitants,  which  has  put 
it  in  our  power  to  load  a  vessel  with  provisions,  which  will 
sail  this  week  for  the  port  of  Salem. 

We  rely  upon  your  sending  an  immediate  answer  to 
these  our  proposals,  and  wishing  you  success  in  all  your 
efforts  for  the  support  of  the  constitutional  liberties  of 
America,  permit  us  to  subscribe  ourselves,  Sic. 


THE  BRITISH  AMERICAN,  NO.  VIII. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  July  21,  1774. 

Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and   Countrymen  : 

You  are  now  to  consider  the  Second  Plan  proposed  : 
That  you  shall  immediately  stop  all  exports  and  imports 
to  and  from  Great  Britain  and  the  IVest  India  Islands, 
till  the  Tea  and  Boston  Acts  are  repealed.  This  plan 
is  recommended  to  you  by  men  who  profess  themselves 
resolutely  determined  to  oppose  the  arbitrary  proceedings 
of  the  British  Parliament,  but  at  the  same  time  wish  you 
to  adopt  moderate  measures ;  and  I  am  convinced  they 
mean  well,  and  are  so  heartily  in  earnest  in  their  profes- 
sions and  their  wishes,  that  if  they  can  be  convinced  that 
the  plan  they  propose  will  be  the  least  effectual  to  avoid 
the  jurisdiction  claimed  by  the  British  Parliament,  and  the 
most  violent  and  dangerous  measure  which  can  be  adopted, 
I  have  no  doubt  but  they  will  readily  give  it  up.  It  will 
not  only  be  justifiable  but  highly  commendable  in  you  to 
lessen  your  imports  from  Great  Britain,  by  confining 
yourselves  to  such  articles  as  are  absolutely  necessary,  and 
which  you  cannot  manufacture  yourselves  ;  because  unless 
you  use  the  utmost  frugality,  the  great  balance  which  you 
already  owe  to  the  British  merchants  will  be  constantly 
increasing  till  you  become  bankrupts  ;  but  to  deny  your- 
selves the  common  necessaries  or  even  the  conveniences, 
of  life,  whilst  you  are  able  to  pay  for  them,  in  order  to 
break  off  all  connections  with,  and  to  distress.  Great  Bri- 
tain, is  surely  no  moderate  measure.  That  you  have  been 
cruelly  treated  is  certain ;  but  in  resenting  that  treatment 
you  ought  to  distinguish  between  your  friends  and  your 
enemies,  and  not,  drawcansir  like,  destroy  all  you  meet. 
The  manufacturers  of  Britain  never  injured  you,  and  pro- 
bably dislike  the  measures  of  Administration  as  much  as 
you  do.  It  will  be  cruel  in  you  to  endeavour  to  star\e 
them  and  their  families  for  an  insult  to  which  they  were  in 
no  way  accessary.  But  it  is  said  that  if  this  plan  is  adopt- 
ed, the  want  of  bread  will  lay  them  under  tiie  necessity  of 
taking  up  arms,  and  of  forcing  a  repeal  of  the  Acts  you 
complain  of.  Not  to  mention  that  a  measure  whose  most 
distant  prospect  of  success  arises  from  forcing  these  inno- 
cent people  into  actual  rebellion,  and  introducing  all  the 
horrours  of  a  civil  war  in  Britain,  can  never  be  deemed  a 
moderate  one,  it  would  be  highly  dislionourable  in  you, 
instead  of  drawing  your  own  swords,  and  facing  your 
oppressors,  like  a  brave  people  struggling  for  liberty, 
meanly  (to  take  the  advantage  of  their  necessities)  to 
force  a  number  of  starving  wretches  to  expose  themselves 
for  your  sakes  to  dangers  you  are  afraid  to  encounter  your- 
selves ;  and  your  conduct  would  certainly  be  very  incon- 
sistent in  daring  to  refuse  submission  to  British  nobles, 
whilst,  conscious  of  your  own  degeneracy  and  cowardice, 
you  meanly  trusted  tlie  preservation  of  your  liberty  to  the 
bravery  of  British  Mechanicks,  whose  secret  wishes  to 
restrain  your  manufacture?,  whose  honest  contempt  of 
your  shameful  conduct,  and  whose  pressing  necessities  for 
bread,  would  iiiore  probably  induce  them  to  enlist  as  sol- 
diei-s  to  enslave  than  protect  you.  IJut  consider  a  little 
further  how  fur  this  scheme  is  practicable  ;  imagine  your- 
selves in  the  situation  you  shortly  will  be  after  you  have 
adopted  it.  The  want  of  salt  will  be  a  small  inconven- 
ience, but  hickory  ashes,  though  a  poor  substitute,  may 
supply  the  place  of  it  as  well  to  you  as  it  formerly  did 
to  the  native  Indians,  and  the  live  stock  witii  which  you 
will  abound,  when  you  no  longer  export  provisions,  will  in 
a  great  mcaHue  render  it  unnecessary,  by  enabling  you  to 
kill  fresh  meat  every  day.  Nails,  without  slitting  mills, 
will  be  made  with  great  difficulty,  but  logged  cabins  may 
be  built  without  them ;  clothes  for  yourselves  and  negroes 


621 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


622 


are  not  worth  thinking  of,  because  you  may  confine  your- 
selves and  them  to  your  houses  in  cold  weather,  and  as  you 
are  to  export  nothing,  the  summer  season  will  afford  you 
time  amply  sufficient  to  raise  provisions  for  your  own  use, 
and  to  lay  in  fuel  for  the  winter.  It  is  true  your  stocks 
may  suffer  a  little  in  the  winter,  but  this  inconvenience  may 
be  remedied,  in  a  great  measure,  by  providing  such  large 
quantities  of  provender  for  them  in  the  summer  as  to  suffiir 
it  to  be  exposed  to  them  to  go  to,  whenever  they  please,  in 
weather  too  cold  for  naked  men  to  distribute  it  to  them. 
Elegancies,  and  even  luxuries,  which  many  of  you,  by 
having  been  long  accustomed  to,  now  consider  as  the  con- 
veniences, if  not  the  necessaries  of  life,  may  be  resigned  as 
bnubles,  beneath  the  consideration  of  men  who  either 
desire  or  deserve  to  be  free.  The  ladies,  indeed,  will  be 
subjected  to  many  disagreeable  hardships,  but  their  gener- 
ous souls  will  submit  to  every  inconvenience  rather  than 
see  their  posterity  enslaved  ;  and  the  great  leisure  you  will 
have  from  contracting  the  cultivation  of  your  lands  will 
enable  you  to  extend  your  manufactures  till  you  can  sup- 
ply yourselves  with  every  convenience,  with  every  ele- 
gance, that  rational  men  can  desire.  But  till  you  can 
greatly  improve  your  present  manufactures,  you  will  allow, 
my  countrymen,  that  your  situations  will  be  rather  uncom- 
fortable. Are  you  certain  that  all  America  will  cheerfully 
submit  to  this  situation  ?  Did  those  who  signed  the  Asso- 
ciation in  the  days  of  the  Stamp  Act,  religiously  adhere  to 
it  ?  That  there  are  some  f.w  refined  souls  in  every  Colony, 
perhaps  in  every  county  of  each  Colony,  that  will  sacrifice 
their  own  private  interest,  subject  themselves  to  every 
inconvenience,  and  deny  themselves  almost  the  common 
necessaries  of  life,  to  promote  the  publick  good  and  to 
preserve  the  liberties  of  their  country,  I  have  no  doubt; 
because  history  furnishes  instances  that  such  disinterested, 
such  heroick  characters,  have  existed,  and  I  believe  the 
inhabitants  of  America  are  possessed  of  as  much  virtue  as 
those  of  other  Nations  ;  but  to  imagine  that  all,  or  even  a 
majority,  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  country,  are  possessed  of 
such  exalted  ideas  of  patriotism,  is  a  romantick  supposition, 
which  never  has,  nor  I  fear,  never  will  be  warranted  by 
tlie  history  of  any  Nation  whatever.  Nor  can  we  flatter 
ourselves  that  this  angelick  exertion  of  virtue  will  be  gene- 
ral in  America  when  we  consider  that  many  of  her  pres- 
ent inhabitants  are,  like  birds  of  passage,  settled  only  for 
a  time,  for  the  purposes  of  raising  fortunes  by  trade, 
whose  ultimate  view  is  to  return,  with  the  fortunes  they 
acquire,  to  the  connections  they  have  left  behind  them  in 
Britain,  and  that  there  are  others  whose  daily  bread  depends 
upon  the  continuance  of  the  laws  we  complain  of.  These 
two  sets  of  men,  so  far  from  observing  such  an  Association, 
will  use  every  artifice  to  evade  it  themselves,  and  try  every 
stratagem  to  tempt  the  vain,  to  deceive  the  unwary,  and  to 
prevail  upon  the  lukewarm,  to  desert  the  common  cause ; 
and  a  general  defection  from  the  plan,  when  once  adopted, 
can  answer  no  other  end  than  that  of  rendering  you  con- 
temptible. 

But  even  supposing  that  all  America  should  unite,  as 
one  man,  in  attempting  this  measure,  the  British  aristoc- 
racy will  never  suffer  you  to  carry  it  into  execution  ;  for, 
let  it  be  remembered,  that  one  of  the  rights  they  claim  is 
that  of  restraining  your  manufactures ;  and  when  you 
openly  avow  a  design  of  purchasing  no  more  of  their 
manufactures  they  will  immediately  enforce  that  right  of 
restraining  you  from  making  any  of  your  own.  But,  sure- 
ly, say  the  proposers  of  this  plan,  they  cannot  force  us  to 
purchase  from  them  whether  we  will  or  not.  Very  true  ; 
but  if  you  refuse  to  do  so  they  will  endeavour  to  prevent 
you  from  purchasing  those  articles  in  any  other  market, 
and  from  making  them  yourselves.  But,  say  the  pro- 
posed of  this  plan,  they  have  no  right  to  do  this.  Very 
true :  nor  have  they  any  right  to  make  any  kind  of  laws 
to  govern  you.  But  they  will  endeavour  to  shew  you  that 
they  have  the  power  of  doing  it ;  and  though  right  and 
power  are  two  distinct  things,  you  may  as  well  acknow- 
ledge the  right,  as  to  submit  to  the  power,  of  legislation ; 
and  if  you  submit  to  the  laws  already  made,  you  will  soon 
have  others,  equally  arbitrary,  imposed  upon  you  for  re- 
straining your  manufactures.  For  my  own  part,  1  shall 
not  be  at  all  surprised  if  the  very  next  session  should 
furnish  us  with  Acts  of  Parliament  enacting,  "  that  your 
"smiths'   shops  shall  be  destroyed  as  nuisances;  tanning 


"  your  own  hides  be  declared  a  misdemeanor ;  combing 
"  your  own  wool  be  punished  with  fine  and  imprisonment ; 
"  spinning  your  own  flax  subject  you  to  the  pillory  ;  mak- 
"  ing  your  own  shoes  be  made  felony,  without  benefit  of 
'•  clergy ;  fabricating  your  own  hats  incur  a  premunire ; 
"  weaving  any  kind  of  cloth  be  deemed  an  overt  act  of 
"  high  treason  ;  fashioning  a  canoe  be  chastised  as  an  insult 
"  upon  the  British  flag ;  building  a  boat  be  constituted  an 
"  unpardonable  act  of  rebellion  ;  launching  a  ship  be  consi- 
"  dered  as  an  actual  declaration  of  war ;  trials  by  juries  be 
"  exploded,  as  dangerous  appeals  to  the  people,  who  are 
'•■  not  to  be  trusted  ;  new  Courts  of  Admiralty  be  erected 
"  in  their  room,  whose  judges  shall  hold  their  commissions 
"  during  pleasure,  and  be  stimulated  to  enforce  those  Acts, 
"  by  sharing  in  the  forfeitures  and  confiscations  occasioned 
"  by  their  own  judgments  ;  and  to  extinguish  every  spark  of 
"  publick  spirit,  and  to  prevent  a  possibility  of  redress,  your 
"  Assemblies  will  be  dissolved,  and  the  people  no  longer 
"  permitted  to  elect  Representatives,  to  urge  their  grievan- 
"  ces,  or  to  utter  their  complaints."  Do  not,  my  country- 
men, be  so  blind  to  your  own  welfare,  as  to  imagine  1  am 
jesting  upon  this  serious  occasion,  or  that  I  am  supj)osing 
Acts  of  Parliament  which  can  never  exist.  Reflect  upon 
the  different  Acts  for  preventing  slitting  mills  ;  for  erecting 
Courts  of  Admiralty  for  recovering  the  inland  forfeitures 
imposed  by  the  Stamp  Act ;  for  suspending  the  Legisla- 
ture of  New-York ;  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston; 
for  altering  the  Charter  of  New  England,  which  was  more 
solemnly  granted  by  Majesty  than  their  own  Magna  Charta ; 
for  screening  the  murtherers  of  the  Americans ;  and  the 
joint  address,  from  both  Houses  of  Parliament  to  his  Ma- 
jesty, to  transport  the  Americans  themselves,  to  be  impri- 
soned and  ruined,  if  not  butchered  in  England;  and 
you  will  be  convinced  that  the  cases  I  have  supposed  are 
by  no  means  chimerical,  and  that  there  is  no  act  of  intem- 
perance, injustice,  or  despotism,  which  the  British  aristoc- 
racy will  not  attempt,  to  restrain  America  from  manufac- 
turing, the  moment  you  declare  your  intention  of  doing  so. 
To  enter,  therefore,  into  Associations  against  importing 
British  manulactures,  any  farther  than  a  rational  attention 
to  your  circumstances,  is  surely  no  moderate  measure,  but 
must,  at  last,  end  in  a  humiliating  submission,  or  oblige 
you  to  have  recourse  to  that  force  which  the  proposers  of 
this  plan  wish  to  avoid. 

Let  us  now  consider  whether  an  Association  against 
exporting  your  commodities  would  not  be  attended  with 
still  worse  consequences.  This  plan,  if  it  mean  any  thing, 
is  to  distress  Great  Britain.  But  surely  you  cannot  more 
effectually  do  this,  than  by  lessening  your  imports,  and 
increasing  your  exports,  as  much  as  possible ;  for  by  sel- 
ling your  commodities  to  the  British  merchants,  and  by 
taking  none  of  theirs  in  exchange,  you  will  increase  your 
own  wealth  by  exhausting  that  of  Britain.  But  it  is 
objected,  we  are  at  present  largely  indebted  to  the  British 
Merchants.  The  more  incumbent  it  is  upon  you  to  export 
all  the  commodities  you  can,  to  pay  them  as  soon  as  possi- 
ble ;  for  you  ought  to  have  more  gratitude  than  to  attempt 
to  ruin  the  families  of  those  who  have  been  kind  enough 
to  furnish  you  not  only  with  the  elegancies,  but  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  Common  honesty  requires  that  you  should 
pay  your  debts,  and  if  you  should  refuse  to  do  so,  not  only 
the  persons  injured,  but  all  mankind,  will  judge  unfavour- 
ably of  you,  and  declare,  that  instead  of  bravely  contend- 
ing for  your  liberties,  you  are  knavishly  endeavouring  to 
cheat  your  creditors.  Such  a  national  breach  of  faith  will 
unite  all  Europe  against  you,  as  a  flagitious  race  of  mortals, 
who  do  not  deserve  to  be  free ;  who  ought  to  be  consider- 
ed as  the  pests  of  human  society,  and  as  such,  forced  into 
submission,  if  not  extirpated. 

For  God's  sake,  my  countrymen,  let  your  conduct  be 
such  that  you  shall  be  thought  worthy  of  that  freedom  you 
contend  for,  and  do  not  render  yourselves  the  objects  of 
contempt  and  abhorrence;  for  if  you  should  even  establish 
your  liberty,  in  opposition  to  the  united  efforts  of  all 
Europe  to  reduce  you,  it  may  never  be  in  your  power  to 
manifest  your  honest  intentions  of  making  retribution. 
Many  of  you  and  your  creditors  may  be  dead  before  the 
dispute  is  decided,  and  the  very  withholding  the  sums  you 
owe,  for  a  short  period,  from  men  in  trade,  may  irretriev^ 
ably  reduce  the  survivors  and  their  families  to  ruin,  and 
American  become  as  proverbially  infamous  as  punic  faith. 


623 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


624 


But  it  is  said,  that  by  witlilioklins;  your  tobacco  you  will 
immediately  make  the  Minister  sensible  of  his  lolly,  in  the 
instant  effect  it  will  have  upon  the  revenue.     But  when 
you  consider  that   the  tax  ujjon  tobacco  is  finally  paid  by 
tlie  British  inhabitants  who  consume  it,  and  consetjuenlly 
is  actually  raised  in  England,  and  if  the  tax  ceases  upon 
this  luxury,  the  same  sum  may  be  raised  by  layinji  it  on 
some  other ;  and  that  by  doing  so,  the  subjects  of  Britain 
will  pay  HO  more  than  they  do  at  present ;  or,  in  other 
words,  the  same  sum  of  money  may  be  still  raised  by 
altering  only  ithe  mode  of  raising  it ;  the  inconvenience 
will  not  be  so  great  as  is  at  first  sight  imagined ;  and  even 
supposing  it  otlierwise,  by  giving  this  temporary  shock  to 
Adminiotration,  may  you  not  fix  a  lasting  inconvenience 
upon  yourselves  ?     Accustomed   to  the  use  of  that  com- 
modity, when  they  are  no  longer  supplied  by  you,  may  not 
tlie  inhabitant  of  Britain  look  out  for  a  supply  of  it  from 
some  other  quarter?     And  may  you  not  lose  that  valuable 
branch  of  trade  altogether  ?     If  there  is  no  danger  of  this, 
or  if  the  loss  of  it  should  be  thought  not  worth  regretting, 
at  least  confine  your  plan  of  non-importation   to  tobacco 
only,  or,  what  will  be  still  wiser,  determine  to  make  no 
more  of  it  till  the  points  you  contend  for  are  established. 
But  to  injure  yourselves  by  devoting  your  wheat  and  corn 
to  be  destroyed  by  the  vveavils  and  other  vermin,  in  your 
own  useless  barns,  will  be  indiscreet ;  to  starve  your  fellow- 
subjects  and  fellow-sufferers  of  the  West  Indies  will  be 
inhuman  ;  and  to  increase  the  wealth  of  Great  Britain  by 
raising  to  an  exorbitant  height  the  price  of  her  wheat  and 
provisions  in  those  foreign  markets  which  you  at  present 
supply,  will  be  downright  madness  to  think  of.     Upon  the 
whole,   policy,  humanity,  a  just  regard  for  your  national 
character,  gratitude,  and  common  honesty,  all  forbid  you  to 
adopt  the  second  plan  proposed,  as  it  would  most  certainly 
end  in  a  scandalous  and  unpitied  submission,  or  introduce 
a  civil  war,  aggravated  with  all  the  inconveniences  attend- 
ing a  good  cause  turned  into  a  bad  one  by  rash,  indiscreet, 
and  unjustifiable  measures.     Jf  we  are  obliged  to  stniggle 
for  our  liberty  with  arms  in  our  hands,  let  us  not  unnerve 
the  sinews  of  war.     If  we  are  at  last  forced,  though  un- 
willingly, to  draw  the  sword,  let  us  do  it  in  a  just  cause ; 
let  us  be  careful  that  we  are  not  tlie  aggressors,  let  us  point 
our  resentment  against   our  oppressors;    but  let   us   not 
wound  the  bosoms  of  our  friends ;  let  us  conduct  ourselves 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  raise  the  prayers  of  the  righteous 
for  our  success,  and  if  we  do  fall,  let  us  fall  revered  and 
lamented,  but  not  execrated  and  despised  by  all  mankind. 
But  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  you  are  yet  in  this  desper- 
ate situation,  and  am  not  without  hopes  that  you  may  still 
establish  your  liberty  without  having  recourse  to  the  deci- 
sion of  the  sword.     But  to  avoid  this,  it  will  be  absolutely 
necessary  to  convince  your  oppressors  that  you  dare  to  do 
it  rather  than  be  enslaved.     The  measures  to  be  taken,  in 
order  to  convince  them,  naturally  lead  me  to  the  consider- 
ation of  the  third  plan  proposed,  which,  I  confess,  appears 
to  me  the  most  constitutional,  the  most  rational,  the  most 
moderate,  and  the  most  effectual  measure  you  can  pursue; 
and  to  prove  that  it  is  so  shall  be  the  subject  of  my  next. 
I  shall  conclude  this  with  one  remark,  which  I  submit  to 
the  serious  attention  of  my  countrymen.     You  may  re- 
member that  the  second  plan  proposed  came  first  recom- 
mended to  you  from  your  friends  on  the  otiier  side  the 
Atlantic.     Now,  though  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great 
Britain  think  that  the  British  Parliament  have  no  right  to 
tax  you,  and  sincerely  disapprove  the  hostile  and  violent 
measures   pursued  by  them  against  you,  yet  there  is  not 
one  man  of  them  who  does  not  insist  that  you  ought  to 
submit  to  the  supreme  legislation  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, and  therefore  would  wish  you  to  avoid  every  mea- 
sure of  contesting  with  success  the  supremacy  they  claim 
of  restraining  your  manufactures,  and  of  securing  to  them- 
selves  the    whole  profit  of  your  labours.     Hence   they 
will  never  advise  you   to  adopt  any  other  than  tempor- 
izing measures,  to  avoid  the  evil  of  a  present  oppression, 
without  considering  liiat  to  admit  the  dependence,  must 
one  time  or  other  necessarily  end  in  dcsjiotism  to  them,  and 
slavery  to  you.     Again,  the  British  people  are  of  two  fac- 
tions, the  first  consists  of  a  majority  of  the  two  Houses  of 
Parliament,  and  composes  the  aristocracy  ;  these  are  called 
the  17IS.     The  second  consists  of  the  minority  of  those 
Houses,  and  are  called  the  vuts.     Most  of  whom  would  be 


willing  to  be  taken  into  the  aristocracy,  and  become  ins  if 
they  could ;  and  whenever  they  are,  would  be  as  violent 
against  you  as  their  brethren.  With  this  view  the  outs  now 
pretend  to  be  your  friends,  and  advise  you  to  adojit  mea- 
sures that  would  do,  what?  Settle  the  dispute  at  once ? 
By  no  means  ;  for  that  would  lessen  their  own  consequence. 
But  such  as  may  subject  the  ins  to  temporary  inconveni- 
ences, and  oblige  them  to  admit  some  of  the  outs  to  share 
with  them  in  the  emoluments  of  Administration ;  listen 
therefore  to  them  with  a  suspicious  ear;  "  Hear  each  man's 
censure,  but  reserve  your  judgment,"  and  constantly  re- 
volve in  your  minds  these  truths :  that  American  liberty 
can  only  be  preserved  by  American  virtue,  and  that  if  you 
determine  to  dare  to  be  free,  you  will  be  so. 


NEW-JERSEY    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Committees  of  the  several 
Counties  in  the  Province  of  Netv-Jersey,  at  New-Bruns- 
uick,  on  Thursday,  the  21st  July;  and  continued  to  the 
Saturday  following : — Present  seventy-two  Members. 
Stephen  Chane,  Esquire,  in  the  Chair, 

The  Committees  taking  into  their  serious  consideration 
the  dangerous  and  destiTictive  nature  of  sundry  Acts  of  the 
British  Parliament,  with  respect  to  the  fundamental 
liberties  of  the  American  Colonies,  conceive  it  their  indis- 
pensable duty  to  bear  their  open  testimony  against  them, 
and  to  concur  with  the  other  Colonies  in  prosecuting  all 
legal  and  necessary  measures,  for  obtaining  their  speedy 
repeal.  Therefore,  we  unanimously  agree  m  the  following 
sentiments  and  Resolutions : 

1st.  We  think  it  necessary  to  declare,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  this  Province,  (and  we  are  confident  the  people  of 
America  in  general)  are,  and  ever  have  been,  firm  and 
unshaken  in  their  loyalty  to  his  Majesty  King  George  the 
Third  ;  fast  friends  to  the  Revolution  settlement :  and  that 
they  detest  all  thoughts  of  an  independence  on  tlie  Crown 
of  Great  Britain  :  Accordingly  we  do,  in  the  most  sincere 
and  solemn  manner,  recognize  and  acknowledge  his  Ma- 
jesty King  George  the  Third  to  be  our  lawful  and  rightful 
Sovereign,  to  whom  under  his  royal  protection  in  our  fun- 
damemal  rights  and  privileges,  we  owe,  and  will  render  all 
due  faith  and  allegiance. 

2d.  We  think  ourselves  warranted  from  the  principles 
of  our  excellent  Constitution,  to  affirm  that  the  claim  of 
the  British  Parliament,  (in  which  we  neither  are,  nor  can 
be  represented)  to  make  laws,  which  shall  be  binding  on 
the  King's  American  subjects,  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 
and  particularly  for  imposing  taxes  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  a  revenue  in  America,  is  unconstitutional  and  op- 
pressive ;  and  which  we  think  ourselves  bound  in  duty  to 
ourselves  and  our  posterity,  by  all  constitutional  means  in 
our  power,  to  oppose. 

3d.  We  think  the  several  late  Acts  of  Parliament  for 
shulting  up  the  port  of  Boston ;  invading  the  Charter 
riglits  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  :  and  sub- 
jecting supposed  offenders,  to  be  sent  for  trial  to  odier 
Colonies,  or  to  Great  Britain  ;  the  sending  over  an  armed 
force  to  carry  the  same  into  effect,  and  thereby  reducing 
many  thousands  of  innocent  and  loyal  inhabitants  to  ])ovcrty 
and  distress  ;  are  not  only  subversive  of  tiie  undoubted 
rights  of  his  Majesty's  American  subjects,  hut  also  repug- 
nant to  the  common  principles  of  humanity  and  justice. 
These  procedings.  so  violent  in  themselves,  and  so  truly 
alarming  to  the  other  Colonies,  (many  cf  which  are 
equally  exposed  to  Ministerial  vengeance,)  render  it  the 
indis[)ensable  duty  of  all,  heartily  to  unite  in  the  most 
proper  measures,  to  procure  redress  for  their  ojipressed 
countrymen,  now  suflering  in  the  common  cause  ;  and  for 
the  re-establishment  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  America 
on  a  solid  and  permanent  foundation. 

4ih.  To  effect  this  important  purpose,  we  conceive  the 
most  eligible  method  is,  to  appoint  a  General  Congress  of 
Commissioners  of  the  respective  Colonies ;  who  siiall  be 
empowered  mutually  to  pledge,  each  to  the  rest,  the 
publick  honour  and  faith  of  their  constituent  Colonies, 
firmly  and  inviolably  to  adhere  to  the  determinations  of  the 
said  Congress. 

5th.  Resolved,  Tliat  we  do  earnestly  recommend  a 
general  non-importation  and  a  non-consumption  agreement 


625 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


626 


to  be  entered  into  at  such  time,  and  regulated   in  such 
manner,  as  to  the  Congress  shall  appear  most  advisable. 

6th.  Resolved,  That  it  appears  to  us,  to  be  a  duty  in- 
cumbent on  the  good  people  of  this  Province,  to  afford 
some  immediate  relief  to  the  many  suffering  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston.  Therefore,  the  several  County  Com- 
mittees do  now  engage  to  set  on  foot,  and  promote  collec- 
tions, without  delay,  either  by  subscriptions  or  otherwise, 
tliroughout  their  respective  counties:  and  that  they  will 
remit  the  moneys  arising  from  the  said  subscriptions,  or 
any  other  benefactions,  that  may  be  voluntarily  made  by 
tiie  inhabitants,  either  to  Boston,  or  into  the  hands  of 
James  JSeihon,  John  Dennis,  William  Ouke,  Abraham 
Hunt,  Sainuel  Tuclicr,  Dr.  Isaac  Smith,  Grant  Gibbon, 
Thomas  Sinnicks,  and  John  Carey,  whom  we  do  hereby 
appoint  a  Committee  for  forwarding  the  same  to  Boston, 
in  such  way  and  manner  as  they  shall  be  advised  will  best 
answer  the  benevolent  purpose  designed. 

7ih.  Resolved,  That  the  grateful  acknowledgments  of 
this  body  are  due  to  the  noble  and  worthy  patrons  of  con- 
stitutional liberty,  in  the  British  Senate,  for  their  laudable 
efforts  to  avert  the  storm  they  beheld  impending  over  a 
much  injured  Colony,  and  in  support  of  the  just  rights  of 
the  King's  subjects  in  America. 

8th.  Resolved,  That  James  Kinsey,  William  Living- 
ston, John  Dehart,  Stephen  Crane,  and  Richard  Smith, 
Esquires,  or  such  of  them  as  shall  attend,  be  the  Dele- 
gates to  represent  this  Province  in  the  General  Continental 
Congress,  to  be  held  at  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  on  or 
about  the  first  o(  September  next,  to  meet,  consult,  and  advise 
with  the  Deputies  from  the  other  Colonies  ;  and  to  deter- 
mine upon  all  such  prudent  and  lawful  measures  as  may  be 
judged  most  expedient  for  the  Colonies  immediately  and 
unitedly  to  adopt,  in  order  to  obtain  relief  for  an  oppressed 
peo|)!e,  and  the  redress  of  our  general  grievances. 

Signed  by  order, 

Jonathan  D.  Sergeant,  Clerk. 


of  July,  1774,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  our 
Sovereign  Lord  George  the  Third,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender 
of  the  Faith,  Uc.  Thomas  Gage. 

By  his  Excellency's  command, 

Thomas  Flucker,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 


MASSACHUSETTS    BAY. 

By  the  Governour. — A  Proclamation 
For  the  encouragement  of  Piety  and  Virtue,  and  for 
preventing  and  punishing  of  Vice,   Profanity,    and 
Immorality. 

In  humble  imitation  of  the  laudable  example  of  our 
most  gracious  Sovereign,  George  the  Third,  who,  in  the 
first  year  of  his  reign,  was  pleased  to  issue  his  Royal 
Proclamation  for  the  encouragement  of  Piety  and  Virtue, 
and  for  preventing  of  Vice  and  Immorality,  in  which  he 
declares  his  Royal  purpose  to  punish  all  persons  guilty 
thereof,  and  upon  all  occasions  to  bestow  marks  of  his 
Royal  favour  on  persons  distinguished  for  their  Piety  and 
Virtue,  I  therefore,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Council,  publish  this  Proclamation,  exhorting  all  his 
Majesty's  subjects  to  avoid  all  Hypocrisy,  Sedition,  Licen- 
tiousness, and  all  other  innnoralities,  and  to  have  a  grateful 
sense  of  all  God's  mercies,  making  the  divine  laws  the 
rule  of  their  conduct. 

I  therefore  command  all  Judges,  Justices,  Sheriffs,  and 
other  officers,  to  use  their  utmost  endeavoure  to  enforce  the 
laws  for  promoting  Religion  and  Virtue,  and  restraining  all 
Vice  and  Sedition ;  and  I  earnestly  recommend  to  all 
Ministers  of  the  Gospel,  that  they  be  vigilant  and  active  in 
inculcating  a  due  submission  to  the  laws  of  God  and  man  ; 
and  I  exhort  all  the  people  of  this  Province,  by  every 
means  in  their  power,  to  contribute  what  they  can  towards 
a  general  reformation  of  manners,  restitution  of  peace  and 
good  order,  and  a  proper  subjection  to  the  laws,  as  they 
expect  the  blessing  of  Heaven. 

And  I  do  therefore  declare  that  in  the  disposal  of  the 
offices  of  honour  and  trust,  witliin  this  Province,  the  sup- 
porters of  true  Religion  and  good  Government,  shall  be  con- 
sidered as  the  fittest  objects  of  such  appointments. 

And  1  hereby  requ're  die  Justices  of  Assize  and  Justices 
of  the  Peace  in  this  Province,  to  give  strict  charge  to  the 
Grand  Jurors  for  the  prosecution  of  offenders  against  the 
laws  ;  and  that,  in  their  several  Courts,  they  cause  this 
Proclamation  to  be  publickly  read,  immediately  before  the 
charge  is  given. 

Given  at  the  Council  Chamber  in  Salem,  the  21st  day 

Fourth  Series.  40 


TO  the  worthy   inhabitants  of  the  town  of  BOSTON. 

Rhode  Island,  July  21,  1774. 

My  Dear  Brethren  :  The  manly  firmness  with  which 
you  sustain  every  kind  of  Ministerial  abuse,  injury,  and 
oppression,  and  support  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty,  re- 
flects the  highest  honour  upon  the  town.  The  few,  very 
few  amongst  you,  who  have  adopted  the  principles  of 
slavery,  serve,  like  the  shade  in  a  picture,  to  exhibit  your 
virtues  in  a  more  striking  point  of  light.  Unhappy  men,  I 
sincerely  pity  them,  that  they  should  have  so  little  sense  of 
the  dignity  of  human  nature ;  so  hltle  sense  of  their  duty 
to  God,  as  to  wish  to  reduce  rational  beings,  formed  after 
his  divine  image,  to  a  state  of  brutish  or  worse  than  brutish 
servitude  ;  that  they  should  be  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings 
of  humanity,  publick  spirit,  and  universal  benevolence,  as 
to  prefer  the  sordid  pleasure  of  being  upper  slaves  to 
foreign  tyrants,  and  under  them  tyrannizing  over  their 
country,  to  the  God-like  satisfaction  of  saving  that  country. 
How  wretchedly  these  men  mistake  happiness  !  All  the 
riches  and  honour  in  the  world  cannot  give  any  pleasure  in 
the  least  degree  equal  to  the  sincere  heart-felt  joy  which 
the  patriot  feels  in  the  consciousness  of  having  supported 
the  dignity,  the  freedom,  and  happiness  of  his  country. 

The  attempt  made  by  these  men  to  annihilate  your  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  was  very  natural.  The  robber 
does  not  wish  to  see  our  property  entirely  secured.  An  ene- 
my, about  to  invade  a  foreign  country,  does  not  wish  to  see 
the  coast  well  guarded  and  the  country  universally  alarmed. 
LTpon  the  same  principles  these  men  wish  the  dissolution 
of  the  Committee.  "They  know  that  a  design  was  formed 
to  rob  the  Americans  of  their  property ;  they  hoped  to 
share  largely  in  the  general  plunder  ;  but  they  now  see 
that  by  the  vigilance,  wisdom,  and  fidelity,  of  the  several 
Committees  of  Correspondence,  the  people  are  universally 
apprized  of  their  danger,  and  will  soon  enter  into  such 
measures  for  the  common  security  as  will  infallibly  blast 
all  their  unjust  expectations  ;  and  this  is  the  true  source  of 
all  the  abuse  thrown  upon  your  Committee.  But  Oh,  ye 
worthy  few !  continue  to  treat  all  their  attempts  with  the 
neglect  which  they  deserve.  Thus  the  generous  mastiff 
looks  down  with  pity  and  contempt  upon  the  little  noisy, 
impertinent  curs,  which  bark  at  him  as  he  walks  the  stieets. 
Your  faithful  services  have  endeared  you  to  the  wise  and 
good  in  every  Colony.  Continue  your  indefatigable 
labours  in  the  common  cause,  and  you  will  soon  see  the 
happy  success  of  them  in  the  salvation  of  your  country. 

The  tools  of  power,  and  their  connections,  I  imagine,  are 
dail}'  persuading  you,  my  brethren,  to  submit  to  the 
Ministry.  They  pretend  to  pity  your  distresses,  and  assure 
you  that  the  only  way  for  you  to  get  relief,  is  the  making 
compensation  for  the  tea,  and  submitting  to  the  Revenue 
Acts.  But  did  ever  a  man  preserve  his  money  by 
delivering  up  his  purse  to  the  highwayman  who  dared  to 
demand  it  ?  Is  it  the  way  to  preserve  life,  to  throw  away 
our  arms  and  present  our  naked  bosoms  to  the  murderer's 
sword  ? 

The  town  of  Boston  has  been  resembled  to  Carthage, 
and  threatened  with  the  same  fate  by  a  Member  of  Parlia- 
ment. The  execution  of  the  sentence  is  already  begun. 
It  may  not  be  amiss,  then,  to  turn  to  the  history  of  that 
people.  There  had  been  two  long  and  very  bloody  wars 
between  Rome  and  that  city.  The  Romans  were  victo- 
rious. But  the  Carthagenians  having,  in  a  few  years,  al- 
most recovered  their  former  state  of  wealth  and  power,  the 
Romans  looked  upon  them  with  a  jealous  eye,  and  took 
every  opportunity,  (unless  by  an  open  war.)  to  depress 
them.  The  Carthagenians,  dreading  a  war,  and  hoping, 
by  a  proper  submission,  to  conciliate  the  Roman  affection, 
sent  Ambassadors  to  Rome,  with  orders  to  declare  that  they 
entirely  abandoned  themselves,  and  all  they  possessed,  to 
the  discretion  of  the  Romans.  The  Senate  of  Rome,  in 
return,  granted  them  their  liberty ;  the  exercise  of  their 


627 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


628 


own  laws,  all  their  territories  and  possessions,  as  private 
persons,  or  as  a  Republick,  on  condition  that,  in  thirty  days, 
they  should  send  three  hundred  hostai^es  to  Lilybirum,  and 
do  what  the  Consuls  should  order  them.  This  cruel  order 
was  submitted  to.  The  hostages  were  immediately  sent. 
They  were  the  flower  and  hopes  of  tlie  most  noble  fami- 
lies of  Carthage.  Upon  their  departure  nothing  was  heard 
but  the  most  dismal  cries  and  groans  ;  the  whole  city  was 
in  tears  ;  and  the  mothers  of  these  devoted  youth  tore  their 
hair  and  beat  their  breasts  in  all  the  agonies  of  grief  and 
despair.  They  fastened  tiieir  arms  around  their  lovely  off- 
spring, and  could  not  be  separated  from  them  but  by  force. 
This  cruel  sacrifice,  I  should  think,  would  have  melted  the 
Romans  into  compassion  ;  but  it  had  no  such  effect.  Am- 
bition and  tyranny  are  incapable  of  any  Immane  or  tender 
feeling.  The  Deputies,  therefore,  attended  the  Roman 
camp,  and  told  the  Consuls  they  were  come  in  the  name 
of  the  Senate  of  Carthage,  to  receive  their  orders,  which 
they  were  ready  to  obey  in  all  things.  The  Consul  praised 
their  good  dispoMtion  and  ready  obedience,  and  ordered 
them  to  deliver  up  all  tlieir  arms.  This  fatal  order  was 
complied  with,  and  an  in6nite  number  of  weapons  of  all 
kinds,  and  a  fine  fleet  of  ships,  accordingly  delivered  up. 
Would  any  thing  less  than  the  entire  destruction  of  Car- 
thage have  satisfied  the  Romans,  they  would  now  have 
been  perfectly  content.  They  had  wholly  disarmed  the 
Carthageniana,  and  got  all  the  noble  youth  hostages,  as  a 
security  for  their  quiet  submission  ;  but  all  this  did  not  sa- 
tisfy them.  The  Consul  sternly  told  them  that  the  Senate 
of  Rome  had  determined  to  destroy  Carthage ;  that  they 
must  quit  their  city  and  remove  to  some  other  part  of  their 
territory,  four  leagues  from  the  sea.  This  they  refused  to 
do.  The  Romans  therefore  attacked  their  city,  which, 
notwithstanding  its  defenceless  state,  bravely  sustained  a 
most  terrible  siege  three  whole  years.  Had  the  Carthagt- 
nians  preserved  their  youth,  the  navy,  and  their  arms  ;  had 
they  united  their  neighbouring  nations  against  the  common 
oppressor,  and  immediately  prepared  for  their  defence,  they 
might,  perhaps,  have  defeated  the  Romans,  and  preserved 
their  city  entirely,  or  at  least  for  many  years  longer.  But 
they,  by  imprudent  submissions,  put  themselves  wholly  in 
the  power  of  the  enemy  ;  and  the  consequences  were,  the 
miserable  death  of  several  hundred  thousand  people,  and 
the  utter  destruction  of  their  city !  Take  warning,  rny 
dear  countrymen,  by  this  terrible  example. 

What  would  the  Minister  have,  if  not  the  good  of  the 
Nation  ?  You  have  invariably  promoted  it  from  the  first 
foundation  of  the  Colony.  In  war  you  have  bravely  de- 
fended yourselves  and  the  neighbouring  Colonies.  You 
have  taken  a  glorious  part  in  several  foreign  expeditions. 
You  have  even,  by  your  conquests,  given  peace  to  Europe. 
Besides  these  important  advantages,  the  Nation  has  re- 
ceived millions  of  the  profits  of  your  commerce ;  every 
thing  more  than  a  bare  subsistence,  which  you  could  gather 
from  all  quarters  of  the  globe,  being  by  you  remitted  to 
Great  Britain  for  her  manufactures.  What  would  he  have 
more  ?  He  tells  you  plainly  that  your  liberty,  your  lives, 
and  property,  must  be  laid  at  his  feet.  But,  my  brethren, 
suffer  every  thing,  even  the  horrours  of  civil  war,  sooner 
than  make  the  vile  submission.  Should  you  agree  to  pay  for 
the  tea,something  more  would  be  demanded.  Should  that  be 
complied  with,  something  further  would  still  be  demanded. 
In  short,  nothing  will  satisfy  him  but  destroying  the  town,  or 
reducing  it  to  a  poor  fishing  village.  A  plan  hath  been  formed 
and  steadily  pursued,  for  changing  the  free  Constitution  of 
Britain  into  an  absolute  Monarchy.  Luxury,  bribery,  and 
corruption,  have  given  the  Minister  the  absolute  command 
of  England  and  Ireland.  The  only  remaining  obstacle  to 
his  unlimited  power,  is  the  brave  resistance  made  by  the 
Americans.  You  are  among  the  first  of  those  Sons  of 
Freedom,  who  have  bravely  stemmed  the  torrent  of  tyran- 
ny. You  have  penetrated  and  exposed  the  mischievous 
designs  of  the  Ministry.  You  have  pointed  out  proper 
measures  to  defeat  those  execrable  designs,  and  entered  into 
those  measures  with  spirit.  This,  and  not  the  destruction 
of  the  tea,  hath  brought  down  the  vengeance  of  the  Min- 
istry upon  you.  They  have  left  you  no  alteniative,  but  to 
give  up  your  liberties,  and  hold  your  lives  and  property  as 
slaves,  by  their  mere  arbitrary  will  and  pleasure ;  or  nobly 
determine  to  maintain  those  just  rights  and  privileges,  which, 
by  the  laws  of  God  and  your  country,  you  are  entitled  to. 


You  will  never  hesitate  one  moment.  I  am  sure,  my  gen- 
erous countrymen,  you  were  born  and  nurtured  in  the 
arms  of  Freedom.  You  were  never  yet  conquered  by  any 
power  on  earth.  You  have  vast  and  sure  resources.  The 
Colonies,  now  heartily  united,  consider  your  cause  as  their 
own.  They  will  soon  enter  into  spirited  and  effectual  mea- 
sures for  your  relief.  A  great  part  of  the  people  of  Eng- 
land and  Ireland  will  support  you ;  and  the  distress  in 
which  the  Nation  will  soon  be  involved,  by  the  ill  conduct  of 
the  Minister,  will  soon  compel  him  to  change  his  measures, 
or  sink  under  the  resentment  of  an  injured  people.  Spurn, 
therefore,  from  your  presence  and  councils  forever,  those  who 
dare  to  propose  the  giving  up  our  liberties ;  continue  bravely 
to  bear  up  under  your  present  distress;  persevere  in  the 
glorious  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged :  it  is  the  cause  of 
our  King,  our  country,  and  of  God  himself.  He  conduct- 
ed your  fathers  to  America ;  planted  and  preserved  them 
in  the  wilderness,  that  they  might  worship  him  in  a  manner 
acceptable  to  him.  You  have  always  maintained  the  publick 
(and  I  hope  private)  worship  of  God.  You  and  almost 
all  America  have  lately  addressed  him  in  a  most  solemn 
manner.  He  hath  often  delivered  us  when  all  human  help 
failed.  Witness  the  destruction  of  the  French  fleet  at 
Chebucta.  He  is  the  same  gracious  and  all-powerful  Being. 
Let  us,  my  brethren,  put  our  trust  in  him  ;  for  in  the  Lord 
Jehovah  is  everlasting  strength.  Let  the  priests  and  min- 
isters of  the  Lord  weep  between  the  porcli  and  the  altar ; 
and  let  them  and  all  of  us,  most  devoutly,  say,  "  Spare  thy 
people,  O  Lord,  and  give  not  thine  heritage  to  repraach  ;" 
and  we  may  rely  upon  it  that  he  will,  in  due  time,  deliver 
us  from  all  our  enemies,  and  continue  us  a  great,  a  free,  and 
a  happy  people. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LONDON  TO  A  GENTLEMAN 
IN  PHILADELPHIA,  DATED  JULY  23,  1774. 

I  have  been  with  Doctor  Franklin.  I  find  the  storm 
against  him  has  much  abated  ;  though  I  believe  he  has  not 
in  the  least  remitted  his  attention  to  the  interests  of  his 
much  injured  country.  However  quiet  in  appearance,  I 
am  very  anxious  to  hear  what  reception  the  latter  wanton 
strokes  of  Government  here  have  met  with  in  America, 
particularly  that  detestable  Quebec  Bill,  which  is  so  evi- 
dently intended  as  a  bridle  on  the  Northern  Colonies. 
That  Act  is  looked  upon  in  the  most  unfavourable  light 
here  of  any  of  them ;  as,  for  want  of  making  proper  dis- 
tinctions, the  violent  proceedings  of  the  Boston  mob  are 
too  generally  deemed  a  sufficient  justification  of  the  others, 
and  have  afforded  the  Ministry  a  pretence,  which,  I  am 
persuaded,  they  much  wished  for,  of  introducing  an  armed 
force  into  America,  and  such  other  measures  as  are  un- 
doubtedly aimed  at  establishing  the  right  of  taxation  in  the 
legislation  here ;  and  if  not  firmly  opposed,  will  certainly 
do  it  through  America.  Of  what  importance,  then,  is  the 
present  conduct  of  America  1  If  the  people  here  are  not 
made  to  feel  the  importance,  all  is  over  in  that  way.  The 
late  measures  will  be  looked  on  as  justified  by  their  success  ; 
and  the  venal  crew,  at  present  termed  the  Representatives 
of  Britain,  will  probably  be  again  generally  returned  at  the 
general  election  next  spring,  to  finish  the  remains  of  Ame- 
rican liberty.  Here,  indeed,  there  is  but  little  more  than 
the  form  of  it ;  where,  by  exorbitant  taxes,  the  very  means 
are  afforded  their  rulers  of  riveting  their  chains,  by  giving 
the  constitutional  sanction.  I  never  felt  a  stronger  attach- 
ment to  our  own  cause,  than  since  my  arrival  here,  and  ar- 
dently wish  that  such  counsels  may  prevail,  as,  without  in- 
troducing anarchy,  may  preserve  our  just  rights. 

I  find  here  many  who  warmly  interest  themselves  in  our 
favour;  and  entertain  a  hope,  that  when  luxury  and  cor- 
ruption shall  gain  an  entire  conquest  over  virtue  and  liber- 
ty, in  this  once  happy  Kingdom,  they  or  their  descendants 
may  find  an  asylum  in  America,  where  the  genius  of  Liberty 
shall  reign  triumphant. 

A  few  days  ago  I  spent  an  hour  or  two  very  agreeably 
with  Granville  Sharp,  Esquire,  to  whom  I  had  been  intro- 
duced. He  appears  to  me  to  be  a  very  uncommon  charac- 
ter, and  exceedingly  assiduous  in  the  application  of  uncom- 
mon talents  for  the  benefit  of  his  fellow  creatures.  He 
tells  me  he  has  now  in  the  press,  an  Examination  into  the 
Rights  of  the  Colonies,  which  are  so  flagrantly  infringed 
by  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament.     He  is  warmly  on  our 


629 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


680 


side;  and  as  his  pieces  trace  the  arguments  ah  origine,  by 
wliich  he  has  answered  all  the  arguments  commonly  ad- 
duced against  us,  I  am  in  hopes  it  will  have  a  good  effect. 
He  holds  a  place  in  the  Ordnance,  which  tliis  publication  may 
probably  cost  him ;  but  he  appears  to  prefer  the  discharge 
of  duty  to  every  other  consideration.  One  such  advocate, 
acting  from  principle,  is  preferable  to  the  loudest  brawler 
of  the  venal  tribe.  Sir  Henry  Banks  is  dead,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  the  Aldermanship  by Haley,  a  New  Eng- 
land merchant,  brother-in-law  to  Wilkes.  It  is  proposed 
to  make  him  Representative  of  London  in  Parliament,  in 
the  room  of  Trecothick,  whose  state  of  health  will  not  ad- 
mit of  his  continuance  in  that  station. 

Doctor  Franklin  was  obliging  enough  to  call  on  me  this 
afternoon.  From  what  he  communicated  I  find  that  the 
intention  of  taxing  all  America  is  openly  avowed  by  the 
Ministry.  They  have  already  begun,  by  high  duties  on 
spirits  in  Canada,  and  have  ordered  a  regiment  to  be  raised 
there ;  determining,  as  the  Doctor  well  expressed  it,  not 
only  to  rivet  their  chains,  but  make  them  pay  for  the  iron 
to  do  it  with. 


GOVERNOUR  GAGE  TO  GOVERNOUR  TRUMBULL. 

Salem,  July  23,  1774. 
Sir:  I  enclose  you  two  affidavits,  of  Mr.  Green  and 
Mr.  Scott,  taken  before  two  Justices  of  the  Peace  and 
Quorum  of  the  town  of  Boston,  touching  a  very  extraor- 
dinary treatment  that  Mr.  Green  met  with  at  Windham  and 
Norwich,  in  the  Colony  of  Connecticut;  and  as  that  gen- 
tleman is  an  inhabitant  of  this  Province,  I  thing  it  my  duty 
to  interest  myself  in  his  behalf,  and  to  transmit  you  the  said 
affidavits,  in  the  assurance  that  you  will  exert  yourself  to 
obtain  him  satisfaction. 

You  are  sensible  that  people  capable  of  such  conduct  as 
those  mentioned  in  the  affidavits  are  accused  of,  must  be  a 
disgrace  to  every  society  ;  and  I  make  no  doubt,  from  a 
principle  of  justice,  as  well  as  the  honour  and  reputation  of 
the  Colony  under  your  command,  that  you  will  order  the 
accused  persons  to  be  apprehended  and  brought  to  trial. 
I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Thomas  Gage. 
Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esq.,  Govemour  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut. 


I,  Cahb  Scott,  of  lawful  age,  testify  and  declare,  that 
being  lately  on  a  journey  through  Connecticut,  attending 
upon  Mr.  Storer,  of  Boston,  who  was  in  company  witli 
Mr.  Francis  Green,  we  put  up  at  Mr.  Carey's  Tavern, 
at  Windham,  on  Monday  evening,  the  fourth  day  of  July 
current ;  that  soon  after  a  man  inquired  of  me  whether 
Mr.  Green,  who  was  at  that  time  there,  was  not  one  of 
those  that  signed  for  the  Govemour  of  Boston.  I  referred 
him  to  Mr.  Green  himself  for  an  answer.  That  between 
nine  and  ten  o'clock  that  evening,  a  great  number  of  per- 
sons assembled  in  a  tumultuous  manner  round  Mr.  Carey's 
Tavern,  often  demanding  Mr.  Green;  that  a  number  kept 
a  little  distance  on  a  plat  of  grass  before  the  Tavern,  and 
after  about  an  hour  or  two  many  of  them  pressed  suddenly 
into  the  house  in  a  boisterous  manner,  and  %vent  into  the 
room  to  Mr.  Green,  demanding  if  his  name  was  Francis 
Green ;  he  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  demanded  one 
of  their  names,  who  told  him,  but  I  cannot  recollect  it. 
Some  one  of  them  told  him  thereupon,  that  they  would 
now  give  him  leave  to  tarry  there  till  six  o'clock  next 
morning,  but  if  he  was  not  then  gone  to  beware  of  the 
consequences,  or  words  to  that  purpose  ;  they  then  dis- 
persed, it  being  about  eleven  o'clock.  The  next  morning 
at  six  o'clock,  the  Meeting  House  bell  was  rung,  and  a 
cannon,  placed  before  the  Tavern  door,  was  fired,  and  the 
people  again  surrounded  the  house,  and  I  heard  several  of 
them  say,  ''  It  is  full  time  he  was  gone."  Many  of  them 
went  into  the  Tavern,  and  up  stairs  into  Mr.  Green's  bed- 
chamber, and  demanded  his  immediate  departure  from  that 
town,  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Carey's  orders,  who  forbade 
them  behaving  in  such  a  mobbish  manner  in  his  house.  I, 
the  deponent,  remaining  below,  heard  many  loud  words 
pass  between  Mr.  Green  and  some  of  those  who  went  up, 
but  could  not  distinguish  what  was  said ;  at  length  they 
came  down  and  remained  in  and  about  the  house  until  Mr. 


Green's  departure.  Further,  as  I  returned  to  Windham  after 
Mr.  Green  had  left  the  town,  1  was  there  informed  that  an 
express  was  sent  from  thence  to  Norwich  to  excite  the 
people  there  to  mob  Mr.  Green ;  and  the  same  afternoon 
Mr.  Storer  and  myself  having  overtaken  Mr.  Green  at 
Lebanon,  we  proceeded  ;  and  arriving  the  next  morning  at 
Lothrop's  Tavern,  at  Norwich,  stopped  there.  Mr.  Storer 
and  Mr.  Green  went  from  thence  to  Mr.  Huntington's 
house.  While  I  was  taking  care  of  the  horses  I  perceived  a 
man  run  into  the  Meeting  House,  and  heard  the  bell  ring, 
and  soon  after  saw  several  men  appear  on  the  plain  ;  one 
of  whom  fired  a  gun,  upon  which  a  number  of  people 
assembled  and  proceeded  in  a  body  to  Mr.  Gales' s  shop, 
where  they  all  held  up  their  hands  in  a  swearing  posture ; 
and,  I  understood,  took  some  oath.  From  thence  they  all 
went  to  Lothrop's  Tavern  and  inquired  for  Mr.  Green ; 
being  informed  he  was  at  Mr.  Huntington's  house,  they 
went  there,  and  remained  some  time  about  the  house,  but 
after  some  short  time  part  of  them  returned,  and  as  they 
passed  me  some  of  them  said,  "  Let  us  go  and  fetch 
the  cart;"  and  soon  after  the  rest  came  also. 

In  a  few  minutes  Mr.  Storer  and  Mr.  Green  came  from 
Mr.  Huntington's  house  and  went  into  the  Tavern,  where 
breakfast  was  ordered  ;  immediately  a  number  came  with 
a  single  horse  cart,  and  asked  where  Mr.  Green  was  ? 
others  answered,  he's  in  the  Tavern.  They  then  called 
out,  "  The  time  is  up,  out  with  him,  fetch  him  out,"  or  in 
other  words  to  the  same  effect.  The  next  thing  I  per- 
ceived was  that  the  people  burst  into  the  Tavern  with 
great  violence,  and  entered  the  room  where  Mr.  Green  was, 
where  they  remained  a  minute  or  two,  then  came  out  in  a 
body  bringing  Mr.  Green  with  them,  and  keeping  close  about 
him,  went  between  the  cart  and  his  carriage,  at  the  same 
time  I  heard  the  people  say,  "Into  the  cart  with  him, into  the 
cart  with  him ;"'  then  I  perceived  the  people  to  close  in 
and  surround  Mr.  Green,  and  some  appearance  of  a  bustle, 
but  being  at  a  little  distance,  and  the  crowd  very  thick,  I 
could  not  well  see  what  was  going  on,  but  heard  one  among 
them  say,  "  If  he  will  go  in  his  own  carriage  let  him,"  or 
to  that  purpose ;  they  then  cleared  the  way  a  little  and 
obliged  Mr.  Green  to  get  into  his  curricle  ;  some  of  them 
struck  the  carriage,  the  horses  set  off,  they  beat  the  drum, 
the  crowd  shouted  and  huzzad,  and,  following  Mr.  Green, 
they  pelted  him  for  a  considerable  distance  through  the 
town  with  much  rage  and  violence.         Caleb  Scott. 

Suffolk,  ss. 

Caleb  Scott,  before  named,  personally  appearing,  maketh 
solemn  oath  to  the  truth  of  the  foregoing  Deposition  by 
him   subscribed ;    taken   at  the   special  request   of  Mr. 
Francis  Green,  in  perpetuam  rci  memoriam, 
Boston,  July  20,  1774. 

Before  us,  Edmund  Quincy, 

Belcher  Noyes, 
Justices  of  the  Peace  and  of  the  Quorum. 

I,  Francis  Green,  of  Boston,  do  testify  and  declare, 
that  I  arrived  at  Windham,  in  the  Colony  of  Connecticut, 
on  Monday  afternoon,  the  4th  instant ;  that  on  the  same 
evening  four  men  who  called  themselves  Hczekiah  Bissell, 
Benjamin  Lothrop,  Timothy  Larrabee,  and  EUnezer 
Backus,  did,  in  a  formal  manner,  apply  to  me  to  know  my 
name,  and  whether  I  had  signed  an  Address  to  Govemour 
Hutchinson;  and,  upon  being  answered,  did  then  insist  on 
my  departing  thence,  and  forthwith  quitting  that  town; 
intimating  that  it  would  be  dangerous  for  me  not  to  comply 
with  their  demands.  Upon  my  positive  refusal  they  went 
off,  and  soon  afterwards  a  tumultuous  assembly  of  men 
appeared  about  the  house,  and  I  was  informed  demanded 
me.  They  remained  about  the  door  and  windows  about 
an  hour  ;  then  a  party  of  them  entered  the  house,  and  one, 
calling  himself  Nathaniel  Warren,  demanding  me,  ac- 
quainted me  that  leave  was  given  for  me  to  remain  there 
until  six  o'clock  the  next  morning,  but  no  longer,  intimat- 
ing (in  words  which  I  do  not  exactly  recollect)  that  it 
would  be  attended  with  disagreeable  consequences  if  I 
should.  That  about  six  o'clock  the  next  morning  the 
Meeting  House  bell  was  rung  as  if  for  fire,  a  cannon  was 
fired  near  the  Tavern  door,  and  a  number  of  men  then 
again  appeared  round  the  house,  some  of  them  repeatedly 
entered  the  same,  came  into  my  bed-chamber,  and,  in  an 


631 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


682 


insolent  manner,  again  demanded  my  immediate  departure, 
threatening  to  seize  me  with  my  papers,  bundles,  &;c.,  and 
to  carry  me  off  by  force,  aithougli  I  often  told  them  I  was 
there  with  intent  to  collect  debts,  he,  and  that  they  inter- 
nipted  me  in  my  necessary  business.  One  of  them  said 
it  was  fool-hardy  to  sport  with  life ;  others  swore  I  should 
immediately  depart,  and  threw  out  many  threatening  insin- 
uations of  what  I  might  expect  if  I  did  not  leave  that  town 
without  delay.  Tliey  continued  in  and  about  die  house 
until  I  set  out.  Upon  the  road  through  Lebanon  to  Nor- 
toich,  I  was  informed  that  an  express  was  sent  from  Wind- 
ham to  Norwich  to  excite  the  people  there  also  to  oppose 
my  remaining  there.  I  arrived  at  Norwich  on  Wednesday 
morning,  the  6th  instant,  at  about  seven  o'clock,  and  being 
(in  company  with  Mr.  Ebenezer  Storcr,  of  Boston,)  at  the 
house  of  Samuel  Huntington,  Esquire,  heard  the  Meeting 
House  bell  ring,  a  gun  fire,  a  dnmi  beat,  and  saw  numbers 
of  men  assemble  on  the  adjacent  plain,  part  of  whom  came 
into  the  house  and  room  1  was  in  ;  one  of  them,  calling 
himself  by  the  name  of  Joshua  Huntington,  demanded 
my  name,  which  being  informed,  he  told  me  lie  w'as  de- 
puted, or  authorized  by  the  people  to  let  me  know  that  they 
insisted  on  my  quitting  that  town  in  fifteen  minutes,  which 
I  refused  to  do.  I  then  called  upon  Samuel  Huntington, 
Esquire,  and  demanded  of  him,  as  a  Magistrate,  protection 
from  the  violence  of  the  people,  but  received  none  ;  soon 
after  this  I  proceeded  to  the  Tavern,  near  where  the  mob 
was  waiting  ;  I  went  in,  and  in  a  few  minutes  a  number  of 
them  rushed  in  and  filled  the  room  where  I  was,  calling 
out,  "  Out  with  him,  out  with  him,"  and  laid  hold  of  me  ;  I 
demanded  their  names  ;  one  replied  (who  seized  me)  my 
name  is  Simeon  Huntington ;  they  then  crowded  me  out  of 
the  house,  and  when  on  the  outside  I  perceived  a  cart 
standing  nigh  my  chaise.  Some  of  the  people  who  now 
became  very  clamorous,  seized  me  again,  and  called  out, 
"  Into  the  cart,  into  the  cart  with  him,"  but  soon  desisted, 
and  then  forced  me  to  get  into  my  own  carriage,  which  one 
of  them  then  struck  and  set  the  horses  going  ;  upon  which 
they  set  up  a  loud  shout  and  huzza,  beat  their  drum,  and 
following  near  half  a  mile,  pelted  me  with  great  rage  and 
violence,  and  thus  obstructed  me  in  my  business,  to  my 
great  injury,  and  endangered  my  life. 

Francis  Green. 
Suffolk,  ss. 

Francis  Green,  before  named,  personally  appearing, 
maketh  solemn  oath  to  the  truth  of  the  foregoing  Deposi- 
tion by  him  subscribed,  taken  at  his  special  request,  in  per- 
petuam  rei  memoriam, 

Boston,  July  20,  1774. 

Before  us,  Edmund  Quinct, 

Belcher  Notes, 
Justices  of  the  Peace  and  of  the  Quorum. 

N.  B.  A  Memorandum  of  several  who  were  witnesses 
of  the  transactions  of  the  people  at  Windham  and  Nor- 
urich,  viz : 

Mr.  Carey,  the  Tavemkeeper  at  Windham,  Stephen 
Babcock,  Esquire,  of  Stonington,  who  was  at  Windham, 
Mr.  Aplin,  a  Lawyer,  and  Mr.  William  Russell,  Merchant, 
both  of  Providence,  who  were  at  Windham.  Mr.  Lothrop, 
Tavemkeeper  at  Norwich.  Mr.  Ebenezer  Storer,  of 
Boston,  who  was  m  company  with  Mr.  Green  almost  the 
whole  time. 


HEZEKIAH    BISSELL,    AND   OTHERS,  TO  GOVERNOUR  TRUM- 
BULL. 

Windliam,  August  5,  1774. 
To  HIS  Honour  the  Governour:  Sir,  We  are  in- 
formed that  Governour  Gage,  by  a  late  letter,  has  informed 
your  Honour  that  on,  or  about,  the  4th  of  July  last,  one 
Francis  Green,  of  Boston,  was  much  abused  in  the  towns 
of  Windham,  and  Norwich ;  that  said  Green  was  greatly 
insulted,  his  life  endangered,  and  he  drove  out  of  those 
towns  by  force,  and  prevented  transacting  his  lawful  busi- 
ness ;  and  that  so  far  as  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  JVindham 
were  concerned,  that  we,  the  subscribers,  were  the  principal 
trespassers  ;  and  requesting  your  Honour  to  direct  that  we 
be  prosecuted,  that  Green  may  recover  his  damages ;  and 
that  Governour  Gage,  has  enclosed  sundry  affidavits  to 
prove  the  charge.  That  your  Honour  has  received  a  let- 
ter of  the  above  import  we  have  no  doubt,  and  how  far 


your  Honour  will  consider  yourself  obliged,  as  Gorernour 
of  this  Colony,  to  interpose  your  special  authority  in  such 
kind  of  personal  private  trespasses  as  are  hinted  at,  it  is 
not  for  us  to  say.  We  doubt  not  but  your  Honour  will 
treat  the  matter  with  the  greatest  prudence  and  propriety, 
and  that  as  this  case  does  not  concern  Government  any 
more  than  any  other  private  quarrel  does,  we  doubt  not 
but  that  it  will  be  treated  as  other  cases  have  been. 

We  are  willing  and  desirous,  and  always  have  been,  to 
pay  all  possible  respect  to  the  laws,  and  to  the  Governour 
of  this  Colony ;  but  we  must  beg  your  Honour's  pardon  if 
we  go  too  far,  when  we  say,  that  it  appears  to  us,  that  the 
message  is  an  insult  on  the  Colony,  its  laws,  and  courts,  if 
not  upon  the  Governour  thereof.  It  seems  to  us  that  the 
Governours  of  Boston  consider  themselves  of  late  as 
proper  complaining  officers ;  and  that  their  informations 
carry  such  authority  with  them,  as  will  justify  those  they 
complain  to,  in  trying,  condemning,  and  executing  unheard, 
all  that  they  shall  complain  of. 

Why  did  not  his  Excellency  direct  Mr.  Green  to  insti- 
tute a  suit  here  against  those  who  he  supposed  had  injured 
him  ?  It  could  not  be  he  supposed  that  justice  could  not 
be  had  in  our  Courts  in  this  Colony ;  if  so,  how  did  he 
expect  that  your  Honour  would  procure  justice  to  be  done 
in  the  case  ?  Would  he  expect  it  by  some  decree  of  your 
Honour  in  favour  of  Green,  and  against  us  ?  If  so,  we 
know  your  Honour  has  too  sacred  a  regard  for  the  laws  and 
the  rights  of  the  subjects,  to  make  such  a  decree.  If  he 
did  not  expect  that,  why  did  he  trouble  your  Honour 
about  it,  especially  that  part  which  relates  to  Mr.  Green's 
personal  damages  ?  Surely  Governour  Gage  must  know 
that  if  Mr.  Green  has  any  demands  for  damages  that  he 
must  recover  them  by  a  personal  action;  in  which  either 
his  pei-sonal  presence,  or  power  of  attorney  would  be 
necessary.  We  well  know  that  the  law  is  the  subject's 
birth-right,  and  if  Mr.  Green  is  desirous  of  satisfaction  that 
way  we  are  willing  to  meet  him  on  that  ground,  and  are 
willing  to  indemnify  him  against  all  insults  while  necessari- 
ly in  this  town  for  that  purpose.  We  know  that  the  law  is 
open  and  justice  impartially  administered,  and  should  be 
extremely  sorry  that  its  due  course  should  be  obstructed,  or 
esteemed  to  be  so,  by  any  either  in  or  out  of  the  Colony. 

But  we  must  again  beg  your  Honour's  pardon  for  making 
the  above  remarks ;  and  nothing  but  an  inviolable  attachment 
to  our  just  rights  and  privileges  could  have  induced  us  to 
have  given  your  Honour  this  trouble  ;  and  the  necessity  of 
the  case  also  obliges  us  to  ask  leave  to  give  your  Honour 
ashort  state  of  the  facts  in  the  case,  as  they  truly  were  : 
It  so  happened  that  said  Green  came  into  this  town  at  the 
time  mentioned,  a  little  before  sunsetting  ;  the  people  were 
soon  apprized  of  his  coming,  and  that  he  was  one  of  those 
who  signed  the  Address  to  Governour  Hutchinson ;  and  it 
is  well  known  that  Governour  Hutchinson  is  considered  by 
all  the  Colonies  as  the  principal  agent  who  procured  the 
Act  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  the  other  dis- 
tressing Acts,  and  that  it  is  the  general  sense  of  the  whole 
Continent  that  those  Acts  are  unconstitutional  and  oppres- 
sive, and  those  who  signed  the  Address  are  considered  as 
returning  their  thanks  to  Governour  Hutchinson,  for  his 
involving  this  country  in  such  a  distressed  situation  (or 
condition)  to  which  it  is  now  reduced ;  it  was  therefore 
soon  agreed  that  Mr.  Green's  personal  presence  was  disa- 
greeable ;  however,  to  touch  his  person  or  property  none  in 
the  town  of  Windham  shewed  the  least  inclination,  as  we 
know  of;  but,  in  order  to  quiet  the  people  on  one  side,  and 
secure  Mr.  Green  on  the  other,  we  were  requested  to  wait 
on  him  and  let  him  know  that  his  continuance  in  the  town 
was  disagreeable,  and  that  the  people  desired  him  to  depart 
soon.  Accordingly  we  waited  on  him  as  he  was  walking 
abroad,  and  informed  him  that  we  desired  a  short  interview 
with  him ;  upon  which,  he  went  to  his  lodgings,  and 
went  with  us  into  his  room,  where  we  informed  him  in  as 
genteel  a  manner  as  we  were  capable,  of  the  temper  of  the 
people  towards  him,  and  requested  him  to  depart  the  town 
as  soon  as  he  conveniently  could.  On  which  Mr.  Green 
rose  up  both  in  haste  and  anger,  and  said  what  he  had  done 
was  right  and  justifiable ;  that  he  had  no  reason  to  repent 
of  his  subscribing,  &.C.;  that  he  had  been  used  to  such 
attacks  before,  and  was  not  easily  intimidated  ;  we  told  him 
that  it  was  not  our  business  to  intimidate  him,  but  only  to 
let  him  know  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  and  to  request 


633 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


634 


him  in  their  name  to  depart  soon  ;  he  said  he  should  not, 
nor  would  not  till  his  business  was  done,  which  would  not 
be  till  next  day  towards  night,  or  the  morning  after ;  we 
then  told  him,  we  had  delivered  our  message,  and  would 
infonn  the  people  of  what  he  had  determined,  and  accord- 
ingly did  ;  which  was  in  no  measure  satisfactory  to  them ; 
but  as  he  was  a  stranger  to  the  roads  from  town,  and  it 
being  then  towards  dark,  all  agreed  it  would  not  be  well  to 
request  him  to  depart  that  evening;  and  thereupon  the 
people  appointed  Mr.  Warren  and  two  others  to  wait  on 
Mr.  Green,  and  let  him  know  that  they  requested  him  to 
depart  the  town  by  six  o'clock  next  morning.  Mr  Warren, 
&ic.,  went  to  Mr.  Green's  lodgings,  and  by  his  liberty 
were  admitted  into  his  apartment,  where  they  acquainted 
him  with  the  desire  of  the  people,  and  then  left  him  to 
take  his  rest. 

About  seven  o'clock  the  next  morning  Mr.  Green  not 
being  gone,  the  bell  was  rung  by  somebody,  unknown  to 
us ;  and  a  small  piece  was  fired  by  two  boys  (or  youths) 
without  our  privity  or  consent;  after  that  several  waited  on 
Mr.  Green  and  desired  him  to  depart,  and  we  cannot  say 
but  some  person  might  tell  him  that  he  should  go ;  but  no 
violence  was  offered  to  his  person  or  property,  or  even 
threatened  as  we  know  of;  nor  can  he  prove  his  accusa- 
tion. And  we  really  believe,  and  doubt  not  but  we  can 
abundantly  prove,  that  the  transactions  of  those  particular 
persons  accused  tended  to  preserve  the  peace,  and  had 
that  effect,  and,  sure  we  are,  were  done  with  that  design. 

As  to  the  intelligence  going  to  Norwich  we  are  not 
accountable  for  that.  It  went  by  a  Norwich  man  who 
was  occasionally  then  at  Windham. 

And  upon  the  whole,  sir,  we  are  only  desirous  of  that 
defence  which  the  law  gives  us,  and  are  willing  Mr.  Green 
should  have  the  same  privilege,  and  in  the  most  frank  and 
open  manner, 

We  beg  leave  to  subscribe  your  Honour's  most  obedient 
subjects,  and  very  humble  servants, 

Hezekiah  Bissell,      Timothy  Larrabee, 
Benjamin  Lothrop,     Ebenezer  Backus. 


GOVERNOUR  TRUMBULL  TO  GOVERNOUR  GAGE. 

Lebanon,  August  10,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  the  honour  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
20th  of  May  last,  and  the  pleasure  to  congratulate  you 
that  his  Majesty  hath  judged  fit  to  order  you  to  return  to 
your  command  of  his  forces  in  North  America,  and  also  to 
appoint  you  to  be  Governour-in-chief  of  his  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay. 

I  do  assure  your  Excellency  of  my  readiness  to  co-ope- 
rate with  you  in  all  matters  that  concern  the  good  of  his 
Majesty's  service,  and  the  welfare,  freedom,  and  happiness 
of  his  subjects. 

I  have  also  received  your  other  letter  of  the  23d  of 
July  last,  enclosing  two  affidavits,  of  Mr.  Green,  and  Mr. 
Scott,  touching  the  treatment  the  former  met  with  in 
Windham  and  Norwich,  in  this  Colony.  At  your  request 
I  have  inquired  concerning  the  same  ;  and  find  that  others, 
well  knowing  in  the  affair,  do  put  a  very  different  face  and 
colour  on  those  transactions. 

A  King's  Attorney,  and  other  informing  officers  are 
appointed  in  each  county  to  inquire  after,  and  Courts  of 
Justice  instituted  to  hear  and  try  all  informations  made  of, 
the  breaches  of  law  which  happen  therein,  and  all  other 
causes  for  damages  which  are  duly  brought  before  them  : 
full  and  ample  provision  is  made  by  law  for  the  punishment 
of  such  as  are  found  guilty  of  the  breach  of  it ;  and  for 
the  redress  of  injuries  done  to  the  person  or  property  of 
any  one  who  brings  his  suit,  and  prosecutes  the  same  to 
effect.  Mr.  Green  hath  good  right  to  take  benefit  thereof, 
and  undoubtedly  will  obtain  the  satisfaction  his  cause  may 
appear  to  merit.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  Jonathan  Trumbull. 

His  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Esq. 


the  Massachusetts  Bay  Government,  and  have  come  to 
some  very  indecent  resolutions,  to  call  them  no  worse,  and, 
according  to  custom,  have  been  very  busy  in  sending  hand- 
bills, letters,  and  publick  invitations,  &;c.,  &.C.,  to  stir  up 
the  people  here  to  concur  with  them,  and  follow  their  ex- 
ample, and  a  meeting  is  to  be  on  Wednesday  next.  There 
are,  my  Lord,  here,  as  well  as  every  where  else,  malecon- 
tents  and  Liberty  people,  and  I  will  not  answer  for  their 
conduct,  whether  it  may  not  be  ungrateful  and  improper; 
but  as  soon  as  they  have  come  to  any  resolutions  or  deter- 
minations, I  shall  not  fail  to  acquaint  your  Lordship  there- 
with. 

ELIZABETH  CITTT  COUNTY  (vIRGINIa)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Elizabeth  City,  and  Town  of  Hampton, 
assembled  at  the  Court  House  the  25th  day  oi  July,  1774, 
to  consider  of  Instructions  to  our  late  Members,  or  to  those 
pei-sons  who  shall  be  chosen  our  Representatives  at  the 
ensuing  election, 

Henry  King,  Esq.,  being  chosen  Moderator,  and 
Mr.  Robert  Bright,  Clerk, 

The  following  Resolves  were  agreed  to : 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  county  and  town  are 
strongly  attached,  from  principle  and  education,  to  his  pre- 
sent Majesty  King  George  the  Third  and  his  family,  and 
they  will,  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  stand  by  and  defend 
his  sacred  person.  Crown,  and  dignity. 

Resolved,  That  the  Representatives  of  this  Colony  have, 
and  ever  ought  to  have,  the  sole  right  of  taxing  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  Colony ;  and  that  the  assuming  of  such  a 
power  by  the  present  or  any  other  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  should  ever  be  considered  as  a  strong  proof  of 
that  despotick  tyranny  which  so  strongly  marks  the  pre- 
sent Administration,  and  which  dictated  those  late  cruel 
and  oppressive  Acts,  depriving  the  good  people  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay  of  their  dearest  and  most  invaluable 
rights. 

Resolved,  That  our  late  patriotick  Members,  or  such 
persons  as  may  be  chosen  our  Representatives  at  the  ensu- 
ing election,  be  requested  to  attend  the  general  meeting  at 
Williamsburg,  the  first  of  August  next,  and  that  they  be 
directed  to  concur  with  the  Deputies  from  the  other  counties 
in  the  most  spirited  measures  that  may  be  adopted  upon 
this  occasion,  so  truly  alarming  and  interesting  to  the 
Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  if  a  non-importation  and  exportation 
agreement  should  be  thought  necessary,  that  our  Members 
be  directed  to  agree  thereto. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  sense  of  this  meeting  that  a 
non-importation  and  exportation  agreement  is  necessary. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
any  merchant  or  dealer  who  advances  the  price  of  his 
goods  upon  a  non-importation  agreement,  ought  to  be 
deemed  an  enemy  to  his  countrj' ;  and  we  do  most  solemnly 
promise  to  consider  him  as  such,  and  to  withhold  all  com- 
mercial intercourse  with  him. 

Resolved,  That  this  meeting  highly  approve  of  the 
glowing  zeal  of  the  sister  Colonies  upon  this  trying  occa- 
sion, and  heartily  sympathize  with  their  persecuted  brethren 
and  fellow-subjects,  the  people  of  Boston. 

Resolved,  That  a  subscription  for  the  relief  of  the 
unhappy  poor  of  Boston  ought  to  be  encouraged  by  all 
charitable  and  humane  people,  and  that  the  Moderator  be 
directed  to  solicit  contributions  for  that  purpose. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
our  said  Members  concur  with  the  Members  of  the  other 
counties,  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  in  the  choice  of 
proper  persons  to  represent  the  Colony  of  Virginia  at  a 
general  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  the  Clerk  of  this  meeting  do  transmit  a 
copy  of  these  proceedings  to  the  Printers  to  be  published 
in  their  Gazettes.  Robert  Bright,   Clerk. 


extract  of  A  LETTER  FROM  SIR  JAMES  WRIGHT  TO  THE 
EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH, DATED  SAVANNAH,  IN  GEORGIA, 
JULY  25,  1774. 

Our  neighbours  in  Carolina  are  in  gieat  wrath  about 
the  Acts  of  Parliament  which  have  been  passed  relative  to 


New-Jersey,  July  25,  1 774. 

It  seems  now  to  be  a  matter  past  doubt  that  there  will  be 
a  general  Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  several  British 
Colonies  in  America  :  a  very  important  Assembly  it  will 
be.     The  weal  of  America,  yea,  and  of  Britain  too,  will 


685 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  iic,  JULY,  1774. 


636 


very  much  depend  upon  their  proceedings.  Never  in  this 
country  has  more  depended  upon  an  assembly  of  men, 
than  depends  upon  this.  Liberty  or  oppression,  if  not 
abject  slavery,  depends  upon  the  turn  that  things  shall 
now  take.  The  contest  between  Britain  and  the  Colonies 
runs  high.  Matters  are  now  come  to  a  crisis.  Soinelhing 
must  be  done  by  America ;  and  nothing  considerable  can 
be  done  till  there  is  a  general  Congress.  The  eyes  of  all 
America  will  be  upon  this  Assembly.  The  Provinces  are 
ripe  fordoing  something  ;  they  want  to  know  what.  How 
much  depends  upon  the  wisdom  and  integrity  of  these 
Delegates!  How  fatal  to  us  all,  if,  by  any  means,  they 
give  a  wrong  turn  to  our  affairs!  If  they  should  not  agree, 
so  that  the  Colonies  might  unite  in  some  jiroper  measure, 
America  is  undone ;  or  at  least  thrown  into  the  utmost 
confusion. 

It  should  not  be  deemed  arrogance  or  presumption,  for 
any  person,  in  a  modest  and  rational  manner,  to  suggest 
what  is  thought  proper  to  be  done  at  the  general  Congress. 
On  the  contrary  it  is  very  desirable  that  numbers  from 
various  parts  of  our  land  would  impartially  offer  their 
sentiments  on  this  head.  The  Delegates  must  certainly 
desire  to  know  the  mind  of  the  country  in  general.  No 
rational  man  will  think  himself  so  well  acquainted  with 
our  affairs  as  that  he  cannot  have  a  more  full  and  belter 
view  of  them.  No  liuman  mind  is  capable  of  taking  in  all 
things.  We  by  degrees  obtain  the  knowledge  which  we 
have.  No  Delegate,  before  he  meet  the  rest,  sliould  liiink 
he  knows  the  state  and  interest  of  all  the  Provinces  so  fully 
and  clearly  as  that  he  cannot  know  them  better.  No  Del- 
egate should  go  with  a  full  persuasion  that  he  has  so  formed 
the  proper  plan  of  proceeding,  as  that  he  will  by  no  means 
alter.  Every  wise  man  will  alter  for  the  better  as  he  sees 
opportunity.  Yet,  'tis  very  desirable  that  every  Mer-ber 
of  that  important  Assembly  should  have  as  general  and 
complete  a  view  of  our  affairs, and  what  is  proper  to  be  done, 
as  he  possibly  can  before  he  meets  in  general  Congress ; 
and,  for  this  reason,  tlie  more  there  is  suggested  in  our 
publick  papers  the  better,  if  it  is  done  in  a  becoming 
manner. 

The  Delegates  should  go  to  the  Congress  with  hearts 
deeply  affected  with  the  weight  and  vast  importance  of 
their  business ;  with  a  proper  concern,  if  not  anxiety  of 
mind,  considering  how  much  is  depending,  and  liovv  difficult 
it  may  be  to  determine  matters  in  the  best  manner.  Every 
wise  man  will  have  a  modest  diffidence  as  to  his  own  abil- 
ities in  managing  such  arduous  affairs.  In  tiiis  view  let  it 
not  be  thought  amiss,  if  I  say  they  should  go  to  the  great 
Congress  with  a  proper  dependence  on  the  Fatlier  of 
Lights  and  Mercies,  who  gives  wisdom  liberally  to  those 
who  ask  him.     And  no  doubt  many  will  pray  for  them. 

When  the  Delegates  are  met  several  things  will  lie 
before  them,  as  matters  of  consideration,  inquiry,  or  debate. 
Some  of  these  will  be  matters  of  great  importance,  others  of 
less.  One  important  inquiry,  no  doubt,  will  be,  in  what  man- 
ner shall  we  make  our  application  to  Great  Britain  ?  Shall 
we  petition  as  humble  supplicants  ?  Or  shall  we  insist  on 
things  as  our  right  ?  Shall  we  apply  for  all  that  we  deem  our 
rights  and  privileges  ?  Or  only  for  relief  in  tiiose  matters 
that  now  press  us  ?  Shall  our  application  be  made  by  this 
general  Congress  ?  Or  shall  this  Assembly  only  point 
out  and  advise  what  the  several  Provincial  Assemblies  or 
Houses  of  Burgesses  shall  apply  for  ? 

Another  considerable  head  of  inquiry  respects  our  trade. 
Shall  we  stop  importation  only,  or  shall  we  cease  exportation 
also?  Shall  this  extend  only  to  Great  Britain  and  Ire- 
land, or  shall  it  comprehend  the  West  India  Islands  ?  At 
what  time  shall  this  cessation  begin  ?  Shall  we  stop  trade 
till  we  obtain  what  we  think  reasonable,  and  which  will 
secure  us  for  time  to  come  ;  or  shall  it  be  only  till  we  obtain 
rehef  in  those  particulars  which  now  immediately  oppress 
us  ?  Shall  we  first  apply  for  relief  and  wait  for  an  answer 
before  we  stop  trade,  or  shall  we  stop  trade  while  we  are 
making  application  ? 

'Tis  the  general  voice  of  tlie  Colonies  that  we  cannot 
submit  to  be  taxed  by  the  British  Parliament ;  but  we  by 
no  means  refuse  to  bear  our  proper,  a  reasonable  part  of 
onr  publick  expenses.  [We  ourselves  being  sole  judges  of 
the  propriety  and  reasonableness  of  all  requisitions  that 
may  be  made,  and  of  the  mode  of  levying  and  applying  all 
we  shall  think  proper  to  raise.]     If  we  can  iiave  all  our 


natural  privileges  of  trade,  we  are  willing  to  bear  our  pro- 
per part  of  the  burden  of  expenses.  We  are  willing  to 
let  Britain  know  this ;  we  ought  now  to  express  our 
readiness  to  it.  Therefore  another  important  inquiry  may 
be,  in  what  manner  shall  we  pay  our  part  of  the  publick 
national  expense  ?  This  matter  once  settled,  and  our  pro- 
per privileges  and  natural  rights  of  trade  secured,  then 
peace,  most  agreeable  peace,  is  establislied  between  Britain 
and  the  Colonies.  Jealousies  will  be  then  removed,  and 
cordial  friendship  continue.  The  modier  country  and  her 
offspring  Colonies  will  then  go  on  to  prosper,  and  numer- 
ous blessings  attend  them  both.  'Tis  true  this  matter 
cannot  be  settled  by  the  Congress,  because  it  will  be  a 
work  of  time,  and  must  be  by  mutual  agreement  between 
Britain  and  the  Colonies.  Yet  it  may  be  highly  expedi- 
ent for  the  Congress  to  consider  this  matter,  and  propose 
what  may  be  proper  for  the  several  Provincial  Assemblies 
to  offer  or  comply  with.  The  several  Provinces  ought  to 
be  agreed  in  this  matter  ;  and  they  cannot  so  well  agree  as 
by  a  general  Congress. 

Another  inquiry  among  the  Delegates  no  doubt  will  be, 
whether  we  shall  offer  to  pay  for  the  tea  that  has  been 
destroyed  ?  This  should  be  freely  and  calmly  debated. 
What  will  be  proper  in  point  of  equity?  What  may 
be  proper  in  point  of  prudence  or  expediency  ?  What 
consequences  will  they  in  Britain  draw  from  our  offering 
to  pay  for  it  ?  In  point  of  equity,  the  following  queries 
may  take  place.  Was  the  Act  of  Parliament  that  brought 
the  tea  here  an  unconstitutional  Act,  tending  to  produce 
the  pernicious  consequences  that  have  flowed  from  it  ? 
Was  the  East  India  Company  previously  warned  by  sev- 
eral Members  of  Parliament,  and  told  they  would  suffer 
loss  by  sending  their  tea  here  ?  Has  not  that  unconstitu- 
tional Act  of  Parliament,  and  the  East  India  Company's 
conduct,  been  the  proper  and  unavoidable  cause  of  ten 
times  more  damage  to  America  than  the  East  India  Com- 
pany have  sustained?  If  the  Company  must  be  made 
whole,  is  it  not  as  reasonable  that  the  expense  should  lie 
upon  Britain  as  America,  since  a  British  Act  was  the 
faulty  cause  of  it ;  and  the  destruction  of  the  tea  was  not 
the  act  of  America,  nor  of  particular  cities,  as  such,  but 
of  mobs  ? 

Some  queries  of  less  importance  may  respect  the  mode 
of  the  Delegates  proceeding  among  themselves.  Shall  the 
Congress  be  open  to  all  that  can  see  or  hear,  or  shall  the 
Delegates  be  by  themselves  ?  Shall  they  allow  their  debates 
to  be  taken  down  in  short-hand  ?  Shall  they  keep  minutes 
of  their  proceedings  and  votes,  to  be  afterwards  printed, 
as  is  done  in  Provincial  Assemblies,  that  the  Colonies  mav 
know  how  each  Member  stood  affected  and  voted  ? 

The  Delegates  from  the  Provinces  ought  to  be  the  most 
hearty  friends  of  America,  men  that  will  give  up  their  own 
private  interest  for  the  publick  good,  when  these  two  come 
in  competition.  He  that  will  not  do  this  is  no  real  friend 
to  the  publick.  This  important  Assembly  will  be  in  danger 
from  false  or  pretended  friends.  There  are  a  few  in  almost 
every  Province,  who,  from  one  reason  or  other,  would  be 
glad  to  bring  America  to  submit  to  the  Ministerial,  uncon- 
stitutional, measures  which  we  are  now  threatened  with. 
If  any  of  these  persons,  under  disguise,  should  be  sent  to 
the  Congress  (as  possil'ly  some  may)  they  will,  under  show 
of  friendship,  try  to  embarrass  and  confound  the  measures 
proposed.  They  will  act  as  Ilushai  did  with  Absalom. 
It  may  be  difficult  sometimes,  in  the  Congress,  to  know 
whether  a  man  opposes  a  proposition  from  a  true  regard  to 
the  good  of  his  country,  according  to  his  view  of  things, 
or  whether  he  does  it  to  undermine  the  whole  design. 
The  members  of  this  important  Assembly  should  not  be 
too  jealous  of  each  other :  that  will  destroy  free  debate. 
They  must  receive  and  treat  one  another  as  open  hearted 
friends ;  but  not  be  so  off"  their  guard  as  if  they  were  cer- 
tain there  was  no  enemy  among  them. 

Considering  the  vast  importance  of  this  Congress,  the 
long  train  of  most  interesting  consequences  that  may  follow 
from  their  advice  or  determinations  ;  considering  the  need 
they  have  of  wisdom,  as  well  as  integrity,  it  might  be  pro- 
per for  the  several  Provinces  to  observe  a  day  of  fasting 
and  prayer  about  the  time  that  the  Delegates  meet ;  and  if 
the  Provinces  as  such  do  not,  yet  it  may  be  proper  for  as 
many  persons,  or  societies  as  can,  to  do  it. 

There  are  two  reasons  why  this  may  be  proper  :  First, 


637 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


eas 


Because  human  wisdom  comes  down  from  the  Father  of 
Lights  and  Mercies,  and  human  determinations  are  over- 
ruled by  the  great  God,  who  is  a  prayei-iiearing  God.  A 
greater  statesman  and  politician  than  will  meet  in  this 
Convention  has  left  us  this  observation  :  "  There  are  many 
"  devices  in  the  heart  of  man,  but  the  counsel  of  the  Lord 
*'  that  shall  stand."  Secondly,  In  a  political  view  such  a 
day  of  fasting  would  win  people's  attention  to  the  impor- 
tance of  the  intended  Congress,  and  fit  them  to  receive  and 
be  ready  to  act  upon  the  determination  of  that  important 
Assembly. 

If  what  I  have  offered  should  induce  any  friends  of 
America  to  offer  their  sentiments  upon  the  forementioned 
queries,  or  others  of  the  like  nature,  and  be  a  means, 
tJiough  in  the  least  degree,  to  assist  any  of  the  Delegates 
at  the  intended  Convention,  it  will  be  a  sufficient  compen- 
sation for  what  I  have  here  done. 


BOSTON    TOWN    MEETING. 

At  a  Town  Meeting  in  Boston,  on  Tuesday,  July  26th, 
the  methods  proposed  for  employing  such  as  are  out  of  busi- 
ness by  the  operation  of  the  Port  Bill,  were  approved.  A 
Circular  Letter  to  the  other  towns,  relative  to  the  Bills  for 
vacating  our  Charter,  was  reported  and  accepted  by  the 
town.  The  meeting  stands  adjourned  to  Tuesday,  the  9th 
day  of  August.  The  following  is  the  form  of  the  Notifi- 
cation for  the  above  meeting : 

Notification. — Agreeable  to  the  order  of  the  town  at 
their  last  meeting,  the  freeholders  and  other  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston,  legally  qualified,  rateable  at  twenty 
pounds  estate,  to  a  single  rate,  (besides  the  poll)  are  hereby 
notified  to  meet  at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  Tuesday,  the  26th  day 
of  July,  instant,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  then  and 
there  to  determine  on  the  expediency  of  appointing  a  Com- 
mittee of  seven,  by  ballot,  for  the  purpose  of  considering 
of  proper  measures  to  be  adopted  for  the  common  safety, 
during  those  exigencies  of  our  publick  affairs,  which  may 
reasonably  be  expected,  when  the  Acts  of  the  British  Par- 
liament, altering  the  course  of  justice,  and  annihilating  our 
free  Constitution,  shall  be  enforced  in  the  Province.  The 
Committee  to  make  report;  to  consider  of  what  measures 
are  right  and  proper  for  the  town  to  adopt  at  this  time,  rel- 
ative to  the  building  one  or  more  houses  ;  building  one  of 
more  vessels ;  repairing  or  paving  the  publick  streets  ;  erect- 
ing or  enlarging  wharves  on  the  town's  land  ;  or  any  other 
publick  work,  (to  be  carried  on  by  moneys  arising  from 
voluntary  donations.)  for  the  employment  of  the  poor  of 
the  town  of  Boston,  at  this  time  of  general  calamity  ;  to 
consider  whether  the  town  will  sell  any,  and  what  part, 
of  the  real  estate  belonging  to  the  town,  lying  within  the 
limits  thereof;  to  consider  what  further  measures  are 
proper  to  be  taken  upon  the  present  exigency  of  our  pub- 
lick affairs,  more  especially  relative  to  the  late  edict  of  a 
British  Parliament,  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston, 
and  annihilating  the  trade  of  this  town ;  and  to  act  upon 
such  other  matters  as  may  properly  come  before  them. 
By  order  of  the  Selectmen, 

William  Cooper,   Toion  ClerJc. 
Boston.  July  23,  1774. 

N.  B.  Such  tradesmen  and  others,  inhabitants  of  this  town, 
as  are  under  necessity  for  want  of  employment  in  their  sev- 
eral occupations,  by  the  Act  of  Parliament,  called  the  Bos- 
ton Port  Bill,  are  desired  to  bring  in  their  names  to  the 
Committee  appointed  to  consider  of  ways  and  means  for 
their  employment  or  relief,  who  will  attend  for  that  purpose 
at  Faneuil  Hall,  on  every  day,  {Lordh  day  excepted,)  be- 
tween the  1st  and  10th  day  of  August  next,  from  three 
to  seven  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 


ALBEMARLE    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  County  of 
Albemarle,  assembled  in  their  collective  body,  at  the 
Court  House  of  the  said  County,  on  the  26th  of  July, 
1774: 

Resolved,  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  States  of 
British  America  are  subject  to  the  laws  which  they 
adopted  at  their  first  settlement,  and  to  such  others  as  have 
been  since  made  by  their  respective  Legislatures,  duly 
constituted  and  appointed  with  their  own  consent.     That 


no  other  Legislature  whatever  can  rightfully  exercise 
authority  over  them ;  and  that  these  privileges  they  hold 
as  the  common  rights  of  mankind,  confirmed  by  the  politi- 
cal Constitutions  they  have  respectively  assumed,  and  also 
by  several  Charters  of  compact  from  the  Crown. 

Resolved,  That  these  their  natural  and  legal  rights  have 
in  frequent  instances  been  invaded  by  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  and  particularly  that  they  were  so  by  an 
Act  lately  passed  to  take  away  the  trade  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  the  Province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay;  that  all  such  assumptions  of  unlawful  power  arc 
dangerous  to  the  rights  of  the  British  Empire  in  general, 
and  should  be  considered  as  its  common  cause,  and  that  we 
will  ever  be  ready  to  join  with  our  fellow-subjects  in  every 
part  of  the  same,  in  executing  all  those  rightful  powers 
which  God  has  given  us,  for  the  re-establishing  and 
guarantying  such  their  constitutional  rights,  when,  where, 
and  by  whomsoever  invaded. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the  most  eligible 
means  of  effecting  these  purposes,  will  be  to  put  an  im- 
mediate stop  to  all  imports  from  Great  Britain,  (cotton, 
osnabrigs,  striped  duffil,  medicines,  gunpowder,  lead, 
books  and  printed  papers,  the  necessary  tools  and  imple- 
ments for  the  handicraft  arts  and  manufactures  excepted, 
for  a  limited  term,)  and  to  all  exports  thereto,  after  the  first 
day  of  October,  which  shall  be  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
1775 ;  and  immediately  to  discontinue  all  commercial  in- 
tercourse with  every  part  of  the  British  Empire  which 
shall  not  in  like  manner  break  off  their  commerce  with 
Great  Britain. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  we  immediately 
cease  to  import  all  commodities  from  every  part  of  the 
world,  which  are  subjected  by  the  British  Parliament  to 
the  payment  of  duties  in  America. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  these  measures 
should  be  pursued  until  a  repeal  be  obtained  of  the  Act  for 
blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston  ;  of  the  Acts  prohibiting 
or  restraining  internal  manufactures  in  America ;  of  the 
Acts  imposing  on  any  commodities  duties  to  be  paid  in 
America ;  and  of  the  Act  laying  restrictions  on  the  Ameri- 
can trade ;  and  that  on  such  repeal  it  will  be  reasonable  to 
grant  to  our  brethren  of  Great  Britain  such  privileges  in 
commerce  as  may  amply  compensate  their  fraternal  assist- 
ance, past  and  future. 

Resolved,  However,  that  this  meeting  do  submit  these 
their  opinions  to  the  Convention  of  Deputies  from  the 
several  counties  of  this  Colony,  and  appointed  to  be  held 
at  Williamsburg  on  the  first  day  of  August  next,  and  also 
to  the  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
American  States,  when  and  wheresoever  held ;  and  that 
they  will  concur  in  these  or  any  other  measures  which  such 
Convention  or  such  Congress  shall  adopt  as  most  expedient 
for  the  American  good ;  and  we  do  appoint  Thomas 
Jefferson  and  John  Walker  our  Deputies  to  act  for  this 
county  at  the  said  Convention,  and  instruct  them  to 
conform  themselves  to  these  our  Resolutions  and  Opinions. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOVER- 
NOUR  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  SA- 
LEM, JULY  27,  1774. 

I  left  Boston  the  21st  instant,  to  meet  the  Council  at 
Salem,  for  the  issuing  of  money  to  pay  debts  incurred ;  and 
yesterday  morning  received  a  printed  notification  of  a  town 
meeting  to  be  held  that  day  at  Boston,  of  which  I  send 
your  Lordship  a  copy. 

In  my  letter,  No.  6,  I  express  an  expectation  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  Act  expected  for  the  better  government  of  the 
Province ;  and  the  notification  for  a  town  meeting  seems  to 
be  a  prelude  to  it.  Whatever  the  opposition  is,  I  will  do 
my  best  to  defeat  it,  and  take  every  step  I  can  to  enforce 
the  law. 


CharUstown,  South  Carolina,  August  1,  1774. 

A  General  Meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Colony  of 
Georgia,  was  held  at  the  Exchange  in  Savannah,  on 
Wednesday  last,  July  27th.  L^pwards  of  an  hundred  from 
one  Parish,  came  resolved  on  an  agreement,  not  to  import 
or  use  British  manufactures,  till  America  shall  be  restored 
to  her  constitutional   rights.     There   is  to  be    another 


639 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


640 


meeting  in  Savannah,  on  the  10th  instant,  of  a  Convention 
of  Committees  chosen  hy  tlie  different  Parishes,  when  it  is 
believed  proper  resolutions  will  be  entered  into,  and 
perhaps  Deputies  may  also  be  appointed  to  represent  that 
Colony  at  the  intended  Congress.* 

Letters  from  the  If  est  India  Islands  show  that  they  are 
much  alarmed  with  apprehensions  that  the  British  Colo- 
nies on  this  Continent  will  discontinue  to  supply  them  with 
provisions ;  and  that  they  will  rather  withliold  their  exports 
10  Great  Britain,  than  perish  with  hunger  or  eat  each 
other,  t 


which  may  be  concluded  upon  at  the  said  general  meeting, 
as  best  to  be  adopted  for  restoring  harmony  between  the 
mother  country  and  her  Colonies. 

6thly.    Ordered,    That   these    Resolves  be    forthwith 
printed.  John  Powell,  Clerk. 


ACCOMACK    COUNTY    (vIRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  a  very  resjiectable  body  of  tlie  Free- 
holders and  other  Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Accomack, 
at  the  Court  House,  July  27,  1774, 

James  Henry,  Esq.,  in  the  Chair : 

The  meeting  taking  into  their  serious  consideration  the 
present  critical  and  alarming  situation  of  this  country,  re- 
specting her  present  disputes  with  Great  Britain,  do 
unanimously  Resolve  as  follows : 

1st.  That  we  do  owe,  and  will  pay,  due  allegiance  to  his 
Majesty  King  George  the  Third. 

'2dly.  That  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America,  are, 
by  birth-right,  entitled  to  all  the  rights  and  immunities  of 
British  born  subjects ;  one  of  which,  and  of  the  greatest 
importance  is,  that  no  tax,  aid,  tallage,  or  other  imposition, 
shall  be  laid  upon  them  but  by  their  own  consent,  by  their 
Representatives. 

ydly.  That  the  town  of  Boston,  in  our  sister  Colony,  is 
row  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of  American  liberty. 

4thly.  That  the  powers  claimed  by  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, and  now  carrying  into  execution  against  the  town  of 
Boston,  are  fundamentally  wrong,  and  cannot  be  admitted 
without  the  utter  destruction  of  American  liberty,  and  are 
intended  to  operate  equally  against  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  the  other  Colonies. 

5thly.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county,  confiding  in 
the  prudence  and  abilities  of  their  Representatives,  who 
are  to  meet  their  brethren  at  Williamiburg,  on  the  1st  day 
of  Aug-ust  next,  will   cheerfully  submit  to  any  measures 

•  A  number  of  respectable  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  met  at  the 
Watch-house,  in  Satannah,  on  the  27th  of  Jtili).  John  Glenn,  Esq., 
was  chosan  Chairman. 

Sundry  Letters  and  Resolutions  received  from  the  Committees  of  Cor. 
respondence  at  Boston,  Philadelphia,  Annapolis,  Williamsport,  North 
Carolina,  and  Charlestown,  wero  presented  and  r^ad.  A  motion  was 
made,  that  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  draw  up  Resolutions  to  be 
entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province,  nearly  similirto  those 
of  the  Northern  Provinces.  A  debate  arose  therson,  and  the  motion 
was  carried  by  a  large  majority.  It  was  resolved  that  the  following 
gentlemen  should  constitute  that  Committee,  v\z  :  John  Glenn,  John 
Smith,  Joseph  Clay,  John  Houstoun,  Noble  Wimberly  Jones,  Lyman 
Hall,  William  Young,  Edward  Telfair,  Samuel  Farley,  George 
Walton,  Joseph  Habersham,  Jonathan  Bryan,  Jonathan  Cochran, 
George  Mcintosh,  Sutton  Bankes,  William  Gibbons,  Benjamin  Andrew, 
John  Winn,  John  Stirk,  Archibald  Bullock,  James  Screven,  David 
Zubly,  Henry  Davis  Bourquin,  Elisha  Butler,  William  Baker,  Par. 
vienus  Way,  John  Baker,  John  Mann,  John  Benejield,  John  Stacey, 
and  John  Morel.  Several  gentlemen  objected  to  Resolutions  being 
immediately  entered  into,  as  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  distant  Parishes 
niiglit  not  have  had  sufHciont  notice  of  their  objects.  It  was  therefore 
resolved,  that  the  meeting  bo  adjourned  until  the  10th  of  August; 
and  that  the  Chairman  should,  in  the  mean  time,  write  to  the  different 
Parishes  and  Districts  upon  the  subject,  that  it  was  expected  they 
would  send  Deputies  to  join  the  Committees  at  that  time ;  and  that  the 
number  of  Deputies  be  proportioned  to  tlie  Representatives  usually  sent 
to  the  General  Assembly.  It  was  also  resolved,  that  the  Resolutions 
agreed  upon  and  entered  into  at  the  next  meeting,  by  a  majority  of  the 
said  Committee  then  met,  should  be  deemed  the  sense  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  Province. — M'Call. 

t  The  following  is  written  by  Colonel  Samuel  Martin,  the  father  of 
his  Excellency  Josiaii  Martin,  Esq.,  Governour  of  North  Carolina, 
a  most  sensible,  venerable,  and  universallij  belored  gentleman,  a  native 
of  Antigua,  sincerely  attached  to  the  liberty  of  his  country,  and  an 
ornament  to  human  nature  : 

"  I  was  surprised  to  see  in  your  Papers,  the  arcount  of  the  late  Con- 
vention at  Boston,  wliicli  beg.^n  with  a  devout  prayer  to  God,  but  was 
followed  by  impious  Resolutions,  of  starving  tlie  British  Sugar  Colo- 
nics, 80  inonsistenl  with  the  natural  benevolence  due  to  our  fellow- 
creatures,  which  is  a  leading  principle  of  Christianity ;  for,  to  love,  and 
do  good  to  each  other,  is  the  great  characleristick  of  the  Disciples  of 
Jesus  Christ,  or  the  mark  of  distinction  between  Christians  and 
Heathens.  Are  not  such  Resolutions,  after  solemn  addresses  to  the 
Throne  of  Mercy,  a  in  ckery  of  God  ?  Beware  my  brother  Colonists, 
least  such  a  flagrant  impiety  may  not  draw  down  the  judgments  in- 
stead of  the  blessings  of  Heaven. 

"  But  how  do  the  inhabitants  of  tlie  Sugar  Colonies  deserve  the  resent. 
meat  of  Boston  and  the  other  American  Colonies  ?     Is  it  because  they 


PRINCESS    ANNE    COUNTY    (viRGINl.\)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Princess  Anne,  on  due  notice  given  by 
one  of  the  late  Representatives,  held  at  the  Court  House 
of  the  said  county,  on  Wednesday,  tlie  27th  day  of  Jitly, 
1774,  they,  after  choosing 

Anthony  Lawson,  Esquire,  Moderator, 

Came  to  the  following  Resolutions,  viz : 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  it 
is  an  absolute  right  inherent  in  every  British  American 
subject,  to  have  and  enjoy  such  freedoms  and  privileges  as 
belong  to  the  free  people  of  England ;  and  that  he  cannot 
be  taxed  but  by  his  own  consent,  or  Representative. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
every  attempt  to  impose  taxes  by  any  other  authority,  is  a 
tyrannical  exertion  of  power,  and  a  violation  of  the  consti- 
tutional and  just  rights  and  liberties  of  the  subject ;  and  that 
the  Acts  for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston;  for  alter- 
ing the  chartered  Constitution  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay ; 
and  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults,  are  cruel  and 
oppressive  invasions  of  the  natural  rights  of  the  people  of 
the  said  Province,  as  men,  and  of  their  constitutional  rights 
as  English  subjects. 

Resolved,  That  the  town  of  Boston  and  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  are  now  sufi'ering  in  the  common  cause 
of  America,  as  the  said  Acts  would  lay  a  foundation  for 
the  utter  destruction  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  sub- 
jects of  British  America. 

Resolved,  That  our  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed  to 
use  their  utmost  endeavours  at  the  ensuing  Congress  at 
Williamsburg,  to  procure  a  general  Association  for  stop- 
ping all  importation  from,  and  exportation  to,  Great  Bri- 
tain, except  such  articles  as  shall  he  there  agreed  upon,  as 
the  most  effectual  means  to  obtain  redress  ;  the  non-impor- 
tatiou  and  non-exportation  to  take  place  on  such  future  day 

have  not  entered  into  the  same  resentment  against  the  mother  country? 
Alas!  what  avails  the  resentment  of  such  small  communitios  if 
inclined  to  it.  Every  British  subject  must  see  tlio  absurdity  of  a 
former  wicked  Minister,  who  first  adopted  the  plan  of  taxing  the  Col- 
onies by  a  Legislature,  in  which  tliey  have  no  Ro))resentativos  :  it  is 
contrary  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  British  Constitution. 
Yet  that  very  Legislature  repealed  all  the  Tax  Acts  of  America,  except 
a  very  small  tax  upon  tea,  which  was  retained,  not  with  views  of  in. 
creasing  the  Revenue,  but  as  a  mark  of  the  dependency  of  the  Col. 
onies  upon  the  mother  country ;  and  I  dare  say  thit  power  of  the 
British  Legislature  to  impose  rational  taxes  upon  the  Colonies,  will 
never  be  exerted  against  tlicm ;  yet  this  single  instance  is  to  be 
lamented,  because  it  is  contrary  to  the  ancient  rights  of  all  the 
Colonies,  where  Legislatures  were  established  by  lawful  authority, 
from  their  first  settlement ;  and  in  those  Legislatures  of  each  Island 
and  Province,  the  peojile  had  their  Representatives  according  to  the 
fundamental  Constitution  of  the  British  Government ;  for  that  very 
reason  it  is  a  point  to  be  lamented,  and  indeed  oppos 'd,  with  t!ie 
moderation  of  good  subjects:  not  with  rage  and  popular  fury,  kindle 
by  a  few  firebrands. 

"  But  what  hath  the  Sugar  Colonies  to  do  with  all  this  combustion  7 
Must  they  bo  starved  for  what  they  cannot  remedy?  An  hard 
measure  indeed,  to  be  inflicted  by  our  brethren  and  fellow  Christians 
of  North  America.  Yet  to  be  dreaded  from  those,  who  for  many  years 
have  treated  their  sister  Colonies,  the  Sugar  IsLinds,  as  aliens  ;  for 
they  sell  their  produce  among  them  for  gold  and  silver,  which  they 
lay  out  for  the  like  produce  of  the  French,  Dutch,  and  Danish  IsUnds, 
by  a  clandestine  trade,  contrary  to  the  laws  of  commerce,  to  the  great 
injury  of  all  fair  traders,  and  of  the  British  Sugar  Colonies. 

"  But  is  this  principle  of  smuggling  consistent  with  reason  or  Chris- 
tianity? Surely  not,  for  next  to  our  duty  to  God,  it  is  our  duty  to 
promote  the  great  good  and  happiness  of  that  society  whereof  we  are 
members:  and  whatever  smugglers  may  think  of  such  an  unjust 
practice,  they  must  give  a  severe  account  of  it  at  the  great  tribunal  of 
Heaven.     I  hope  private  gain  cannot  justify  publick  injury. 

"  But  it  is  said  if  the  British  Sugiir  Colonies  arR  to  be  st  irvod,  what 
will  the  North  Americans  do  with  their  own  produce  ?  To  this  they 
have  a  pat  and  ready  answer,  that  they  can  dispose  of  their  jiroduce  to 
all  the  foreign  Nations  of  Europe  and  America.  Are  they  sure  of 
this  ?  Are  they  sure  that  the  Navy  of  Britain  will  not  have  orders  to 
make  captures  of  all  their  vessels  found  laden  with  foreign  manufac- 
tures and  production?  even  at  the  entrance  of  their  own  ports. 
Surely  this  is  a  vuin  expectation,  absolutely  inconsistent  with  common 
sense,  and  thorcforo  I  beg  leave  to  advise  our  brethren  of  North 
America  to  treat  all  their  sister  Colonies  with  a  benignity  well  becoming 
such  near  relations,  who  give  freights  to  many  of  the  largest  ships  of 
Boston,  to  the  great  emolument  of  that  city,  and  its  Province  ;  for 
which  and  many  other  benefits,  by  way  of  requital,  the  Sugar  Col- 
onies  are  to  be  starved — Heu  pietas,  heu  priaca  fides .'" 


641 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


642 


as  may  be  agreed  on  by  the  general  Congress  of  Deputies 
from  the  several  Colonies. 

Resolved,  That  our  Burgesses  be  instructed  to  vote 
against  every  motion  or  proposal  for  clogging  the  usual  im- 
ports from,  and  exports  to,  the  West  Indies. 

Resolved,  That  our  Burgesses  be  instructed  to  oppose 
the  importation  of  slaves  and  convicts,  as  injurious  to  this 
Colony,  by  preventing  the  population  of  it  by  freemen  and 
useful  manufacturers. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  our  Burgesses  to 
vote  for  tlie  encouragement  of  raising  sheep,  hemp,  flax, 
and  cotton. 

Resolved,  That  our  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed  to 
endeavour  to  procure  a  general  Association  against  trading 
and  dealing  witli  every  Colony,  Province,  County,  or  Town, 
that  shall  refuse  to  come  into  the  general  plan  which  may 
be  adopted  by  the  several  Colonies  and  Provinces  on  the 
Continent. 

Resolved,  That  our  Burgesses  be  hereby  instructed  to 
use  their  utmost  endeavours  that  subscriptions  be  opened  in 
the  several  counties  of  this  Colony,  for  the  relief  of  the 
cruelly  oppressed  and  distressed  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Boston. 

Resolved,  Tiiat  our  Burgesses  do  meet  the  first  day  of 
August,  in  Williamslrurg,  to  consult  upon  the  most  proper 
means  for  carrying  these  or  any  other  Resolves  which  may 
be  judged  more  expedient,  into  execution. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the 
general  plan  adopted  at  tiie  ensuing  Congress,  ought  to  be 
strictly  adhered  to  by  the  whole  Colony ;  and  that  this 
meeting  will  faithfully  adopt  such  measures  as  may  be  then 
agreed  upon. 

Resolved,  That  the  above  Resolutions  be  printed,  for  the 
perusal  of  the  freeholders  and  inhabitants  of  this  County. 

Thomas  Abbott,   Clerk. 


and  freedom  of  America ;  and,  let  me  add,  that,  if  the 
Deputies  of  the  several  Provinces,  when  convened  in  Con- 
gress, do  not,  one  and  all,  firmly  resolve  to  establish  through 
every  county  and  townsliip  in  their  respective  Provinces,  a 
solemn  League  and  Covenant,  and  under  the  obligation  of 
an  oath  or  affirmation,  not  to  purchase  or  use  the  manufac- 
tures of  tiiis  country,  (save  what  are  collected  already 
within  the  Provinces,)  and,  if  possible,  not  to  export  any 
provisions  to  the  H'eit  India  Islands ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  they  do  not  religiously  resolve  to  meet  again  in  Con- 
gress every  six  months,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  suit- 
able plan  for  the  permanent  security  of  American  rights 
and  freedom ;  I  say,  if  these  things  are  not  done ;  and  if 
they  do  not  determine  faithfully  to  stand  by  each  other 
until  every  Act  passed  this  session  is  reversed ;  and  until 
all  their  just  rights  and  privileges  are  fully  recognised  and 
established  by  this  Legislature,  our  children  will  be  irreme- 
diably deprived  of  that  inheritance  of  liberty  which  our 
fathers  carefully  and  piously  transmitted  to  us. 


•EXTRACT    OF    A    LETTER    RECEIVED    IN    PHILADELPHIA, 
DATED    LONDON,    JULY    27,    1774. 

With  respect  to  politicks,  it  is  not  necessary,  in  this  ad- 
vanced part  of  the  season,  to  write  much.  The  Resolu- 
tions o{ Philadelphia,  and  those  o[ Maryland  and  Virginia, 
I  must,  however,  tell  you,  are  esteemed  both  by  the  Court 
and  the  merchants  of  the  city,  as  very  inoffensive,  and  as 
the  mere  ebullitions  of  a  set  of  angry  men,  whose  force 
was  spent  the  day  they  were  made  ;  and  the  proposed  Con- 
gress is  spoken  of,  and  really  considered,  both  by  Adminis- 
tration and  ail  the  merchants  of  the  city,  as  a  sciieme  that 
will  produce  no  sort  of  security  to  the  liberty  of  the  Colo- 
nies, nor  trouble  to  Administration ;  and  it  is  under  this 
general  apprehension  that  the  stocks  continue  so  uncom- 
monly higli  as  they  are  at  present,  and  have  been  for  some 
time  past.  Mr.  Hutchinson  is  in  good  health,  and  appa- 
rent high  spirits.  He  is  much  quoted  by  Administration  ; 
and  they  are  assured  by  him  that  their  proper  and  spirited 
measures  will  un(|uestionably  excite  a  perfect  submission  in 
all  parts  of  America.  Depend  on  it,  that  it  is  only  such 
parricides  as  Mr.  Hutchinson,  &ic.,  that  support  the  despo- 
tick  and  destructive  schemes  and  wishes  of  the  enemies  of 
America;  and  it  is  from  their  infamous  suggestions  that 
Administration  is  taught  to  laugh  at  your  proposed  Con- 
gress, as  they  are  assured  by  them,  and  from  both  New- 
York  and  Philadelphia,  tliat  it  will  produce  nothing  more 
than  a  remonstrance  or  petition  of  right,  (which  by-the-by 
it  is  already  determined  not  to  receive,)  and  that  you  are 
so  attached  to  your  private  interests,  you  will  never  stop 
either  imports  or  exports.  The  honest  hearted  Americans, 
at  present  in  this  city,  are  daily  botli  at  Court  and  in  Lon- 
don ridiculed,  on  account  of  the  high  sounding  declarations 
of  patriotism,  made,  as  it  is  said,  by  the  cowardly  Ameri- 
cans ;  and  are  hourly  mortified  with  the  detestable  opinions 
of  Hutchinson,  and  other  natives  of  America,  being  plea- 
singly repeated  and  relied  on.  But,  for  my  part,  however 
1  am  perpetually  insulted  wit!)  the  prostituted  sentiments 
of  these  men,  I  persuade  myself  your  countrymen  are  not 
so  contaminated  with  the  vices  and  effeminacy  of  this  Na- 
tion, not  to  see  that  this  is  the  important  crisis  when  they 
ought  to  make  a  solemn,  sullen,  united,  and  invincible  stand 
against  the  cruel,  tyrannick,  and  ruinous  system  of  policy 
adopted  and  exercising  by  this  Legislature  against  the  rights 

Fourth  Series.  41 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    NEW-JERSEY. 

New-Jersey,  July  27,  1774. 
Friends  and  Countrymen: 

We  are  involved  in  a  dispute  with  the  mother  country 
that  is  of  the  most  serious  nature.  It  is  now  brought  to  a 
crisis,  and  upon  our  conduct,  at  this  time,  every  thing  will 
depend. 

If  we  calmly  view  the  controversy,  we  shall  find  that 
both  sides  are  wrong ;  the  Parliament,  in  carrying  their 
authority  of  right  of  taxation  farther  than  is  consistent  with 
the  rights  of  the  Colonists ;  the  Colonists  too  far,  in  deny- 
ing all  authority  of  Parliament.  To  draw  the  line  is  diffi- 
cult; but  yet,  I  apprehend,  a  calm,  prudent,  and  steady 
perseverance  in  what  is  right,  not  making  extravagant  and 
improper  demands,  will  bring  about  a  reconcihatiou.  We 
have  lost  the  distinction  between  internal  and  external  taxa- 
tion, and  absurdly  call  every  impost  upon  trade  a  taxation; 
but  if  we  would  restore  woids  to  their  proper  meaning,  we 
should  find  that  taxes  are  certain  portions  of  our  estates 
taken  from  us  by  tlie  legislative  authority,  for  the  publick 
service,  and  are  to  be  paid  whether  we  will  or  not ;  that,  on 
the  other  hand,  duties  are  certain  rates  set  on  certain  arti- 
cles of  merchandise,  for  the  discouragement  of  foreign 
manufactures  that  interfere  with  our  own,  or  on  articles  of 
luxury;  and  are  either  intended  as  prohibitions  of  those 
articles,  and  therefore  laid  high,  or  are  set  so  low  as  to  raise 
a  revenue  to  the  state,  and  are  levied  only  on  the  consumer; 
so  that,  under  this  species  of  taxation,  every  person  con- 
tributes as  he  pleases,  but  none  are  compelled ;  hence,  a 
wide  difference  in  the  taxes,  if  we  may,  with  propriety, 
call  the  last  by  that  name. 

The  duty  on  tea  has  raised  this  mighty  contest,  foment- 
ed, I  fear,  by  men  whose  interest  it  is  to  discourage  the 
trade  with  Britain  for  this  article  of  luxury,  because  it 
will  deprive  them  of  their  enormous  gains  in  their  trade 
with  the  Dutch,  to  whom  they  make  no  scruple  to  pay  du- 
ties, though  their  consciences  will  not  permit  them  to  pay 
any  to  the  state  that  protects  them,  even  while  they  are 
carrying  on  their  destructive  commerce. 

Let  us,  my  countrymen,  be  steady  in  our  duty  to  Great 
Britain,  and,  at  tlie  same  time  that  we  carefully  guard  our 
liberties,  let  us  not  deny  the  authority  of  Parliament,  where 
it  alone  can  have  jurisdiction,  and  thereby  break  that  bond 
of  union  which  has  made  the  Empire  we  belong  to  so  great 
and  glorious.  In  short,  while  we  contend  for  our  rights, 
let  us  not  attempt  to  deprive  them  of  theirs,  by  denying 
tliat  we  are  bound  by  the  Acts  of  the  British  Legislature, 
in  laying  duties  upon  any  foreign  articles  imported  to  us ; 
we,  in  fact,  declare  an  independency  inconsistent  with  our 
interest,  and  with  every  idea  of  a  Colony,  which  in  itself 
carries  the  idea  of  dependence.  Instead,  therefore,  my 
countrymen,  of  persisting  in  the  absurd  denial  of  the  au- 
thority of  Great  Britain,  in  imposing  any  duties  upon  tea, 
or  other  articles  of  luxury  and  foreign  produce,  let  us  en- 
deavour to  draw  a  line  which  will  put  an  end  to  the  present, 
and  prevent  future,  contests  between  us  and  the  mother 
country. 

We' are  a  part  of  a  very  great  and  powerful  Empire ; 
and  though,  from  our  great  distance  from  the  mother  coun- 
try, we  cannot  be  represented  in  Parliament,  arid  have 


643 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774. 


644 


therefore  a  representation  of  our  own ;  yet,  this  doth  not 
destroy  or  take  away  all  autiiorlty  of  the  mother  country, 
but  only  abridges  its  power  in  such  instances  wherein,  from 
the  nature  of  the  thing,  it  cannot  be  a  complete  judge. 
Hence,  it  follows  naturally,  that  it  would  be  improper  for 
Parliament  to  tax  our  estates,  because  they  cannot  know 
what  sums  we  are  able  to  pay,  nor  in  what  mode  it  would 
be  proper  to  raise  it ;  and  therefore  this  should  be  left  to 
our  own  Representatives.  So,  on  the  other  iiand,  our  ju- 
risdictions are  limited,  and  we  cannot  regulate  trade  or 
extend  our  authority  to  any  matter  out  of  our  Colonies. 
Indeed,  if  we  could,  we  should,  from  our  situations,  the 
different  geniuses  of  the  people  of  these  Colonies,  and 
many  other  things,  never  be  able  to  pass  laws  that  would 
be  uniform,  (which  they  ought  to  be,)  but  our  different  in- 
terests would  lead  us  to  different  regulations,  inconsistent 
with  the  central  good  ;  our  laws  would  clash,  and  be  often 
repugnant  to  those  of  the  mother  country.  Hence,  it  fol- 
lows, that  the  restraining  and  regulating  trade  by  prohibi- 
tions, by  duties,  &c.,  must  rest  with  the  mother  country, 
where  only  a  universal  and  superintendent  power  can  be 
lodged. 

This  then  being  a  true  state  of  our  situation,  instead  of 
denying  all  authority  in  Parliament,  let  us  contend  warmly 
that  our  estates  should  be  taxed  only  by  our  Representa- 
tives in  General  Assembly ;  let  us  acknowledge  that,  as 
parts  of  one  great  Empire,  we  are  ready  to  support  and 
maintain  it,  by  contributing  our  portion  to  the  national  ex- 
pense ;  but  that  our  own  Rejiresentatives  are  the  only  judges 
of  the  mode  of  laying  and  raising  the  taxes  for  this  pur- 
pose. That,  on  the  other  hand.  Parliament,  from  the  na- 
ture and  necessity  of  the  thing,  must  and  ought  to  have 
the  right  of  regulating  and  restraining  trade,  and  laying 
such  duties,  (let  it  be  for  revenue  or  what  it  will)  on  arti- 
cles of  luxury  and  foreign  growth  and  manufactures.  With 
these  sentiments,  let  us  guard  against  the  madness  of  some 
men,  who  are  inflaming  our  minds  and  hurrying  us  into  an 
open  rupture  with  our  mother  country.  Let  us,  instead  of 
denying  the  authority  in  the  mother  country,  instruct  our 
Representatives  in  General  Assembly,  and  those  who  shall 
meet  in  the  intended  general  Congress,  to  use  every  means 
in  their  power  to  conciliate  this  dangerous  controversy  ;  to 
procure  an  exemption  of  our  effects  from  Parliamentary 
taxation,  and  leave  Parliament  to  a  full  exercise  of  their 
power  as  to  laying  duties  and  restraints  on  trade. 

Should  we  thus  distinguish  between  internal  and  external 
taxation,  and  speedily  make  the  proposal,  so  just  and  reason- 
able a  request  we  have  the  greatest  reason  to  believe  will  not 
be  denied.  On  the  contrary,  we  may  safely  presume,  that 
his  Majesty  and  his  Ministers,  as  well  as  Parliament,  will 
hearken  to  the  justice  of  our  request,  and  readily  accept  of 
our  proposals. 

On  the  other  hand  think,  my  countrymen,  of  th^  danger 
attending  an  obstinate  perseverance,  in  so  generally  deny- 
ing the  authority  of  Parliament ;  that,  with  the  confusion 
it  has  and  will  introduce,  we  may,  in  the  heat  and  hurry  of 
our  spirits,  inflamed  by  men  who,  perhaps,  are  without 
consequence,  but  in  times  of  tumult  and  disorder,  be  in- 
volved in  the  horrours  of  a  civil  war,  and  to  the  ruin  of 
our  liberty,  be  compelled  to  submit  by  force. 


BUCKINGHAM    COUNTY    (viRGINIa)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  County  of  Buckingham,  at  the  Court  House,  the 
28th  of  July,  1774,  they  took  under  their  consideration  the 
truly  alarming  state  of  the  several  British  Colonies  from 
sundry  Acts  of  Parhament,  which  if  carried  into  execution 
must  reduce  the  whole  to  an  abject  state  of  slavery,  at 
which  time  they  came  to  the  following  Resolutions  : 

Resolved,  That  we  will,  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and 
fortunes,  defend  his  Majesty's  right  and  title  to  the  Crown 
of  Great  Britain  and  his  American  Dominions,  against 
all  and  every  person  whatsoever,  and  that  we  do  acknowl- 
edge and  profess  all  due  obedience  to  him. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  pay  any  tax  that  is  or  may 
be  laid  on  any  commodity  whatsoever,  which  shall  be  laid 
by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  a  revenue  in  America  ;  our  own  Legislature,  with 
the  consent  of  his  Majesty,  being  only  legally  vested  with 
a  power  of  laying  taxes  on  the  inliabitants  of  this  Colony. 


Resolved,  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  blocking  up 
the  harbour  of  Boston ;  also  one  other  Act  for  carrying  per- 
sons to  Great  Britain  or  elsewhere  to  be  tried  for  offences; 
as  also  the  Act  for  depriving  our  sister  Colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay  of  their  Charter,  are  unjust,  arbitrary,  and  uncon- 
stitutional ;  and  that  we  consider  an  attack  on  the  liberties 
of  one  of  our  sister  Colonies  as  an  attack  on  the  whole 
of  British  America. 

Resolved,  That  manufactories  ought  to  be  encouraged 
in  this  and  every  other  Colony,  and  that  after  a  short  time 
all  importations  from  Great  Britain  ought  to  be  prohibited 
unless  the  several  Acts  of  Parliaiuent  depriving  our  sister 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  their  liberties  be  repealed ; 
as  also  all  such  other  Acts  of  the  British  Pailiament  as 
are  or  may  be  intended  for  laying  any  tax  on  articles  im- 
ported into  this  or  any  of  the  Colonies  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  a  revenue  in  America,  be  likewise  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  the  Representatives  for  this  county  be 
directed  to  meet  the  Representatives  of  the  other  counties 
in  this  Colony,  in  Williamsburg,  the  first  day  of  August 
next,  to  consult  and  advise  on  the  best  and  most  efltctual 
means  for  preserving  American  liberty,  and  that  they  use 
their  best  endeavours  that  proper  persons  be  appointed 
on  the  part  of  this  Colony  to  meet  such  persons  as  may  be 
appointed  by  the  other  Colonies,  to  consult  and  advise  on 
proper  measures  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  with  all  and 
every  of  which  our  desire  is,  a  strict  union  may  be  estab- 
lished, as  the  only  sure  and  effectual  means  of  defeating 
the  evil  intentions  of  a  corrupt  majority  in  the  House  of 
Commons. 

Resolved,  That  these  Resolutions  be  sent  to  the  publick 
Printer,  and  that  she  be  requested  to  publish  the  same. 
John  Nicholas,  Moderator. 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Thursday,  28th 
of  July,  1774, 

Present :  The  Honourable  John  Pcnn,  Esquire,  Gov- 
ernour,  Benjamin  Chew,  James  Tilghman,  Andrew  Allen, 
Esquires. 

The  Secretary  having,  by  the  direction  of  the  Govem- 
our,  prepared  a  draft  of  a  Proclamation,  offering  a  reward, 
pursuant  to  the  request  of  the  Assembly,  for  apprehending 
the  persons  said  to  have  murdered  Joseph  Weepey,  a  Dela- 
ware Indian,  laid  the  same  before  the  Board,  which  was 
approved  and  ordered  to  be  published,  and  printed  copies 
thereof  sent  to  Westmoreland.  The  Proclamation  follows 
in  these  words,  viz  : 

By  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Govemour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, ow<Z  CoM/Utc«  o/New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex, 
on  Delaware  : 

A  proclamation. 

Whereas  I  liave  received  information  that,  some  time  in 
May  last,  a  certain  friendly  Indian  man,  called  Joseph 
Weepey,  was  barbarously  murdered  in  the  County  of  West- 
moreland: And  whereas  there  is  great  reason  to  believe 
that  John  Hinlcson  and  James  Cooper,  of  the  same  county, 
were  concerned  in  the  perpetration  of  the  said  murder. 
And  whereas,  it  is  at  all  times,  but  more  especially  in  the 
present  situation  of  our  affairs  with  the  Western  Indian 
Nations,  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  peace  of  the 
Province,  that  the  perpetrators  of  such  atrocious  offences, 
not  only  against  the  authority  of  Government,  but  indirect 
violation  of  the  treaties  with  those  Indians,  should  be 
brought  to  condign  and  exemplary  punishment,  I  have, 
therefore,  thought  fit,  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  to 
issue  this  Proclamation  :  And  do  hereby  strictly  charge 
and  command  all  judges,  justices,  sheriffs,  constables,  and 
other  officers,  as  well  as  all  other  his  Majesty's  liege 
subjects  within  this  Province,  to  make  diligent  search  and 
inquiry  after  the  said  John  Ilinkson  and  James  Cooper, 
and  to  use  all  lawful  means  for  ap])rehending  and  securing 
them,  that  they  may  be  proceeded  against  according  to  law. 
And  I  do  hereby  promise  and  engage,  that  the  publick 
reward  of  one  hundred  pounds  shall  be  paid  to  any  person 
or  persons  who  shall  apprehend  the  said  John  Ilinkson  and 
James  Cooper,  and  deliver  them  into  the  custody  of  the 


645 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


646 


keeper  of  the  jail  of  either  of  the  Counties  of  Lancaster, 
York,  or  Cumberland,  or  the  sum  of  fifty  pounds  for  either 
of  tliem. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  Philadelphia,  the  twenty-eighth  day  oi  July, 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign,  and  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
four.  John  Penn. 

By  his  Honour's  command, 

Joseph  Shippen,  Jun.,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 


The  Governour  laid  before  the  Board  a  Letter  he  received 
from  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  dated  22d  July,  1774,  which 
follows  in  these  words,  viz  : 

Guy  Park,  July  22,  1774. 
Sir  :  Your  despatch  of  the  28th  ultimo,  to  Sir  fVil- 
liain  Johnson,  arrived  when  that  worthy  man  was,  through 
the  fatigues  occasioned  by  the  late  general  Congress, 
(which  is  just  ended)  very  much  indisposed ;  he  neverthe- 
less continued  all  that  day  to  do  business  with  them,  but  in 
the  evening  was  seized  with  a  relapse,  which  carried  him 
off  in  a  fit  that  night.*  As  it  was  a  very  critical  period, 
and  that  he  had  strongly  recommended  me  for  liis  successor 
to  his  Majesty's  Ministers,  I  continued  to  conduct  the  busi- 
ness of  the  Congress  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the  Indians, 
and  brought  it,  I  think,  to  a  happy  termination,  and  have 
now  received  his  Excellency  General  Gage's  appointment 
to  the  Superintendency  till  his  Majesty's  final  pleasure  is 

*  On  iVfonday  evening,  lltli  of  July,  1774,  departed  this  life,  at 
Johnson  Hall,  in  his  sixtieth  year,  to  tlie  inexpressible  concern  of  his 
family,  and  the  infinite  loss  of  the  publick,  particularly  at  this  critical 
juncture,  the  Honourable  Sir  William  Johnson,  Bart.,  his  Majesty's 
Superintendent  of  Indian  AfFdirs,  and  one  of  the  oldest  Council  of  this 
Province.  Ho  had  long  laboured  under  a  complication  of  disorders, 
the  consequences  of  his  former  fatigues  and  severe  services  in  defence 
of  the  country  in  general,  and  this  Province  in  particular.  Still  per- 
sisting in  the  exertion  of  all  his  faculties,  and  at  the  expense  of  health, 
ease,  and  domestick  concerns,  discharging  the  laborious  duties  of  a  most 
troublesome  and  difficult  department,  he,  though  much  indisposed,  at- 
tended and  transacted  business  with  the  Six  Nations,  who  came  lately 
to  Johnson  Hall  on  account  of  tlie  murders  committed  by  some  of  the 
frontier  inhabitants  of  Virginia.  The  fatigue  and  hurry  of  spirits  oc. 
casioned  by  tlie  difficulties  he  found  in  accommodating  these  affairs, 
at  last  obliged  him  to  retire  to  his  room,  wliere  he  was  immediately 
seized  witli  a  violent  attack,  wliich  carried  him  oiF  in  an  hour's  time. 

The  impartial  publick  well  know  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  distin- 
guished services,  whilst  crowds  have  experienced  his  benevolence  and 
private  bounty ;  and  his  united  talents  as  a  deftsnder  and  improver  of 
this  country,  will  cvar  preserve  his  name  amongst  the  most  dis- 
tinguished personages  o^  the  age  he  lived  in.  In  1737  he  came  from 
Ireland  under  the  auspices  of  his  uncle,  Sir  Peter  Warren,  and  lived 
many  years  in  the  Indians  country,  where  he  learned  tlieir  language 
and  gained  tlieir  afFjction  by  his  great  generosity  and  humanity.  In 
1755,  he  stood  fortli  in  the  defence  of  tliis  Province,  then  in  the  most 
imminent  danger  from  the  rapid  progress  of  the  French  arms,  and  with 
a  force,  consisting  entirely  of  Provincials,  totally  routed  the  army  of 
Baron  Dieskau ;  that  victory  proved  highly  acceptable  to  his  Sovereign, 
who  created  him  a  Baronet ;  and  he  was  rewarded  by  the  Parliament 
of  Great  Britain  with  a  present  of  five  thousand  pounds  sterling.  In 
1758,  he,  by  an  intimate  acquaintance  with  tlie  genius  and  temper  of 
the  Indian  tribes,  who  had  been  debauched  by  France  from  the  interest 
of  Great  Britain,  effected  a  reconciliation  with  fifteen  different  Nations 
of  that  people,  which  paved  the  way  for  the  future  success  of  our  arms 
in  Canada.  In  1759,  he  defeated  the  French  Army,  destined  for  the 
relief  of  JVifl^aca,  under  M.  D'Aubry,  presently  after  which  the  garri- 
son surrendered  that  important  post  to  the  besiegers.  These  glories 
were  obtained  by  dint  of  innate  courage  and  natural  sagacity,  without 
the  help  of  a  military  education ;  and  what  remarkably  enhances  those 
endowments,  is  the  circumstance  of  his  having  taken  in  both  actions, 
the  commanders  of  the  enemy.  In  1760,  he  assisted  at  the  taking  of 
Montreal,  and  tlie  conquest  of  the  French  Empire  in  that  part  of  the 
Continent.  Since  which,  he  has  acted  at  the  head  of  the  Indian  De- 
partment, over  whom  he  early  acquired,  and  constantly  maintained,  a 
surprising  ascendency,  by  the  influence  and  authority  of  his  justice, 
benevolence,  and  integrity.  In  short,  our  gracious  Sovereign  never 
sustained  a  heavier  loss,  in  the  demise  of  any  subject,  than  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  whose  character  was  a  combination  of  good  qualities, 
and  whose  memory  will  bo  highly  revered  to  the  end  of  time. 

His  remains  were  decently  interred  in  the  church  of  his  own  build- 
ing, at  Johnstown,  on  Wednesday,  the  13th,  attended  by  upwards  of 
two  thousand  people,  in  the  following  order ; 

The  Clergy.  J,  Duncan,  Esquire ;  Captain  Chapman ;  P.  Living, 
tion.  Esquire;  Judge  Jones;  G.Banyar,  Esquire;  R.  Morris,  Esquire; 
Major  Edmonston ;  Governour  Franklin ;  supporters  of  tlie  pall. 
Chief  Mourners,  Sir  John  Johnson,  Baronet,  Colonels  D.  Claus  and 
G.  Johnson,  John  Dease,  Esquir-.  The  Physicians ;  J'amily ;  Mohawks ; 
Conajoharifs ;  High  Sheriff,  followed  by  above  two  thousand  persons 
from  the  neighbouring  country.  The  Chiefs  and  Warriors  of  the  ISix 
Nations,  who  then  attended  the  Congress. 

Where  it  was  interred,  and  a  suitable  discourse  delivered  by  the 
Reverend  Mr.  Stewart,  Missionary  to  the  Mohawks  at  Fort  Hunter. 

The  Indians  exhibited  on  the  occasion  of  Sir  William  Johnson's 
death,  the  most  extraordinary  signs  of  distress  and  sincere  afiliction, 
that  ever  were  before  observed  among  that  people. 


known.  I  enlarged  during  the  Conference  on  the  unhappy 
situation  of  your  frontiers,  and  represented  it  as  the  duty  of 
the  Six  Nations  to  bring  those  they  call  their  dependants 
to  reason.  They  have  accordingly  agreed  to  send  Deputies 
from  each  Nation  to  the  Southward,  who  will  set  out  to- 
morrow, but  they  complain  very  much  of  the  ill  treatment 
they  receive  from  the  frontier  people  of  Virginia,  k,c., 
and  of  their  encroachments,  and  demand  redress. 

The  hurry  in  which  the  late  sudden  accident  has  engaged 
me,  and  the  number  of  despatches  I  must  now  necessarily 
make  up  for  the  post,  who  is  waiting,  will  not  permit  me 
to  be  more  particular  at  present,  but  you  may  be  assured, 
sir,  that  whilst  I  have  any  thing  to  do  in  these  affairs,  I 
sliall  use  my  utmost  endeavours  for  the  peace  and  happi- 
ness of  your  Province,  and,  from  true  personal  regard,  shall 
always  be  glad  to  serve  or  oblige  you,  as  I  am,  with  real 
esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

G.  Johnson. 

P.  S.  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  letter  to  Mr. 
McKec,  on  occasion  of  the  present  troubles  as  I  understand 
there  is  no  post  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  that  it  might  meet  with 
great  delay.  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  any  furtlier  infonna- 
tion  respecting  your  frontiers. 

The  Council  then  advised  the  Governour  to  write  an 
Answer  to  the  above  Letter  by  the  next  post,  and  also  to 
write  Lord  Dartmouth  by  the  first  packet,  informing  him 
of  the  publick  occurrences  here  since  he  wrote  him  last,  and 
transmit  him  copies  of  the  Governour's  Message  to  the  As- 
sembly ;  their  Answer ;  Resolves  ;  and  the  Resolves  of  the 
Committee  of  all  the  counties  lately  met  in  this  city  ;  and 
also  the  Instructions  drawn  up  by  them  to  the  Assembly, 
respecting  the  conduct  of  the  Delegates  to  be  named  by  the 
House  to  attend  the  general  Congress  of  Delegates  from 
all  the  Colonies,  proposed  to  be  held  at  this  city  in  Sep- 
tember next. 


EXTRACT  OF  A   LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK. 

Boston,  July  28,  1774. 

All  our  Governours'  operations  are  still  at  a  stand,  as 
the  Cerberus,  ship  of  war,  has  not  yet  made  her  appearance 
with  the  further  intentions  of  Pariiament  in  regard  to  this 
truly  distressed  country  ;  for  she  is  charged  with  the  two 
Acts  passed  on  the  20th  of  May,  respecting  the  proposed 
future  government  and  administration  of  justice  in  this 
Province  ;  that  vessel  was  to  leave  England  on  the  25th  of 
May.  The  Addressers  of  Mr.  Hutchinson,  and  the  pro- 
testers against  our  publick  measures  lead  a  devil  of  a  life ; 
in  the  country  the  people  will  not  grind  their  corn,  and  in 
town  they  refuse  to  purchase  from,  and  sell  to,  them. 
The  Governour  expects  hourly  the  arrival  of  the  fifty-ninth 
regiment,  with  a  company  of  artillery  from  Halifax ;  his 
Excellency  has  expressed  much  surprise  on  finding  the 
transports,  which  sailed  long  since  from  hence,  to  take  on 
board  the  Royal  Welsh  Fusiliers,  had  not  effected  an 
arrival  at  New-  Yorh ;  surely  the  old  Wentworth  Indiaman 
has  not  played  the  Navy  Commissioners  a  trick,  and,  by  a 
sacrifice  to  Neptune,  proved  a  hard  bargain  to  Government. 

Our  inhabitants  endure  their  distressed  situation  with 
great  temper.*  The  letters  of  sympathy  which  they  have 
received  from  the  other  Colonies,  with  assurances  of  joining 
in  a  general  delegation  to  the  Grand  Congress  at  Philadel- 
phia, fortify  their  distracted  spirits,  and  encourage  them 

*  Boston,  July  21, 1774.  The  firmness  and  unanimity  of  the  people 
to  defend  their  invaluable  rights,  notwithstanding  the  restlessness  of  a 
little  selfish  faction,  does  this  Province  honour.  At  a  meeting  of  sixty 
gentlemen.  Deputies  of  the  several  towns  in  the  County  of  Berkshire,  a 
number  of  judicious,  spirited  Resolves  were  passed,  and  a  non-con. 
sumption  agreement  agreed  upon  to  encourage  our  own  manufactures, 
and  a  subscription  for  the  Boston  sufferers,  by  the  Port  Act.  The  ac- 
counts from  Connecticut  are  most  encouraging,  and  the  firmness,  ac- 
tivity, and  generosity  of  the  other  Colonies,  is  astonishing  to  the  enemies 
of  Arnerican  freedom.  Courage,  Americans,  and  with  the  help  of  God, 
the  slavery  intended  for  us  may  be  warded  off,  and  our  tranquillity  re- 
established. 

July  28.  Every  part  of  this  extensive  Continent,  so  far  as  we  have 
yet  heard,  appear  to  be  deeply  interested  in  the  fate  of  this  unhappy 
town.  Many  and  great  are  the  donations  we  have  already  received, 
and  many  mora  we  have  good  reason  to  expect.  The  cry  of  hunger  is 
not  so  groat  as  was  at  first  expected.  Even  our  poorest  people  have 
not  suffered  for  the  want  of  bread.  May  that  Being  who  hath  the 
hearts  of  all  men  in  his  hands,  and  who  tumeth  them  as  he  pleaseth, 
still  dispose  our  sympathizing  brethren  to  continue  their  benefactionsj 
till  we  are  happily  relieved  from  our  present  difficulties. 


647 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  JULY,  1774. 


648 


to  look  up  for  efFeciual  relief  from  the  event  of  measures 
to  be  concerted  by  the  united  wisdom  of  many  sage,  dis- 
creet, and  intelligent  counsellors.  Tiie  gentlemen  ap- 
pointed our  Delegates  will  prejiare  to  set  out  in  three 
weeks  time ;  and  as  they  carry  with  them  ample  abilities 
to  describe  our  situation,  and  to  rouse  the  attention  of  all 
America  to  our  sufteriugs,  we  doubt  not  their  complaints 
will  be  heard,  and  their  proposals  to  that  Assembly  sup- 
ported with  all  the  sensibility  and  fervour  which  will 
doubtless  prevail  at  that  solemn  Assembly. 


TO    THE    GENTLEMEN  01"    THE    GENERA!.    CONVENTION    OF 
VIRGINIA. 

Williamsburg,  July  28,  1774. 
You  are  now  to  meet  on  one  of  tlie  most  important 
matters  that  ever  engaged  the  Councils  of  America  ;  you 
are  all  well  acquainted  with  the  natural  and  constitutional 
rights  of  your  country.  The  resolves  from  your  different 
counties  would  reflect  honour  on  the  ancient  Grecian  or 
Roman  states.  But  in  what  maimer  to  oppose  the  grow- 
ing system  of  oppression  which  hangs  over  you,  and  to 
secure  your  rights  for  the  future,  is  the  important  question 
to  come  before  you.  Permit  a  fellow-subject  to  offer  you 
his  sentiments. 

It  is  proposed  that  you  shall  immediately  put  a  stop  to 
all  exports  and  imports  to  and  from  Great  Britain.  We 
will  consider  those  two  points  separately. 

By  stopping  your  exports  you  will  distress  yourselves 
without  one  good  consequence  attending  it.  You  will 
lessen  the  revenue  it  is  true  ;  but  as  that  revenue  arises 
from  the  duty  which  is  paid  by  the  consumer  in  Britain, 
the  Ministry  will  only  alter  the  mode  of  taxation  and  laugh 
at  your  folly.  It  is  alleged  too,  that  you  are  considerably 
in  debt  to  the  British  Nation.  If  that  is  the  case,  let  us 
not  meanly  take  advantage  of  the  times,  and  give  room  for 
our  enemies  to  declare  that  we  are  a  set  of  men  void  of 
publick  faith,  who  do  not  deserve  the  freedom  we  are  con- 
tending for.  Policy,  justice,  and  proper  regard  for  our 
national  character,  all  forbid  you  to  adopt  this  plan.  If 
we  are  obliged  at  last  to  struggle  for  our  liberties,  with 
arms  in  our  hands,  let  us  not  stain  the  purity  of  our  cause 
with  the  least  tincture  of  injustice.  Let  us  excite  the 
prayers  of  the  righteous  for  our  success  ;  and  if  we  do  fall 
let  us  fall  revered  and  lamented. 

The  other  position  is,  that  you  should  immediately  stop 
all  imports  from  Great  Britain;  let  us  examine  into  the 
consequence  of  this  step. 

We  will  suppose  that  all  ^menc«  will  unite  in  this  mea- 
sure. You  must  then  depend  on  your  own  manufactures 
for  the  mere  necessaries  of  life.  But  this  you  will  be  pre- 
vented from  carrying  into  execution,  for,  as  soon  as  you 
have  openly  avowed  your  design  of  purchasing  no  more  of 
the  British  manufactures,  the  Ministry  will  immediately 
enforce  that  right  which  they  claim  from  regulating  the 
trade,  of  restraining  you  from  making  any  of  your  own. 
It  will  be  made  treason  and  rebellion  for  any  man  to 
manufacture  the  produce  of  his  own  estate  ;  it  will  be  made 
treason  and  rebellion  not  to  import  from  Great  Britain ; 
nay,  it  has  already  been  done  by  Governour  Gage's  tyran- 
nical Proclamation,  which  you  have  all  seen.  This  mea- 
sure will  only  protract  the  evil  a  little  while,  and  increase 
the  weight  of  your  calamities ;  such  are  the  fruits  of  allow- 
ing a  supremacy  for  regulating  the  trade. 

Let  us  then,  my  countrymen,  throw  aside  all  temporizino- 
methods  ;  let  us  assert  our  liberties  witli  a  spirit  becoming 
men  who  are  deserving  of  them  ;  let  us  authorize  tiie  gen- 
eral Congress  of  America  to  lay  our  claims  before  the 
Nation,  and  demand  a  ratification  of  them  from  the  King 
m  his  British  Parliament — claims  so  just  and  so  similar  to 
their  own,  that  a  brave  and  generous  Nation  cannot  with- 
hold their  consent.  But  if  this,  through  the  corrupt  influ- 
ence of  the  Ministry,  siiould  be  denied  us,  we  shall  be 
prepared  for  the  alternative.  Let  us  then  protest  against 
the  authority  of  Parliament  in  every  case  whatever ;  let  us 
forbid  our  magistrates  to  be  governed  by  their  Acts,  on 
pain  of  incurring  the  just  indignation  of  an  injured  peo- 
ple ;  and,  above  all,  let  us  remember,  in  limes  of  necessity 
that  with  the  sword  our  forefathers  obtained  their  consti- 
tutional rights,  and  by  the  sword  it  is  our  duty  to  defend 
them. 


THE    BRITISH    AMERICAN,    NO.   IX. 

WilUamsburg,  Va.,  July  28,   1774. 

Friends,  Fellow-citizens,  and  Countrymen: 

I  have  observed  in  quarrels  between  two  men,  where 
each  has  been  satisfied  of  the  others'  bravery,  tiiey  have 
generally  compromised  their  difference  upon  honourable 
terms ;  but  where  tiie  person  injured,  under  pretence  of 
trymg  moderate  measures,  hath  by  this  method  of  asking 
satisfaction,  given  his  adversary  reason  to  suspect  his  cour- 
age, a  scandalous  submission,  or  the  duel,  he  wished  to 
avoid,  has  been  the  consequence.  Tlie  same  passions 
which  produce  this  effect  between  two  men  will  operate 
equally  upon  two  states,  who  are  but  a  collection  of  indi- 
viduals. It  is  my  firm  opinion,  that  if  the  British  aristoc- 
racy were  once  convinced  that  you  were  determined  to  risk 
your  lives  and  fortunes  rather  than  submit  to  the  legislation 
of  a  British  Parliament,  they  would  relinquish  so  despotick 
a  measure  rather  than  force  you  to  draw  the  sword ;  if 
you  convince  them  that  you  are  determined  to  go  even 
those  lengths  rather  than  submit,  and  nothing  but  a  persua- 
sion that  you  dare  not  do  so  hath  induced  them  to  proceed 
so  far  as  they  have  done.  But  supposing  it  was  otherwise, 
it  is  high  time  that  the  dispute  between  Britain  and  Amc- 
rica  should  be  brought  to  some  fixed  point,  which  being  once 
determined,  either  one  way  or  the  other,  may  remove  all 
future  contests;  for  if  you  look  no  farther  than  the  present 
moment,  and  only  endeavour  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  any  par- 
ticular Act  of  Parliament  you  complain  of,  you  will  no 
sooner  baffle  oppression  in  one  shape,  than,  Proteus  like,  it 
will  attack  you  in  another  equally  formidable.  Jealousies, 
complaints,  murmurs,  and  dissensions  will  eternally  subsist ; 
reciprocal  provocations  will  totally  destroy  all  harmony  be- 
twixt the  inhabitants  of  the  two  countries  ;  and  implacable 
resentment  end  in  mutual  attempts  to  ruin,  if  not  to  extir- 
pate, each  other.  What  then,  my  countrymen,  is  it  you 
demand?  The  answer  is  obvious.  A  right  of  exemption 
from  the  legislation  of  the  British  Parliament.  If  you  are 
determined  to  enforce  this  right  lay  the  axe  at  the  root  of 
the  evil,  boldly  avow  those  intentions  to  the  world,  and  pur- 
sue the  proper  measures  to  transmit  that  right  to  your  pos- 
terity. 

Of  the  three  plans  proposed  the  first  appears  too  weak 
and  timid ;  the  second  too  violent,  rash,  and  dishonour- 
able to  be  adopted ;  then  consider  coolly  the  third  plan 
proposed :  that  you  shall  absolutely  determine  at  once 
that  you  will  not  in  future  suffer  any  Act  of  the  British 
Parliament,  made  since  the  fourth  of  James  the  First,  to 
be  executed  in  the  Colonies  ;  that  if  any  judge  of  any 
court  whatever  shall  presume  to  pronounce  any  judgment 
to  enforce  such  Act  of  Parliament,  he  shall  incur  the 
resentment  of  an  injured  people,  and  be  treated  as  an 
enemy  to  America  ;  that  the  judgment  so  pronounced  by 
him  shall  be  absolutely  void ;  and  that  you  will,  at  the  risk 
of  your  lives  and  fortunes,  support  every  person  injured  by 
such  judgments  in  repelling  the  execution  of  them  by  force. 
It  is  objected  that  this  measure  strikes  at  the  Navigation 
Acts,  which  we  have  long  submitted  to.  The  very  objec- 
tion evinces  the  folly  of  trusting  the  decision  of  this  dis- 
pute to  posterity,  who,  familiarized  to  opfiression,  will 
never  resist  it,  and  who,  by  long  use,  will  be  accustomed 
to  look  upon  every  badge  of  slavery  with  as  little  horrour 
as  we  do  upon  the  Navigation  Acts,  which  ought  certainly 
to  be  considered  as  impositions  of  the  strong  upon  the 
weak,  and  as  such  ought  to  be  resisted  as  much  as  any  of 
the  other  Acts  we  complain  of;  nor  will  this  dispute  ever 
be  ended  till,  by  refusing  submission  to  them,  we  remove 
so  dangerous  a  precedent.  But  it  is  said  to  be  reasonable 
that  your  trade  should  be  secured  to  Great  Britain :  I 
own  I  cannot  see  the  force  of  this  argument ;  for  why 
should  not  Britons  on  this  have  as  good  a  right  to  extend 
their  trade  to  every  corner  of  the  globe  as  those  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic  1  Is  it  material  to  the  Empire 
of  Great  Britain  in  what  part  of  her  Dominions  the  wealth 
of  her  subjects  lie,  since  it  will  finally  centre  in  her  happy 
Island  ?  Bristol,  Liverpool,  and  Whitehaven  would  esteem 
it  an  intollerable  hardship  to  be  obliged  to  lade  or  unlade  all 
their  ships  at  the  port  ai  London,  m A  though  they  are  not 
obliged  to  do  this,  their  wealth  finally  centres  in  that  city  as 
the  metropolis  of  the  Kingdom  ;  so  if  America  was  indulged 
in  an  unlimited  trade  it  would  be  highly  advantageous  to 
Britain,  as  all  the  profits  of  such  a  trade  must  finally 


649 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  JULY,  1774. 


650 


centre  in  that  Island.  It  hatli  been  justly  observed,  "  that 
"  natural  inclination  leads  every  man  to  the  cultivation  of 
*'  the  soil,  and  the  extensive  Continent  of  America  will 
"  enable  her  inhabitants  to  indulge  that  inclinalion  for  cen- 
"  turies  to  come  ;  notliing  but  oppression  can  ever  induce 
"  them  to  turn  their  thoughts  towards  manufactures  whilst 
"  the  produce  of  their  fields  can  supply  them  with  those 
"  manufactures."  Long  custom,  added  to  their  natural 
connections  with  their  modier  country,  will  lead  them  to 
prefer  those  of  Britain  to  any  others ;  and  the  certain 
market  they  would  meet  with  there,  together  with  the 
danger  they  will  run  in  trading  with  a  foreign  Power,  who 
in  case  of  a  war  may  cancel  all  the  debts  due  to  them,  will 
induce  them  to  supply  Britain  with  all  the  rough  material 
she  can  manufacture,  and  to  trade  wiih  other  Nations  for 
such  only  as  would  be  superfluous  to  her.  But  it  is  object- 
ed that  America  would  supply  foreign  Powers  with  tobacco, 
and  Britain  would  lose  that  valuable  branch  of  trade.  To 
this  I  answer,  that  her  own  interest  would  induce  America 
first  to  supply  Britain  with  as  much  of  that  commodity 
as  she  wanted  for  home  consumption ;  because  so  much 
would  bring  abetter  price  from  thence  than  from  any  other 
market.  The  revenue  of  Britain  would  not  therefore  be 
affected  ;  and,  with  regard  to  the  superfluity.  Great  Britain 
could  never  be  said  to  lose  those  profits  which  any  of  her 
subjects  gained,  because  the  wealth  would  finally  centre  in 
the  capital  of  the  Empire.  The  happy  temperature  of 
her  climate  would  invite  the  indolent,  the  residence  of  her 
Monarch  would  draw  the  ambitious,  the  grandeur  of  her 
metropolis  would  attract  the  vain  and  curious,  and  the  re- 
finements of  her  pleasures  would  induce  the  luxurious  of 
her  extensive  Empire  to  spend  all  their  superfluous  wealth 
in  a  city  where  they  could  indulge  every  wish  of  their 
hearts;  not  to  mention  the  vast  superiority  Great  Britain 
would  have  over  the  Colonies  by  all  the  Officers  of  Gov- 
ernment in  them  being  appointed,  the  Government  directed, 
and  even  the  Legislature  controlled,  (in  the  exercise  of  the 
King's  negative)  by  the  British  Councils.  But  it  is  ob- 
jected, that  if  America  were  indulged  with  this  extension 
of  irade,  still  she  would  not  contribute  to  the  support  of 
Government,  unless  compelled  to  it  by  a  British  Parlia- 
ment. Either  this  objection  is  true  or  false.  Suppose  it  true. 
If  all  the  wealth  arising  from  the  trade  and  labours  of  the 
Americans  finally  centres  in  Britain,  it  is  as  immaterial  to 
the  state  whether  America  actually  pays  the  taxes  herself 
or  enables  others  to  do  it,  as  it  is  whether  the  publican  or 
tallow-chandler  pay  their  taxes  to  the  exciseman,  who  pays 
them  into  the  Exchequer,  or  whether  they  pay  them  into 
the  Exchequer  themselves.  But  1  deny  the  objection  to 
be  true.  The  Assemblies  of  the  Colonies  of  America, 
when  proper  requisitions  have  been  made  of  them  as  a  free 
people,  who  had  a  right  to  exercise  their  judgment  upon 
the  expediency  of  the  requisitions,  have  never  refused  to 
contribute  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  towards  supporting 
the  dignity  of  the  British  Empire ;  nor  can  the  British 
aristocracy  produce  a  single  instance  of  any  one  Colony's 
having  refused  to  grant  supplies  when  their  Sovereign  bath 
requested  them,  but  such  where  their  Governours,  instead  of 
requesting  those  supplies  with  a  respect  due  to  free  people, 
have  insolently  demanded  them,  with  threats  in  case  of 
refusal ;  or  when,  in  the  Proprietary  Colonies,  their  propri- 
etors have  refused  to  pass  any  Supply  Bills,  by  which  his 
large  estate  in  the  Province  would  be  obliged  to  contribute 
any  thing  towards  warding  off  the  common  danger,  and 
then,  by  the  address  of  his  Governour,  Administration  hath 
been  abused  with  a  belief  that  disloyalty  in  the  people  to 
their  Sovereign  occasioned  the  want  of  those  supplies, 
which  were  really  withheld  by  the  avarice  of  the  propri- 
etor. In  the  last  war,  when  the  usual  requisitions  were 
made,  the  Assemblies,  fond  of  demonstrating  their  loyalty 
to  their  Sovereign,  and  their  regard  for  the  dignity  of  the 
British  Empire,  exerted  themselves  so  much  beyond  their 
ability,  that  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  thought  it 
but  just  to  repay  them  what  they  had  actually  contri- 
buted more  than  their  proportion.  Have  they  ever  since 
been  asked  to  contribute  and  refused  ?  Why  then  distrust 
them  now  ?  Or  why  run  the  risk  of  destroying  the  goose 
to  get  at  that  wealth  which  will  be  at  the  service  of  their 
Sovereign  whenever  he  asks  for  it  in  the  usual  way  ?  But 
it  is  objected,  that  die  last  war  was  undertaken  solely  on 
account  of  America,  and  therefore  she  was  more  materially- 


interested  in  its  success  than  any  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Britain.  The  event  has  proved  the  very  reverse.  Each 
Colony  possessed  of  more  lands  than  their  inhabitants  could 
cultivate,  were  really  prejudiced  by  Great  Britain's  extend- 
ing her  Dominion  in  America.  Their  lands  fell  immedi- 
ately fifty  per  cent,  in  their  value  by  the  emigration  of  their 
inhabitants  to  the  new  conquered  Colonies ;  the  manufac- 
tuies  from  Britain  came  much  higher  than  formerly,  by  the 
great  demand  for  them  to  supply  their  new  acquired  sub- 
jects ;  their  exports  to  Britain  were  reduced  in  their  price 
on  account  of  the  additional  ones  from  the  new  Dominions; 
and,  to  crown  all,  the  British  aristocracy  having  no  longer 
a  foreign  rival  to  fear  in  America  to  check  their  aspiring 
views,  employed  their  victorious  arms  to  destroy  the  rights 
of  those  subjects  who  had  assisted  them  in  obtaining  the 
victories  which  now  enable  them  to  attempt  to  enslave  you, 
with  even  a  shadow  of  success.  But  if  custom  hath  so 
far  habituated  you  to  these  unjust  laws  that  you  are  willing, 
for  the  sake  of  peace,  to  meet  your  mother  country  more 
than  half  way,  upon  her  agreeing  to  repeal  those  Acts, 
together  with  every  precedent  of  legislation,  do  you,  on 
your  parts,  agree  to  secure  the  trade  of  the  Colonies  to 
Great  Britain  be  re-enacting  the  laws  of  navigation  in 
your  own  respective  Assemblies,  which,  when  they  have 
obtained  the  Royal  assent,  will  be  eternally  binding  on 
you  ?  But  never  consent  to  submit  to  those  laws  as  the 
Acts   of  a  British  Parliament. 

It  is  objected,  that  the  third  plan  proposed  is  too  violent 
and  illegal  to  be  adopted.  Let  us  consider  whether  it  is 
so ;  and  here  permit  me  to  make  a  few  distinctions  which 
are  supported  by  those  laws  of  England,  which  our  ances- 
tors, when  they,  with  leave  of  their  Sovereign,  settled 
America,  imported  with  them. 

When  a  Judge  pronounces  an  erroneous  judgment,  in  a 
cause  properly  ivithin  his  jurisdiction,  he  is  not  answer- 
able as  a  criminal  for  such  an  crrour  in  judgment,  because 
no  man  is  infallible,  and  corruption  is  not  presumed.  The 
judgment  so  pronounced  by  him,  though  erroneous,  is  not 
absolutely  void,  but  avoidable,  and  till  it  is  regularly  re- 
versed, by  a  superiour  Court  of  Judicature,  it  is  to  be 
considered  as  a  judgment ;  may  as  such  be  enforced,  but 
cannot  be  legally  resisted. 

If  a  Judge  pronounces  judgment  in  a  cause  in  which  he 
has  no  jurisdiction,  or  if  a  man  constitutes  himself  a 
Judge,  or  is  by  others,  ivho  have  no  right  to  do  so,  ille- 
gally constituted  a  Judge,  and  as  such  presumes  to  enforce 
such  usurjjed  jurisdiction,  even  though  the  judgment  is  a 
just  one,  he  is  answerable  for  the  consequences.  The 
judgment  thus  pronounced  by  him,  though  a  just  one,  is 
absolutely  void,  and  as  such  may  be  legally  resisted.  The 
Judge  and  every  person  concerned  in  endeavouring  to  en- 
force such  a  judgment,  are  trespassers ;  and  if  any  person 
should  be  killed  in  resisting  such  judgment,  the  Judge  who 
pronounced  the  sentence,  if  present  at  the  execution,  and 
all  his  assistants,  are  answerable  for  the  m,urder. 

The  Courts  of  Admiralty,  at  the  time  our  ancestors 
settled  America,  had  no  jurisdiction  of  any  offence  com- 
mitted in  any  river  or  bay  where  the  land  could  be  seen 
across  from  one  side  to  the  other  ;  and  if  they  presumed 
to  usurp  such  jurisdiction,  by  seizing  any  vessel  in  such 
places,  they,  and  all  acting  under  them,  were  trespassers ; 
their  judgments  were  absolutely  void,  and  by  the  statute 
of  second  Henry  the  Fourth,  chapter  eleven,  they  were 
liable  for  double  damages. 

The  King  cannot  create  any  new  offence,  which  was  not 
so  at  the  common  law,  or  alter  the  mode  of  trial  of  those 
already  created  in  Britain,  ivithout  the  consent  of  his 
British  Parliament,  or,  in  other  words,  ivithout  the  consent 
of  the  Representatives  of  the  people,  who  are  to  be  judged 
for  such  offences,  and  affected  by  such  trials ;  and  if  he 
should,  such  trials  would  be  illegal;  the  judgments  abso- 
lutely void ;  the  persons  injured  by  them  may  not  only 
maintain  an  action  against,  and  indict  as  trespassers,  the 
persons  vjho  attempt  to  enforce  such  illegal  and  void  judg- 
ments, but  may  resist  them  by  force,  and  if  in  such  resist- 
ance they  kill  the  trespassers,  it  will  not  be  murder, 
because,  say  the  books,  the  persons  slain  were  tres- 
passers, covering  their  violence  with  a  show  of  justice;  he 
who  kills  them  is  indulged  by  the  law,  and  those  who 
engage  in  such  unlawful  actions  must  abide  by  the  event, 
at  their  peril. 


651 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


652 


For  authorities  in  support  of  the  doctrines  I  iiave  thus 
laid  down,  I  refer  my  reader  to  10  Co.  Rep.  76  and  77 ; 
1  Salk.  201.  2  Mod.  30,  196;  Bolls.  Abr.  Tit.  Escape, 
809.  pi.  45;  Cro.  James  314,  Cro.  Car.  395;  2  .Sid. 
125;  1  Lev.  95;  Hob.  261 ;  Holt,  Rep.  186;  1  Hawk. 
pi.  cr.  cliap.  28,  sec.  5  and  6.  cliap.  29,  sec.  8.  cliap.  31 , 
sec.  46.  chap.  32,  sec.  54, 57,  58,  59,  and  60 ;  2  Hawk. 
pi.  cr.  chap.  50,  sec.  3,  4 ;  Inst.  87,  97,  98,  121,  134,  to 
142,  213,  and  248  ;  and  a  great  multitude  of  precedents  in 
those  boolcs  referred  to.  From  tliese  doctrines  and  au- 
thorities I  draw  the  following  inferences  : 

First,  That  the  jurisdiction  exercised  by  the  Courts  of 
Admiralty  in  the  bays  and  rivers  in  America  being  given, 
the  very  offences  of  which  they  talie  cognizance  being 
created,  and  tlie  modes  of  trial  being  altered  from  the 
common  law,  since  the  settlement  of  the  Colonies  by  the 
British  Parliament,  in  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  Col- 
onies are  not  represented,  the  judgments  given  by  those 
Courts  are  absolutely  void  ;  tliat  the  persons  injured  by 
them  have  a  right  to  recover  double  damages  of,  and  to 
indict  the  persons  who  enforce  them,  and  to  resist  them 
with  force,  and  if  in  such  resistance  tlie  trespassers  are 
killed,  it  will  not  be  murder ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  if  the 
persons  resisting  are  killed,  all  actually  present  in  counte- 
nancing and  enforcing  such  judgments  will  be  guilty  of 
murder. 

Secondly,  That  as  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  made 
since  the  settlement  of  A7nerica,  (in  which  the  inhabitants 
of  America  neither  are  or  can  be  represented)  cannot  be 
binding  upon  the  Americans,  who  have  no  share  in  framing 
them,  the  subject  matter  of  such  Acts  of  Parliament  can 
never  come  within  the  jurisdiction  of  any  Court  of  Judica- 
ture in  America,  and  consequently  any  judgment  given  by 
an  American  Court  of  Judicature,  to  enforce  sucii  Acts  of 
Parliament,  are  absolutely  void,  and  may  be  legally  re- 
sisted. 

Thus,  my  countrymen,  the  dispute  finally  terminates  in 
this  single  question  :  whether  the  British  Parliament,  in 
which  you  are  not  represented,  have  a  right  to  make  laws 
to  bind  you  or  not  ?  If  they  have,  all  opposition  is  illegal ; 
but  if  they  have  not,  you  may,  without  infringing  the  laws 
of  your  country,  declare  that  you  will  not  submit  to  any 
Act  of  Parliament  made  since  your  ancestors,  with  tiie 
leave  of  their  Sovereign,  settled  in  America,  and  deter- 
mine to  punish  any  Judge  who  shall  dare  to  enforce  such  ; 
for  the  man  who  as  a  Judge  usurps  a  jurisdiction  he  has  no 
right  to,  and  under  colour  of  a  law,  no  way  obligatory  on 
you,  attempts  to  wrest  your  property  from  you,  is  to  be 
considered  as  a  plunderer  and  robber,  and  you  have  as 
good  a  right  to  repel  by  force  the  execution  of  his  judg- 
ments, as  you  have  to  resist  the  higiiwayman  who  attacks 
you  in  the  main  road ;  the  thief  who  breaks  into  your 
house ;  the  bailiff  who,  by  virtue  of  an  execution  against 
your  estate,  attempts  to  imprison  your  person,  or  the 
Gascon  who  would  enforce  an  edict  of  the  French  Parlia- 
ment. A  just  apprehension  of  personal  danger,  and  the 
dread  of  immediate  punishment,  acts  so  powerfully  upon 
the  human  mind,  that  I  can  readily  imagine  a  regard  for 
their  personal  safety  would  induce,  and  a  dread  of  danger 
would  intimidate,  all  the  Judges  in  the  Colonies  from  en- 
forcing Acts  of  Parliament  of  which  they  can  have  no  legal 
jurisdiction.  Thus  your  very  Resolutions  would,  in  many 
of  the  Colonies,  end  the  dispute  ;  for  Acts  of  Parliament, 
which  no  Judge  would  dare  to  enforce  obedience  to  could 
never  injure  you.  But  if,  contrary  to  expectation,  the 
Judges  should  still  presume  to  proceed,  I  would  not  advise 
you  to  confine  yourselves  to  resolutions  only,  or  even  to  a 
bare  resistance  of  the  execution  of  their  judgments,  but  by 
pursuing  active  measures,  convince  them  you  are  in  earnest, 
and  make   examples  of  the  offending  Judi^es. 

Be  not  alarmed,  my  countrymen,  it  is  not  my  intention 
to  advise  you  to  proceed  to  extremities,  and  hang  up  these 
Judges  at  once  ;  for  if  the  laws  of  your  country  can  be  duly 
enforced,  the  authorities  I  have  cited  prove  that  private 
actions  brought  by  the  parties  injured,  the  presentment  of 
Grand,  and  the  verdicts  of  Petit  Juries,  will  be  amply 
sufficient  to  enable  you  to  punish  legally  any  Judge,  who 
by  arrogating  to  himself  an  illegal  jurisdiction,  shall 
presume  to  invade  himself,  or  instigate  others  to  invade, 
the  property,  restrain  the  liberty,  or  destroy  the  lives  of  his 
fellow-subjects.     It  is  objected,  that  Administration  will 


exert  its  influence  over  all  your  Courts  of  justice  to  stifle 
such  suits  and  prosecutions,  or,  at  least,  to  prevent  them 
from  being  carried  into  execution  ;  to  this  I  answer,  that 
when  violent  and  unconstitutional  measures  are  taken  to 
overturn  the  laws  of,  or  to  impede  the  course  of  justice  in, 
any  country,  the  first  law  of  nature  gives  the  people  a 
right  of  preserving  the  one,  and  of  enforcing  the  other ; 
therefore,  if  your  natural  and  political  liberty  should  be 
thus  trampled  on,  and  your  property  should  be  thus  ille- 
gally invaded,  you  will  be  strictly  justifiable  in  recurring  to 
force,  and  in  proceeding  to  the  last  extreme  ;  and  to 
sacrifice  to  your  just  resentment  three  or  four,  or  even 
three  or  four  dozen  unconstitutional  and  corrupt  Judges  in 
each  Colony,  will  be  a  more  moderate  measure  than  that 
of  entering  into  associations  to  starve  twenty  thousand  of 
your  innocent  manufacturing  fellow-subjects  in  Britain,  or 
that  of  breaking  oil'  all  connections  with  the  mother  country, 
and  by  that  means  reducing  yourselves  to  the  necessity  of 
slaughtering  some  thousands  of  the  British  soldiers,  or  of 
exposing  the  lives  of  all  America  in  a  bad  cause  ;  for  such 
it  would  be  esteemed  if  you  act  dishonourably  in  withhold- 
ing their  debts  from  your  creditors.  Upon  the  whole,  my 
advice  to  you,  my  countrymen,  is,  that  you  send  Deputies 
from  every  Colony  in  America  to  form  a  general  Con- 
gress.* Let  them  be  instructed  to  enter  into  the  firmest 
resolutions  of  not  submitting  to  any  Acts  of  the  British 
Parliament,  made  since  the  fourth  oi^  James  the  First  (when 
your  ancestors,  with  the  leave  of  their  Sovereign,  made  the 
first  effectual  settlement  in  America,  and  by  doing  so, 
could  be  no  longer  subject  to  the  legislation  of  a  British 
Parliament,  in  which  they  could  not  be  represented,)  and 
of  punishing  any  person  who  shall  presume  for  the  future 
to  enforce  such  Acts  of  Parliament  in  America.  Let 
them  draw  up,  and  transmit  to  England,  an  address  to 
your  gracious  Sovereign,  expressive  of  the  most  affectionate 
loyalty  to  his  person,  of  their  readiness  to  grant  him  sup- 
plies for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  Empire,  to  the  utmost  of 
their  abilities,  whenever  he  shall  request  it  of  his  respective 
American  Assemblies ;  but  assuring  him  of  their  deter- 
mined resolution  to  sacrifice  their  lives,  and  every  thing 
that  is  valuable  to  them,  rather  than  submit  to  the  legisla- 
tion of  a  British  Parliament ;  and  that  as  no  evil  can  be 
so  dreadful  to  them  as  a  humiliating  subjection  to  their  fel- 
low-subjects, the  Lords  and  Commons  of  England,  that  if 
his  Majesty,  deaf  to  these  their  reiterated  complaints, 
should  persist  in  permitting  such  Acts  of  Pariiament  to  be 
enforced  in  America,  liis  subjects  of  that  great  Continent, 
though  struck  with  horrour  at  the  idea  of  disloyalty  to  his 
sacred  person,  are,  though  reluctantly,  firmly  determined 
to  break  off  all  connections  with  Great  Britain,  and  trust 
to  that  God  who  hath  told  them  that  the  race  is  not  always 
to  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong,  to  support  their 
endeavours  in  preserving  that  liberty  they  received  from 
their  British  ancestors.  It  is  objected,  that  though  this 
plan  may  be  of  service  to  the  other  Colonies,  it  will  ad- 
minister no  relief  to  the  town  of  Boston,  who  is  now  suf- 
fering in  the  common  cause :  to  this  I  answer,  that  a  par- 
ticular emergency  requires  a  special  remedy.  So  far  as 
relates  to  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  Government,  1  think 
resistance  would  be  illegal,  it  being  the  undoubted  preroga- 
tive of  the  Crown  to  fix,  or  to  remove  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment of  any  particular  Colony,  to  whatever  place  the  King 
pleases  within  that  Colony  ;  and  though  this  prerogative 
may  be  exercised  oppressively,  still  the  subject  nmst 
submit.  He  may  petition,  but  Majesty  only  can  redress 
the  grievance. 

But  the  stopping  up  the  port  oi  Boston,  and  prohibiting 
the  owners  from  using  their  own  wharves,  under  colour  of 
Acts  of  Parliament,  which  the  inhabitants,  or  their  Repre- 
sentatives, had  no  share  in  framing,  is  such  an  illegal  stretch 
of  power,  such  a  despotick  invasion  of  property,  that  may 
be  legally  resisted,  and  ought  not  to  be  submitted  to  ; 
indeed,  1  look  upon  it  as  little  less  than  a  declaration  of 
war,  which  would  justify  all  America  in  running  immedi- 
ately to  arms,  to  repel  so  hostile  an  attack  upon  their 

•  I  would  advise  that  Fredericktotcn  in  Maryland,  or  Winchester  in 
Virginia,  should  be  fixed  upon  as  proper  for  the  mcetinif  ol'  this  Con. 
gress,  as  no  sliips  of  war  could  bombard  either  of  those  towns,  and  the 
number  of  export  riflemen  in  those  parts  would  be  able  to  prevent  any 
unwelcome  visitors  from  interrupting  the  Congress ;  and  though  it  is 
to  be  hoped  that  no  such  thing  will  be  attempted,  a  discreet  caution 
will  do  no  harm. 


653 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


654 


liberties.  But  still,  my  countrymen,  I  would  wish  to  see 
you  adopt  constitutional  measures  of  redress.  Let  sub- 
scriptions be  opened  in  every  town  and  county  on  the  Con- 
tinent of  America,  to  supply  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Boston  liberally  with  every  necessary.  Let  every  supply 
of  fresh  provisions  and  other  necessaries  be  withiield  from 
t;he  Navy  and  Army  employed  in  the  detestable  service  of 
endeavouring  to  enslave  their  brethren  and  fellow-subjects. 
Let  every  Colony  in  particular,  and  all  America  in  general 
Congress,  protest  against  the  illegality  of  the  measures, 
and  resolve  to  support  every  person  who  shall  infringe  or 
oppose  it.  Let  vessels  attempt  togo  in  and  out  of  the  port 
of  Boston  as  usual,  as  if  no  such  Act  of  Parliament  existed. 
If  the  ships  of  war  should  seize  them,  or  the  soldiers 
obstruct  any  man  in  the  use  of  his  wharf,  prosecute  in  the 
Courts  of  law  every  officer,  either  of  the  army  or  navy, 
for  acting  so  illegally,  and  every  Judge  who  shall  presume 
to  condemn  the  vessels  seized.  Let  the  expense  of  such 
prosecutions  be  defrayed,  and  the  losses  of  private  men 
made  good,  by  the  general  contributions  of  all  America. 
If  any  violent  measures  are  taken  by  the  tools  of  the 
British  aristocracy  to  impede  the  course  of  justice,  recur 
to  the  first  law  of  nature,  and  repel  the  aggressors  ;  and 
though  the  inhabitants  of  Neiv  England  are  sufficiently 
numerous  to  repel  any  illegal  force  which  can  be  raised 
upon  such  an  occasion,  yet,  in  order  to  make  it  one  general 
act  of  all  America,  let  each  Colony  send  a  quota  of  men 
to  perform  this  service,  and  let  the  respective  quotas  be 
settled  in  the  general  Congress. 

These  measures  will,  in  my  opinion,  be  the  most  moder- 
ate, the  most  constitutional,  and  the  most  effectual,  you  can 
pursue,  and  will,  I  doubt  not,  add  such  weight  to  your  Ad- 
dress to  the  Throne,  that  the  British  aristocracy,  convinced 
that  you  are  in  earnest,  will  listen  to  reasonable  terms  of 
accommodation  ;  and  you,  by  preserving  your  own  liberty, 
be  such  a  constant  check  to  their  ambitious  designs  as  will 
restrain  them  within  the  bounds  of  moderation,  even  in 
Britain;  and  by  restoring  your  Sovereign  to  his  necessary 
weight  in  the  National  Councils,  prevent  Great  Britain 
from  becoming  a  prey  to  those  aristocratical  vultures  which 
are  endeavouring  to  destroy  her  very  vitals.  But,  if  de- 
based by  corruption,  prostituted  by  venality,  and  lost  to  all 
sense  of  shame,  Britain,  like  a  contented  fond  wanton,  loves 
and  caresses  the  ravishers  who  have  debauched  and  undone 
her,  should  attempt  to  sacrifice  her  American  oflspring  to 
their  ambition,  and,  regardless  of  your  complaints,  deter- 
mine to  enforce  the  legislation  of  a  British  Parliament  in 
America ;  or,  in  other  words,  if  all  your  efforts  are  ineffec- 
tual to  save  your  mother  country,  and  she  must  sink,  you 
must  then  take  care  not  to  sink  with  her ;  but,  by  preserv- 
ing your  own  liberty,  prepare  an  asylum  in  America  for 
such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Britain  who  still  desire  or  de- 
serve to  be  free.  You  must  then,  and  not  till  then,  break 
off  all  connections  with  Great  Britain ;  you  must  stop 
your  imports  and  exports  to  and  from  thence ;  you  must 
banish  every  custom-house  officer  from  amongst  you ;  you 
must  invite  all  other  Nations  of  the  world  to  supply  you 
with  necessaries,  by  giving  them  liberty  to  trade  with  you, 
duty  free  ;  you  must  proclaim  universal  freedom  through- 
out America;  you  must  draw  your  swords  in  a  just  cause, 
and  rely  upon  that  God  who  assists  the  righteous,  to  sup- 
port your  endeavours  to  preserve  that  liberty  he  gave,  and 
the  love  of  which  he  hath  implanted  in  your  hearts,  as  es- 
sential to  your  nature.  But  these  are  measures  which  the 
British  aristocracy,  when  they  reflect  upon  those  conse- 
quences of  a  war  with  the  Colonies,  which  I  enlarged  upon 
in  a  former  letter,  *  will  never  force  you  into.     They  are 

•  As  the  lett  r  here  alluded  to  was  published  many  years  ago,  like 
this,  in  a  newspaper,  and,  in  all  human  probability,  hath  been  long 
consigned  to  oblivion,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  give  the  following  extract 
from  it : 

"  If  Great  Britain  should  ever  determine  to  enslave  America,  it  is 
more  than  probable  that  she  would  have  more  difficulties  to  on. 
counter  than  she  at  present  apprehends.  Suppose  the  Americans, 
alarmed  at  the  approaching  danger,  should  discreetly  determine  to 
retreat  to  a  considerable  distance  from  navigation,  and  carry  off  their 
provisions  and  live  stock  of  every  kind  with  them,  would  troops  who 
had  been  confined  to  a  close  ship,  upon  salt  provisions,  for  near  tlireo 
months ;  without  fresh  provisions ;  without  horses  to  draw  their  ar. 
lillery,  be  in  a  very  proper  condition  to  pursue  them  ?  If  they  did, 
would  not  tlie  scurvy,  the  unwholesomeness  of  the  climate,  and  the 
many  disorders  incident  to  America,  which  attack  the  Europeans 
with  double  force  upon  their  first  arrival,  render  the  success  of  such 
an  expedition  impracticable,  and  enable  the  Americans  to  preserve 


measures  which  nothing  but  necessity  can  justify ;  mea- 
sures too  delicate  to  be  enlarged  upon,  and  measures  which 
I  touch  with  a  trembling  hand,  because  though  they  will, 
they  must  effectually  preserve  the  liberty  of  America,  they 
will  probably  occasion  the  destruction  of  Britain;  and 
though  she  has  treated  us  unnaturally,  and,  I  will  add, 
ungratefully,  she  is  our  mother  country  still,  and  as  such  I 
would  wish  to  preserve  her. 

And  now,  my  friends,  fellow-citizens,  and  countrymen, 
to  convince  you  that  I  am  in  earnest  in  the  advice  I  have 
given  you,  notwithstanding  the  personal  danger  I  expose 
myself  to  in  so  doing;  notwithstanding  the  threats  thrown 
out  by  the  British  aristocracy,  of  punishing  in  England 
those  who  shall  dare  to  oppose  them  in  America;  yet,  be- 
cause I  do  not  wish  to  survive  the  liberty  of  my  country 
one  single  moment :  because  I  am  detennined  to  risk  my 
all  in  supporting  that  liberty,  and  because  I  think  it  in  some 
measure  dishonourable  to  skulk  under  a  borrowed  name 
upon  such  an  occasion  as  this,  I  am  neither  afraid  or 
ashamed  to  avow,  that  the  Letters  signed  by  A  British 
American,  were  written  by  the  hand,  and  flowed  from  the 
heart  of  Thomson  Mason. 


TO  THE  people  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

It  must  afford  singular  pleasure  to  every  lover  of  liberty 
and  his  country,  to  observe  the  unanimity  of  sentiment 
with  respect  to  the  present  system  of  American  Govern- 
ment. That  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  has  no 
right  to  tax  the  unrepresented  Americans,  is  now  become 
a  fixed  and  settled  principle,  in  which  the  zealous  and  the 
moderate  equally  agree.  But  the  modes  of  resistance  to 
this  claim  are  various,  according  to  the  different  informa- 
tions, conceptions,  ideas,  and  I  fear,  the  different  interests 
of  those  who  may  be  affected  by  that  which  shall  be  finally 
adopted.  There  are  some  who  go  yet  farther,  and  think 
the  payment  of  the  tea  destroyed  at  Boston  should  pre- 
cede all  farther  opposing  measures  on  the  part  of  America, 
I  incline  to  think  the  number  of  these  to  be  but  few. — 
But  as  it  has  been  the  subject  of  publick  discussion,  in  the 
town  of  Boston,  and  may  have  more  advocates  than  I  am 
aware  of,  I  shall  submit  the  following  reasons  against  it,  to 
the  judgment  of  my  fellow-citizens. 

As  a  sacrifice  to  peace,  I  am  persuaded  no  one  would 
object;  but  as  an  act  of  justice,  necessarily  or  properly  pre- 

their  liberty,  without  imbruing  their  hands  in  blood  ?  Is  it  reason- 
able to  suppose  that  three  millions  of  British  subjects  would  tamely 
submit  to  slavery,  without  striking  a  single  blow  ?  Would  not  their 
knowledge  of  the  country  enable  them  to  attack  with  advantage  ? 
Would  not  the  consideration,  that  they  were  fighting  pro  oris  et  focis, 
add  enthusiasm  to  their  courage  ?  Inured  to  the  climate,  and  well  sup- 
plied with  provisions,  would  not  they  be  better  able  to  undergo  the 
fatigues  of  such  a  war,  than  their  invaders  ?  If  the  British  troops, 
with  all  the  assistance  and  supplies  of  necessary  refreshments  which 
they  received  from  their  American  friends  last  war,  thought  an  Ameri- 
can campaign  the  severest  they  had  ever  experienced,  what  must  such 
a  campaign  be  without  such  assistance  and  supplies  ?  Could  Great 
Britain  spare  even  50,000  men,  to  reduce  a  people  actuated  with  sen. 
timents  of  liberty,  and  possessed  of  British  freedom,  of  twenty  time? 
their  number,  would  those  troops  engage  with  alacrity  in  such  a  cause? 
Would  not  some  murmurings  of  humanity  whisper  to  their  consciences 
that  they  were  butchering  their  fellow-subjects  for  showing  themselves 
worthy  of  the  race  from  whence  they  sprung,  and  for  acting  the  same 
laudable  part  which  they  themselves  would  do  under  a  like  oppression  ? 
Wlien  the  sluices  of  their  trade  were  stopped,  and  all  communication 
with  her  Colonies  broke  off,  could  she  long  support  the  expense  of  such 
an  armament  ?  Is  she  well  assured  that  the  other  Powers  of  Europe 
would  stand  idle,  and  calmly  see  her  trampling  upon  the  rights  of  man- 
kind ?  Would  not  the  generous  design  of  preventing  so  execrable  a 
purpose,  furnish  them  with  a  just  pretext  for  interposing  in  support  of 
the  injured  rights  of  the  Colonies  ?  And  might  not  Britain,  whilst 
she  was  endeavouring  to  enforce  slavery  with  fire  and  sword,  in  Ame- 
rica, fall  an  easy  prey  to  the  first  invader,  and  thus  involve  herself  in 
the  ruin  she  designed  for  others  ?  But  suppose  Britain  was  able  to 
crush  America  with  the  smallest  exertion  of  her  force,  and  to  extirpate 
its  present  inhabitants,  without  losing  the  life  of  a  single  man  sent 
against  it,  would  such  a  conquest  redound  either  to  her  honour  or  ad- 
vantage ?  Would  not  tlie  life  of  every  American  spent  upon  such  an 
occasion,  bo  really  a  loss  to  Britain,  by  lessening  tlie  export  of  her 
manufiictures,  and  the  import  of  rough  materials,  which  furnish  her 
with  the  means  of  extending  her  trade  to  every  corner  of  the  Globe  ? 
What  niiglity  advantage  would  she  reap  from  an  uncultivated  desert  ? 
Would  it  be  easy  for  her  to  persuade  her  other  subjects  to  supply  the 
place  of  the  slaughtered,  with  such  an  example  of  tlie  perfidy,  cruelty, 
and  ingratitude  of  their  mother  country  before  their  eyes  ?  Does  she 
think  tliat  the  extirpation  of  liberty  would  be  a  spur  to  industry,  or 
that  slavery  has  such  charms  as  to  contribute  to  the  increase  of  the 
Colonies?  Should  the  Northern  endeavour  to  deprive  the  Western 
counties  of  England  of  their  rights,  and  a  civil  war  ensue,  would  the 
conflict  be  advantageous  even  to  the  conquerors  ?  These  are  consider, 
ations  which  must  and  will  have  weight  with  the  British  Parliament, 
and  restrain  tliem  from  entering  into  a  war  with  the  Colonies," 


655 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  JULY,  1774. 


656 


ced'mg  a  virtuous  struggle  for  constitutional  liberty,  I  can 
by  no  means  agree  to  it.  In  order  to  form  a  just  idea  of 
this  subject,  let  us  reflect  what  was  our  situation,  and  the 
end  proposed  by  this  complicated  manceuvre  of  politicks 
and  private  interest.  America  had  been  struggling  for  tliree 
years  against  an  Act  imposing  duties  upon  pa|)er,  glass,  tea, 
painters'  colours,  &:c.,  for  tiie  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue. 
At  the  expiration  of  that  time  Parliament  thought  proper 
to  repeal  it  in  part,  but  kept  the  duty  on  tea  expressly  as  a 
precedent  for  future  taxation.  The  same  reason  operated 
on  both  sides,  though  in  a  different  manner.  If  Parliament 
was  so  tenacious  of  the  precedent  to  keep  uj)  tiie  claim  on 
the  Colonies,  it  was  equally  incumbent  on  tiiem  to  refuse  their 
submission  ;  for  on  this  the  virtue  of  the  precedent  depend- 
ed. Hence  proceeded  the  resolution  of  not  imjjorting  tiiis 
article  while  subject  to  this  duty,  that  we  miglit  not  only 
address  our  arguments  to  the  understanding,  but  the  feeling 
of  our  fellow-subjects  in  Britain.  Thus  far  there  was  a 
general  concurrence  of  sentiment  and  action :  for  the 
code  of  hiws  had  not  tlien  appeared  by  which  tliese  Asso- 
ciations are  found  to  be  treasonable  ;  tiiis  discovery  has 
been  reserved  for  the  profound  researches  and  ingenuity  of 
the  present  Governour  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Tliis  union, 
that  resolution,  and  these  principles,  can  only  be  justified 
by  the  injustice  of  the  law,  and  it  repugnancy  to  our 
natural  and  acquired  rights.  But  when  the  operation  of  this 
agreement  began  to  be  felt  by  the  accumulation  of  tea  at 
the  India  House,  and  the  distresses  of  the  Company  unit- 
ed, have  forced  a  repeal ;  a  sort  of  truce  was  clapped  up 
between  the  Minister  and  the  Company,  at  the  ex|)ense  of 
America.  Having  laid  that  powerful  body  at  his  feet,  by 
overturning  their  whole  system,  they  became  his  willing 
instruments  to  overturn  the  fair  fabrick  of  liberty  in  this 
country.  If  it  is  said  they  sent  it  under  the  sanction  of  an 
Act  of  Parliament,  I  would  ask,  does  this  country  acknow- 
ledge the  right  of  Parliament  to  sanctify  a  measure  funda- 
mentally unjust  ?  If  it  does,  how  came  we  to  oppose  the 
first  Act?  Allow  this  power  to  Parliament,  and  it  will 
apply  equally  to  the  Stamp  Act,  the  Tea  Act,  or  any  other 
as  well  as  the  one  under  our  consideration.  But  it  is  said 
to  be  private  property,  sent  by  English  subjects  to  English 
subjects,  and  therefore  under  the  implicit  confidence  and 
faith  subsisting  between  them,  which  should  have  been  its 
protection.  If  it  was  private  property,  it  was  certainly 
sent  hither  for  publick  purposes  ;  and  whether  political  or 
commercial  motives  predominated  the  consequences  to  this 
country  were  the  same  ;  by  receiving  it,  we  established  tlie 
precedent  for  which  the  Minister  contended  ;  by  rejecting 
it,  we  destroyed  its  authority. 

.Nor  will  the  advocates  for  the  Enst  India  Company 
draw  any  advantage  from  the  presumptive  security  of  tiieir 
wares,  since  this  presumption  must  arise  from  tiie  purity 
of  their  intentions,  and  tiieir  ignorance  of  the  circumstan- 
ces and  danger.  One  depends  upon  tlie  other.  Now  we 
have  the  most  unquestionable  evidence,  that  the  Company 
vviis  fully  apprized  of  the  sense  of  America  on  this  sub- 
ject. In  the  first  place  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  they  could 
be  ignorant  of  all  the  publications  respecting  it,  and  the 
resolution  existing  in  this  country  not  to  import  their  tea 
under  the  duty,  while  they  were  sinking  under  the  distresses 
it  had  occasioned.  But  we  have  positive  proof  from  the 
refusals  of  our  captains  and  owners  of  vessels  to  receive  it 
on  freight,  and  assigning  the  reason.  If  this  was  not  suffi- 
cient, Governour  Johnston  declared  in  Parliament,  that 
boll)  by  letter  and  verbally,  he  pointed  out  to  the  India 
Company,  the  impropriety  of  the  measure,  the  circum- 
stance, and  the  danger.  What  tye  of  faith  or  confidence 
could  ensure  the  property  of  an  English  subject,  knowing- 
ly employed  as  an  instrument  to  subjugate  another,  equally 
free  with  himself  A  fair  and  candid  attention  to  facts,  I 
think,  must  produce  the  fullest  conviction  that  they  sent 
the  tea  in  direct  opposition  to  tlie  known  sense  of  this 
country,  well  informed  as  to  the  risk,  which  was  consi- 
dered in  this  expected  profit,  and  therefore  cannot,  under 
an  idea  of  justice,  have  any  right  to  compensation. 

If  we  are  right  in  opposing  the  Act,  surely  we  must  be 
riglit  in  opposing  the  means,  by  which  that  Act  is  to  be 
executed :  admit  the  principle,  the  practice  is  fairly  justifi- 
able from  it.  Let  us  not  be  misled  by  names  ;  if  payment 
is  an  Act  of  justice,  it  must  be  founded  in  this  case  on  a 
supposition  of  injury  done,  of  which  the  party  has  a  right 


to  complain.  But  here  the  injury  was  done  to  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  the  greatest  injury  the  citizen  of  a  free  country  can 
feel ;  while  he  is  struggling  lor  liberty,  a  third  person  inter- 
poses, makes  himself  a  party  in  the  dispute,  his  weapon  is 
broke,  or  destroyed  in  the  conflict — will  not  the  justice  of 
his  receiving  compensation  for  it,  depend  upon  the  proprie- 
ty of  his  interposition,  his  knowledge  of  the  circumstances, 
and  consequences  to  the  person  he  opposed.  I  will  propose 
a  case  by  which  this  question  may  be  decided,  by  the 
appeal  to  every  man's  own  judgment  and  conscience. 
Suppose  two  persons  fighting,  a  third  person  either  puts  a 
sword  into  the  hand  of  one  or  applies  it  himself  for  his 
assistance — the  sword  is  broke  by  hhn  who  it  was  designed 
to  injure ;  as  a  juryman  or  referee,  would  you  think  the 
officious  interposer  entitled  to  a  satisfaction  ?  The  justice 
of  such  a  demand,  in  the  case  of  the  tea,  must  certainly 
depend  on  the  original  question  of  right  in  laying  the  duty  ; 
for  no  one  can,  wiili  reason,  claim  protection  wiiile  he  is 
trespassing  on  the  right  of  others,  or  assisting  those  who  do ; 
his  security  must  depend  upon  the  rectitude  and  probity  of 
his  conduct;  and  he  may  be  ratlier  said  to  have  forfeited  his 
riglit  of  property,  who  makes  it  an  instmment  of  op])ression 
toothers,  than  to  have  any  warrant  for  its  protection.  Those 
who  have  hastily  taken  up  this  notion,  I  apprehend,  do  not 
see  that  it  would,  by  fair  argument,  lead  to  a  renunciation 
of  the  American  cause. 

But  I  diink  there  are  other  reasons  equally  cogent,  which 
shew  that  such  a  payment  at  present  is  neitlier  founded  on 
the  princi|)les  of  policy,  expediency  or  reason — it  is  not  pol- 
itick. The  cause  of  Boston  is  a  common  cause,  or  the  other 
Colonies  have  no  reason  to  espouse  it.  A  payment  of  the 
tea  would  be  setting  a  precedent  for  New-  York,  Charles- 
town,  and  Fhitadelphia,  who  are  equally  exposed  to  the  like 
claims,  though  in  different  degrees,  and  probably  subject  the 
latter  to  the  payment  of  the  damages  of  the  malt-ship  sent 
from  hence  in  1767.  This,  I  apprehend  under  the  present 
circumstances  of  the  people  of  Boston,  would  be  going  too 
far  without  the  concurrence  and  advice  of  those  Colonies 
at  least.  But  the  cause  is  of  such  vast  importance  to  all 
America,  that  no  step  of  such  moment  should  be  taken  by 
a  single  Province,  much  less  a  town,  but  by  the  united 
wisdom  of  America  in  Congress  alone.  However,  it  may 
be  smoothed  over  under  the  specious  names  of  compensa- 
tion and  justice,  it  may  be  allowed  to  be  a  jiariial  com- 
pliance with  the  most  cruel  Act  which  ever  disgraced  the 
annals  of  history ;  and  can  have  but  little  merit,  w  hen  we 
consider  the  time  and  force  which  extorts  it.  Besides,  can 
we  suppose  the  unfeeling  and  implacable  author  will  put 
any  other  construction  upon  it,  than  as  a  step  of  submis- 
sion, which  may  be  improved  into  total  subjection ;  the 
very  idea  of  which  will  strengthen  his  heart,  hands,  and 
party,  to  go  on  and  complete  his  pernicious  work.  It  is 
not  expedient,  or  to  be  reasonably  expected  at  present, 
because  if  done  in  the  fullest  extent,  they  are  as  far  from 
relief  as  ever.  The  advocates  for  this  opinion  seem  to 
overlook  those  clauses  in  the  Act  of  Parliament,  which 
prolong  the  sufterings  of  Boston  not  only  till  satisfaction  is 
made  for  the  tea,  but  until  his  Majesty  shall  adjudge  that 
due  obedience  to  the  laws  has  taken  place,  and  the  reve- 
nues may  be  duly  collected ;  that  is,  in  other  words,  till 
they  have  surrendered  these  inestimable  rights,  which 
stamp  value  and  dignity  on  our  existence.  Some  are  so 
weak  as  to  argue,  tliat  if  this  compensation  is  made  there 
is  no  doubt  but  relief  would  be  granted.  Let  such  consi- 
der the  hostile  views  with  which  their  present  Governour 
came  among  them,  his  correspondent  conduct,  and  thence 
judge  how  little  favour  they  may  expect  from  him.  But  I 
will  suppose  him  the  reverse  of  what  he  appears — and 
that  he  might  be  disposed  to  forward  the  certificate.  L^nless 
he  could  go  faither  than  certifying  the  payment  of  the  tea, 
of  what  effect  would  it  be?  This  is  not  the  mini.^lerial 
object,  if  it  was,  the  ofTers  made  in  England  would  not 
have  been  rejected.  Those  therefore  who  support  this 
opinion  must  either  mean,  that  they  should  go  farther  in 
their  submission,  and  make  the  grand  sacrifice  of  all,  give 
the  Altai  slab  to  the  liberties  of  America,  or  snip  them- 
selves of  a  large  sum  of  money,  at  a  time  when  the  hand 
of  necessity  is  pressing  them  down  to  the  lowest  ebb  of 
want  and  distress,  and  this  without  the  least  prospect  of 
being  restored,  to  their  former  condition.  Is  it  expected 
from  the  wretched  debtor,  when  unable  to  prevail  upon  his 


657 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1774. 


658 


relentless  creditor,  that  he  should  put  his  purse  into  his 
hand,  and  then  resign  himself  to  the  miseries  of  a  jail. 
Yet  this  is  what  rigorous  justice  might  demand,  though 
reason  and  the  law  of  self-preservation  would  authorize  a 
repeal. — This  has  some  resemblance  to  the  present  state 
of  Boston. 

I  hope  my  countrymen  will  not  be  deceived  by  preten- 
ces of  regard  to  justice,  which  too  often  serve  as  a  cover 
for  other  views.  That  the  tea  will  eventually  be  paid  for, 
I  believe  there  is  little  doubt,  but  let  this  compensation  be 
made,  as  all  others  have  been  heretofore,  when  the  griev- 
ance that  created  the  loss  ceased.  There  is  not  an  argu- 
ment offered  for  the  payment  of  the  tea,  but  what  will 
operate  equally  for  the  payment  of  the  stamped  paper, 
which  was  never  paid  for  to  this  hour ;  and  let  it  also  be 
remembered,  that  all  the  compensation  made  for  damage 
done  to  individuals  on  that  occasion,  were  after  the  Act 
was  repealed.  No  person  then  thought  that  previous  satis- 
faction was  an  act  of  justice,  policy,  or  expedience.  We 
have  former  experience  for  our  guide,  and  I  think  it  is 
not  difficult  to  foresee,  that  hasty  concessions  of  this  na- 
ture, while  our  grievances  continue,  will  defect  the  best 
concerted  plan  we  may  form  for  relief.  It  will  afford  such 
encouragement  to  every  enterprising  adventurer,  who  may 
clioose  to  join  in  the  attack  upon  American  liberty,  by 
securing  his  property  from  risk,  as  ought  to  deter  us 
from  hasty  conclusions  on  a  matter  which  may  have  such 
serious  consequences.  Instead  of  being  the  first  act  on 
the  part  of  America,  I  cannot  but  think  the  interest  of 
America,  and  particularly  of  the  unhappy  sufferers  at 
Boston,  require  that  it  should  be  the  last.  But  there  is  a 
debt  of  justice  and  honour  of  which  I  will  beg  leave  to 
recommend  my  worthy  fellow-citizens,  not  doubting  but  at 
a  proper  time  it  will  meet  with  due  attention.  Those 
gentlemen  who  sacrificed  their  interest  to  the  publick  call, 
who  permitted  their  goods  to  return  in  the  tea-ship,  and 
thereby  may  have  saved  this  city  from  the  calamities  of 
Boston,  though  at  a  loss  to  themselves,  surely  deserve 
something  more  solid  than  thanks  for  so  self-denying  an 
instance  of  publick  virtue  and  regard  to  their  fellow-citi- 
zens. 


LETTER    FROM    THE  COMMITTEE    OF    CORIlfisPONDENCE  OF 
NEW-JERSEY,    TO     THE     COMMITTEE    OF     CORRESPOND- 
<■       ENCE    OF    BOSTON. 
}  Elizabethtown,  New  Jersey,  July  28,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  The  arbitrary  and  cniel  oppression  under 
which  your  Metropolis  now  labours,  from  the  suspension  of 
commerce,  must  inevitably  reduce  multitudes  to  inexpressi- 
ble difficulty  and  distress.  Suffering  in  a  glorious  and 
common  cause,  sympathy  and  resentment,  with  peculiar 
energy,  fill  the  breasts  of  your  anxious  countrymen.  As 
the  King  of  Kings  and  the  Ruler  of  Princes  seems,  in  a 
remarkable  manner,  to  be  inspiring  these  Colonies  with  a 
spirit  of  union,  to  confound  the  counsels  of  your  unrighteous 
oppressors,  and  with  a  spirit  of  humanity  and  benevolence 
towards  an  innocent  and  oppressed  people ;  so,  we  trust, 
he  will  also  inspire  your  town  with  patience,  resignation, 
and  fortitude,  until  this  great  calamity  shall  be  overpast. 

We  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you,  that,  on  the  21st 
instant,  at  the  city  of  New-Brumivick,  the  Province  of 
New-Jersey,  with  singular  unanimity,  seventy-two  Dele- 
gates from  the  several  counties,  and  a  majority  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  present  and  approving,  entered  into 
similar  resolutions  with  the  other  Colonies;  elected  five 
Deputies  for  the  proposed  Congress,  and  the  County  Com- 
mittees then  agreed  to  promote  collections  in  their  respec- 
tive counties,  for  the  relief  of  such  of  the  unhappy  inhabit- 
ants of  the  town  of  Boston  as  may  now  be  reduced  to 
extremity  and  want.  To  accomplish  this  purpose  with  the 
more  acceptation  to  yourselves,  we,  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence for  the  Eastern  Division,  request  that,  by  the 
return  of  the  post,  you  would  be  pleased  to  advise  us  in 
what  way  we  can  best  answer  your  present  necessities ; 
whether  cash  remitted,  or  what  articles  of  provision,  or 
other  necessaries,  we  can  furnish  from  hence,  would  be 
most  agreeable ;  and  which  we  hope  we  shall  be  able  to 
forward  to  Boston  very  soon  after  your  advice  shall  be  re- 
ceived. We  doubt  not  gentlemen  are  devising  every  pos- 
sible method  for  the  employment  of  those  who,  by  their 

Fourth  Series.  42 


deplorable  situation,  are  cut  off  from  all  former  means  of 
subsistence. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  very  humble  servants. 
By  order,  William  P.  Smith,  Chairman. 

A  brief  Examination  0/ American  Grievances;  being 
the  heads  of  a  Speech  at  the  General  Meeting  at 
Lewestown,  on  Delaware,  July  28,  1774. 

A  gentleman  introduced  the  business  of  the  Assembly, 
by  an  encomium  on  the  happiness  of  the  English  Consti- 
tution, and  went  on  to  show  that  the  American  Colonies 
brought  all  British  liberties  with  them,  as  appears  by  their 
Charters,  the  nature  of  their  emigration,  and  many  publick 
declarations  at  that  time  made,  and  since.  That  the  Colo- 
nies were  pleased  and  happy  in  their  union,  commerce,  and' 
mutual  assistance  given  to  and  received  from  the  mother 
country,  even  while  almost  the  whole  fruits  of  their  labour 
and  industry  ever  returned  to  Britain,  to  her  strength  and 
aggrandizement.  That  they  have  been,  and  still  are,  the 
most  loyal  and  dutiful  of  all  his  Majesty's  subjects,  and  the 
most  closely  attached  to  his  present  Royal  family.  That 
they  have  always  granted  their  aids  of  money  and  men, 
when  their  Sovereign  constitutionally  demanded  them  of 
their  Assemblies,  and  even  seasonably  and  beyond  their 
proportion ;  so  that,  in  the  last  war,  a  considerable  sum  was 
refunded  to  this  little  Colony  on  Delaware,  as  well  as  others. 
That  the  present  undeserved  frowns  of  the  parent  state 
most  probably  arise  from  the  base  calumnies,  wicked  insin- 
uations, and  most  false  misrepresentations  of  the  Bernards, 
Hutchinsons,  Olivers,  and  such  other  malicious  enemies^ 
of  the  real  interest  of  Britain  and  America,  who  have 
absurdly,  as  well  as  wickedly,  represented  the  Colonies  as 
rebellious,  independent,  &ic.  That  hence,  for  about  ten 
years  past,  the  conduct  of  the  British  Ministry,  and  a  ma- 
jority of  Parliament,  seems  to  be  one  continual  plan  to  rob 
us  of  our  dearest  liberties.  That,  if  America  be  enslaved, 
the  freedom  of  Britain  will  not  long  survive  that  wretched 
crisis.  That  the  impositions  and  oppressions  of  the  most 
loyal  Americans  are  already  become  very  numerous  and 
very  grievous. 

He  then  went  on  to  enumerate  and  explain  as  many  as 
he  could  recollect,  after  laying  down  these  principles,  viz : 

That  "  all  lawful  civil  Governments  must  be  wholly  em- 
ployed to  preserve  the  lives,  liberties,  and  properties  of 
the  subject." 

"  No  Englishman  is  bound  to  any  laws  to  which  he  has 
not  consented  by  himself,  or  his  own  chosen  Represent- 
atives." 

"  A  man  has  no  property  in  that  of  which  he  may  be 
rightfully  dispossessed  at  the  pleasure  of  another." 

"  Britons  only  can  give  their  own  money." 

"  No  man  can  tax  us  but  ourselves,  while  we  enjoy  the 
British  Constitution." 

He  went  on  to  show,  that  from  these  principles,  well 
known  to  every  freeman,  the  following  will  appear,  to  say 
the  least,  lawless  usurpations,  viz : 

1st.  Restraining  the  Colonists  from  manufacturing  their 
own  iron,  by  erecting  slitting  mills,  &ic. 

2d.  Restraining  the  transportation,  and  thus  the  manu- 
facturing, hats  of  our  own  peltry,  &c. 

3d.  The  grievous  oppression  of  preventing  farmers  to 
carry  their  own  wool  even  across  a  ferry,  though  the  rivers, 
waters,  havens,  he,  are  given  us  by  our  Charters. 

4th.  The  changing  the  boundaries  of  Colonies,  and 
obliging  men  to  live  under  Constitutions  to  which  they 
never  consented,  as  part  of  Massachusetts  Bay  joined  to 
New- Hampshire. 

5th.  The  suspending  the  Legislative  powers  of  New- 
York,  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  until  they  should  quarter 
troops  sent  to  raise  an  illegal  tribute  by  military  execution. 

6th.  The  memorable  and  detestable  Stamp  Act. 

7th.  The  Parliamentary  claim  to  make  laws  "  binding  us 
in  all  cases  whatsoever,"  consequently,  to  regulate  our  in- 
ternal police,  give,  take  away,  change,  and  infringe,  our 
Constitutions  and  Charters,  for  which  we  have  the  most 
solemn  faith  of  the  Crown  and  Nation  for  their  inviolable 
security. 

8tli.  Their  assuming  to  lay  sundry  taxes  upon  us,  though 
self-taxation  is  the  basis  of  English  freedom.  At  the  dis- 
tance of  three  thousand  miles,  the  Parliament  arbitrarily 


659 


CORRESPONDE\CE,  PKOCEEDJNGS,  &c.,  JULY,  1771. 


660 


demands  tlie  strings  of  every  Americnn's  purse,  though 
ignorant  of  us  and  our  ability,  &ic.,  though  lliey  are  not 
included  in  the  same  tax  nor  ever  were  cliosen  for  our 
Representatives. 

9tli.  Their  denying  us  the  right  to  give  our  own  money 
to  our  own  King,  on  iiis  legal  demand  ;  a  right  which  Un- 
ions, from  earliesc  histories,  have  enjoyed,  and  to  se(uiro 
vvliich  they  have  often  spent  nmch  blood  and  treasure. 

lOtii.  Their  laying  a  tax  on  paper,  glass,  painters'  co- 
lours, and  tea. 

II th.  And  though  this,  with  the  Stamp  Act,  were  re- 
j)ealed  by  non-imporialion,  the  American  virtue,  and  the 
influence  of  our  friends,  yet,  a  tax  on  tea  was  and  is  con- 
tinued, as  the  badge  of  our  slavery. 

l^th.  The  mean  stratagem,  unwortiiy  the  Representa- 
tives of  a  free  and  great  JNation,  of  attempting  to  enslave 
us,  by  pretending  a  favour  to  the  East  India  Company, 
whicii  Americans  bravely  rejected  and  dibconcerted. 

13th.  Finding  stratagem  would  not  prevail,  they  have 
thrown  off  the  nuisk,  and  are  now  dragooning  us  into  a  sur- 
render of  our  rights  by  the  last  Bills,  and  wreaking  their 
unjust  vengeance  on  those  wlw  cannot  submit  to  their  im- 
positions. 

14tl).  Maintaining  a  standing  army  in  times  of  peace, 
al)ove  the  control  of  the  civil  powers,  at  Boston,  Sic, 
whicii  no  Briton  can  submit  to. 

15th.  Extending  the  obsolete  Act  of  Henry  the  Eighth, 
to  drag  Americans  to  Britain  to  be  tried,  contrary  to  our 
birth-right  privilege  of  juries  of  our  own  neighbourhood. 
How  shocking  to  humanity  to  see  a  fleet  and  army  on  the 
Act  for  preserving  dockyards,  &ic.,  solemnly  stationed  to 
take  any  poor  man,  on  suspicion  of  his  being  one  of  the 
justly  exasperated  mob  who  injured  the  iiaspce  schooner, 
to  be  sent  in  irons  in  a  man-of-war — worse  than  a  Popish 
inquisition,  three  thousand  miles,  to  be  tried  by  partial 
judges,  and  ruined,  if  innocent,  at  last. 

16lh.  The  wresting  Castle  JFilliam  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  owners,  though  the  principal  fortress  where  their  prop- 
erty and  stores  were  deposited,  and  putting  it  into  the  hands 
of  those  who  yet  unjustly  detain  it,  over  whom  the  civil 
powers  have  no  control,  at  a  time  when  the  military  threat- 
ened the  slaughter  of  the  inhabitants. 

17th.  The  rewarding  and  advancing  Captain  Preston, 
for  the  very  reason  of  his  murdering  some  young  men  at 
Boston. 

18ih.  Fleets  and  armies  sent,  to  enable  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  Customs,  authorized  by  Parliament,  in  viola- 
tion of  all  English  liberty,  to  plunder  freemen's  houses, 
cellars,  trunks,  bed-chambers,  he. ;  and  if  they  murder 
men,  by  a  late  Bill,  they  may  not  be  tried  in  America,  and 
the  poor  relations  cannot  prosecute  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Atlantic ;  tlius,  the  blood  of  our  poor  innocents  may  cry, 
indeed,  to  God  from  the  earth ;  but,  from  civil  Govern- 
ment, there  can  be  no  justice. 

19th.  The  grievous  partiality  of  those  who  have  made 
their  own  judges  independent  even  of  the  demesne  of  the 
Crown,  yet  have  sent  Judges,  a  Governour,  and  Attoniey 
General,  during  pleasure  only,  under  no  ties  to  the  country, 
but  biased  to  the  Ministry,  by  whom  tliey  are  supported  by 
a  lax  unconstitutionally  squeezed  from  Ameiicans.  Their 
circumstances  tend  to  make  them,  like  Judge  Jefries,  the 
cruel  instruments  of  tyranny  and  injustice. 

20ih.  Ungratefully  disheartening  us,  and  adding  insult 
to  injury ;  quartering  insolent  troops  upon  us,  to  provoke 
the  mjured  to  mobs;  and  sending  over  men  of  the  worst 
characters  for  Governours,  Judges,  and  officers,  to  some 
Colonies ;  refusing  to  hear  any  complaints  of  mal-adminis- 
tralion  ;  forgetting  all  our  merit,  though  the  most  firmly  of 
all  his  Majesty's  subjects  attached  to  the  principles  of  tiie 
Revolution ;  supporting  one-third  of  tiio  Nation,  and  in- 
creasing her  naval  power  and  grandeur,  and  profusely 
spending  our  blood  and  treasures  in  all  the  wars  of  Bri- 
tain, iiC. 

21  St.  Another  distressing  grievance,  is,  that  the  British 
Ministry  receive  no  information  of  the  state  of  the  Prov- 
inces, unless  from  their  very  enemies,  the  Governours, 
Judges,  and  officers,  while  cries  and  petitions  of  the  injured 
and  oppressed  Colonies,  even  from  general  Congresses  and 
Assembles,  will  not  be  favoured  with  a  hearing,  and  by 
them  kept  back  from  the  ear  of  our  Sovereign  ;  while  the 
betrayers  of  the  union  and  happiness  both  of  Britain  and 


America  are  heard,  supported,  and  rewarded  by  the  Ad- 
ministration, for  all  their  false  and  malevolent  dissimula- 
tions. 

2'2d.  Though  in  all  Nations  the  persons  of  Ambassadors 
are  sacred  or  inviolable,  the  virulent  torrent  of  abuse  pre- 
meditated and  prepared,  and  poured  out  in  a  most  scurrilous 
manner,  even  in  the  House  of  Lords,  by  the  approbation  of 
a  majority  of  then,  against  Doctor  Benjamin  Franklin, 
the  known  Agent  of  our  Colonies ;  though  his  age,  office, 
abilities,  and  character,  (as  a  philosopher  and  politician, 
well  known  in  all  Europe,)  might  have  exempted  him  from 
abuse,  even  among  the  rudest  companies.  His  offence, 
strange  to  relate,  was  discovering  to  his  country  their  false 
accusers. 

23d.  The  conferring  honours,  preferments,  and  lucrative 
posts,  generally,  on  those  imhappy  wretches,  who  appear 
the  sole  cause  of  ail  the  dissensions  in  Britain,  and  her 
unjust  measures  against  her  loyal  sons,  as  Bernard,  baronet, 
&ic.,  he,  many  of  whom,  if  justice  could  be  brought  to  lier 
ancient  channels,  would  justly  forfeit  their  devoted  heads. 

24th.  And  now,  to  complete  our  slavery  by  violence, 
which  could  not  be  done  by  fraud,  the  Boston  Port  Bill  is 
executed  on  Boston;  that  ancient,  loyal,  and  flourishing 
city  blockaded  by  a  fleet  and  army,  without  ever  hearing 
them,  or  even  tiieir  agent,  one  word  in  their  defence. 

25th.  By  our  last  accounts  another  Bill  lias  passed  the 
lower  House,  which  is  designed  to  indemnify  the  oflicers  of 
the  customs,  navy,  and  army,  and  all  their  wretched  assist- 
ants, in  destroying  our  rights,  from  all  the  barbarities,  ra- 
pines, and  nmrders  they  may  commit  against  that  brave, 
loyal,  and  patient  people  of  Boston. 

2Gth.  And,  finally,  to  show  us  that  the  stipulated  faith 
of  the  Crown,  during  the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  is 
good  for  nothing  at  all ;  and  to  convince  us  that  we  have 
nothing  that  we  may  call  our  own,  even  Charters  and  Con- 
stitutions themselves,  another  Bill  has  also  passed  that 
House,  to  ciiange,  infringe,  and  destroy  all  that  was  worthy 
their  care  in  the  solemn  Charter  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay.  The  same  Parliament,  on  tiic  same  principles,  with 
equal  right,  may  vacate  the  right  to  any  man's  house,  plan- 
tation, deed  of  his  lands,  &,c.,  whenever  he  may  happen 
to  displease  any  Minister  of  State,  or  any  of  his  tools,  from 
a  Bernard  and  Hutchinson,  to  the  most  infamous  informer 
and  tide-waiter." 

27th.  Hence,  on  the  whole,  we  have  gradually  lost  om* 
free  Constitution,  English  liberties,  and  Charters,  and  are 
really  under  military  government,  a  state  to  be  deprecated 
by  all  good  men ;  so  that,  if  we  say  a  word  against  a  Tea 
Tax,  a  Boston  Port  Bill,  or  any  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  im- 
position, we  may  expect,  like  Boston,  to  have  our  estates, 
trade,  deeds,  &c.,  taken  away,  and  dragoons  sent  to  insult 
us ;  and  if  they  murder  us,  they  are  not  amenable  under 
our  laws.  Our  circumstances  bear  some  resemblance  to 
the  time  when  they  were  forcing  Bishops  on  Scotland,  when 
every  common  soldier,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  the  Second, 
was  witness,  judge,  and  jury  himself;  and,  on  asking  two 
or  three  questions,  might  shoot  down  any  person  he  met. 

Here  is  a  dreadful  catalogue  indeed  !  And  I  doubt  not, 
said  he,  there  are  many  more  which  have  escaped  my 
memory.  O  that  our  gracious  Sovereign  woidd  condescend 
to  read  the  catalogue,  and  spend  one  hour  apart  from  Lord 
North  and  the  other  authors  of  our  calamities,  to  meditate 
upon  them !  Sure  his  humane  heart  would  bleed  for  the 
distresses  of  his  reign,  and  he  would  vow  redress  to  his 
loving  and  oppressed  subjects.  Any  one  of  these  twenty- 
seven  grievous  impositions  would  have  driven  a  people 
careless  of  loyalty,  j)atriotism,  prudence,  and  fortitude,  into 
actual  rebellion,  to  take  arms  in  defence  of  such  invaluable 
privileges.  But,  in  defiance  of  all  the  wliispers  of  our 
enemies,  though  we  love  liberty,  we  love  Britain  too,  and 
earnestly  desire  to  continue  the  most  inviolable  union,  con- 
nection, and  harmony,  with  the  land  of  our  fatiiers.  Though 
we  are  now  alxjve  five  millions,  (and  at  our  present  rate  of 
population  will  soon  double  that  number,)  if  we  were  now 
united  we  need  not  dread,  under  the  conduct  of  tliat  gra- 
cious and  Almighty  Being  who  hears  the  cries  of  oppressed 
innocence,  any  single  Prince  or  Empire  on  earth  ;  but  were 
we  ten  thousand  times  so  many  more,  we  would  still  revere, 
love,  and  support  our  mother,  Britain,  &tc.,  while  she  will 
treat  us  as  children  and  friends. 

He  concluded  his  address,  by  showing  the  necessity  and 


661 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  JULY,  1774. 


662 


expediency  of  a  general  Congress,  to  cultivate  or  restore 
our  friendsliip  with  Britain,  he,  as  well  as  to  agree  on  a 
necessary  non-importation  Covenant ;  which  Congress,  he 
showed,  ought  to  be  continued  in  all  future  times.  He 
hoped,  amidst  their  important  affairs,  they  would  fall  on 
some  honourable  and  safe  expedient  to  put  an  end  to  our 
African  slavery,  so  dishonourable  to  us,  and  so  provoking 
to  the  most  benevolent  Parent  of  the  Universe ;  that  this, 
with  our  luxury  and  irreligion,  are  probably  the  remote 
causes  of  our  present  alarming  situation. 


EXTRACT  OP  A  LETTER  FROM  DEPUTY  COVERNOUB  PENN, 
TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Philadelphia,  July  30,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  I  beg  leave  now  to  acquaint  your  Lordship 
that  a  meeting  of  Deputies  from  the  several  counties  of 
this  Province  was  held  in  this  city  on  the  15th  of  this 
month,  to  consider  of  the  most  proper  measures  to  be  taken 
in  the  present  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
Colonies.  The  principal  business  done  at  this  Convention 
was  forming  a  set  of  resolves,  and  preparing  a  draught  of 
instructions  to  their  Representatives,  which  they  laid  before 
the  Assembly,  and  immediately  afterwards  published  them. 
I  herewith  send  your  Lordship  the  newspaper  containing 
those  resolves  and  instructions,  as  also  the  resolutions  of  the 
Assembly  thereupon,  by  which  your  Lordship  will  perceive 
that  the  steps  taken  by  the  Assembly  are  rather  a  check 
than  an  encouragement  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Com- 
mittee, and  this  I  was  well  assured  would  be  the  case. 

I  am  with  great  respect,  &c.,  John  Penn. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK, 
DATED  LONDON,  JULY  30,  1774. 

It  is  the  prevailing  opinion  here  that  the  Colonies  mean 
nothing,  as  the  arts  of  Administration  must  eventually 
divide  you. 

The  large  orders  for  goods,  and  the  long  delay  of 
measures  of  resistance,  give  your  best  friends  some  appre- 
hension, that  you  will  lose  tlie  only  moment  which  you 
can  ever  have  to  save  America  from  ignominious  slavery. 
The  idea  of  your  being  stronger,  and  this  country  weaker, 
may  be  very  true  in  fact,  but  not  true  in  point  of  political 
strength.  Your  enemies  have  been  imprudent  enough  to 
alarm  you  now — they  may  grow  wiser  hereafter — spin  the 
snare  with  some  art,  and  forever  enslave  you,  by  imper- 
ceptible steps.  You  will  find  it  the  language  of  Adminis- 
tration, their  emissaries  and  subservient  merchants,  with 
whom  you  correspond,  that  if  America  will  be  quiet  for 
the  present,  all  will  be  right  again.  If  you  trust  such 
promises  you  are  utterly  undone,  and  deserve  the  chains 
of  tyrants.  1  should  think  myself  entitled  to  drive  you 
like  negroes  or  beasts  of  burden,  if  you  act  so  weak,  so 
contemptible  a  part — 'lis  the  characteristick  of  the  present 
Ministry  to  lie  and  betray — 'tis  the  very  system  of  the 
Cabinet — 'tis  the  rule  by  which  my  Lord  Bute  has  undone 
the  first  men  in  this  country,  and  with  them,  this  unfortu- 
nate Kingdom. 

I  have  a  thousand  reasons  to  wish  that  your  opposition 
may  be  an  early  one,  as  well  as  vigorous — the  day  of  grace 
is  now — it  will  be  soon  over. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  OKNTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK, 
DATED  LONDON,  JULY  .30,  1774. 

We  are  all  in  high  expectations  of  the  event  of  the  late 
measures  (adopted  respecting  Boston,  which  carry  with 
tliem  rather  the  harsh  and  rigid  aspect  of  power,  than  that 
of  paternal  affection,  which  wishes  to  reclaim  while  it 
chastises.  The  Crown  lias  for  a  long  time  past  been 
gaining  power  at  tiie  expense  of  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
by  a  gradual  system  of  corruption,  which  the  people  them- 
selves have  not  virtue  enough  to  counteract.  But  now 
tlie  strides  towards  despotism  are  enormous.  I  wish  the 
Americans  may  be  able  to  fall  upon  some  prudent  and 
effectual  measures  in  the  present  important  crisis.  But  I 
fear  the  greatest  difficulty,  will  be  in  the  want  of  an  union 
and  confidence  among  themselves  in  the  different  Colonies, 
without  which  any  expedients  they  may  think  proper  to 
adopt  will,  1  fear,  avail  little.  ,  ■■ii;.  i!j<.i.i   ■,    ••    v)' 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  NEW-YORK, 
DATED  LONDON,  JULY  30,  1774. 

I  enclose  you  a  Bill,  which  will  soon  be  a  law,  and 
which  speaks  the  intentions  of  Administration  stronger 
than  I  can.  It  is  a  model  for  jjll  America,  and  certainly 
there  is  a  full  purpose  here  of  executing  it,  if  we  do  not, 
by  a  firm  union  and  opposition,  withstand  it.  A  general 
suspension  of  commerce,  till  our  grievances  are  redressed, 
is  the  only  measure  which  is  at  once  safe  and  sure.  The 
question  is  now  become  of  such  pregnancy  and  magnitude, 
that  your  proceedings  ought  to  be  conducted  with  the 
greatest  deliberation  and  gravity.  It  is  no  common  issue 
that  we  are  trying,  as  it  involves  the  fate  of  uncomputed 
millions. 

The  Ministry  flatter  themselves,  that  the  terrour  of  their 
measures  will  make  all  America  silent  and  submissive. 
Even  Lord  Mansfield  ventured  to  declare  in  the  House  of 
Lords  that  all  the  Colonies  would  return  to  obedience  (his 
phrase  for  slavery)  sine  cade.  If  I  mistake  not,  he  will 
find  it  difficult  to  keep  this  country  quiet,  under  the  distress 
a  non-importation  agreement  will  occasion.  That  is  our 
strong  hold,  which  1  trust  in  God  we  shall  never  abandon. 

Mr.  Rigby,  who  is  at  the  head  of  the  Bedford  people, 
and  Sir  Gilbert  Elliot,  who  presides  in  the  Royal  junto, 
both  declared  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  as  soon  as 
America  was  reduced  to  order,  it  was  intended  to  tax 
them.     You  may  depend  upon  this  as  a  fact. 

It  is  the  opinion  of  your  best  friends  here,  that  you 
should  put  a  total  stop  to  all  commerce  with  this  country, 
both  exports  and  imports.  Some  would  carry  it  so  far  as 
to  stop  all  provisions  and  lumber  from  being  sent  to  the 
West  Indies.  The  few  absolute  necessaries  a  hardy 
people  can  want,  who  are  contending  for  the  dearest  of  all 
earthly  blessings,  their  liberty,  may  be  easily  had  from  St. 
Eustatia,  the  French  West  Jndies,  or  some  part  of  Europe. 
Keep  all  the  money  you  have,  and  pay  no  debts  here. 
At  the  same  time,  by  a  judicious  manifesto,  address  the 
British  merchants,  manufacturers,  and  your  brethren  in 
England,  stating  modestly  your  grievances,  pointing  out 
the  mode  of  redress,  and  complaining  of  the  grievous  ne- 
cessity you  are  driven  to.  All  the  Colonies,  it  is  expected, 
will  unite ;  for  which  end  a  Congress  should  be  held  as 
soon  as  possible.  You  may  rely  on  it  as  a  most  certain 
truth,  that  Fhiladelphia,  next  to  Boston,  is  to  feel  the 
severe  rods  of  chastisement,  if  those  now  applied  to  Boston 
are  patiently  submitted  to. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOUR 
BULL  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  CHARLES- 
TOWN,  JULY  31,  1774. 

I  had  expectations  that  the  measures  taken  by  the  Parlia- 
ment relative  to  Boston  would  have  had  some  happy 
effect  towards  composing  the  disturbances  in  this  Province, 
which  seemed  to  have  subsided  a  little  last  winter,  but  it 
has  taken  a  contrary  turn.  Their  own  apprehensions  and 
thoughts,  confirmed  by  the  resolutions  and  correspondence 
from  other  Colonics,  have  raised  an  universal  spirit  of 
jealousy  against  Great  i?ri7«in,  and  of  unanimity  towards 
each  other;  I  say  universal,  my  Lord,  for  few  who  think 
otherwise  are  hardy  enough  to  avow  it  publickly. 

The  general  claim  is  exemption  from  taxation,  but  by 
their  own  Representatives,  as  co-essential  with  the  British, 
(their  own)  Constitution.  Some  who  do  not  enter  so  deep 
into  principles,  are  alarmed  at  the  consequence  of  a  ready 
acquiescence  under  taxation  by  the  Parliament,  as  they 
ap|)rehend  that  then  all  the  variety  of  ways  and  means  of 
raising  money  in  Great  Britain  will  soon  be  put  in  prac- 
tice liero,  and  applied  to  purposes  not  merely  American. 

Such  arguments  as  the  last  are  easily  understood  and 
felt  by  every  man,  and  catches  like  wild-fire  among  the 
multitude.  They  are  deaf  to  the  argument  on  the  other 
side  of  the  question,  though  obvious  to  a  man  of  considera- 
tion, that  in  every  Empire  an  absolute  power  must  ne- 
cessarily be  lodged  somewhere,  over  all  the  parts  and 
members  thereof,  which,  in  Great  Britain,  is  in  the  King 
and  his  Parliament.  But  liberty  or  slavery,  in  their 
greatest  latitude,  is  the  alternative  generally  held  forth  in 
their  popular  meetings,  for  little  attention  or  jiatience  is 
shown  to  those  who  attempt  to  state  things  in  a  different 
liilht 


663 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


664 


Your  Lordship  has  doubtless  been  infoiraed  of  the  pro- 
posal from  Boston,  tliat  there  should  be  a  Congress  of 
Commiltees  from  every  Province,  to  consider  of  what  was 
proper  to  be  done  by  them  in  this  crisis.  Accordingly  on 
the  sixth  instant  a  great  concourse  of  people  assembled  in 
Charlestown,  in  order  to  choose  a  Committee  of  five  men 
for  South  Carolina.  1  enclose  'Timothy  s  Gazette,  which 
publishes  the  result  thereof. 

1  beg  your  Lordship's  permission  to  observe,  and  I  do  it 
with  great  concern,  that  this  spirit  of  opposition  to  taxa- 
tion and  its  consequences,  is  so  violent  and  so  universal 
throughout  America,  that  1  am  apprehensive  it  will  not  be 
soon  or  easily  appeased.  The  general  voice  speaks  dis- 
content, and  sometimes  in  a  tone  of  despair,  as  delerniined 
to  stop  all  exports  to,  and  imports  from,  Great  Britain, 
and  even  to  silence  the  Courts  of  law,  foreseeing,  but  re- 
gardless of  the  ruin  that  must  attend  themselves  in  that 
case  ;  content  to  change  a  comfortable  for  a  parsimonious 
life,  to  be  satisfied  with  the  few  wants  of  nature,  if  by  their 
suflerings  they  can  bring  Great  Britain  to  feel. 

This^is  the  language  of  the  most  violent ;  others  think  it 
is  going  too  far ;  and  the  most  violent  too  often  prevail 
over  the  n)oderate.  When  men  shall  in  general  lay  aside 
the  hopes  of  getting  riches,  and  abandon  the  employment 
of  agriculture,  commerce,  and  mechanick  labour,  what  turn 
their  leisure  time,  under  such  circumstances,  may  take,  I 
submit  to  your  Lordship's  knowledge  of  history,  and  of  he 
human  mind.  Such  sudden  and  great  changes  in  the 
manners  of  an  extended  thriving  people,  among  whom  the 
Gazettes  are  filled  with  such  variety  of  articles  for  luxury, 
is  scarce  credible,  though  possible,  but  the  continuance  of 
it  is  very  improbable.  The  first  account  of  the  result  of 
the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  may  reach  your  Lordship 
the  beginning  of  November.  I  think  it  my  duty  to  make 
this  true  and  feithful  representation  of  the  disposition  and 
temper  of  the  people,  how  disagreeable  it  may  however 
appear,  and  to  confide  in  the  Royal  wisdom  for  the 
remedy. 

Captain  Maitland,  who  on  the  18th  instant,  had  brought 
in  several  chests  of  tea  for  merchants  in  this  town,  which 
he  had  promised  the  General  Committee,  as  it  is  called,  to 
destroy  or  carry  back,  and  taken  in  his  load  of  rice  in  the 
mean  time,  gave  great  offence  to  the  Committee  and  the 
people,  as  the  tea  was  that  day  landed  by  the  Custom- 
House  Officers  and  lodged  in  the  King's  store  house. 

Several  hundred  men  went  with  great  threats  in  quest  of 
him  in  the  evening,  but  as  they  entered  his  ship  on  one 
side,  he  went  off"  from  the  other,  and  took  shelter  on  board 
his  Majesty's  ship  Glasgow,  then  in  Rebellion  Road,  and 
next  morning  his  ship  was  removed  from  the  wharf  by 
Captain  Maltby's  assistance.  Another  parcel  of  tea,  since 
arrived,  by  consent  of  the  Committee,  is  lodged  in  the 
King's  stores  in  the  same  predicament.  Although  Captain 
Maitland  sails  first,  yet,  as  his  ship  is  heavy  laden,  I  think 
my  account  of  these  matters  will  reach  your  Lordship 
soonest  by  the  packet,  he. 

DELAWARE    CONVENTION. 

Attgmt  1,  1774,  P.  M. — The  Representatives  of  the 
Freemen  of  the  Government  of  the  Counties  of  New- 
Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  upon  Delaware,  met  at  New- 
Castle,  in  pursuance  of  Circular  Letters  from  the  Speaker 
of  the  House,  who  was  requested  to  write  and  forward  the 
same  to  the  several  Members  of  Assembly,  by  the  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence  for  the  several  counties  aforesaid, 
chosen  and  appointed  for  that  among  other  purposes  by  the 
Freeholders  and  Freemen  of  the  said  counties  respectively. 
Present : 

For  the  County  of  New-Castle. — Thomas  McKean, 
John  Evans,  John  M'Kinly,  James  Latimer,  George 
Read,  Alexander  Porter. 

For  the  County  of  Kent. —  Charles  Ridgely,  William 
Killen,  Cesar  Rodney,  Thomas  Collins. 

For  the  County  o/ Sussex. — Thomas  Robinson,  Levin 
Crapper,  Boaz  Manlove,  John  Wiltbank,  Stephen  Town- 
send. 

Who  immediately  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  a  Chair- 
man, and  Cjesar  Rodney,  Esquire,  was  chosen  Chairman, 
nemine  contradicente,  and  David  Thompson,  Esquire, 
Gerk. 


The  Resolves  of  the  several  Committees  appointed  by 
the  inhabitants  of  these  Counties  respectively,  were  read, 
and  follow  in  these  words,  to  wit : 

"  At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabit- 
ants of  the  County  of  New- Castle,  on  Delaware,  at  New- 
Castle,  the  29th  of  June,  1774,  Thomas  M'Kean,  Esq., 
Chairman  : 

"■  Resolved,  1.  That  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  shutting 
up  the  port  oi  Boston  is  unconstitutional,  oppressive  to  the 
inhabitants  of  that  town,  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
British  Colonies,  and  that,  therefore,  we  consider  our 
brethren  at  Boston  as  suffering  in  the  common  cause  of 
America. 

"2.  That  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
Colonies  in  North  America  is  the  most  probable  and  pro- 
per mode  of  procuring  relief  for  our  sufiering  brethren, 
obtaining  redress  for  American  grievances,  securing  our 
rights  and  liberties,  and  re-establishing  peace  and  harmony 
between  Great  Britain  and  these  Colonies  on  a  constitu- 
tional foundation. 

"  3.  That  a  respectable  Committee  be  immediately  ap- 
pointed for  the  County  of  New-Castle,  to  correspond  with 
the  sister  Colonies,  and  with  the  other  counties  in  this 
Government,  in  order  that  all  may  unite  in  promoting  and 
endeavouring  to  obtain  the  great  and  valuable  ends  men- 
tioned in  the  foregoing  Resolution. 

"  4.  That  the  most  eligible  mode  of  appointing  Depu- 
ties would  be  by  the  Representatives  of  the  people  of  this 
Government  met  in  their  legislative  capacity ;  but  as  the 
House  of  Assembly  have  adjourned  themselves  to  the  30th 
day  of  September  next ;  and  it  is  not  expected  his  Honour 
our  Governour  will  call  them  by  writs  of  summons  on  this 
occasion,  having  refused  to  do  the  like  in  his  other  Prov- 
ince of  Pennsylvania ;  therefore,  that  the  Speaker  of  the 
Honourable  House  of  Assembly  be  desired  by  tlie  Com- 
mittee now  to  be  appointed  to  write  to  the  several  Members 
of  Assembly,  requesting  them  to  convene  at  New-Castle, 
on  any  day  not  later  than  the  first  of  August  next,  to  take 
into  their  most  serious  consideration  our  very  alarming  sit- 
uation, and  to  appoint  Deputies  to  attend  at  the  general 
Congress  for  the  Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as  sliall 
be  generally  agreed  on. 

"  5.  That  the  Committee  now  to  be  chosen  consist  of 
thirteen  persons,  to  wit:  Thomas  M'Kean,  John  Evans, 
John  MKinly,  James  Latimer,  George  Read,  Alexander 
Porter,  Samuel  Patterson,  Nicholas  Van  Dyke,  Thomas 
Cooch,  Job  Harvy,  George  Monro,  Samuel  Piatt,  and 
Richard  Cantwell,  and  that  any  seven  of  them  may  act. 
"  6.  That  the  said  Committee  immediately  set  on  foot 
a  subscription  for  the  relief  of  such  poor  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston  as  may  be  deprived  of  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence by  the  Act  of  Pariiament,  commonly  styled  the 
Boston  Port  Bill ;  the  money  arising  from  such  subscrip- 
tions to  be  laid  out  as  the  Committee  shall  think  will  best 
answer  the  ends  proposed. 

"  7.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  will  adopt  and 
carry  into  execution  all  and  singular  such  peaceable  and 
constitutional  measures  as  shall  be  agreed  on  by  a  majority 
of  tlie  Colonies  by  their  Deputies  at  the  intended  Con- 
gress ;  and  will  have  no  trade,  commerce,  or  dealings 
whatsoever,  with  any  Province,  city,  or  town,  in  the 
British  Colonies  on  this  Continent,  (if  any  such  should 
be)  or  with  any  individual  therein,  who  shall  refuse  to 
adopt  the  same,  until  the  before  mentioned  Act  of  Pariia- 
ment, and  two  Bills  respecting  the  Province  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  depending  in  Pariiament  (if  passed  into  Acts) 
are  repealed.     Signed  by  order, 

"  David  Thompson,  Clerk." 

"  The  Freeholders  and  other  Inhabitants  of  Kent  County, 
on  Delaware,  now  assembled  at  the  Court  House  in  the 
Town  of  Dover,  this  20th  day  of  July,  Anno  Domini 
1774.  taking  into  their  most  serious  consideration  sundry 
Acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  in  which  their  power  and 
right  to  impose  duties  and  taxes  on  his  Majesty's  subjects 
in  the  British  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  America,  for 
the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue,  are  declared,  attempted 
to  be  exercised,  and  in  various  ways  enforced  and  carried 
into  execution  ;  more  especially  the  Act  depriving  the  great 
and  lately  flourishing  town  of  Boston  of  all  Uade  what- 


665 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


666 


soever,  by  shutting  up  their  port  and  harbour  with  a  form- 
idable fleet  and  army  : 

"Resolved,  ncm'mc  contradicente,  1.  Tiiat  we  do  ac- 
knowledge, recognize,  and  most  expressly  declare,  his 
Majesty  King  George  the  Third  to  be  lawful  and  rightful 
King  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  other  his  Dominions  and 
Countries ;  and  that  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  the  peo- 
ple of  tins  country,  as  being  part  of  his  Majesty's  Domin- 
ions, always  to  bear  faithful  and  true  allegiance  to  his  Ma- 
jesty, and  him  to  defend  to  the  utmost  of  their  power, 
against  all  attempts  upon  his  person.  Crown,  or  dignity. 

'■  Resolved,  ncmine  contradicenle,  2.  That  the  Act  of 
Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  is  unconsti- 
tutional, oppressive  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  town,  dan- 
gerous to  the  liberties  of  the  British  Colonies,  and  that, 
therefore,  we  consider  our  brethren  at  Boston  as  suffering 
in  the  common  cause  of  America. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  -3.  That  a  Congress  of 
Deputies  from  the  several  Colonies  in  North  America  is 
tlie  most  probable  and  proper  mode  of  procuring  relief  for 
our  suffering  brethren,  obtaining  redress  of  American  griev- 
ances, securing  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  re-establishing 
harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  these  Colonies  on  a 
constitutional  foundation. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  4.  That  a  respectable 
Committee  be  immediately  appointed  for  the  County  of 
Kent,  to  correspond  with  the  Committees  of  the  sister 
Colonies,  and  the  other  counties  in  the  Government,  in 
order  that  all  may  unite  in  promoting  and  endeavouring  to 
obtain  the  great  and  valuable  end  mentioned  in  the  fore- 
going Resolution. 

''  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  5.  That  the  Speaker 
of  the  Honourable  House  of  Assembly  be  desired  by  the 
Committee  now  to  be  appointed,  togetiier  with  the  Com- 
mittees of  the  other  counties  of  this  Government,  to  write 
to  the  several  Members  of  Assembly,  requesting  them  to 
convene  at  New-Castle  as  soon  as  possible,  to  take  into 
their  most  serious  consideration  our  very  alarming  situation, 
and  to  appoint  Deputies  to  attend  at  a  general  Congress  for 
the  Colonies  at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  generally 
agreed  on. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  6.  That  the  Committee 
now  to  be  appointed  consist  of  thirteen  persons,  to  wit : 
Charles  Ridgely,  William  Killen,  Casar  Rodney,  John 
Haslet,  John  Clarice,  Thomas  Collins,  Esquires,  Jacob 
Stout,  Esquire,  James  Sykes,  Esquire,  James  WeUs,Thomas 
Rodney,  Richard  Basset,  Esquire,  Richard  Lockwood, 
Esquire,  and  Zadock  Cropper,  Esquire,  and  that  any 
seven  of  them  may  act. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  7.  That  the  said 
Committee  immediately  set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  the 
reUef  of  such  poor  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston  as 
may  be  deprived  of  the  means  of  sustenance  by  the  Act 
of  Parliament  commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Bill ;  the 
money  arising  from  such  subscription  to  be  laid  out  as  the 
Committee  shall  think  will  best  answer  the  ends  proposed. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  8.  That  the  inhabit- 
ants of  this  county  do  agree  with  their  brethren  of  New- 
Castle  County,  in  adopting  and  carrying  into  execution  all 
and  singular,  such  peaceable  and  constitutional  measures  as 
shall  be  agreed  on  by  a  majority  of  the  Colonies  by  their 
Deputies  at  the  intended  Congress,  and  will  have  no  trade, 
commerce,  or  deaUngs  whatsoever,  with  that  Province,  city, 
or  town,  on  this  Continent,  (if  any  such  should  be)  or  with 
any  individual  therein,  who  shall  refuse  to  adopt  the  same, 
until  the  before  mentioned  Act  of  Parliament,  and  two 
Bills  respecting  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  de- 
pending in  Parliament  (if  passed  into  Acts)  are  repealed. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  9.  That  this  Com- 
mittee embrace  this  publick  opportunity  to  testify  their 
gratitude  and  most  cordial  thanks  to  the  patrons  and  friends 
of  liberty  in  Great  Britain,  for  their  patriotick  effoi'ts  to 
prevent  the  jiresent  calamity  of  America. 

'•  Signed  by  order,  Mark  M'Call,  Clerk." 


"  At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  other 
Inhabitants  of  the  County  of  Sussex,  on  Delaware,  at  the 
Court  House  in  Lewestown,  on  Saturday,  the  23d  of  July, 
1774: 

"  This  Assembly  taking  into  their  very  serious  consider- 


ation the  present  critical  situation  of  American  affairs  ;  of 
the  exclusive  right  of  the  Colonists  of  imposing  taxes  upon 
tiieraselves ;  of  the  invasion  of  that  right  by  the  statute  of 
sixth  George  the  Third,  chapter  twelve,  by  which  statute, 
and  sundry  others,  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have 
assumed  the  power  of  making  laws  to  bind  the  Colonies 
without  their  consent,  either  by  themselves  or  by  their 
Representatives ;  a  recent  instance  of  which  is  exhibited 
in  a  late  statute  commonly  called  the  Boston  Port  Bill ; 
Therefore,  in  order  to  collect  the  voice  and  sentiments  of 
this  Assembly,  the  following  Articles  were  proposed,  voted, 
and  agreed  to: 

"  1.  That  the  inhabitants  of  this  county  do  owe  and  will 
pay  due  allegiance  to  his  Majesty  King  George  the  Third. 

"  2.  That  it  is  the  inherent  right  of  British  subjects  to 
be  taxed  by  their  own  consent,  or  by  Representatives 
chosen  by  themselves  only  ;  and  that  every  Act  of  the 
British  Parliament  respecting  the  internal  police  of  North 
America  is  unconstitutional,  and  an  invasion  of  our  just 
rights  and  privileges. 

"  3.  That  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  inflicting  pains  and 
penalties  on  the  town  of  Boston,  by  blocking  up  their 
harbour,  is  a  precedent  justly  alarming  to  the  British  Col- 
onies in  America,  and  entirely  inconsistent  with,  and  sub- 
versive of,  their  constitutional  rights  and  liberties. 

'•  4.  That  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from  the  several 
Colonies  in  North  America  is  the  most  probable  and 
proper  mode  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  American  grievances, 
securing  our  rights  and  liberties,  and  re-establishing 
peace  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  these 
Colonies  on  a  constitutional  foundation. 

"  5.  That  the  Inhabitants  of  this  county  will  adopt  and 
carry  into  execution  all  and  singular  such  peaceable  and 
constitutional  measures  as  shall  be  agreed  on  by  a  majority 
of  the  Colonies  by  their  Deputies  at  the  intended  Con- 
gress. 

"  6.  That  the  Speaker  of  the  honourable  House  of  As- 
sembly of  this  Government  be  desired  to  write  to  the 
several  Members  in  this  county,  requesting  them  to  convene 
at  New- Castle  on  or  before  the  1st  of  August  next,  to  ap- 
point Dejjuties  to  attend  at  a  general  Congress  for  the 
Colonies,  at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be  generally 
agreed  on. 

"  7.  That  it  is  our  opinion  that  it  would  conduce  to  the 
restoration  of  the  liberties  ot  America  should  the  Colonies 
enter  into  a  joint  agreement  not  to  import  any  article  of 
British  manufactory,  or  carry  on  any  branch  of  trade, 
unless  under  such  restrictions  as  may  be  agreed  upon  by 
the  Congress. 

"  8.  That  the  Committee,  hereinafter  appointed,  are 
hereby  desired  to  receive  the  subscriptions  of  such  chari- 
table persons  in  this  county  who  shall  incline  to  contribute 
towards  the  distressed  and  suffering  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston ;  and  that  the  money  raised  by  such  sub- 
scriptions be  disposed  of  by  the  said  Committee  for  the  use 
of  the  said  inhabitants,  whom  we  consider  as  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  America. 

"  9.  That  the  Committee  now  to  be  chosen  consist  of 
thirteen  persons,  to  wit :  Thomas  Robinson,  Levin  Crap- 
per,  Boaz  Manlove,  Benjamin  Burton,  and  John  Wilt- 
bank,  Esquires,  and  Stephen  Townsend,  Gentleman,  the 
Representatives  of  this  county  ;  and  David  Hall,  Esquire, 
the  Reverend  Matthew  Wilson,  Jacob  Moore,  Esquire, 
Mr.  John  Clowes,  Daniel  Nunez,  Esquire,  John  Rodney, 
Esquire,  and  Mr.  William  Peery,  wIkj,  or  any  seven  of 
them,  being  duly  notified,  are  to  meet  and  correspond  with 
the  other  Provinces  and  counties  of  this  Government,  and 
to  give  instructions  to  our  Deputies  for  the  intended  Con- 
gress when  chosen,  in  order  that  all  may  unite  in  promoting 
and  endeavouring  to  attain  the  great  and  valuable  ends 
mentioned  in  the  foregoing  Resolutions." 

Then  the  Convention  adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning, 
nine  o'clock. 

August  2,  A.  M. — The  Convention  met  according  to 
adjournment. 

And  several  Letters  from  the  respective  Committees  of 
Correspondence  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
the  Dominion  of  Virginia,  the  Colonies  of  Rhode  Island, 
South  Carolina,  and  Maryland,  being  read,  and  the  Con- 
vention taking  the  same  into  consideration,  together  with 


667 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


668 


the  proceedings  of  the  freemen  of  the  counties  aforesaid, 
unanimously  entered  into  the  following  Resolution,  to  wit : 

We  the  Representatives  aforesaid,  by  virtue  of  the  pow- 
er delegated  to  us  as  aforesaid,  taking  into  our  most  serious 
consideration  the  several  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament 
for  restraining  manufactures  in  his  Majesty's  Plantations 
and  Colonies  in  North  America ;  for  taking  away  the 
property  of  the  Colonists  without  their  participation  or 
consent ;  for  the  introduction  of  the  arbitrary  powers  of 
the  excise  into  the  Customs  here  ;  for  the  making  all  rev- 
enue causes  triable  without  Jury,  and  under  the  decision 
of  a  single  dependent  Judge  ;  for  the  trial  in  England  of 
persons  accused  of  capital  crimes  committed  in  the  Col- 
onies ;  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston  ;  for  new  model- 
ling the  Government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  and  the  ope- 
ration of  the  same  on  the  properly,  liberty,  and  lives  of  the 
Colonists ;  and  also  considering  that  the  most  eligible  mode 
of  determining  upon  the  premises,  and  of  endeavouring  to 
procure  relief  and  redress  of  our  grievances,  would  have 
been  by  us  assembled  in  a  legislative  capacity  ;  but  as  the 
House  had  adjourned  to  the  30th  day  of  September  next, 
and  it  is  not  to  be  expected  his  Honour  the  Governour 
would  call  us  by  WTits  of  summons  on  this  occasion,  having 
refused  to  do  the  like  in  his  other  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania, the  next  and  most  proper  method  of  answer- 
ing the  expectations  and  desires  of  our  constituents,  and 
of  contributing  our  aid  to  the  general  cause  of  America, 
is  to  appoint  Commissioners  or  Deputies  on  behalf  of  the 
people  of  this  Government,  to  meet  and  act  with  those  ap- 
pointed by  the  other  Provinces  in  general  Congress.  And 
we  do  therefore  unanimously  nominate  and  appoint  Civsar 
Rodney,  Thomas  M'Kcan,  and  George  Read,  Esquires, 
or  any  two  of  them,  Deputies  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  this 
Government  in  a  general  Continental  Congress  proposed  to 
be  held  at  the  City  of  Philadelphia  on  the  first  Monday 
in  September  next,  or  at  any  other  time  and  place  that  may 
be  generally  agreed  on  ;  then  and  there  to  consult  and 
advise  with  the  Deputies  from  the  other  Colonies,  and  to 
determine  upon  all  such  prudent  and  lawful  measures  as 
may  be  judged  most  expedient  for  the  Colonies  immediately 
and  unitedly  to  adopt,  in  order  to  obtain  relief  for  an  op- 
pressed people,  and  the  redress  of  our  general  grievances. 

Signed  by  order  of  tlie  Convention, 

C^sAR  Rodney,  Chairman. 


At  the  Meeting  of  the  Convention  of  the  Representatives 
of  the  Freemen  of  the  Government  of  the  Counties  of 
New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  upon  Delaware,  on  the 
2d  day  of  August,  1774,  A.  M.,  it  was  unanimously  re- 
solved to  instruct  the  Deputies  then  appointed  in  behalf  of 
the  people  of  the  said  Government  to  attend  the  general 
Congress  that  they  do  endeavour  to  prevail  with  the 
Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies  and  Provinces  at  the 
general  Congress,  to  adopt  the  following  or  similar  Reso- 
lutions : 

1 .  In  the  first  place,  that  we  most  solemnly  and  sincerely 
promise  and  declare  that  we  do  and  will  bear  faith  and 
true  allegiance  to  his  most  sacred  Majesty  King  George 
the  Third,  our  most  gracious  Sovereign  and  rightful  liege 
Lord  ;  that  we  will,  upon  true  revolution  principles,  and 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  support  and  defend  the  Pro- 
testant succession  as  established  in  the  illustrious  House  of 
Hanover;  and  it  is  our  most  earnest  desire  that  the  con- 
nection which  subsists  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies,  whereby  they  are  made  one  people,  may  continue 
to  the  latest  period  of  time. 

2.  That  the  subjects  of  his  Majesty  in  the  British 
American  Colonies  have  had  and  of  right  ought  to  have 
and  enjoy  all  the  liberties,  privileges,  and  immunities  of 
free  and  natural  born  subjects  within  any  of  his  Majesty's 
Dominions,  as  full  and  amply  as  if  they  and  every  one  of 
them  were  born  within  the  Realm  of  England;  that  they 
have  a  property  in  their  own  estates,  and  are  to  be  taxed 
by  their  own  consent  only,  given  in  person  or  by  their 
Representatives,  and  are  not  to  be  disseized  of  their  liber- 
ties and  free  customs,  sentenced  or  condemned,  but  by 
lawful  judgment  of  their  peers. 

3.  That  the  only  lawful  Representatives  of  the  freemen 
in  the  several  Colonies  are  persons  they  elect  to  serve  as 
Members  of  the  General  Assembly  thereof;  and  that  it  is 


the  just  right  and  privilege  of  the  said  freemen  to  be  gov- 
erned by  laws  made  by  their  General  Assembly  in  the 
article  of  taxation  and  internal  police. 

4.  That  all  trials  for  treason,  misprision  of  treason,  or  for 
any  felony  or  crime  whatsoever,  committed  and  done  in 
the  said  Colonies,  ought  of  right  to  be  had  and  conducted 
in  his  Majesty's  Courts  held  within  the  same,  according  to 
the  fixed  and  known  course  of  proceeding ;  and  that  the 
seizing  any  person  or  persons  suspected  of  any  crime 
whatsoever,  committed  in  them,  and  sending  such  person 
or  persons  to  places  beyond  the  seas  to  be  tried,  is  highly 
derogatory  of  the  rights  of  British  subjects,  as  thereby  the 
inestimable  privilege  of  being  tried  by  a  Jury  from  the 
vicinage,  as  well  as  the  liberty  of  summoning  and  produc- 
ing witnesses  on  such  trials,  will  be  taken  away  from  the 
party  accused. 

5.  That  all  Acts  and  Proceedings  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment for  prohibiting  and  restraining  American  manufac- 
tures ;  imposing  taxes  on  the  British  Colonies  ;  extending 
the  powers  of  Custom-House  Officers  and  Admiralty  Courts 
here,  beyond  their  ancient  limits  ;  and  seizing  and  sending 
persons  suspected  of  committing  treason  or  misprision  of 
treason  in  these  Colonies  to  England  for  trial,  are  unwar- 
rantable assumptions  of  power ;  unconstitutional,  and  de 
structive  of  British  liberty. 

6.  That  the  successive  Acts  of  Parliament  made  in  the 
last  session,  for  inflicting  pains  and  penalties  on  the  town 
of  Boston,  by  shutting  up  their  port  and  blocking  up  their 
harbour  ;  for  altering  the  administration  of  justice  in  certain 
criminal  cases  within  tlie  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay ; 
and  for  new  modelling  the  Constitution  of  that  Province, 
established  by  Royal  Charter,  are  in  the  highest  degree 
arbitrary  in  their  principles,  unparalleled  in  their  rigour, 
oppressive  in  their  operation,  and  subversive  of  every  idea 
of  justice  and  freedom. 

7.  That  it  is  the  indispensable  duty  of  all  the  Colonies, 
not  only  to  alleviate  the  unexampled  distresses  of  our 
brethren  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  who  are  suffering  in  the 
common  cause  of  America,  but  to  assist  them  by  all  lawful 
means  in  removing  their  grievances,  and  for  re-establishing 
their  constitutional  rights,  as  well  as  those  of  all  America, 
on  a  solid  and  permanent  foundation. 

8.  That  it  is  our  fixed,  determined,  and  unalterable  reso- 
lution, by  all  lawful  ways  and  means  in  our  power,  to 
maintain,  defend,  and  preserve  our  before  mentioned  rights 
and  liberties,  and  that  we  will  transmit  them  entire  and  in- 
violate to  our  posterity  ;  and  further,  that  we  will  adopt  and 
faithfully  carry  into  execution  all  and  singular  such  peace- 
able and  constitutional  measures  as  have  been  agreed  on  by 
tliis  Congress. 

9.  That  we  are  unfeignedly  thankful  to  those  truly 
noble,  honourable,,  and  patriotick  advocates  in  Great 
Britain,  who  have  so  generously  and  powerfully,  though 
unsuccessfully,  espoused  and  defended  the  cause  of  Ameri- 
ca, both  in  and  out  of  Parliament ;  that  we  still  feel  the 
warmest  affection  for  our  brethren  in  the  parent  state  ;  and 
that  it  is  our  opinion,  as  it  is  our  hope,  that  the  cool  and 
dispassionate  among  our  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain 
will  applaud  our  measures,  and  co-operate  with  us  in  every 
manly  struggle  for  the  preservation  of  those  our  rights, 
with  which  their  own  are  so  intimately  connected. 

And  further,  we  do  earnestly  recommend  it  to  our  said 
Deputies  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  prevail  with  the 
Deputies  from  the  other  Colonies  to  frame  decent  and 
becoming  petitions  to  his  most  gracious  Majesty,  and  to  both 
Houses  of  Parliament,  for  the  redress  of  all  our  grievances, 
and  to  agree  to  a  non-importation  of  goods  from,  and  non- 
exportation  to,  Great  Britain,  until  relief  shall  be  obtained. 

Notwithstanding  any  thing  herein  before  mentioned,  it 
is  not  our  meaning  that  by  these  Instructions  our  said 
Deputies  should  be  restrained  from  agreeing  to  any 
measures  that  shall  be  approved  by  the  Congress. 

Signed  by  the  unanimous  order  of  the  Convention, 

C.5SAR  Rodney,   Chairman. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  AT  NEW-YORK,  FROM 
LONDON,  DATED  AUGUST  1,  1774. 

Since  my  last  I  have  procured  the  Act  of  Parliament 
mentioned  there,  which  enacts,  that  "  after  July  1,  1774, 
"  persons  shipping  tools  or  utensils  used  in  the  cotton,  wool, 


669 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


670 


"  and  silk  manufactories,  in  order  to  export  the  same,  to 
"  forfeit  all  such  tools,  &,c.,  and  £200.  Officers  are  au- 
"  thorized  to  seize  all  such  tools,  &.C.,  on  hoard  the  vessels, 
"  which  may  be  publickly  sold  ;  one  moiety  to  his  Majesty, 
"  the  other  to  the  officer.  Master  of  a  ship  permitting 
"  such  tools  or  utensils  to  be  exported,  forfeits  £200.  If 
"  the  ship  belongs  to  his  Majesty,  the  Captain  forfeits  £200 
"  and  his  commission.  Officers  of  the  Customs  allowing 
"  an  entry  outward  of  such  prohibited  utensils,  to  forfeit 
"  £200  and  his  office."  Since  the  passing  of  this  Act,  I 
find  tiiere  is  no  probability  of  passing  an  entry  for  any  more 
wool  cards,  &.C.,  for  America. 


Boston,  August  1,  1774. 
More  than  sixty  days  have  expired  since  Boston,  by  a 
late  edict  of  the  British  Parliament,  has  been  besieged  by 
a  British  fleet  and  army,  and  its  trade  annihilated.  The 
inhabitants  now  receive  that  insult  and  damage,  which  was 
never  experienced  in  the  hottest  wars  we  have  been  en- 
gaged in  with  France,  Spain,  and  their  allies,  the  savages 
of  the  American  woods.  The  particulars  of  the  siege,  and 
the  manoeuvres  of  our  enemies,  may  in  future  be  told  by 
some  able  historian.  Suffice  it  at  present  to  inform  the 
world,  that  though  wood  and  provisions  have  been  allowed 
by  said  Port  Act,  the  introduction  of  these  articles  has  been 
attended  with  such  loss  of  time  and  unnecessary  charges,  as 
greatly  to  raise  the  price  of  fuel  upon  the  poor  inhabitants. 
No  wood  can  now  be  brought  from  the  rivers  and  bays  in- 
cluded in  our  harbour,  upon  which  we  depended  for  a  con- 
siderable part  of  our  supply.  No  goods  of  any  kind  are 
suffered  to  be  water  borne  within  a  circle  of  sixty  miles. 
No  timber,  boards,  shingles,  bricks,  lime,  sand,  &.C.,  &.C.,  are 
to  be  transported  from  one  wharf  to  another ;  and  so  even 
the  tradesmen,  not  immediately  dependent  upon  shipping, 
are  thrown  out  of  business.  No  barrels  of  liquors,  bread, 
flour,  &,c.,  are  suffered  to  be  brought  a  few  rods  in  our  row- 
boats,  or  across  our  shortest  ferries  ;  and  even  the  vessels 
on  the  stocks,  which  have  for  some  time  past  been  ready 
for  launching,  cannot  be  put  into  the  water  without  their 
being  exposed  to  a  threatened  seizure.  Neither  is  the  dried 
table  fish  and  oil,  the  charity  of  our  Marblehead  friends; 
nor  rice,  the  generous  presents  of  the  Carolinians;  nor 
even  house-sand,  to  be  brought  us  by  water,  but  must  be 
encumbered  with  the  great  charge  of  land  carriage  of  about 
thirty  miles.  We  are  also  cut  off  from  the  advantage  and 
profit  of  supplying,  as  usual,  an  extent  of  sea  coast  on  the 
North  and  South,  of  more  than  one  hundred  leagues,  even 
with  i?n<wA  merchandises.  And  when  any  of  these  hard- 
ships and  distresses  are  mentioned  to  those  insolents  in 
office,  the  Commissioners  and  their  understrappers,  we  are 
told  it  was  the  design  of  the  Act,  and  it  is  not  their  intent 
to  lessen  these  difficulties.  This  is  the  treatment  meted 
out  by  a  British  Minister  to  a  town  and  Province,  by  whose 
exertions  in  a  late  war  the  strong  fortress  of  Louisburg  was 
taken,  which  purchased  the  peace  of  Europe,  and  deliver- 
ed Britons  from  their  terrible  apprehensions  of  an  invasion 
by  French  flat-bottomed  boats.  What  further  cruelties  we 
are  to  suffer,  we  know  not ;  but  whether  America,  or  even 
this  single  town,  is  in  this  way  to  be  brought  to  the  feet  of 
Lord  North,  with  the  full  surrender  of  their  inestimable 
rights  and  liberties,  time  only  can  determine. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOUR 
COLDEN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  NEW- 
YORK,  AUGUST  2,  1774. 

In  my  letter,  No.  3,  I  submitted  to  your  Lordship  my 
opinion,  that  Government  here  cannot  prevent  the  frequent 
meetings  of  the  people,  which  have  become  common  every 
where  ;  and  I  am  now  convinced,  that  if  Government  had 
interfered,  the  most  violent  men  would  have  gained  great 
advantage,  and  would  have  prevented  the  acquiescence  in 
tlie  nomination  of  moderate  men,  which  has  now  taken 
place,  to  meet  at  the  general  Congress  of  Deputies  from 
all  the  Colonies,  proposed  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  next 
month. 

The  meeting  of  the  Delegates,  I  am  of  opinion,  cannot 
be  prevented ;  if  they  pursue  only  such  prudent  measures 
as  are  calculated  to  remove  the  destructive  dissensions 
which  subsist  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies, 


the  meeting,  though  illegal,  it  may  be  hoped  will  produce 
some  good. 

Great  pains  have  been  taken  in  the  several  counties  of 
this  Province,  to  induce  the  people  to  enter  into  resolves, 
and  to  send  Committees  to  join  the  City  Committee ;  but 
they  have  only  prevailed  in  Suffolk  County,  in  the  east 
end  of  Long  Island,  which  was  settled  from  Connecticut, 
and  the  inhabitants  still  retain  great  similarity  of  manners 
and  sentiments. 

From  a  view  of  the  numerous  resolves  of  the  people  in 
all  the  Colonies,  which  appear  in  every  newspaper,  your 
Lordship  might  be  led  to  think  a  stupid  fatal  hardiness  in- 
toxicated the  whole.  But  there  are  every  where  many 
people  who  are  seriously  alarmed  at  the  critical  posture  of 
the  contention  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies. 
They  look  forward  with  the  deepest  anxiety,  and  would 
rejoice  in  any  prudent  plan  for  restoring  harmony  and  se- 
curity. Could  it  be  thought  consistent  with  the  wisdom  of 
Parliament,  to  lay  aside  the  right  of  raising  money  on  the 
subjects  in  America,  and  in  lieu  thereof,  that  the  several 
American  Assemblies  should  grant  and  secure  to  the  Crown 
a  sufficient  and  permanent  supply  to  pay  all  the  officers  and 
ordinary  expenses  of  Government,  they  are  of  opinion  this 
would  be  a  ground-work  upon  which  a  happy  reconciliation 
might  be  effected — the  dependence  of  the  Colonies  on 
Great  Britain  secured — Government  maintained,  and  this 
destructive  contest  amicably  terminated.  For  this  pur- 
pose, they  hope  an  address  to  his  Majesty  will  be  formed 
at  the  general  Congress. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  WILMING- 
TON, NORTH  CAROLINA,  TO  HIS  FRIEND  IN  BOSTON, 
DATED    AUGUST    2,    1774. 

As  to  publick  matters  I  shall  likewise  please  you,  when 
I  inform  you  that  a  patriotick  spirit  possesses  every  bosom, 
which  all  ranks  of  persons  seem  emulous  to  express,  by 
actions  as  well  as  by  words.  Even  those  few  from  whom 
another  conduct  was  expected,  have  surprised  the  world  by 
a  zeal  for  the  service  of  their  suffering  brethren  in  Boston, 
and  a  liberality  in  contributing  to  their  relief,  which,  till 
this  occasion  gave  them  an  opportunity  of  displaying,  scarce 
any  body  supposed  them  capable  of.  A  subscription  having 
been  set  on  foot  for  the  support  of  the  Bostoniaiis,  (suffer- 
ing nobly  in  the  common  cause  of  America,)  a  very  few 
days,  from  a  few  individuals,  produced  as  much  as  loaded 
the  vessel  by  which  this  letter  comes ;  and  by  this  time,  I 
have  no  doubt,  enough  is  collected  to  load  another.  Nor 
is  this  all ;  for  there  is  apparent  in  almost  every  individual 
a  proper  sense  of  the  injury  done  to  the  Colonies,  in  the 
tendency  of  those  oppressive  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  a 
determined  spirit  of  opposition  and  resentment  worthy  of 
a  human  bosom  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty. 

A  numerous  and  respectable  meeting  of  the  six  counties 
in  the  District  of  Wilmington,  has  been  had,  and  they  have, 
without  one  dissenting  voice,  resolved  upon  pursuing  every 
legal  and  rightful  measure  to  aid  and  assist  their  sister  Col- 
ony of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to  the  utmost  of  their  power ; 
and  have  sent  expresses  to  every  county  in  the  Province, 
strictly  recommending  a  subscription  in  each  of  them  for 
the  same  purpose.  A  general  meeting  of  all  the  Members 
of  the  Assembly  is  to  be  held  in  a  few  days,  at  Johnson 
Court  House,  to  elect  Delegates  to  attend  the  general 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  the  first  Monday  in  September. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED    AT    BOSTON,  FROM  WIL- 
MINGTON, NORTH   CAROLINA,  DATED  AUGUST  3,   1774. 

No  sooner  was  a  subscription  put  about  for  the  relief  of 
our  suffering  brethren  in  Boston,  than  in  a  few  days,  I  am 
told,  two  thousand  pounds,  our  currency,  was  raised  ;  and 
it  is  expected  something  very  considerable  will  be  contrib- 
uted at  Newbem  and  Edenton,  for  the  same  noble  purpose, 
as  subscriptions  are  set  on  foot  in  every  county  in  the  Prov- 
ince. You  will  receive  this  by  Mr.  Parker  Qtnnce,  who 
generously  made  an  offer  of  his  vessel  to  carry  a  load  of 
provisions  to  Boston,  freight  free ;  and  what  redounds  to 
the  honour  of  the  tars,  the  master  and  mariners  navigate 
her  without  receiving  one  farthing  wages.  It  is  supposed 
Lord  North  will  hang  himself  in  his  rope  of  sand. 


671 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  AUGUST,  1774. 


672 


SOUTH    CAROLINA    ASSEMBLY. 

The  Commons  House  of  Assembly  met  agreeably  to 
the  Lieutenant  Governour's  prorogation,  on  Tuesday,  the 
2d  day  of  August,  1774,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning; 
and  Messrs.  Heyioard  and  Cattell  were  ordered  to  "  v\ait 
"  on  the  Lieutenant  Governour,  and  acquaint  his  Honour 
"  that  the  House  had  met."  The  said  gentlemen  being 
returned,  Mr.  Hcyicard  reported  to  the  House,  that  Mr. 
Caitdl  and  himself  had  waited  on  the  Lieutenant  Gover- 
nour with  the  INIessage  they  had  in  charge ;  and  that  his 
Honour  was  pleased  to  say  he  would  be  in  the  Council 
Chamber  immediately,  when  he  would  send  a  Message  to 
this  House. 

Colonel  Powell,  Chairman  of  the  late  general  meeting, 
acquainted  the  House,  "  That,  during  the  recess  of  tiiis 
"  House,  namely,  on  the  6th,  7th,  and  8th  days  of  July  last, 
"  at  a  general  meeting  of  tiie  inhabitants  of  this  Colony, 
"  they  having  under  consideration  the  Acts  of  Parliament 
"  lately  passed  with  regard  to  (he  port  of  Boston  and  Col- 
"  ony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  as  well  as  other  American 
"  grievances,  had  nominated  and  appointed  the  Honourable 
"  Henry  Middleton,  John  ButlcJge,  Thoinas  Lynch, 
"  Christopher  Gadsden,  and  Edward  Rutledgc,  Esquires, 
"  Deputies  on  the  part  and  behalf  of  this  Colony,  to  meet 
"  the  Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies  of  jV'ortA  America  in 
"  general  Congress,  the  first  Monday  in  September  next,  at 
"  Philadelphia,  or  at  any  other  time  or  place  that  may  be 
"  generally  agreed  on ;  there  to  consider  the  Acts  lately 
'•'  passed,  and  Bills  depending  in  Parliament,  with  regard 
"  to  the  port  o{  Boston  and  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay ; 
"  which  Acts  and  Bills,  in  the  precedent  and  consequences, 
"  affect  the  whole  Continent  of  America ;  also,  the  griev- 
"  ances  under  which  America  labours,  by  reason  of  the 
"  several  Acts  of  Parliament  that  impose  taxes  or  duties 
"  for  raising  a  revenue,  and  lay  unnecessary  restraints  and 
"  burthens  on  trade ;  and  of  the  Statutes,  Parliamentary 
"  Acts,  and  Royal  Instructions,  which  make  an  invidious 
"  distinction  between  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  Great  Bri- 
''  tain  and  America;  with  full  power  and  authority  to  con- 
"  cert,  agree  to,  and  effectually  prosecute,  such  legal  mea- 
"  sures  as,  in  the  opinion  of  the  said  Deputies,  and  of  the 
"  Deputies  so  to  be  assembled,  shall  be  most  likely  to  ob- 
"  tain  a  repeal  of  the  said  Acts,  and  a  redress  of  tliose 
'•'  grievances." 

And  thereupon  moved,  that  this  House  do  resolve  to  re- 
cognize, ratify,  and  confirm  the  said  appointment  of  the 
Deputies,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid ;  and,  that  this  House 
do  also  resolve  to  provide  a  sum,  not  exceeding  one  thou- 
sand five  hundred  pounds  sterling,  to  defray  the  expense 
which  the  said  Deputies  will  be  at  on  the  said  service. 

Resolved,  neminc  contradicentc,  That  this  House  do 
recognise,  ratify,  and  confirm,  the  appointment  of  the  said 
Deputies,  for  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the  said  motion. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente.  That  this  House  will 
make  provision  to  pay  to  any  person  or  persons  who  will 
advance  to  the  said  Henry  Middleton,  John  Rutlcdge, 
Thomas  Lynch,  Christopher  Gadsden,  and  Edivard  Rut- 
ledge,  Esquires,  the  sum  of  one  thousand  five  hundred 
pounds  sterling,  (for  the  purposes  aforesaid,)  together  with 
full  interest  from  the  day  the  said  one  thousand  five  hun- 
dred pounds  sterling  shall  be  advanced,  until  it  be  repaid  to 
the  person  or  persons  advancing  the  same. 

The  House  also  sent  the  following  Message  to  the  Lieu- 
tenant Governour,  by  Mr.  Bee  and  Captain  Scott : 
"  May  it  please  your  Honour  : 

''  Tliis  House,  considering  the  precarious  situation  of 
this  Colony  in  regard  to  Indian  affairs,  and  the  necessity 
there  may  be  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  back  parts  to  arm 
themselves  for  their  protection  and  defence  against  that 
cruel  people,  in  case  of  a  rupture  with  them ;  and  being 
informed  that  many  of  the  poor  settlers  are  unprovided  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  do  desire  your  Honour  will  be 
pleased  to  order  a  jjropcr  quantity  of  arms  and  ammunition 
to  be  distributed  to  such  persons  us  may  be  thought  to  stand 
most  in  need  of  such  assistance ;  such  arms  and  ammu- 
nition to  be  purchased  by  the  Commissary  General ;  and 
that  this  House  will  make  provision  to  pay  the  expense  of 
the  same. 

"  By  order  of  the'House, 

"  Rawlins  Lowndes,  Spealcer." 


At  half  past  eight  o'clock  a  Message  was  received  from 
Lieutenant  Governour  William  Bull,  by  the  Master  in 
Chancery,  notifying  that  the  Lieutenant  Governour  was  m 
the  Council  Chamber,  where  he  required  the  immediate 
attendance  of  the  House. 

And  accordingly,  Mr.  Speaker,  with  the  House,  went  to 
attend  the  Lieutenant  Governour  in  the  Council  Chamber, 
wliere  his  Honour  was  pleased  to  prorogue  the  General 
Assembly  to  Tmsday,  the  6th  day  of  September  next. 


Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  August  3,  1774. 
The  General  Assembly  of  this  Province  having  been 
prorogued,  to  Tuesday  last,  the  2d  instant,  the  Members 
of  the  Honourable  the  Commons  House  assembled  on  ac- 
count of  the  excessive  heat  of  the  weather  at  this  season 
so  early  as  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  they  recog- 
nised and  agreed  to  the  several  resolutions  unanimously 
entered  into  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  at  the  gen- 
eral meeting  i)eld  at  the  Exchange,  in  tliis  town,  on  the 
6th,  7th,  and  8th  days  of  July  last,  and  voted  the  sum  of 
£1500  sterling,  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  five 
Delegates  chosen  at  the  said  general  meeting,  on  the  part 
and  behalf  of  tliis  Colony,  to  join  the  Delegates  of  the 
other  Colonies  on  this  Continent  in  general  Congress.  The 
House  had  also  prepared  a  message  to  his  Honour  the 
Lieutenant  Governour,  desiring  in  case  of  any  alarm  on 
the  frontiers,  from  the  Indians,  that  he  would  order  the 
inhabitants  there  to  be  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition, 
and  that  the  House  would  defray  the  expense  thereof; 
but  before  the  said  message  could  be  engrossed,  (at  half 
past  eight)  the  Lieutenant  Governour  was  pleased  to  com- 
mand their  attendance  in  the  Council  Chamber,  and  addres- 
sing himself  to  the  Council  (which  then  consisted  of  only 
the  Honourable  Mr.  Erving,  v.'ho  had  been  sworn  in  and 
taken  his  seat  the  Thursday  preceding)  and  to  the  Speak- 
er and  Connnons  House,  prorogued  the  General  Assem- 
bly to  Tuesday,  the  6th  day  of  September  next. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOUR 
BULL  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  CHARLES- 
TOWN,  AUGUST  3,  1774. 

It  having  been  expected  that  I  should  prorogue  the 
General  Assembly  yesterday,  at  the  usual  time,  about  ten 
or  eleven  o'clock  ;  the  Assembly  privately  and  punctually 
met  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  made  an  House, 
which  was  very  uncommon.  They  had  not  been  assem- 
bled five  minutes  before  1  was  apprized  of  it.  I  immedi- 
ately went  to  the  Council  Chamber,  in  order  to  prorouge 
them,  and  waited  a  few  minutes  for  one  or  two  of  the 
Council  to  be  present.  As  soon  as  I  sent  for  the  Assembly 
they  attended,  and  I  prorogued  them  to  the  6th  of  Septein- 
her.  But  their  business  having  been  ready  prepared,  in 
which  they  were  all  previously  agreed,  it  required  only  a 
few  minutes  to  pass  through  the  forms  of  the  House.  They 
came  to  two  resolutions,  one  approving  and  confirming 
the  election  of  the  five  persons,  chosen  on  the  6th  of  last 
month,  to  assist  at  the  Congress  of  the  several  Provinces, 
and  the  other,  that  they  would  provide  for  the  expense  of 
tlieir  voyage.  1  returned  to  my  own  house  again  in  less 
than  twenty  minutes  past  eight.  Your  Lordship  will  see 
by  this  instance  with  what  perseverance,  secrecy  and 
unanimity,  they  form  and  conduct  their  designs ;  how  obe- 
dient the  body  is  to  the  heads,  and  how  faithful  in  their 
secrets. 


EARL    or    DARTMOUTH    TO    LIEUTENANT    GOV.    COLDEN. 

Whitehall,  August  3,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  send  you  enclosed  an  Order  of  his  Majesty  in 
Council,  on  the  6th  of  last  month,  disallowing  an  Act 
passed  in  New-Yorlc,  in  February  1773,  which  you  will 
not  fail  to  make  publick  in  the  manner  usual  upon  such 
occasions ;  and  that  you  may  know  the  reasons  which 
induce  the  disallowance  of  the  said  Act,  I  enclose  for  your 
private  information,  a  copy  of  the  Representation  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  thereupon.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant,  Dartmouth. 

Lieutenant  Governour  Golden. 


673 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


674 


REPRESENTATION  OF  THE  BOARD  Or  TRADE. 

To  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty  : 

May  it  please  your  Majesty:  We  Iiave  had  under 
our  consideraiion  two  Acts  passed  in  your  Majesty's 
Province  of  New-  York,  in  February  1773,  entitled,  "  An 
"  Act  to  continue  and  amend  an  Act  entitled  '  An  Act  for 
"  the  more  effectual  Punishment  of  persons  who  shall  be 
"  guilty  of  any  of  the  trespasses  therein  mentioned,'  in  the 
"cities  of  Neic-York  and  Albany,  and  township  of 
"  Schenectady"  and  "  An  Act  for  Naturalizing  the  seve- 
"  ral  persons  therein  named." 

We  have  likewise  referred  these  Acts  to  Richard  Jack- 
ton,  Esq.,  one  of  your  Majesty's  Council  at  law,  for  his 
opinion  thereupon,  who  has  reported  to  us  in  the  case  of 
the  former  of  these  laws,  that  he  conceives  it  to  be  impro- 
per, in  that  it  provides  for  a  purgation  by  oath  in  a  crimi- 
nal matter,  which  is  at  once  contrary  to  the  genius  of  the 
laws  of  this  country,  and  cannot  but  prove  too  frequently 
an  irresistible  temptation  to  perjury. 

This  objection,  which  Mr.  Jackson  has  stated  to  the  Act 
in  question,  appears  to  us  to  have  such  weight,  and  the 
consequences  to  which  a  regulation  of  this  sort  would  most 
probably  lead,  ought  with  such  caution  to  be  avoided,  that 
although  the  Act  is  for  the  continuance  of  an  useful  law, 

Set  we  think  it  our  duty  humbly  to  recommend  to  your 
lajesty  to  signify  your  royal  disallowance  of  this  Act. 
The  second  Act  is  for  the  naturalization  of  sundry  per- 
sons therein  named. 

The  practice  of  naturalizing  aliens  by  Acts  of  Assem- 
bly in  your  Majesty's  Colonies  and  Plantations  in  North 
America  and  the  West  Indies  having  been  specially  pro- 
hibited by  an  additional  instruction  from  your  Majesty,  for- 
bidding your  Majesty's  Governours  to  give  assent  to  any 
Bill  or  Bills  for  such  purpose,  this  Act  falls  under  the  same 
description  with  others,  which  by  your  Majesty's  Order  in 
Council,  have  been  disallowed,  and  which  by  the  instruction 
above  mentioned,  in  future  are  prohibited ;  but  as  it  was 
passed  previous  to  your  Majesty's  said  instruction,  and  has 
already  had  its  effect,  we  must  submit  to  your  Majesty, 
whether  under  these  circumstances  it  will  be  necessary  for 
your  Majesty  to  signify  your  royal  disallovi^ance  of  this 
Act.     All  which  is  most  humbly  submitted. 

Dartmouth,  Bamber  Gascoyne, 

SoAME  Jenyns,  Robert  Spencer, 

Whitshed  Keene, 
Wliite  Hall,  May  12,  1774. 


order  in  council. 

At  the  Court  at  St.  James's  the  6th  day  of  July,  1774, 
Present :  The  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty,  Duke  of 
(^ueensberry.  Lord  Chamberlain,  Earl  of  Suffolk,  Earl  of 
Hillsborough,  Viscount  Falmouth,  Lord  Hyde,  Sir  Jeffery 
Amherst : 

Whereas,  by  commission  under  the  great  seal  of  Great 
Britain  the  Governour,  Council,  ancl  Assembly  of  his 
Majesty's  Colony  of  Neto-  York  are  authorized  and  em- 
powered to  make,  constitute,  and  ordain  Laws,  Statutes, 
and  Ordinances,  for  the  public  peace,  welfare,  and  good 
government  of  the  said  Colony  ;  which  Laws,  Statutes, 
and  Ordinances,  are  to  be  as  near  as  conveniently  may  be 
agreeable  to  the  Laws  and  Statutes  of  this  Kingdom,  and 
are  to  be  transmitted  for  his  Majesty's  Royal  approbation 
or  disallowance ;  and  whereas,  in  pursuance  of  the  said 
powers,  an  Act  was  passed  in  February  1773,  and  trans- 
mitted, entitled  as  follows,  viz : 

"  An  Act  to  continue  and  amend  an  Act.  entitled,  '  An 
"  Act  for  the  more  effectual  Punishment  of  persons  who 
"  shall  be  guilty  of  any  of  the  trespasses  therein  men- 
"  tioned,'  in  the  cities  of  Nciv-York  and  Albany,  and 
"  township  of  Schenectady." 

Which  Act,  together  with  a  Representation  from  the 
Lords  Commissioners  for  Trade  and  Plantations  thereupon, 
having  been  referred  to  the  consideration  of  a  Committee 
of  the  Lords  of  his  Majesty's  most  Honourable  Privy 
Council,  the  said  Lords  of  the  Committee  did  this  day 
report  as  their  opinion  that  the  said  Act  ought  to  be  disal- 
lowed. His  Majesty  taking  the  same  into  consideration, 
was  pleased  with  the  advice  of  his  Privy  Council  to  declare 
his  disallowance  of  the  said  Act ;  and  pursuant  to  his 
Majesty's  royal  pleasure  thereupon  expressed,  the  said  Act 

Fourth  Series. 


is  hereby  disallowed,  declared  void,  and  of  none  effect, 
whereof  the  Governour  or  Commander-in-chief,  of  his 
Majesty's  said  Colony  of  New-York  for  the  time  being, 
and  all  others  whom  it  may  concern,  are  to  take  notice  and 
govern  themselves  accordingly.  W.  Blair. 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Thursday,  4lh 
August,  1774, 

Present :  The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Gov- 
ernour, Benjamin  Chew,  James  Tilghman,  Andrew  Allen, 
Esquires. 

The  Governour  laid  before  the  Board  two  Letters  which 
he  received  within  these  three  days  from  Captain  St.  Clair, 
at  Ligonier,  dated  the  22d  and  26th  July,  with  sundry 
papers  enclosed  relative  to  Indian  and  other  affairs  in 
frestmoreland.  And  tl>e  same  being  read  and  considered, 
the  Council  advised  the  Governour  to  order  a  town  to  be 
immediately  laid  out  in  the  Proprietary  Manor  at  Kitta- 
ning,  for  the  accommodation  of  the  traders  and  other 
inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  whom,  by  Captain  St.  Clair's 
advices  would  be  under  the  necessity  of  removing  from 
that  town  on  account  of  the  oppressive  proceedings  of  the 
Virginians. 

It  appearing  also  by  the  intelligence  contained  in  the 
above  mentioned  letters  that  though  the  disposition  of  the 
Shawanese  and  Delaware  tribes  of  Indians  towards  the 
people  of  this  Province,  were  entirely  pacifick,  the  former 
tribe  had  separated  themselves  from  the  latter,  and  were 
removed  to  the  Lower  Shawanese  Towns,  on  the  Scioto, 
in  order  to  prepare  themselves  for  war  against  the  people 
of  Virginia,  who  seemed  determined  to  pursue  hostile 
measures  with  those  Indians.  It  was  the  opinion  of  the 
Council  that  it  would  be  proper  for  this  Government  im- 
mediately to  despatch  Messages  to  both  those  tribes,  ex- 
pressing our  great  concern  at  the  late  disturbances  and  the 
friendly  disposition  of  this  Government  towards  them,  and 
earnestly  advising  the  Shawanese  to  a  reconciliation  with 
the  Virginians;  and  that  a  Letter  be  also  wrote  to  the 
Earl  of  Dunmore,  recommending  to  him  to  accommodate 
the  unhappy  differences  between  the  Colony  of  Virginia 
and  the  Indians. 

Mr.  Tilghman  and  Mr.  Allen  were  appointed  a  Com- 
mittee to  prepare  draughts  of  the  above  Letter  and  Mes- 
sasres. 


Memorandum,  August  6,  1774. 

The  Governour  this  day  despatched,  by  the  express  from 
Ligonier,  a  Letter  to  Captain  St.  Clair,  and  enclosed 
therein  two  separate  Messages,  to  the  Shawanese  and  Del- 
avares,  on  the  Ohio,  which  had  been  prepared  by  the 
Committee  of  Council  appointed  to  draught  them,  which 
Letter  and  Messages  follow  in  these  words,  viz : 

letter  TROM  the  governour  to  captain  ST.  CLAIR. 

Philidclphia,  August  6,  1774. 

Sir:  I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  22d  and  26lh 
ultimo,  enclosing  several  depositions  and  letters  relative  to 
the  present  situation  of  affairs  in  Westmoreland. 

As  I  find  by  all  the  intelligence  you  have  from  time  to 
time  communicated  to  me,  that  the  Shawanese  as  well  as 
Delawares  have  discovered  a  strong  aversion  to  entering 
into  a  war  with  Virginia  or  this  Province,  and  on  the  con- 
trary have  given  repeated  proofs  of  their  sincere  disposi- 
tion to  live  in  peace  and  harmony  with  both  Colonies,  I 
have,  with  the  advice  of  my  Council,  thought  it  expedient 
to  send  messages  to  those  tribes,  expressing  the  great  con- 
cern of  this  Government  at  the  late  unfortunate  disturban- 
ces between  them  and  some  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  belong- 
ing to  the  Colony  of  Virginia;  at  the  same  time  declaring 
our  resolution  to  preserve  the  treaties  of  peace  and  friend- 
ship subsisting  between  us  inviolate,  and  earnestly  advising 
the  Shawanese  not  to  strike  the  people  of  Virginia,  as 
they,  as  well  as  the  people  of  this  Province,  are  all  subjects 
of  one  and  the  same  great  King,  who  will  be  as  much 
offended  at  an  injury  committed  against  any  one  part  of 
his  subjects  as  another,  but  to  exert  their  best  endeavours 
to  settle  the  differences  that  have  arisen  between  the  Fiir- 

43 


675 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


676 


ginians  and  tliem,  and  to  continue  to  live  in  friendship  with 
all  his  Majesty's  subjects. 

As  to  the  proposal  of  engaging  the  service  of  the  Del- 
awares  to  protect  our  frontiers,  I  would  only  just  observe 
that  it  is  a  matter  in  tlie  present  situation  of  Indian 
affairs  too  delicate  for  me  to  intermeddle  with. 

Since  my  last  letter  to  you  I  have  considered  of  what 
you  mentioned  in  a  former  letter,  and  now  repeat  respect- 
ing the  establishment  of  some  place  of  security  for  carrying 
on  the  Indian  trade,  as  you  say  that  Pittsburgh  will  cer- 
tainly be  abandoned  by  all  our  people ;  and  I  am  now  to 
acquaint  you  that  I  a|)prove  of  the  measure  of  laying  out 
a  town  in  the  Proprietary  Manor  at  Kiltaning  to  accom- 
modate the  traders  and  the  other  inhabitants  who  may 
choose  to  reside  there  ;  and  therefore  enclose  you  an 
order  for  that  purpose.  But  I  cannot,  without  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Assembly,  give  any  directions  for  erecting  a 
stockade,  or  any  other  work,  for  the  security  of  the  place, 
which  may  incur  an  expense  to  the  Province. 

With  respect  to  the  continuance  of  the  two  hundred 
rangers  in  the  service,  it  must  altogetiier  depend  upon  the 
intelligence  we  receive  of  the  situation  of  our  affairs  with 
the  Indians.  At  present  I  think  it  very  improper  to  dis- 
charge them  ;  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  if  the  commotions 
between  the  Virginians  and  Indians  should  not  soon  be  at 
an  end,  it  may  be  necessary  to  keep  them  on  foot  for  the 
protection  of  our  people  till  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly 
on  the  19th  of  September. 

I  herewith  send  to  your  care  the  messages  above  men- 
tioned, with  a  belt  of  wampum  accompanying  each,  and 
desire  you  will  engage  some  trusty  intelligent  person  to 
carry  them  and  interpret  the  messages  to  the  Indians.  A 
young  man  of  the  name  of  J5/Zio<<,  who  has  been  trading  at 
the  Shataanese  Towns  and  lately  came  from  thence,  has 
offered  his  services  to  carry  any  messages  from  Govern- 
ment to  the  Indians,  and  may  probably  be  a  very  proper 
person  to  employ  on  this  occasion.  He  was  to  leave  this 
place  yesterday  on  his  return  to  Westmoreland.  I  should 
be  glad  to  have  his  deposition  taken  as  to  what  he  knows 
respecting  the  late  disturbances  between  the  Virginians 
and  the  Indians,  from  the  beginning  of  them. 

You  hint  something  in  your  last  letter  about  making 
presents  to  the  Indians,  but,  though  such  a  step  at  some 
future  convenient  time  might  be  very  useful  and  proper,  I 
am  of  opinion  it  would  be  very  unadvisable  under  the  pre- 
sent circumstances. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  John  Penn. 

To  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Esq.,  Ligonier. 


By  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Govemour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylva- 
nia and  Counties  ojf  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex, 
on  Delaware. 

A  Message  to  the  Chiefs  and  Warriors  of  the  Shawanese 
Indians. 

Brethren,  when  I  heard  that  you  had  taken  care  of  our 
traders,  and  had  sent  some  of  your  young  men  to  conduct 
them  home  in  safety,  it  made  my  heart  glad,  because  I  was 
satisfied  that  you  kept  fast  hold  of  the  chain  of  friendship 
which  was  made  between  our  forefathers,  and  renewed  by 
us,  and  you  may  be  assured  that  I  shall  always  remember 
this  instance  of  your  kindness,  and  that  I  shall  hold  fast  that 
end  of  the  chain  which  is  in  my  hands  so  long  as  you  hold 
yours.  But,  brethren,  it  gives  me  great  concern,  and  my 
heart  is  grieved,  to  hear  of  the  difference  between  you  and 
our  brothers,  the  people  of  Virginia.  If  any  of  the  wicked 
people  of  Virginia  have  murdered  any  of  your  people, 
you  should  complain  of  it  to  the  Govemour,  and  he  will 
have  them  punished.  You  should  not  in  such  cases  take 
revenge  upon  innocent  people  who  have  never  hurt  you. 
It  is  a  very  wicked  thing  to  kill  innocent  people  because 
some  of  their  countrymen  have  been  wicked  and  killed 
some  of  you. 

Brethren,  if  you  continue  to  act  in  this  manner,  the  peo- 
ple of  Virginia  must  do  the  same  thing  by  you,  and  then 
there  will  be  nothing  but  war  between  you.  Consider, 
brethren,  that  the  people  of  Virginia  are  like  tlie  leaves 
upon  the  trees,  very  numerous,  and  you  are  but  few,  and 


although  you  should  kill  ten  of  their  people  for  one  that 
they  kill  of  yours,  they  will  at  last  wear  you  out  and 
destroy  you.  They  are  able  to  send  a  great  army  in  your 
country  and  destroy  your  towns  and  your  corn,  and  either 
kill  your  wives  and  children  or  drive  them  away.  Besides, 
brethren,  the  Virginians,  as  well  as  our  people  and  you, 
are  the  children  of  the  great  King  who  lives  beyond  the 
great  water,  and  if  his  children  fall  out,  and  go  to  war 
among  themselves,  and  some  of  them  are  wicked  and  will 
not  make  peace  with  the  others,  lie  will  be  very  angry  and 
punish  those  who  are  in  fault.  Therefore,  brethren,  let 
me  advise  you  to  forget  and  forgive  what  is  past,  and  to 
send  to  the  Govemour  of  Virginia  and  offer  to  make  peace. 
1  shall  write  to  the  Govemour  of  Virginia  and  endeavour 
to  persuade  him  to  join  with  you  in  mending  the  chain  of 
friendship  between  you  which  has  been  broken,  and  to 
make  it  so  strong  that  it  may  never  be  broke  again.  And 
I  hope,  brethren,  if  he  be  willing  to  do  this  good  thing, 
that  you  will  be  of  the  same  mind,  and  then  we  shall  all 
live  together  like  friends  and  brothers.     {A  Belt.) 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  lesser  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  Philadelphia,  the  sixth  day  of  August,  in 
tlie  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-four.  John  Penn. 

By  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Govemour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on 
Delaware. 

A  Message  to  the  Chiefs  and  Warriors  of  the  Delaware 
Indians. 

Brethren,  I  was  grieved  at  my  heart  wiien  I  heard  that 
some  of  our  foolish  young  men  had  killed  our  brother, 
Joseph  Weepy,  and  that  the  Virginians  had  killed  some 
of  your  people  below  Fort  Pitt.  I  was  fearful  that  you 
would  suffer  your  young  men  to  take  revenge  upon  our 
innocent  people.  But  when  I  heard  that  you  had  a  good 
heart,  and  viewed  these  things  in  their  proper  light,  and 
that  you  remembered  the  chain  of  friendship  made  by  our 
forefathers,  and  would  not  take  revenge  upon  us  for  what 
the  Virginians  or  some  of  our  foolish  young  men  had 
done,  it  gave  me  the  greatest  satisfaction,  and  made  my 
mind  easy. 

Brethren,  you  may  depend  that  so  long  as  you  are  in- 
clined to  peace  and  friendship  you  shall  find  me  in  the  same 
mind  ;  for  why  should  we  fall  out  and  go  to  nmrdering  one 
another  for  what  our  foolish  young  people  do,  and  what 
neither  of  us  approve  of?  In  such  cases  let  us  endeavour 
to  find  out  such  foolish  young  men  and  punish  them  for 
their  wickedness.  I  have  offered  a  reward  of  fifty  pounds 
a  piece  for  those  two  wicked  people  who,  it  is  said,  mur- 
dered Joseph  Weepy,  and  if  they  can  be  taken  I  shall  do 
every  thing  in  my  power  to  have  them  punished. 

I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  that  your  grandchildren,  the 
Shawanese,  have  a  difference  with  our  brothers,  the  Vir- 
ginians, and  I  wish  I  could  make  them  friends.  I  shall 
write  to  the  Govemour  of  Virginia,  and  recommend  it  to 
him  to  endeavour  to  make  peace  with  them ;  and  I  would 
advise  you  to  go  to  the  Shawanese  to  persuade  them  to  forget 
every  thing  that  is  past,  and  make  up  all  their  differences 
with  the  people  of  Virginia,  so  that  we  may  all  live  to- 
gether in  peace  and  quietness,  like  friends  and  brothers, 
for  what  can  they  get  by  being  at  war  with  one  another. 
Whoever  of  them  gets  the  best  both  will  be  very  much 
hurt. 

Brethren,  I  live  a  great  way  from  you,  and  have  a  great 
deal  of  business  to  do  with  my  people  at  home,  otherwise 
I  would  go  to  see  you,  and  shake  hands  with  you,  and 
smoke  a  pipe  with  you  under  the  tree  of  peace,  as  we  and 
our  forefathers  used  to  do.  By  all  means,  brethren,  be 
strong,  and  keep  fast  hold  of  one  end  of  the  Covenant 
chain,  and  you  may  be  assured  1  will  keep  fast  hold  of  the 
other,  and  when  any  of  our  people  are  so  wicked  as  to 
kill  any  of  yours,  or  do  you  any  harm,  let  me  know  it, 
and  I  will  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  have  justice  done. 
{A  Belt.) 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  lesser  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  Philadelphia,  the  sixth  day  of  August,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy -four.  John  Penn. 


677 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


678 


CORRESPONDENCE  LAID  BEFORE  THE  COUNCIL. 

AKTHUU  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVEKNOUK    PENN. 

Ligonior,  July  22,  1774. 

Sir  :  For  some  days  by  past,  we  had  a  flying  report 
that  some  people  were  killed  upon  Dunkard  Creek,  on 
the  15th  instant,  but  that  a  story  of  that  kind  should  come 
so  slowly  through  a  country  exceedingly  on  the  alarm, 
induced  me  to  give  no  credit  to  it,  and  to  endeavour  to  pre- 
vent its  gaining  credit  in  the  country.  I  considered  it  as 
raised  on  purpose  to  prevent  the  execution  of  ConoUy's 
orders  to  Cresap,  not  to  annoy  the  Indians,  which  I  knew 
had  been  given,  but  it  was  put  beyond  a  doubt  yesterday 
by  letters  irom  Mr.  Mounhy,  Mr.  Mackay,a.nA  the  enclosed 
deposition. 

Mr.  Mackay  writes  me  the  friends  of  Pennsylvania  are 
determined  to  abandon  Pittsburgh,  and  to  erect  a  small 
stockade  somewhere  lower  down  the  road,  (I  suppose 
about  Turtle  Creek,  where  he  has  a  fine  plantation,)  to 
secure  their  cattle  and  effects  till  they  see  futher  what  is  to 
be  done. 

I  had  a  letter  from  Conolly  yesterday  in  a  style  of 
faniiharity  I  should  not  have  expected,  but  in  itself  a  very 
extraordinary  one.  If  you  should  think  it  worth  while  to 
look  over  it  I  have  enclosed  it,  and  a  copy  of  my  answer. 

I  am  still  sanguine  enough  to  hope  this  Province  will 
escape  the  mischief  of  a  war,  as  all  the  operations  of  the 
Indians  are  evidently  aimed  at  the  Virginians,  and  seem 
designed  to  show  them  how  much  they  despised  the  notion 
of  their  carrying  the  war  into  their  own  country.  They 
have,  however,  a  number  of  men  at  Wheeling,  and  Conolly 
was  to  march  this  day  to  reinforce  them.  One  of  his 
parties  who  had  crossed  to  the  Indian  side  fell  in  with  the 
last  of  our  trader's  peltry,  escorted  by  some  Delawares ; 
they  took  the  trader  and  the  Indians  prisoners,  and  carried 
them  to  the  mouth  of  Beaver  Creek,  where  their  Captain 
{Hogeland)  lay.  He  was  excessively  enraged  to  see  them 
alive,  and  they  were  kept  all  night  in  that  state  of  suspense, 
that  every  moment  would  be  their  last ;  in  the  morning, 
however,  they  discharged  them  on  the  trader's  giving  a 
bond  of  five  hundred  pounds  to  satisfy  Captain  Conolly 
that  the  Indians  were  Delawares.  1  took  the  trader's 
deposition  of  it  when  last  at  Pittsburgh,  which  I  also  en- 
close. I  was  very  ill  of  a  bilious  fever  when  I  wrote  last, 
but  am  happily  recovering.  I  cannot  well  recollect  what  I 
wrote  as  it  was  not  copied,  it  being  Sunday,  and  my  clerk 
abroad ;  but  unless  matters  are  likely  to  be  soon  settled 
about  Pittsburgh,  it  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to  erect 
a  town  at  Kittaning,  the  trade  must  else  take  its  course 
by  the  Lakes,  which  will  carry  it  quite  away  from  this 
Province  ;  and  the  communication  with  Philadelphia  will 
in  time  become  very  easy  that  way,  and  may  now  be 
done  with  very  little  land  carriage.  There  is  an  old  trad- 
ing path  from  thence  to  Frankstown,  on  the  Juniata,  and 
another  to  the  head  of  the  West  Branch  of  Susquehanna. 
I  have  distributed  the  arms  all  over  the  country  in  as  equal 
proportions  as  possible. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  Ab.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  Captain  Crawford,  the  President  of  our  Court, 
seems  to  be  the  most  active  Virginia  officer  in  their  service. 
He  is  now  down  the  river  at  the  head  of  a  number  of  men, 
which  is  his  second  expedition.  I  don't  know  how  gentle- 
men account  for  these  things  to  themselves. 


the  mouth  of  Little  Beaver  Creek,  where  the  party  lay ; 
which  the  said  Wilson  objected  to,  alleging  that  it  was  too 
hard  treatment  to  have  his  horses  and  loads  taken  that  way. 
But  Captain  Flenegan  then  appearing,  seemed  to  agree 
that  horses  and  loads,  and  the  Indians  also,  might  pass  on, 
so  that  the  said  Wilson  would  himself  go  along  with  him 
where  the  party  lay  ;  to  which  a  man,  who  had  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  Sergeant,  most  obstinately  objected,  and 
said  that  it  was  Captain  Hogeland's  orders  not  to  let  any 
Indians  pass,  upon  which  Captain  Flenegan  agreed  to 
take  three  of  the  Indians  prisoners  and  said  Wilson  to 
where  the  party  lay,  and  to  let  Killbuck  and  his  little  son 
pass  on  with  the  horses ;  said  Wilson  going  along  with  the 
party  until  they  came  to  the  mouth  of  Little  Beaver 
Creek,  where  the  main  body  lay  ;  although  Flenegan  said 
that  it  was  Captain  Hogeland's  orders  that  no  Indian  of  any 
Nation  should  be  spared,  and  that  if  any  white  men  should 
presume  to  interpose  in  their  behalf  they  also  should  share 
the  same  fate.  On  their  arrival  there  they  were  accosted 
by  Captain  Hogeland,  who  asked  what  was  the  reason  his 
orders  were  disobeyed,  and  why  they  did  not  do  as  he 
had  desired  them  to  do.  Upon  which  Flenegan  replied 
and  told  him  that  the  white  man  now  along  with  them  told 
him  they  were  Delawares.  Upon  which  Hogeland  told 
him  that  the  white  man  was  a  liar,  and  that  he  should  have 
done  as  he  had  desired  him,  and  that  if  he  had  been  there 
himself  he  should  not  have  spared  any.  After  some  time 
they  were  confined  until  next  morning,  and,  upon  said  Wilson 
giving  them  his  bond  for  five  hundred  pounds  in  security 
that  he  would  satisfy  Captain  Conolly  that  these  three  men 
now  along  with  him  were  Delawares,  to  which  the  said 
Wilson  agreed,  they  were  all  dismissed. 

Sworn  at  Pittsburgh,  in  the  county  aforesaid,  before  me, 
July  13,  1774,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

JOHN  CONOLLY    TO  ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR. 

Fort  Dunraore,  July  19,  1774. 
Dear  Sir  :  A  report  which  has  too  generally  prevailed 
in  this  quarter,  of  the  pacifick  disposition  of  the  Indians  has 
unluckily  thrown  the  inhabitants  into  supineness  and  neg- 
lect, the  effects  of  which  have  been  dismally  experienced 
on  the  13tli  instant,  upon  Dunkard  Creek,  where  six  un- 
fortunate people  were  murdered  by  a  party  of  thirty-five 
Indians.  I  have  also  received  a  letter  from  Colonel 
Lewis,  acquainting  me  that  the  Shawanese  had  attacked  a 
body  of  men  near  his  house,  and  had  killed  one  and 
wounded  another.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  cause 
urging  the  Indians  to  these  steps  it  will  be  little  to  the 
advantage  of  the  suffering  people.  Some  immediate  steps 
most  undoubtedly  ought  to  be  pursued  to  check  their  inso- 
lent impetuosity,  or  the  country  in  general  will  be  sacrificed 
to  their  revenge.  The  people  of  the  frontiers  want  noth- 
ing but  the  countenance  of  Government  to  execute  every 
desirable  purpose,  and  your  Province  appearing  backward 
at  this  critical  juncture,  will  most  undoubtedly  be  highly 
displeasing  to  all  the  Western  settlers.  I  am  determined 
no  longer  to  be  a  dupe  to  their  amicable  professions,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  shall  pursue  every  measure  to  offend  them. 
Whether  I  may  have  the  friendly  assistance  or  not  of  the 
neighbouring  country  will,  I  expect,  depend  much  on  your 
just  representation  of  matters. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient, 

John  Conollt. 


deposition  of    WILLIAM  WILSON. 

Personally  appeared  before  me,  Arthur  St.  Clair,  one 
of  his  Majesty's  Justices  for  Westmoreland  County,  Wil- 
liam Wilson,  who,  being  duly  sworn  according  to  law, 
deposeth  and  saith,  that  on  the  5th  instant  the  said  Wil- 
son was  bringing  up  a  quantity  of  skins  to  this  place,  and 
having  some  Delaware  Indians  in  company  with  him,  he 
was  met,  about  four  miles  beyond  Big  Beaver  Creek,  by 
about  twenty  men,  commanded  by  Sergeant  Steel,  who 
desired  to  know  whether  there  were  any  Shawanese  in  com- 
pany or  not,  or  if  he  had  not  a  Shawanese  woman  with  him ; 
to  which  the  said  Wilson  replied  in  the  negative.  Ser- 
geant Steel  here  said  that  his  orders  were  to  take  both 
white  men  and  Indians,  horses  and  skins,  and  take  all  to 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR   TO    JOHN    CONOLLY. 

Ligonier,  July  22,  1774. 

Sir:  I  received  your  favour  of  the  19th,  yesterday,  by 
Doctor  McKenzie,  and  am  extremely  sorry  for  the  mis- 
fortunes that  have  happened  upon  Dunkard  Creek. 

It  is  very  true  the  assigning  this  or  that  cause  for  the 
inroads  the  Indians  are  frequently  making,  will  be  of  no 
manner  of  advantage  to  the  sufferers:  but  I  think  the 
security  into  which  the  people  had  fallen,  arose  not  so 
much  from  an  idea  of  the  pacifick  disposition  of  the  Indians, 
as  that  the  great  armed  force  sent  down  the  river  would 
effectually  cover  them.  In  that  expectation  they  were  cer- 
tainly wrong — it  was  an  effect  which  could  never  follow 
from  such  a  cause.  I  agree  with  you  something  ought  to 
be  done  to  prevent  the  depredations  they  may  still  make 


679 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  AUGUST,  1774. 


680 


uj)on  the  inhabitants  ;  that  is,  ample  reparation  ought  to  be 
made  them  for  tlie  injuries  they  iiave  already  sustained,  and 
an  honest,  open  intercourse  e-itablislied  witli  them  for  the 
future.  This  1  imagine  would  be  found  a  more  cheap, 
easy,  and  expeditious  manner  of  re-establishing  the  peace 
of  this  country  than  any  oflensive  measures  whatsoever, 
for  be  assured  the  rest  of  the  Nations  will  not  set  tamely  by 
and  see  a  people,  who  have  long  been  aiming  at  taking 
the  lead  amongst  themselves,  cut  off,  or  even  much  dis- 
tressed by  the  English. 

The  Councils  of  this  Province  will,  I  hope,  continue  to 
be  founded  in  justice,  whether  that  may  be  disj)leasing  to 
the  Western  settlers  or  not ;  but  you  are  certainly  wrong 
to  imagine  my  representations  have  any  influence  in  the 
matter.  I  shall  however,  represent  matters  as  they  occur 
to  those  in  Government,  in  the  light  they  appear  to  me, 
as  I  have  done  hitherto,  and  have  uniformly  declared  that 
1  saw  not  the  least  probability  of  war,  unless  the  Vir- 
ginians forced  it  on.  The  different  manceuvres  up  and 
down  and  across  the  river,  have  now  probably  brought  that 
event  about,  and  who  may  see  the  end,  God  only  knows. 

I  am,  sir,  your  humble  servant,  Ar.  St.  Claih. 

Captain   ConoUy. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  COVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  July  26,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  enclosed  a  letter  1  received  last  night  from 
Mr.  Mackay  of  Pittsburgh,  together  with  the  speeches  and 
intelligence  brought  by  White  Eyes,  and  a  deposition  re- 
specting some  Indians  having  been  seen  in  the  country.  I 
thought  them  of  consequence  to  be  quickly  communicated 
to  you,  and  have  forwarded  them  by  express,  as  it  was 
quite  uncertain  when  a  private  opportunity  might  offer. 
All  prospect  of  accommodation  with  the  Shawanese  and 
Virginians  is  certainly  over  for  some  time;  but  yet,  it 
does  not  appear  they  have  any  hostile  intentions  against 
this  Province.  The  engaging  the  service  of  the  Dela- 
tvares  to  protect  our  frontiers,  would  undoubtedly  be  good 
policy  if  it  did  not  cost  too  dear.  I  am  afraid  however, 
they  will  be  very  craving,  but  as  they  have  offered  it,  it 
should  not  be  altogether  overlooked,  at  the  same  time  their 
friendship  should  be  secured  on  as  easy  terms  as  possible. 

I  doubt,  with  the  utmost  prudence  that  can  be  exerted, 
but  these  Indian  disturbances  will  occasion  a  very  heavy 
expense  to  this  Province.  The  necessity  of  establishing 
some  place  of  security  for  the  trade,  (if  it  is  considered  as 
advisable  to  carry  it  on  at  all)  is  increasing  daily.  A  small 
parcel  of  goods  which  Mr.  Spear  has  sent  to  one  of  the 
Delaware  Towns,  has  enraged  the  Commandant  at  Pitts- 
burgh to  an  exceeding  degree,  and  he  threatens  "  the 
"  persons  who  carried  them  shall  be  tried  for  their  lives  on 
"  their  return."  I  mentioned  the  Kittaning ;  it  is  certainly 
a  proper  place,  both  on  account  of  some  natural  advanta- 
ges of  situation  with  regard  to  the  interiour  part  of  the 
country,  and  that  its  being  in  one  of  your  manors,  the 
settlers  would  have  an  opportunity  of  procuring  lots  on  easy 
terms,  at  the  same  time  it  would  not  be  foreign  to  your  in- 
terest. 1  find,  however,  they,  the  traders  at  Pittsburgh, 
would  wish  to  fix  upon  some  place  nearer  that  town,  for 
which  I  can  see  no  reason,  unless  they  imagine  the  pro- 
perty they  leave  behind  them  will  be  more  under  their  eye, 
or  which,  I  think  more  probable,  Mr.  Croghan  directs  them 
to  some  spot  where  he  has  a  right,  and  which  may  serve 
his  interest ;  for  though  I  believe  he  is  zealous  in  the 
service  of  the  publick  at  present,  he  will  never  lose  sight  of 
his  own  particular  interest.  If  they  do  remove,  I  will  en- 
deavour to  persuade  them  to  the  Kittaning  at  once ;  but 
if  they  are  unwilling  your  ordering  a  town  to  be  laid  out 
there,  and  a  small  stockade  to  be  built,  will  effectually 
determine  them  before  they  have  gone  far  in  another 
settlement. 

Captain  White  Eyes  and  John  Montaur  are  preparing  a 
party  to  join  die  Virginia  militia  if  ihey  cross  the  river  to 
attack  the  Lower  Shawanese ;  and  I  have  been  solicited 
to  order  some  of  the  rangers  to  join  them.  This  I  have 
positively  refused,  and  have  sent  orders  to  the  person  in- 
tended, on  no  account  whatever  to  attempt  to  pass  eitlier 
of  the  rivers.  So  far  from  joining  the  Virginians,  who 
have  taken  such  pains  to  involve  the  country  in  war,  it 
would,  in  my  idea,  be  not  improper  that  the  Shawanese 


should  know  this  Government  is  at  peace  with  them,  and 
will  continue  so,  provided  they  do  not  infringe  it  them- 
selves, and  that  a  boundary  be  given  them ;  the  doing 
mischief  on  the  east  side  of  which,  would  be  considered  as 
a  declaration  of  war  and  bring  all  the  weight  of  this  Gov- 
ernment upon  them. 

We  begin  to  be  impatient  with  respect  to  the  rangers  ; 
their  second  month  is  just  expiring  ;  but  whilst  the  country 
is  in  such  commotion,  and  the  harvest  not  yet  got  hi, 
they  cannot  be  dismissed.  I  have  not  the  least  fears  about 
the  expense,  and  the  Associators  may  safely  depend  on  the 
generosity  of  the  Government,  more  especially  as  they 
have  such  assurances  from  your  Honour  of  your  approba- 
tion of  the  measure,  and  your  assistance  towards  relieving 
them  from  the  expense. 

I  am,  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  Ar.  St.  Clair. 

P.  S.  If  you  should  think  proper  lo  allow  some  presents  to 
be  made  the  Indiaris,  I  would  be  very  glad  the  sum  were 
specified.  I  am  very  little  acquainted  with  Indian  affairs, 
and  I  do  not  trust  Mr.  Croghan  too  mucli  ;  he  has  been 
used  to  make  expenses,  and  would  not  be  very  sparing 
when  he  thought  he  had  the  purse  of  a  Province  to  make 
free  with,  and  too  great  parsimony  might  spoil  all.  1  have 
agreed  with  the  express  for  six  shillings  a  day. 

Mr.  Croghan  says  he  expects  some  of  the  Six  Nationt 
to  join  White  Eyes' s  party. 


DEPOSITION    OF    DAVID    GRIFFEY. 

Westmoreland  County,  to  wit: 

The  examination  of  David  Griffty,  of  Struby's  Foot,  in 
the  county  aforesaid,  taken  on  oath  before  me,  Andrew 
McFarlane,  Esquire,  one  of  his  Majesty's  Justices  of  the 
Peace  for  the  said  county,  this  24th  day  of  July,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1774,  who  deposelh  and  saiih,  that  on 
Saturday,  the  23d  day  of  this  present  month,  between  the 
hours  of  eleven  and  two  of  the  same  day,  at  a  place  called 
the  Dividing  Ridge,  between  Brush  Creek  and  Seweekly, 
about  four  miles  southwest  of  Ilanna's  Town,  about  the  dis- 
tance of  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  I  saw  five  Indians 
with  their  guns  over  their  shoulders,  quite  naked  all  but 
their  breechclouts,  marching  towards  Hanva's  Town,  and 
further  saith  not.  his 

David  i^  Griffey. 

mark. 

Taken,  made,  and  signed  the  day  and  year  above 
written,  before  me,  An.  McFarlane. 


INDIAN    MESSAGES    AND    INTELLIGENCE    ENCLOSED    IN    AR- 
THUR ST.  CLAIr's  LETTER  OF  JULY  26,  1774. 

Pittsburgh,  July  23,  1774. 

We  are  glad  to  hear  from  you  the  good  speeches  which 
you  have  now  spoke  to  us,  and  it  also  gave  us  great 
pleasure  to  hear  from  our  brethren  of  Pennsylvania,  when 
they  reminded  us  of  that  ancient  friendship  made  by  our 
wise  forefathers,  which  they  have  at  this  time  handed  to  us, 
desiring  us  to  take  fast  hold  of  it. 

Brethren,  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  our  uncles,  the 
Five  Nations,  the  Wyandots,  and  all  the  several  tribes  of 
Cherokees,  and  Southern  Indians,  have  spoke  to  us  of 
peace  and  friendship  ;  and  you,  our  brethren  of  Virginia, 
have  likewise  desired  us  to  be  strong  in  holding  fast  the 
chain  of  friendship ;  and  w'e  now  tell  you  that  we  strictly 
observe  to  do  it.  And  now,  brethren,  1  inform  you  that  we 
will  sit  still  here  at  our  towns  Kakelellnmapcking,  Gnad- 
denhutten,  and  Tiipickcovg  upon  the  Muskins:um,  to  hold 
fast  that  chain  of  friendship  between  you  and  us. 

Brethren,  you  desired  us  that  the  road  between  us  and 
you  might  be  kept  clear  and  open,  that  the  traders  might 
pass  and  repass  safe,  which  we  also  have  done,  and  we 
wish  that  it  may  continue  further.  We  desire  therefore, 
that  you  will  not  suffer  your  foolish  young  peo])le  to  lie  on 
the  road  to  watch  and  frighten  our  people,  by  pointing  their 
guns  at  them  when  they  come  to  trade  witli  you  ;  for  some 
of  our  people  have  been  so  scared  that  they  came  home 
and  alarmed  our  towns,  as  if  the  white  people  would  kill 
all  the  Indians,  whether  they  were  friends  or  enemies. 
(^A  string  of  white  wampum.) 


681 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


682 


Brethren  of  Virginia,  we  now  see  you  and  the  Shmca- 
nese  in  grips  with  each  otiier  ready  to  strike,  and  we  do 
not  know  what  to  say  between  you  further ;  you  will  be  the 
best  judges  yourselves  of  what  is  to  follow,  as  we  can  do 
no  more  to  reconcile  you.  But  in  the  struggle  between 
you  when  you  have  thrown  down  tlie  Shaivancse,  breth- 
ren, we  desire  you  to  look  no  further,  nor  set  down  there, 
but  return  to  the  Kcnhawa  or  South  side  of  the  Ohio, 
the  place  that  you  there  rise  from ;  and  when  you  have  so 
concluded  this  dispute,  brethren,  we  will  expect  to  hear 
from  you,  that  we  may  acquaint  all  other  Nations  of  it, 
whom  we  assure  you  will  not  put  their  hands  to  it,  but 
hope  that  you  will  be  strong  bretliren,  and  renew  the  an- 
cient friendship  with  all  other  Nations,  when  you  have 
ended  your  dispute  with  these  people.  (^A  string  of  black 
wampum.) 
Intelligence  received  from  Captain  Wliite  Eyes : 

On  my  return  to  Newcomer's  Town  with  the  speeches 
you  charged  me  with,  I  found  that  several  parties  of 
Shawanese  had  set  out  to  war  against  you,  contrary  to  their 
promise  before  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Dclawares,  who  desired 
uie  to  return  and  inform  you  of  it,  as  it  would  be  to  no 
purpose  to  treat  further  with  them  upon  friendly  terms,  but 
tiiat  they  should  be  informed  of  your  speeches  ;  they  came 
forwarded  by  two  of  your  people. 

Brethren,  we  have  now  to  acquaint  you  that  the  Shawa- 
nese are  all  gone  from  Wagetomica  to  assemble  them- 
selves at  the  Lower  Towns ;  if  there  was  one  yet  remain- 
ing we  would  tell  you.  But  as  this  is  not  the  case,  and 
some  of  our  people  may  be  yet  on  their  way  up  from 
amongst  them,  we  would  have  you  consider  and  cross  to 
them  from  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Kenhawa,  as  our 
women  and  children  may  now  be  frightened  when  you 
come  near  them,  and  the  Shaioanese  are  all  gone. 

Brethren,  one  of  the  Shawanese  that  has  headed  a  party 
against  you,  has  sent  us  word  that  he  was  going  to  strike 
you,  and  when  he  had  done  it,  he  would  then  blaze  a  road 
from  the  place  he  would  do  the  mischief  to  Newcomer's 
Town,  by  which  he  would  see  whether  the  peace  was  so 
strong  between  the  whites  and  the  Delawares  as  they  pre- 
tended. Keesmatela  has  likewise  sent  us  word  that  he 
now  saw  his  grandfathers  the  Delawares  had  thrown  them 
away,  for  which  reason  they  were  now  rising  to  go  away, 
tliough,  he  said,  he  was  sure  no  other  Nation  had  done  it, 
and  that  it  had  been  an  ancient  custom  with  their  Nation, 
tliat  when  they  left  any  place  in  the  manner  they  were 
doing,  whoever  remained  behind  them,  they  always  turned 
about  and  struck  them. 

Brethren,  the  day  we  got  into  Newcomer's  Town  a 
party  was  discovered,  whose  intentions  were  to  come  to 
Fort  Pitt  to  put  Colonel  Croghan  and  Alexander  McKee, 
with  Guyasutha  to  death,  and  also  waylay  us,  which  we 
passed ;  as  by  killing  us,  they  say,  no  more  news  will  be 
carried  between  the  white  people  and  the  Indians.  I 
could  inform  you  of  a  great  deal  more,  but  these  are  the 
most  material  occurrences  and  facts  which  you  may  depend 
upon. 

My  brother  is  lately  come  from  the  Wabash  Indians, 
who  told  him  they  would  expect  to  hear  the  truths  of  the 
accounts  from  that  quarter,  on  his  return  :  and  I  have  sent 
a  message  by  him  to  them,  desiring  them  not  to  listen  to 
the  Shawanese,  who  would  only  endeavour  to  draw  them 
into  troubles  and  leave  them  by  themselves,  which  had 
been  their  constant  practice. 

Mr.  Croghan  addressed  Captain    Wliite  Eyes  as  his  par- 
ticular friend: 

Brother,  1  now  speak  to  you  as  a  friend  to  both  parties, 
your  Nation  and  the  English,  and  not  by  any  particular 
authority,  and  1  am  convinced  from  the  speeches  you  have 
now  delivered,  that  your  Nation  has  the  sincerest  intentions 
of  preserving  entire  that  friendship  subsisting  between  you 
and  us ;  and  1  observe  from  your  intelligence  that  the 
Shawanese  are  withdrawn  from  one  of  their  towns  in  your 
neighbourhood,  which  is  an  evident  proof  that  they  do  not 
mean  to  be  friends  with  you  or  us ;  therefore,  brothers,  I 
would  have  you  consider  well  whether  you  would  not  in 
the  present  circumstance  think  it  prudent  for  some  of  your 
people  to  accompany  ours  when  they  go  to  chastise  the 
Shawanese,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  make  a  proper  dis- 
tinction between  our  friends  and  our  enemies. 


Captain  White  Eyes' s  Answer  to  Colonel  Croghan : 

I  am  glad  to  hear  you,  and  I  will  consider  what  you 
have  said,  but  cannot  immediately  return  you  an  answer. 
1  will  send  your  Message  to  our  Chiefs  at  Kaskaskia,  and 
as  soon  as  I  have  their  sentiments  and  advice  will  speak  to 
you,  which  I  expect  in  two  days,  in  the  mean  time  you 
may  be  assured  that  their  sentiments  will  not  deviate  from 
that  strict  friendship  subsisting  between^us. 


a:NEAS    MACKAY    TO    ARTHUR  ST.   CLAIR. 

Pittsburgh,  July  25,  1774. 

Dear  Sir:  The  last  accounts  brought  in  here  from  the 
Indian  country  by  Captain  White  Eyes  I  have  transmitted 
to  you  yesterday  by  express.  I  have  there  informed  you 
that  you  should  be  furnished  with  White  Eyes's  speech  as 
soon  as  it  could  be  procured  from  Captain  McKee,  from 
whom  we  have  since  obtained  a  copy,  which  will  be 
delivered  to  you  by  Richard  Butler,  who  is  kind  enough 
to  go  to  Ligonier  at  the  request  of  Messrs.  Spear,  Smith, 
and  myself,  as  well  with  these  papers,  as  consult  you  about 
other  matters  that  we  are  all  equally  interested  in.  You 
know  Mr.  Butler  to  be  both  a  man  of  sense  and  a  faithful 
Pcnnsylvanian ;  therefore  his  reports  are  to  be  depended 
on.  We  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that 
immediate  application  should  be  made  to  Government  in 
favour  of  the  Delawares,  that  some  steps  may  be  taken  to 
reward  the  fidelity  of  that  people,  especially  such  of  them 
as  will  undertake  to  reconnoitre  and  guard  the  frontiers  of 
this  Province,  which  they  say  they  will  do,  from  the  hostile 
designs  of  the  Shawanese ;  and  as  by  that  means  they  will 
be  prevented  from  following  their  own  occupations,  it  would 
be  no  more  than  right  to  supply  all  their  necessary  wants, 
while  they  continue  to  deserve  it  so  well  at  our  hands. 

There  is  nothing  but  the  dread  my  family  are  in  of  the 
Indians  approaching  this  place  in  my  absence  that  would 
prevent  my  going  in  person  to  see  you  at  this  time  in  your 
present  dangerous  indisposition.  I  hope  to  hear  by  the 
bearer  on  his  return  of  your  getting  the  better  of  your  dis- 
order, and  till  then  I  remain,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  .^neas  Mackay. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  August  8,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  am  just  returned  from  Pittsburgh,  where  the 
Pipe,  Guyasutha,  and  the  White  Mingo  are  arrived,  and 
bring  favourable  accounts  from  the  Indian  Nations  about 
the  Lakes.  They  say  they  are  all  disposed  to  continue  in 
friendship  with  the  English:  but  the  Wyandots,  the  Hu- 
rons,  and  the  Tawas  have  been  waivering.  The  Shawanese 
had  applied  to  them,  and  it  was  so  long  that  they  heard 
nothing  from  our  people,  that  they  were  inclined  to  assist 
them,  but  these  Chiefs  have  persuaded  them  to  sit  still, 
and  to  send  to  the  Wabash  Indians  to  be  quiet  likewise ; 
so  that  it  is  probable  they  arrived  amongst  them  in  a  favour- 
able time. 

SDme  Deputies  from  the  Six  Nations  are  also  arrived. 
They  have  brought  a  very  large  belt  to  Mr.  Croghan  and 
Mr.  McKee,  informing  them  of  the  death  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  of  their  intentions,  notwithstanding,  to  adhere 
firmly  to  tiie  treaties  subsisting  betwixt  the  English  and 
them,  and  to  endeavour  to  retain  the  other  Nations  in  peace. 
They  also  have  sent  a  beh  by  these  Deputies  to  the  Dela- 
wares, and  to  the  Wabash  Confederacy,  recommending  it  to 
them  to  remain  in  peace,  and  to  inform  them  that  though 
their  great  friend  is  dead,  the  Council  fire,  kindled  by  the 
English  and  them,  continues  to  bum  as  bright  as  ever :  such 
is  their  mode  of  expression.  From  these  circumstances  it  is 
to  be  hoped  that  the  fracas  with  the  Shawanese  will  blow 
over  without  any  very  bad  consequences,  though  that  de- 
pends upon  others,  which  must  be  brought  about  in  a  very 
little  time,  as  four  hundred  of  the  Virginians  are  marched  to 
destroy  Wagetomica,  the  town  the  Shawanese  lately  aban- 
doned. Should  these  meet  with  any  check,  which  is  not 
improbable,  some  of  the  Western  Nations  will  certainly 
join  them  ;  but  if  they  return  without,  and  are  satisfied  with 
destroying  that  town,  matters  may  probably  be  made  up ; 
but  1  doubt  they  will  not  stop  there,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  from  Lord  Dunmore  to  Mr.  Con- 
oily,  which  accidentally  fell  into  my  hands,  that  his  Lord- 


683 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


684 


ship  is  very  full  of  cliactising  them  ;  and  the  25lli  of  next 
month  is  fixed  for  attacking  the  Great  Shawancse  Town,  on 
Scioto.  Your  Honour  will  please  to  take  notice,  that  the 
hint  1  gave  you  before,  of  a  design  to  interrupt  the  trade 
of  this  Province,  however  improbable  it  might  appear,  was 
not  without  some  foundation. 

Mr.  Ilanna  returned  from  Philadelphia  yesterday,  and 
gives  an  account  that  the  Assembly  have  provided  lor  the 
men  that  were  raised  for  the  defence  of  this  county  to  the 
10th  instant,  or  longer,  if  necessary,  and  that  he  himself  is 
appointed  senior  Captain,  ab  initio,  Mr.  Cavet  the  next, 
and  a  number  of  others  who  have  never  served  an  hour. 
The  last  part  of  his  intelligence  I  gave  no  credit  to,  as  he 
has  no  commission,  nor  any  letters  from  any  person  about 
Government;  and  I  do  imagine,  that  as  the  command  of 
them  had  been  originally  committed  to  me,  your  Honour 
would  not  place  him  therein  to  supersede  me,  without  giv- 
ing me  some  intimation  of  it.  Nor  is  it  reasonable  that 
these  men  should  take  rank  of  the  officers  who  have,  iu 
former  wars,  faithfully,  as  I  am  told,  served  this  Govern- 
ment. Trifling  as  this  affair  is,  it  is  likely  to  create  much 
uneasiness ;  but  I  am  certain  your  Honour  will  not  allow 
those  who  have  done  no  service,  to  rob  those  who  have  of 
their  just  reward  ;  besides,  the  Association  are  bound  to  pay 
those  they  employed.  I  must  own  I  have  been  remiss,  in 
not  fully  informing  your  Honour  who  they  were  ;  but  I  beg 
your  Honour  to  reflect  upon  the  severe  sickness  I  have  just 
passed  through.  Some  of  them,  had  there  been  the  least 
prospect  of  its  being  a  permanent  ail'air,  I  should  not  have 
recommended  to  your  Honour ;  but  we  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  employing  such  people  as  had  influence  amongst 
the  mob  and  could  get  the  men  ;  and  you  will  please  to  con- 
sider that  it  is  by  such  arts  that  they  must  still  be  managed, 
as  there  are  no  laws  by  which  obedience  or  discipline  can 
be  enforced.  I  have  told  Mr.  Hanim  peremptorily,  that 
I  should  retain  the  direction  of  the  troops  till  I  had  your 
Honour's  orders  to  the  contrary ;  and  I  fondly  hope  this 
explanation  will  not  disoblige  you. 

Notwithstanding  what  I  said  to  Mr.  Smith,  on  the  subject 
of  joining  the  Virginians,  he  thought  proper  to  join  a  small 
party  of  Delawares  and  Mingoes,  with  eight  men,  in  the 
character  of  volunteers,  and  proceeded  to  H  heeling.  The 
Virginia  detachment  had  marched  two  days  before  they 
arrived ;  and  Captain  Crawford,  who  commands  them, 
(the  President  of  our  Court.)  told  him  it  would  fatigue 
them  too  much  to  overtake  the  party,  and  that  they  had 
better  return,  which  accordingly  they  did ;  and  by  what  I 
learn  from  him,  they  seemed  equally  jealous  both  of  him 
and  the  Indians. 

I  can  recollect  nothing  else  at  present,  and  your  Honour 
may  probably  think  I  might  have  spared  a  great  part  of 
what  is  already  written.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonior,  August  25,  1774. 

Sir  :  Agreeable  to  your  request  I  now  enclose  you  the 
depositions  of  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  re- 
specting the  treatment  they  have  met  with  from  the  Vir- 
ginia officers.  Not  any  of  the  persons  who  saw  the  Shaw- 
anese  after  they  had  been  fired  upon  on  their  return,  are 
now  there,  so  that  I  would  not  inquire  into  tliat  circum- 
stance. 

The  message  to  the  Delawares,  with  the  belt  of  wam- 
pum, I  delivered  to  some  of  their  principal  Chiefs,  at  Mr. 
Croghan's,  on  Sunday  last.  Mr.  Croghan  and  Mr.  McKee 
were  of  opinion  it  would,  perhaps,  be  taken  ill  by  the  Six 
JS'ations  that  they  were  not  included.  I  therefore  took  the 
liberty  to  add  them  in  the  address  to  the  message,  and  had 
a  fair  copy  made  out  and  given  to  them  with  a  belt. — 
They  were  received  seemingly  with  great  satisfaction  by 
both,  and  they  declared  the  firmest  purposes  of  remaining 
in  peace  themselves,  and  restoring  it  between  the  people 
of  Virginia  and  the  Shawanese.  At  the  same  time  I  ac- 
quainted them  with  your  orders  for  erecting  a  trading  place 
at  the  Kittaning,  for  which  they  are  very  thankful,  as 
they  are  in  want  of  many  things  already,  and  cannot  come 
to  Pittsburgh  and  purchase ;  and  a  number  of  them  will 
probably  be  there  on  Monday  next,  which  is  the  time  I 


have  appointed  for  laying  out  the  town.  Mr.  Spear  and 
Mr.  Butler  set  out  this  day  with  their  goods  and  other 
effects. 

Instead  of  sending  the  message  to  the  Shaivanese  by  a 
white  man,  I  procured  the  Pipe,  a  faithful  and  sensible  Del- 
aware Chief,  to  go  and  acquaint  them  with  the  message  his 
Nation  had  received  from  your  Honour ;  that  you  had  re- 
commended it  to  them  to  speak  to  the  Shawanese  not  to 
strike  the  Virginians,  and  that  he  had  seen  a  message  and 
belt  for  them,  which,  if  they  were  well  disposed,  some  of 
their  people  might  come  and  receive  it  at  Appleby.  I 
thought  this  the  most  advisable  way,  as  the  people  at  the 
fort  are  extremely  jealous  of  any  person  going  amongst 
them,  and  had  threatened  the  young  men  you  mention  to 
go  with  them ;  and  some  proposals  of  accommodation,  I 
understand,  have  been  made  them  by  Mr.  Conolly,  to 
which,  if  they  should  not  listen,  they  would  be  very  apt  to 
allege  it  was  owing  to  their  hearing  from  this  Province. 

It  is  impossible  to  tell  what  will  be  the  consequence  of 
the  Virginia  operations.  I  still  hope  they  will  not  be  able 
to  bring  on  a  war.  I  think  Lord  Dunmore  must  soon  see 
the  necessity  of  peace.  The  season  is  now  far  advanced, 
and  the  country  is  exhausted  of  provisions.  Should  another 
body  of  men  be  drawn  together,  they  could  not  be  sup- 
ported ;  and  I  believe  their  last  exploit  has  not  given  them 
much  stomach  for  another.  There  was,  indeed,  such  con- 
fusion amongst  the  troops,  and  dissension  amongst  the  offi- 
cers, that  had  they  met  with  any  number  of  the  enemy, 
they  must  certainly  have  been  cut  off.  Preparations,  how- 
ever, are  making,  and  his  Lordship  is  hourly  exjiected. 
The  iOth  of  August,  which  was  the  time  your  Honour 
fixed  for  keeping  up  the  rangers,  was  passed  before  your 
letter  reached  me ;  but  as  you  were  pleased  to  say  their 
standing  till  the  19th  of  September,  would  depend  on  what 
intelligence  you  might  receive  from  Captain  Thomson  and 
myself,  we  thought  it  best  to  continue  them,  being  both  of 
opinion  diat,  at  this  time,  it  was  very  necessary,  it  being,  in 
some  measure,  the  crisis  of  the  dispute  with  the  Shawanese ; 
and  that  great  numbers  of  people  are  now  gone  down  to 
bring  back  their  families,  which  they  removed  when  they 
thought  themselves  in  more  immediate  danger. 

I  am  sorry  I  troubled  your  Honour  with  my  foolish  griev- 
ances. I  hope  I  shall  always  feel  the  spirit  of  the  station 
I  may  be  called  to  act  in  ;  but  particular  circumstances,  I 
believe,  had,  in  that  case,  set  it  rather  too  much  on  edge. 
I  will  not  often  offend  in  the  same  manner.  I  must  do  Mr. 
Cavet  the  justice  to  say  he  is  a  very  good  man,  and  would 
fill  that  or  most  other  places  with  reputation. 

An  express  arrived  a  day  or  two  ago  from  Detroit.  Mr. 
Conolly  had  applied  to  the  Commanding  Officer  at  that 
post  to  stop  the  trade  with  the  Shaivanese ;  but  this  he  re- 
fuses, both  as  they  have  no  prospect  of  war,  and  that  for 
such  a  step  he  must  have  the  orders  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief  at  least.  He  says  all  the  Indians  in  that  country 
seem  to  be  peaceably  disposed.  A  letter  by  the  same  mes- 
senger, from  a  merchant  at  Detroit  to  a  merchant  at  Pitts- 
burgh, gives  a  quite  contradictory  account  of  matters ;  says 
the  Indians  in  that  country  will  all  join  the  Shawanese ; 
that  some  of  them  have  come  in  from  the  frontiers  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  have  brought  scalps ;  that  the  general  rendez- 
vous is  appointed  on  the  Wabash,  and  that  they  expect 
but  a  very  short  time  to  have  any  intercourse  with  them, 
and  desires  him  to  write  to  Simons  at  Lancaster  not  to  send 
the  goods  he  had  ordered. 

This  moment  I  have  heard  from  Pittsburgh  that  Mr. 
Spear's  and  Mr.  Butler's  goods,  that  were  going  to  Apple- 
by, are  seized  by  Mr.  Conolly' s  orders ;  and  that  Mr.  But- 
ler, with  three  young  men,  his  assistants,  are  in  confinement 
in  the  common  guard-house ;  and  that  a  woman  who  kept 
house  for  Mr.  Butler,  has  been  drummed  all  round  the 
town,  for  the  great  crime  of  going  to  see  him  in  his  distress. 
This  is  a  degree  of  tyranny  and  oppression  beyond  every 
thing  that  has  yet  happened.  I  siiall  be  able  to  give  you  a 
more  circumstantial  account  to-morrow,  when  Captain 
Thomson  will  be  here,  who,  I  understand,  was  present 
when  it  happened.  It  will  oblige  me  to  put  off  my  journey 
to  Appleby,  as  all  my  stores,  provisions,  &,c.,  were  with 
Mr.  Butler's  goods.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Claib. 
The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq. 


685 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


686 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOUR   PENN. 

Ligonier,  August  27,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  very  extraordinary  news  from  Fort  Pitt,  that 
I  mentioned  in  my  letter  of  the  25th,  proves  too  true. 
Captain  Thomson  was  there,  and  informs  me  that  Mr.  But- 
ler was  not  only  made  a  prisoner,  but  treated  with  every 
instance  of  insult  and  abuse.  The  crime  it  seems  they  are 
charged  with,  is  a  suspicion  of  trading  with  the  enemy 
Indians ;  but  for  this  there  cannot  be  the  least  foundation, 
as  their  destination  was  no  secret ;  and  I  had  given  publick 
notice,  in  writing,  of  the  design  of  laying  out  a  town  up  the 
river,  and  the  time  when.  It  seems  this  is  the  act  of  Cap- 
tain Aston,  Conolly  being  gone  to  meet  Lord  Dunmore ; 
but  in  tnitli  it  is  the  act  of  Mr.  Campbell,  who  is  their 
Counsel  General,  and  whose  plan  tiie  removing  any  of  the 
trade  from  Pittsburgh  broke  in  upon.  Captain  Thomson 
offered  any  security  they  pleased  to  demand,  but  they  would 
accept  of  none,  and  for  some  time  would  not  permit  any  of 
their  acquaintance  to  visit  them ;  and  jostled  Mr.  Smith  and 
Mr.  McKay  out  of  the  fort  in  the  most  insulting  manner 
imaginable.  The  treatment  these  people  have  met  with  for 
a  length  of  time,  has  been  sufficient  to  break  their  spirit ; 
but  it  has  not  succeeded  ;  and  those  at  that  place  who  are 
friends  of  this  Province,  will  meet  me  at  Appleby  to-mor- 
row, and  are  making  up  another  cargo,  that  they  may  have 
something  to  keep  the  Indians  easy  that  will  be  there. 

I  am,  sir,  your  very  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  August  4,  1774. 

The  time  has  at  length  arrived  when  American  liberty 
must  either  be  settled  on  a  firm  basis  by  the  virtue  and 
publick  spirit  of  her  sons,  or  sink  under  the  despotism  now 
suspended  over  her.  The  Colonies  will  no  doubt  look 
upon  the  violent  and  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  British 
Parliament,  with  regard  to  the  Bostonians,  as  levelled  at  the 
liberty  of  America  in  general,  and  unite  their  utmost 
endeavours  by  all  means  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  ruin 
they  are  threatened  with.  We  shall  deceive  ourselves  if 
we  think  Great  Britain,  (as  the  present  Ministry  call 
themselves)  will  easily  be  brought  to  recede  from  her 
claims  of  domination  over  us.  The  Parliamentary  farce 
will  not  be  ended  till  the  virtue  of  America,  and  the  cries 
of  the  British  merchants  and  manufacturers,  drive  the 
present  actors  off  the  stage. 

In  this  contention  we  must  expect  our  courage  and  forti- 
tude will  be  put  to  a  severe  trial ;  and,  if  they  are  not 
genuine,  will  not  stand  the  test.  But  as  our  ancestors  have 
liberally  shed  their  blood  to  secure  to  us  the  rights  we  now 
contend  for,  surely  every  power  of  manhood  will  be  exert- 
ad  by  us  to  deliver  the  depositum,  sacred  and  inviolate,  to 
our  posterity.  Let  no  man  despair  of  success  in  so  just  a 
cause.  Situated  as  we  are,  if  we  be  united,  and  dare  be 
free,  no  power  on  earth  can  make  us  slaves. 

That  our  adversaries  are  powerful  we  fatally  know  ;  but, 
in  a  measure  so  wickedly  destructive  of  the  constitutional 
rights  of  British  subjects,  they  cannot  be  united.  But 
should  they  be  so,  are  they  more  powerful  than  the  Span- 
iards, or  we  less  so  than  the  LTnited  Provinces  were  at  the 
time  the  contest  arose  between  those  two  Nations  on  the 
subject  of  liberty  ?  Philip  the  Second,  at  the  head  of  the 
most  powerful  Empire  in  Europe,  with  the  best  disciplined 
troops,  headed  by  one  of  the  ablest  Generals  then  known 
in  the  world,  and  supported  by  the  riches  of  America, 
after  a  bloody  war  which  lasted  half  a  century,  was  not 
able  to  subvert  the  liberty  of  the  poor,  and  till  then,  incon- 
siderable, but  virtuous  Hollanders.  The  example  of  our 
ancestors,  in  the  last  century,  affords  a  noble  proof  of  firm- 
ness and  patriotick  virtue.  In  the  reign  of  the  first  Charles, 
they  evidently  demonstrated,  that  though  Englishmen  may 
bear  much,  yet  when  they  find  a  determined  resolution  in 
Administration  to  persevere  in  measures  totally  destructive 
to  their  dearest  rights,  they  will  rouse  at  last,  and  when 
that  period  arrives,  no  force  can  withstand — no  chicanery 
elude,  their  fury ;  and  the  more  they  have  suffered,  the 
greater  will  be  the  sacrifice  they  demand.  Tiie  posterity  of 
James  the  Second,  fugitives  in  a  strange  land,  still  lament 
the  dire  effects  of  his  encroachments  on  English  liberty. 


The  spirit  of  liberty,  when  conducted  by  publick  virtue, 
is  invincible.  It  may  be  cramped  and  kept  down  by 
external  violence,  but  so  long  as  the  morals  of  a  people 
remain  uncorrupted,  it  cannot  be  totally  extinguished. 
Oppression  will  only  increase  its  elastick  force ;  and  when 
roused  to  iiction  by  some  daring  Chief — some  great  good 
man,  it  will  burst  forth,  like  fired  gunpowder,  and  destroy 
all  before  it.  Of  this  truth  the  English  history  affords  the 
clearest  demonstrations,  through  many  of  the  brightest 
periods.  We  are  the  sons  of  those  brave  men,  and  let  us 
now  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  our  glorious  ancestors. 
Britain  itself  will  applaud  our  virtue.  The  friends  of 
liberty  there  will  rejoice  to  acknowledge  us  their  brethren 
and  fellow-subjects ;  for  it  cannot  be  possible  that  a  race 
of  heroes  and  patriots  should  in  so  short  a  time  degenerate 
into  a  band  of  robbers. 

We  need  not  on  the  present  occasion  shed  our  blood  to 
secure  our  rights,  though  if  necessary,  let  us  not  spare  it ; 
the  purchase  is  more  than  equal  to  the  price.  Let  us  not 
buy  their  commodities ;  let  us  stop  all  exports  from  this 
country  to  that  till  they  do  us  justice.  We  have  the  means 
of  subsistence  within  ourselves.  Nature's  wants  are  but 
few  ;  our  imaginary  ones  have  their  foundation  in  luxury. 
Let  us  encourage  our  own  manufactures  by  proper  sub- 
scriptions in  each  county  ;  and  by  wearing  them  ourselves, 
convince  our  enemies,  (for  so  I  must  call  those  who  endea- 
vour to  enslave  us,)  that  we  can  and  will  subsist  without 
them.  Let  gentlemen  of  the  first  rank  and  fortune  amongst 
us  set  the  example  ;  they  will  be  cheerfully  and  eagerly 
followed  by  the  inferiour  classes.  This  will  give  weight 
to  our  remonstrances ;  and  when  the  great  disposer  of  all 
things,  the  Ruler  of  Princes,  shall  in  his  mercy  open  the 
eyes  of  our  oppressors,  and  direct  their  Councils  to  the 
pursuit  of  equity  and  right  reason,  then,  and  not  till  then, 
let  us  meet  and  embrace  them  with  open  arms :  we  will 
again  be  their  children  when  they  will  deign  to  be  our 
parents. 


VIRGINIA    CONVENTION. 

At  a  very  full  Meeting  of  Delegates  from  the  different 
Counties  in  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  begun 
in  Williamsburg  the  first  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1774,  and  continued  by  several  adjournments  to 
Saturday,  the  6th  of  the  same  month,  the  following  Asso- 
ciation was  unanimously  resolved  upon,  and  agreed  to : 

We,  his  Majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  Dele- 
gates of  the  freeholders  of  Virginia,  deputed  to  represent 
them  at  a  general  meeting  in  the  City  of  Williamsburg, 
avowing  our  inviolable  and  unshaken  fidelity  and  attach- 
ment to  our  most  gracious  Sovereign ;  our  regard  and  affec- 
tion for  all  our  friends  and  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain 
and  elsewhere  ;  protesting  against  every  act  or  thing  which 
may  have  the  most  distant  tendency  to  interrupt  or  in  any 
wise  disturb  his  Majesty's  peace,  and  the  good  order  of 
Government  within  this  his  ancient  Colony,  which  we  are 
resolved  to  maintain  and  defend  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and 
fortunes ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  affected  with  the  deepest 
anxiety  and  most  alarming  apprehensions  of  those  griev- 
ances and  distresses  by  which  his  Majesty's  American 
subjects  are  oppressed  ;  and  having  taken  under  our  most 
serious  deliberation  the  state  of  the  whole  Continent,  find 
that  the  present  unhappy  situation  of  our  affairs  is  chiefly 
occasioned  by  certain  ill  advised  regulations,  as  well  of  our 
trade,  as  internal  polity,  introduced  by  several  unconstitu- 
tional Acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  and,  at  length,  at- 
tempted to  be  enforced  by  the  hand  of  power. 

Solely  influenced  by  these  important  and  weighty  con- 
siderations, we  think  it  an  indispensable  duty  which  we 
owe  to  our  country,  ourselves,  and  latest  posterity,  to  guard 
against  such  dangerous  and  extensive  mischiefs,  by  every 
just  and  proper  means. 

If,  by  the  measures  adopted,  some  unhappy  consequen- 
ces and  inconveniences  should  be  derived  to  our  fellow- 
subjects,  whom  we  wish  not  to  injure  in  the  smallest 
degree,  we  hope,  and  flatter  ourselves,  that  they  will  Tm- 
pute  them  to  their  real  cause,  the  hard  necessity  to  which 
we  are  driven. 

That  the  good  people  of  this  Colony  may  on  so  trying 
an  occasion  continue  steadfastly  directed  to  their  mo3t  es- 


683 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


684 


ship  is  very  full  of  cliactising  them ;  and  the  25ih  of  next 
month  is  fixed  for  attacking  the  Great  S/iawanese  Town,  on 
Scioto.  Your  Honour  will  please  to  take  notice,  that  the 
hint  1  gave  you  before,  of  a  design  to  interrupt  the  trade 
of  this  Province,  however  improbable  it  might  appear,  was 
not  without  some  foundation. 

Mr.  Hanna  returned  from  Philadelphia  yesterday,  and 
gives  an  account  that  the  Assembly  have  provided  lor  the 
inen  that  were  raised  for  the  defence  of  this  county  to  the 
10th  instant,  or  longer,  if  necessary,  and  that  he  himself  is 
appointed  senior  Captain,  ab  initio,  Mr.  Cavct  the  next, 
and  a  number  of  others  who  have  never  served  an  hour. 
The  last  part  of  his  intelligence  1  gave  no  credit  to,  as  he 
has  no  commission,  nor  any  letters  from  any  person  about 
Government;  and  I  do  imagine,  that  as  the  command  of 
them  had  been  originally  committed  to  me,  your  Honour 
would  not  place  him  therein  to  supersede  me,  without  giv- 
ing me  some  intimation  of  it.  Nor  is  it  reasonable  that 
these  men  should  take  rank  of  the  officers  who  have,  in 
former  wars,  faithfully,  as  I  am  told,  served  this  Govern- 
ment. Trilling  as  this  affair  is,  it  is  likely  to  create  much 
uneasiness ;  but  I  am  certain  your  Honour  will  not  allow 
tliose  who  have  done  no  service,  to  rob  those  who  have  of 
their  just  reward  ;  besides,  the  Association  are  bound  to  pay 
those  they  employed.  I  must  own  I  have  been  remiss,  in 
not  fully  informing  your  Honour  who  they  were  ;  but  1  lieg 
your  Honour  to  reflect  upon  the  severe  sickness  I  have  just 
passed  through.  Some  of  them,  had  there  been  the  least 
prospect  of  its  being  a  permanent  affair,  I  should  not  have 
recommended  to  your  Honour ;  but  we  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  employing  such  people  as  had  influence  amongst 
the  mob  and  could  get  the  men  ;  and  you  will  please  to  con- 
sider that  it  is  by  such  arts  that  they  must  still  be  managed, 
as  there  are  no  laws  by  which  obedience  or  discipline  can 
be  enforced.  I  have  told  Mr.  Hanna  peremptorily,  that 
1  should  retain  the  direction  of  the  troops  till  1  had  your 
Honour's  orders  to  the  contrary ;  and  I  fondly  hope  this 
explanation  will  not  disoblige  you. 

Notwithstanding  what  I  said  to  Mr.  Smith,  on  the  subject 
of  joining  the  Virginians,  he  thought  proper  to  join  a  small 
party  of  Delaivares  and  Mingoes,  with  eight  men,  in  the 
character  of  volunteers,  and  proceeded  to  H  heeling.  The 
Virginia  detachment  had  marched  two  days  before  they 
arrived ;  and  Captain  Crawford,  who  commands  them, 
(the  President  of  our  Court,)  told  him  it  would  fatigue 
them  too  much  to  overtake  the  party,  and  that  they  had 
better  return,  which  accordingly  they  did  ;  and  by  what  I 
learn  from  him,  they  seemed  equally  jealous  both  of  him 
and  the  Indians. 

I  can  recollect  nothing  else  at  present,  and  your  Honour 
may  probably  think  I  might  have  spared  a  great  part  of 
what  is  already  written.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Ligonier,  August  25,  1774. 

Sir  :  Agreeable  to  your  request  I  now  enclose  you  the 
depositions  of  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Pittsburgh,  re- 
specting the  treatment  they  have  met  with  from  the  Vir- 
ginia officers.  Not  any  of  the  persons  who  saw  the  Shaw- 
anese  after  they  had  been  fired  upon  on  their  return,  are 
now  there,  so  that  I  would  not  inquire  into  diat  circum- 
stance. 

The  message  to  the  Delaivares,  with  the  belt  of  wam- 
pum, 1  delivered  to  some  of  their  principal  Chiefs,  at  Mr. 
Croghan's,  on  Sunday  last.  Mr.  Croghan  and  Mr.  McKcc 
were  of  opinion  it  would,  perhaps,  be  taken  ill  by  the  Six 
^'ations  that  they  were  not  included.  I  therefore  took  the 
liberty  to  add  them  in  the  address  to  the  message,  and  had 
a  fair  copy  made  out  and  given  to  them  with  a  belt. — 
They  were  received  seemingly  with  great  satisfaction  by 
both,  and  they  declared  the  firmest  purposes  of  remaining 
in  peace  themselves,  and  restoring  it  between  the  people 
of  Virginia  and  the  Shawanese.  At  tiie  same  time  I  ac- 
quainted them  with  your  orders  for  erecting  a  trading  place 
at  the  Kittaning,  for  which  they  are  very  thankful,  as 
they  are  in  want  of  many  things  already,  and  cannot  come 
to  Pittsburgh  and  purchase ;  and  a  number  of  them  will 
probably  be  there  on  Monday  next,  which  is  the  time  I 


have  appointed  for  laying  out  the  town,  Mr.  Spear  and 
Mr.  Butler  set  out  this  day  with  tlieir  goods  and  other 
effects. 

Instead  of  sending  the  message  to  the  Shaxvanese  by  a 
white  man,  I  procured  the  Pipe,  a  faithful  and  sensible  Del- 
aware Chief,  to  go  and  acquaint  them  with  the  message  his 
Nation  had  received  from  your  Honour ;  that  you  had  re- 
commended it  to  them  to  speak  to  the  Shawanese  not  to 
strike  the  Virginians,  and  that  he  had  seen  a  message  and 
belt  for  them,  which,  if  they  were  well  disposed,  some  of 
their  people  might  come  and  receive  it  at  Appleby.  I 
thought  this  the  most  advisable  way,  as  the  people  at  the 
fort  are  extremely  jealous  of  any  person  going  amongst 
them,  and  had  threatened  the  young  men  you  mention  to 
go  with  them ;  and  some  proposals  of  accommodation,  I 
understand,  have  been  made  them  by  Mr.  Conolly,  to 
which,  if  they  should  not  listen,  they  would  be  very  apt  to 
allege  it  w  as  owing  to  their  hearing  from  this  Province. 

It  is  impossible  to  tell  what  will  be  the  consequence  of 
the  Virginia  operations.  I  still  ho|)e  they  will  not  be  able 
to  bring  on  a  war.  I  think  Lord  Dunmore  must  soon  see 
the  necessity  of  peace.  The  season  is  now  far  advanced, 
and  the  country  is  exhausted  of  provisions.  Should  another 
body  of  men  be  drawn  together,  they  could  not  be  sup- 
ported ;  and  I  believe  their  last  exploit  has  not  given  them 
much  stomach  for  another.  There  was,  indeed,  such  con- 
fusion amongst  the  troops,  and  dissension  amongst  the  offi- 
cers, that  had  they  met  with  any  number  of  the  enemy, 
they  must  certainly  have  been  cut  off.  Preparations,  how- 
ever, are  making,  and  his  Lordship  is  hourly  expected. 
The  10th  of  August,  which  was  the  time  your  Honour 
fixed  for  keeping  up  the  rangers,  was  passed  before  your 
letter  reached  me ;  but  as  you  were  pleased  to  say  their 
standing  till  the  19th  o{  September,  would  depend  on  what 
intelligence  you  might  receive  from  Captain  Thomson  and 
myself,  we  thought  it  best  to  continue  them,  being  both  of 
opinion  diat,  at  this  time,  it  was  very  necessary,  it  being,  in 
some  measure,  the  crisis  of  the  dispute  with  the  Shawanese ; 
and  that  great  numbers  of  people  are  now  gone  down  to 
bring  back  their  families,  which  they  removed  when  they 
thought  themselves  in  more  immediate  danger. 

I  am  sorry  I  troubled  your  Honour  with  my  foolish  griev- 
ances. I  hope  I  shall  always  feel  the  spirit  of  the  station 
I  may  be  called  to  act  in  ;  but  particular  circumstances,  I 
believe,  had,  in  that  case,  set  it  rather  too  much  on  edge. 
I  will  not  often  offend  in  the  same  manner.  I  must  do  Mr. 
Cavet  the  justice  to  say  he  is  a  very  good  man,  and  would 
fill  diat  or  most  other  places  with  reputation. 

An  express  arrived  a  day  or  two  ago  from  Detroit.  Mr. 
Conolly  had  applied  to  the  Commanding  Officer  at  that 
post  to  stop  the  trade  with  the  Shawanese ;  but  this  he  re- 
fuses, both  as  they  have  no  prospect  of  war,  and  that  for 
such  a  step  he  must  have  the  orders  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief  at  least.  He  says  all  the  Indians  in  that  country 
seem  to  be  peaceably  disposed.  A  letter  by  the  same  mes- 
senger, from  a  merchant  at  Detroit  to  a  merchant  at  Pitts- 
burgh, gives  a  quite  contradictory  account  of  matters ;  says 
the  Indians  in  that  country  will  all  join  the  Shawanese ; 
that  some  of  them  have  come  in  from  the  frontiers  of  FtV- 
^n«a,  and  have  brought  scalps;  that  the  general  rendez- 
vous is  appointed  on  the  Wabash,  and  that  they  expect 
but  a  very  short  time  to  have  any  intercourse  with  them, 
and  desires  him  to  write  to  Simo7is  at  Lancaster  not  to  send 
the  goods  he  had  ordered. 

This  moment  I  have  heard  from  Pittsburgh  that  Mr. 
Spear^s  and  Mr.  Butler's  goods,  that  were  going  to  Apple- 
by, are  seized  by  Mr.  Conolly's  orders ;  and  that  Mr.  But- 
ler, with  three  young  men,  his  assistants,  are  in  confinement 
in  the  common  guard-house ;  and  that  a  woman  who  kept 
house  for  Mr.  Butler,  has  been  drummed  all  round  the 
town,  for  the  great  crime  of  going  to  see  him  in  his  distress. 
This  is  a  degree  of  tyranny  and  oppression  beyond  every 
thing  that  has  yet  happened.  I  shall  be  able  to  give  you  a 
more  circumstantial  account  to-morrow,  when  Captain 
Thomson  will  be  here,  who,  1  understand,  was  present 
when  it  happened.  It  will  oblige  me  to  put  off  my  journey 
to  Appleby,  as  all  my  stores,  provisions,  &.C.,  were  with 
Mr.  Butler's  goods.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Claib. 
The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esq. 


685 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


686 


ARTHUR    ST.    CLAIR    TO    GOVERNOUR   PENN. 

Ligonier,  August  97,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  very  extraordinary  news  from  Fort  Pitt,  that 
I  mentioned  in  my  letter  of  the  25th,  proves  too  true. 
Captain  Thomson  was  there,  and  informs  me  that  Mr.  But- 
ler was  not  only  made  a  prisoner,  but  treated  with  every 
instance  of  insult  and  abuse.  The  crime  it  seems  they  are 
charged  with,  is  a  suspicion  of  trading  with  the  enemy 
Indians ;  but  for  this  there  cannot  be  the  least  foundation, 
as  their  destination  was  no  secret ;  and  I  had  given  publick 
notice,  in  writing,  of  the  design  of  laying  out  a  town  up  the 
river,  and  the  time  when.  It  seems  this  is  the  act  of  Cap- 
tain Aston,  ConoUy  being  gone  to  meet  Lord  Diinmore ; 
but  in  tnith  it  is  the  act  of  Mr.  Campbell,  who  is  their 
Counsel  General,  and  whose  plan  the  removing  any  of  the 
trade  from  Pittsburgh  broke  in  upon.  Captain  Thomson 
offered  any  security  they  pleased  to  demand,  but  they  would 
accept  of  none,  and  for  some  time  would  not  permit  any  of 
their  acquaintance  to  visit  them ;  and  jostled  Mr.  Smith  and 
Mr.  McKay  out  of  the  fort  in  the  most  insulting  manner 
imaginable.  The  treatment  these  people  have  met  with  for 
a  length  of  time,  has  been  sufficient  to  break  their  spirit ; 
but  it  has  not  succeeded  ;  and  those  at  that  place  who  are 
friends  of  this  Province,  will  meet  me  at  Appleby  to-mor- 
row, and  are  making  up  another  cargo,  that  they  may  have 
something  to  keep  the  Indians  easy  that  will  be  there. 

I  am,  sir,  your  very  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  VIRGINIA. 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  August  4,  1774. 

The  time  has  at  length  arrived  when  American  liberty 
must  either  be  settled  on  a  firm  basis  by  the  virtue  and 
publick  spirit  of  her  sons,  or  sink  under  the  despotism  now 
suspended  over  her.  The  Colonies  will  no  doubt  look 
upon  the  violent  and  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  British 
Parliament,  with  regard  to  the  Bostonians,  as  levelled  at  the 
liberty  of  America  in  general,  and  unite  their  utmost 
endeavours  by  all  means  in  their  power  to  prevent  the  ruin 
they  are  threatened  with.  We  shall  deceive  ourselves  if 
we  think  Great  Britain,  (as  the  present  Ministry  call 
themselves)  will  easily  be  brought  to  recede  from  her 
claims  of  domination  over  us.  The  Parliamentary  farce 
will  not  be  ended  till  the  virtue  of  America,  and  the  cries 
of  the  British  merchants  and  manufacturers,  drive  the 
present  actors  off  the  stage. 

In  this  contention  we  must  expect  our  courage  and  forti- 
tude will  be  put  to  a  severe  trial ;  and,  if  they  are  not 
genuine,  will  not  stand  the  test.  But  as  our  ancestors  have 
liberally  shed  their  blood  to  secure  to  us  the  rights  we  now 
contend  for,  surely  every  power  of  manhood  will  be  exert- 
gd  by  us  to  deliver  the  depositum,  sacred  and  inviolate,  to 
our  posterity.  Let  no  man  despair  of  success  in  so  just  a 
cause.  Situated  as  we  are,  if  we  be  united,  and  dare  be 
free,  no  power  on  earth  can  make  us  slaves. 

That  our  adversaries  are  powerful  we  fatally  know  ;  but, 
in  a  measure  so  wickedly  destructive  of  the  constitutional 
rights  of  British  subjects,  they  cannot  be  united.  But 
should  they  be  so,  are  they  more  powerful  than  the  Span- 
iards, or  we  less  so  than  the  United  Provinces  were  at  the 
time  the  contest  arose  between  those  two  Nations  on  the 
subject  of  liberty  ?  Philip  the  Second,  at  the  head  of  the 
most  powerful  Empire  in  Europe,  with  the  best  disciplined 
troops,  headed  by  one  of  the  ablest  Generals  then  known 
in  the  world,  and  supported  by  the  riches  of  America, 
after  a  bloody  war  which  lasted  half  a  century,  was  not 
able  to  subvert  the  liberty  of  the  poor,  and  till  then,  incon- 
siderable, but  virtuous  Hollanders.  The  example  of  our 
ancestors,  in  the  last  century,  affords  a  noble  proof  of  firm- 
ness and  patriotick  virtue.  In  the  reign  of  the  first  Charles, 
they  evidently  demonstrated,  that  though  Englishmen  may 
bear  much,  yet  when  they  find  a  determined  resolution  in 
Administration  to  persevere  in  measures  totally  destructive 
to  their  dearest  rights,  they  will  rouse  at  last,  and  when 
that  period  arrives,  no  force  can  withstand — no  chicanery 
elude,  their  fury ;  and  the  more  they  have  suffered,  the 
greater  will  be  the  sacrifice  they  demand.  The  posterity  of 
James  the  Second,  fugitives  in  a  strange  land,  still  lament 
the  dire  effects  of  his  encroachments  on  English  liberty. 


The  spirit  of  liberty,  when  conducted  by  publick  virtue, 
is  invincible.  It  may  be  cramped  and  kept  down  by 
external  violence,  but  so  long  as  the  morals  of  a  people 
remain  uncorrupted,  it  cannot  be  totally  extinguished. 
Oppression  will  only  increase  its  elastick  force ;  and  when 
roused  to  action  by  some  daring  Chief — some  great  good 
man,  it  will  burst  forth,  like  fired  gunpowder,  and  destroy 
all  before  it.  Of  this  truth  the  English  history  affords  the 
clearest  demonstrations,  through  many  of  the  brightest 
periods.  We  are  the  sons  of  those  brave  men,  and  let  us 
now  prove  ourselves  worthy  of  our  glorious  ancestors. 
Britain  itself  will  applaud  our  virtue.  The  friends  of 
liberty  there  will  rejoice  to  acknowledge  us  their  brethren 
and  fellow-subjects ;  for  it  cannot  be  possible  that  a  race 
of  heroes  and  patriots  should  in  so  short  a  time  degenerate 
into  a  band  of  robbers. 

We  need  not  on  the  present  occasion  shed  our  blood  to 
secure  our  rights,  though  if  necessary,  let  us  not  spare  it ; 
the  purchase  is  more  than  equal  to  the  price.  Let  us  not 
buy  their  commodities ;  let  us  stop  all  exports  from  this 
country  to  that  till  they  do  us  justice.  We  have  the  means 
of  subsistence  within  ourselves.  Nature's  wants  are  but 
few  ;  our  imaginary  ones  have  their  foundation  in  luxury. 
Let  us  encourage  our  own  manufactures  by  proper  sub- 
scriptions in  each  county  ;  and  by  wearing  them  ourselves, 
convince  our  enemies,  (for  so  I  must  call  those  who  endea- 
vour to  enslave  us,)  that  we  can  and  will  subsist  without 
them.  Let  gentlemen  of  the  first  rank  and  fortune  amongst 
us  set  the  example  ;  they  will  be  cheerfully  and  eagerly 
followed  by  the  inferiour  classes.  This  will  give  weight 
to  our  remonstrances ;  and  when  the  great  disposer  of  all 
things,  the  Ruler  of  Princes,  shall  in  his  mercy  open  the 
eyes  of  our  oppressors,  and  direct  their  Councils  to  the 
pursuit  of  equity  and  right  reason,  then,  and  not  till  then, 
let  us  meet  and  embrace  them  with  open  arms :  we  will 
again  be  their  children  when  they  will  deign  to  be  our 
parents. 


VIRGINIA    CONVENTION. 

At  a  very  full  Meeting  of  Delegates  from  the  different 
Counties  in  the  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  begun 
in  Williamsburg  the  first  day  of  August,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1774,  and  continued  by  several  adjournments  to 
Saturday,  the  6th  of  the  same  month,  the  following  Asso- 
ciation was  unanimously  resolved  upon,  and  agreed  to : 

We,  his  Majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  Dele- 
gates of  the  freeholders  of  Virginia,  deputed  to  represent 
them  at  a  general  meeting  in  the  City  of  Williamsburg, 
avowing  our  inviolable  and  unshaken  fidelity  and  attach- 
ment to  our  most  gracious  Sovereign ;  our  regard  and  affec- 
tion for  all  our  friends  and  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain 
and  elsewhere ;  protesting  against  every  act  or  thing  which 
may  have  the  most  distant  tendency  to  interrupt  or  in  any 
wise  disturb  his  Majesty's  peace,  and  the  good  order  of 
Government  within  this  his  ancient  Colony,  which  we  are 
resolved  to  maintain  and  defend  at  the  risk  of  our  lives  and 
fortunes ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  affected  with  the  deepest 
anxiety  and  most  alarming  apprehensions  of  those  griev- 
ances and  distresses  by  which  his  Majesty's  American 
subjects  are  oppressed  ;  and  having  taken  under  our  most 
serious  deliberation  the  state  of  the  whole  Continent,  find 
that  the  present  unhappy  situation  of  our  affairs  is  chiefly 
occasioned  by  certain  ill  advised  regulations,  as  well  of  our 
trade,  as  internal  polity,  introduced  by  several  unconstitu- 
tional Acts  of  the  British  Parliament,  and,  at  length,  at- 
tempted to  be  enforced  by  the  hand  of  power. 

Solely  influenced  by  these  important  and  weighty  con- 
siderations, we  think  it  an  indispensable  duty  which  we 
owe  to  our  country,  ourselves,  and  latest  posterity,  to  guard 
against  such  dangerous  and  extensive  mischiefs,  by  every 
just  and  proper  means. 

If,  by  the  measures  adopted,  some  unhappy  consequen- 
ces and  inconveniences  should  be  derived  to  our  fellow- 
subjects,  whom  we  wish  not  to  injure  in  the  smallest 
degree,  we  hope,  and  flatter  ourselves,  that  they  will  Tm- 
pute  them  to  their  real  cause,  the  hard  necessity  to  which 
we  are  driven. 

That  the  good  people  of  this  Colony  may  on  so  trying 
an  occasion  continue  steadfastly  directed  to  their  moot  as- 


687 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


688 


sential  interests,  in  hopes  that  they  will  be  influenced  and 
stimulated  by  our  example,  to  the  greatest  industry,  tiie 
strictest  economy  and  iVugality,  and  the  exertion  of  every 
publick  virtue  ;  persuaded  that  the  merchants,  manufactur- 
ers, and  other  inliabitants  of  Great  Britain,  and  above 
all,  that  the  British  Parliament  will  be  convinced  how 
much  the  true  interest  of  the  Kingdom  must  depend  on  the 
restoration  and  continuance  of  that  mutual  friendship  and 
cordiality  which  so  happily  subsisted  between  us,  we 
have,  unanimously,  and  with  one  voice,  entered  into  the 
following  Resolutions  and  Association,  which  we  do  oblige 
ourselves  by  those  sacred  ties  of  honour  and  love  to  our 
country,  strictly  to  observe ;  and  farther  declare,  before 
God  and  the  world,  that  we  will  religiously  adhere  to  and 
keep  the  same  inviolate  in  every  particular,  until  redress 
of  all  such.  American  grievances  as  ijiay  be  defined  and 
settled  at  the  general  Congress  of  Delegates  from  the  dif- 
ferent Colonies  shall  be  fully  obtained,  or  until  this  Asso- 
ciation shall  be  abrogated  or  altered  by  a  general  meeting 
of  the  Deputies  of  this  Colony  to  be  convened  as  is  herein 
after  directed.  And  we  do,  with  the  greatest  earnestness, 
recommend  this  our  Association  to  all  gentlemen,  mer- 
chants, traders,  and  other  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  hoping 
that  they  will  cheerfully  and  cordially  accede  thereto: 

1st.  We  do  hereby  resolve  and  declare,  that  we  will 
not,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  after  the  first  day  of  No- 
vember next,  import  from  Great  Britain  any  goods, 
wares,  or  merchandises  whatever,  medicines  excepted  ;  nor 
will  we,  after  that  day,  import  any  British  manufactures, 
either  from  the  West  Indies  or  any  other  place  ;  nor  any 
article  whatever  which  we  shall  know,  or  have  reason  to 
believe,  was  broujflit  into  such  countries  from  Great 
Britain;  nor  will  we  purchase  any  such  articles  so  im- 
ported of  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  except  such 
as  are  now  in  the  country,  or  such  as  may  arrive  on  or 
before  the  first  day  of  November,  in  consequence  of  orders 
already  given,  and  which  cannot  now  be  countermanded  in 
time. 

2d.  We  will  neither  ourselves  import,  nor  purchase  any 
slave  or  slaves  imported  by  any  other  person,  after  the 
first  day  of  November  next,  either  from  Africa,  the  West 
Indies,  or  any  other  place. 

3d.  Considering  the  article  of  tea  as  the  detestable  in- 
strument which  laid  the  foundation  of  the  present  suflerings 
of  our  distressed  friends  in  the  town  of  Boston,  we  view  it 
with  horrour  ;  and  therefore  resolve,  that  we  will  not  from 
this  day,  either  import  tea  of  any  kind  whatever;  nor  will 
we  use,  or  suffer  even  such  of  it  as  is  now  on  hand  to  be 
used  in  any  of  our  families. 

4th.  If  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  or  any 
other  Colony,  should  by  violence  or  dire  necessity  be 
compelled  to  pay  the  East  India  Company  for  destroying 
any  tea  which  they  have  lately  by  their  agents  unjustly  at- 
tempted to  force  into  the  Colonies,  we  will  not  directly  or 
indirectly  import  or  purchase  any  British  East  India  com- 
modity whatever,  till  the  Company,  or  some  other  person 
on  their  behalf,  shall  refund  and  fully  restore  to  the  owners 
all  such  sum  or  sums  of  money  as  may  be  so  extorted. 

5th.  We  do  resolve,  that  unless  American  grievances 
are  redressed  before  the  10th  day  of  August,  1775,  we 
will  not  after  that  day,  directly  or  indirectly,  export  tobacco, 
or  any  other  article  whatever  to  Great  Britain  ;  nor  will 
we  sell  any  such  articles  as  we  think  can  be  exported  to 
Great  Britain  with  a  prospect  of  gain  to  any  person  or 
persons  whatever,  with  a  design  of  putlinii;  it  into  his  or 
tlieir  power  to  export  the  same  to  Great  Britain,  either 
on  our  own,  his,  or  their  account.  And  tliat  tliis  resolu- 
tion may  be  the  more  effectually  carried  into  execution, 
we  do  hereby  recommend  it  to  tiie  inliabitants  of  this  Colo- 
ny to  refrain  from  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  as  much  as 
conveniently  may  be  ;  and  in  lieu  thereof,  that  tliey  will,  as 
we  resolve  to  do,  apply  their  attention  and  industry  to  the 
cultivation  of  all  such  articles  as  may  form  a  proper  basis 
for  manufactures  of  all  sorts,  which  we  will  ciidcavonr  to 
encourage  throughout  this  Colony,  to  the  utmost  of  our 
abilities. 

6th.  We  will  endeavour  to  improve  our  breed  of  sheep, 
and  increase  their  number  to  the  utmost  extent ;  and  to 
this  end  we  will  be  as  sparing  as  we  conveniently  can,  in 
killing  of  sheep,  especially  those  of  the  most  profitable 


kind  ;  and  if  we  should  at  any  time  he  overstocked,  or  can 
conveniently  spare  any,  we  will  dispose  of  them  to  our 
neighbours,  especially  the  poorer  sort  of  people,  upon 
moderate  terms. 

7th.  Resolved,  That  the  merchants  and  other  venders 
of  goods  and  merchandises  within  this  Colony  ought  not  to 
take  advantage  of  the  scarcity  of  goods  that  may  be  occa- 
sioned by  this  Association,  but  that  they  ought  to  sell  the 
same  at  the  rates  they  have  been  accustomed  to  for  twelve 
months  last  past ;  and  if  they  shall  sell  any  such  goods  on 
higher  terms,  or  shall  in  any  manner,  or  by  any  devise 
whatever,  violate  or  depart  from  this  resolution,  we  w^ill  not, 
and  are  of  opinion  that  no  inhabitant  of  this  Colony  ought, 
at  any  time  thereafter,  to  deal  with  any  such  person,  their 
factors  or  agents,  for  any  commodity  whatever ;  and  it  is 
recommended  to  the  Deputies  of  the  several  counties,  that 
Committees  be  chosen  in  each  county  by  such  persons  as 
accede  to  this  Association,  to  take  effectual  care  that  these 
Resolves  be  properly  observed,  and  for  corresponding  occa- 
sionally with  the  general  Committee  of  Correspondence  in 
the  City  of  Williamsburg,  provided,  that  if  exchange 
should  rise,  such  advance  may  be  made  in  the  prices  of 
goods  as  shall  be  ai)proved  by  the  Committee  of  each 
county. 

8th.  In  order  the  better  to  distinguish  such  worthy  mer- 
chants and  traders  who  are  well-wishers  of  this  Colony, 
from  those  who  may  attempt,  through  motives  of  self-inter- 
est, to  obstruct  our  views,  we  do  hereby  resolve  that  we 
will  not,  after  the  first  day  of  November  next,  deal  with  any 
merchant  or  trader  wiio  will  not  sign  this  Association  ;  nor 
until  he  hath  obtained  a  certificate  of  his  having  done  so 
from  the  County  Committee,  or  any  three  members  thereof. 
And  if  any  merciiant,  trader,  or  other  person,  shall  imjiort 
any  goods  or  merchandise  after  the  first  day  of  November, 
contrary  to  this  Association,  we  give  it  as  our  opinion  that 
such  goods  and  merchandise  should  be  either  forthwith  re- 
shipped,  or  delivered  up  to  the  County  Committee,  to  be 
stored  at  the  risk  of  the  importer,  unless  such  importer  shall 
give  a  proper  assurance  to  the  said  Comniitlee,  that  such 
goods  or  merchandises  shall  not  be  sold  within  this  Colony 
during  the  continuance  of  this  Association  ;  and  if  such  im- 
porter shall  refuse  to  comply  with  one  or  the  other  of  these 
terms,  upon  application  and  due  caution  given  to  him  or 
her  by  the  said  Committee,  or  any  three  members  thereof, 
such  Committee  is  required  to  publish  the  tiTith  of  the  case 
in  the  Gazettes,  and  in  the  county  where  he  or  she  resides; 
and  we  '.\  ill  thereafter  consider  such  person  or  pereons  as  in- 
imical to  this  country,  and  break  off  every  connection  and 
all  dealings  with  them. 

9th.  Resolved,  That  if  any  person  or  persons  shall  ex- 
port tobacco,  or  any  other  commodity,  to  Great  Britain, 
after  the  10th  day  of  August,  1775,  contrary  to  this  As- 
sociation, we  shall  hold  ourselves  obliged  to  consider  such 
person  or  persons  as  inimical  to  the  community,  and  as  an 
approver  of  American  grievances  ;  and  give  it  as  our  opin- 
ion that  the  publick  should  be  advised  of  his  or  their  con- 
duct, as  in  the  eighth  article  is  desired. 

10th.  Being  fully  persuaded  that  the  united  wisdom  of 
the  general  Congress  may  improve  these  our  endeavours  to 
preserve  the  rights  and  liberties  of  British  America,  we 
decline  enlarging  at  present;  but  do  hereby  resolve  that 
we  will  conform  to  and  strictly  observe,  all  such  alterations 
or  additions  assented  to  by  the  Delegates  for  this  Colony, 
as  they  may  judge  it  necessary  to  adopt,  after  the  same  shall 
be  published  and  made  known  to  us. 

11th.  Resohcd,  That  we  think  ourselves  called  upon, 
by  every  princijile  of  humanity  and  brotherly  affection,  to 
extend  the  utmost  and  speediest  relief  to  our  distressed  fel- 
low-subjects in  the  town  of  Boston ;  and,  therefore,  most 
earnestly  reconimcnd  it  to  all  tlie  inhabitants  of  this  Colony 
to  make  such  liberal  contributions  as  they  can  afford,  to  be 
collected  and  remitted  to  Boston,  in  such  manner  as  majr 
best  answer  so  desirable  a  purpose. 

12th.  And  lastly.  Resolved,  That  the  Moderator  of  this 
meeting,  and,  in  case  of  his  death,  Robert  Carter  Nicholas, 
Esquire,  be  empowered,  on  any  future  occasion  that  may, 
in  his  opinion,  require  it,  convene  the  several  Delegates 
of  this  Colony,  at  such  time  and  place  as  he  may  judge 
proper ;  and  in  case  of  the  death  or  absence  of  any  Dele- 
gate, it  is  recommended  that  another  be  chosen  in  his  place. 


689 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


690 


Listruciions  for  the  Deputies  appointed  to  meet  in  General 
Congress  on  the  part  of  this  Colony. 
The  unhappy  disputes  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
American  Colonies,  wliich  began  about  the  third  year  of 
the  reign  of  his  present  Majesty,  and  since  continually  in- 
creasing, have  proceeded  to  lengths  so  dangerous  and  alarm- 
ing, as  to  excite  just  apprehensions  in  the  minds  of  his 
Majesty's  faithful  subjects  of  this  Colony,  that  they  are  in 
danger  of  being  deprived  of  their  natural,  ancient,  constitu- 
tional, and  chartered  rights,  have  compelled  them  to  take 
the  same  into  their  most  serious  consideration  ;  and  being 
deprived  of  their  usual  and  accustomed  mode  of  making 
known  their  grievances,  have  appointed  us  their  Represent- 
atives to  consider  what  is  proper  to  be  done  in  this  danger- 
ous crisis  of  American  affairs. 

It  being  our  opinion  that  the  united  wisdom  of  North 
America  should  be  collected  in  a  general  Congress  of  all 
the  Colonies,  we  have  appointed  the  Honourable  Peyton 
Randolph,  Esquire,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wash- 
ington, Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Har- 
rison, and  Edmund  Pendleton,  Esquires,  Deputies  to  repre- 
sent this  Colony  in  the  said  Congress,  to  be  held  at  Phila- 
delphia, on  the  first  Monday  in  September  next.  And  that 
they  may  be  the  better  informed  of  our  sentiments  touching 
the  conduct  we  wish  them  to  observe  on  this  important  oc- 
casion, we  desire  that  they  will  express,  in  the  first  place, 
our  faith  and  true  allegiance  to  his  Majesty  King  George 
the  Third,  our  lawful  and  rightful  Sovereign  ;  and  that  we 
are  determined,  with  our  lives  and  fortunes,  to  support  him 
in  the  legal  exercise  of  all  his  just  rights  and  prerogatives ; 
and  however  misrepresented,  we  sincerely  approve  of  a 
constitutional  connection  with  Great  Britain,  and  wish  most 
ardently  a  return  of  that  intercourse  of  affection  and  com- 
mercial connection  that  formerly  united  both  countries, 
which  can  only  be  effected  by  a  removal  of  those  causes 
of  discontent  which  have  of  late  unhappily  divided  us. 

It  cannot  admit  of  a  doubt,  but  that  British  subjects  in 
America  are  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  privileges  as 
their  fellow-subjects  possess  in  Britain ;  and,  therefore, 
that  the  power  assumed  by  the  British  Parliament,  to  bind 
America  by  their  statutes,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  is  un- 
constitutional, and  the  source  of  these  unhappy  differences. 
The  end  of  Government  would  be  defeated  by  the  Bri- 
tish Parliament  exercising  a  power  over  the  lives,  the  pro- 
perty, and  the  liberty  of  American  subjects,  who  are  not, 
and  from  their  local  circumstances  cannot,  be  there  repre- 
sented. Of  this  nature  we  consider  the  several  Acts  of 
Parliament  for  raising  a  revenue  in  America ;  for  the  ex- 
tending the  jurisdiction  of  the  Courts  of  Admiralty ;  for 
seizing  American  subjects,  and  transporting  them  to  Britain 
to  be  tried  for  crimes  committed  in  America ;  and  the  sev- 
eral late  oppressive  Acts  respecting  the  town  of  Boston  and 
Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay. 

The  original  Constitution  of  the  American  Colonies 
possessing  their  Assemblies  with  the  sole  right  of  directing 
their  internal  polity,  it  is  absolutely  destructive  of  the  end 
of  their  institution  that  their  Legislatures  should  be  sus- 
pended, or  prevented,  by  hasty  dissolutions,  from  exercising 
their  Legislative  powers. 

Wanting  the  protection  of  Britain,  we  have  long  ac- 
quiesced in  their  Acts  of  Navigation  restrictive  of  our 
commerce,  which  we  consider  as  an  ample  recompense  for 
such  protection ;  but  as  those  Acts  derive  their  efficacy 
from  that  foundation  alone,  we  have  reason  to  expect  they 
will  be  restrained  so  as  to  produce  the  reasonable  purposes 
of  Britain,  and  not  be  injurious  to  us. 

To  obtain  redress  of  these  grievances,  without  which  the 
people  of  America  can  neither  be  safe,  free,  nor  happy, 
they  were  willing  to  undergo  tiie  great  inconvenience  that 
will  bo  derived  to  them  from  stopping  all  imports  whatso- 
ever from  Great  Britain,  after  the  first  day  of  November 
next,  and  also  to  cease  exjiorting  any  commodity  whatso- 
ever to  the  same  place,  after  the  10th  day  of  August,  1775. 
The  earnest  desire  we  have  to  make  as  quick  and  full  pay- 
ment as  possible  of  our  debts  to  Great  Britain,  and  to 
avoid  the  heavy  injury  that  would  arise  to  this  country  from 
an  earlier  adoption  of  the  non-exportation  plan,  after  the 
people  have  already  applied  so  much  of  their  labour  to  the 
perfecting  of  the  present  crop,  by  which  means  they  have 
been  prevented  from  pursuing  other  methods  of  clothing 


and  supporting  their  families,  have  rendered  it  necessary  to 
restrain  you  in  this  article  of  non-exportation;  but  it  is  our 
desire  that  you  cordially  co-operate  with  our  sister  Colo- 
nies in  general  Congress,  in  such  other  just  and  proper  me- 
thods as  they  or  the  majority  shall  deem  necessary  for  the 
accomplishment  of  these  valuable  ends. 

The  Proclamation  issued  by  General  Gnge,  in  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  de- 
claring it  treason  for  the  inhabitants  of  that  Province  to 
assemble  themselves  to  consider  of  their  grievances,  and 
form  Associations  for  their  common  conduct  on  the  occa- 
sion ;  and  requiring  the  Civil  Magistrates  and  officers  to 
apprehend  all  such  persons,  to  be  tried  for  their  supposed 
offences,  is  the  most  alarming  process  that  ever  appeared  in 
a  British  Government ;  that  the  said  General  Gage  hath 
thereby  assumed  and  taken  upon  himself  powers  denied  by 
the  Constitution  to  our  legal  Sovereign  ;  that  he,  not  having 
condescended  to  disclose  by  what  authority  he  exercises 
such  extensive  and  unheard  of  powers,  we  are  at  a  loss  to 
determine  whether  he  intends  to  justify  himself  as  the  Rep- 
resentative of  the  King,  or  as  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
his  Majesty's  forces  in  America.  If  he  considers  himself 
as  acting  in  the  character  of  his  Majesty's  Representative, 
we  would  remind  him  that  the  statute,  twenty-fifth,  Ed- 
ward the  Third,  has  expressed  and  defined  all  treasonable 
offences,  and  that  the  Legislature  of  Great  Britain  hath 
declared  that  no  offence  shall  be  construed  to  be  treason 
but  such  as  is  pointed  out  by  that  statute,  and  that  this  was 
done  to  take  out  of  the  hands  of  tyrannical  Kings  and  of 
weak  and  wicked  Ministers  that  deadly  weapon  which 
constructive  treason  had  furnished  them  with,  and  which 
had  drawn  blood  of  the  best  and  most  honest  men  in  the 
Kingdom  ;  and  that  the  King  of  Great  Britain  hath  no 
right,  by  his  Proclamation,  to  subject  his  people  to  impri- 
sonment, pains,  and  penalties. 

That  if  the  said  General  Gage  conceives  he  is  empow- 
ered to  act  in  this  manner,  as  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
his  Majesty's  forces  in  America,  this  odious  and  illegal 
Proclamation  must  be  considered  as  a  plain  and  full  decla- 
ration that  this  despotick  viceroy  will  be  bound  by  no  law, 
nor  regard  the  constitutional  rights  of  his  Majesty's  subjects, 
whenever  they  interfere  with  the  plan  he  has  formed  for 
oppressing  the  good  people  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay ; 
and,  therefore,  that  the  executing,  or  attempting  to  execute, 
such  Proclamation,  will  justify  resistance  and  reprisal. 


A  summary  view  of  the  rights  of  British  America, 
set  forth  in  some  Resolutions  intended  for  the  inspection 
of  the  present  Delegates  of  the  people  of  Virginia, 
now  in  Convention.* 

Resolved,  That  it  be  an  instruction  to  the  said  Deputies, 
when  assembled  in  general  Congress  whh  the  Deputies  of 
the  other  States  of  British  America,  to  propose  to  the 
said  Congress  that  an  humble  and  dutiful  Address  be  pre- 
sented to  his  Majesty,  begging  leave  to  lay  before  him,  as 
Chief  Magistrate  of  the  British  Empire,  the  united  com- 
plaints of  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  America — complaints 
which  are  excited  by  many  unwarrantable  encroachments 
and  usurpations,  attempted  to  be  made  by  the  Legislature  of 
one  part  of  the  Empire,  upon  those  rights  which  God  and 
the  laws  have  given  equally  and  independently  to  all.  To 
present  to  his  Majesty  that  these  his  States  have  often 
individually   made    humble   application   to   his   Imperial 

•  Before  I  left  home  to  attend  the  Convention,  I  prepared  what  I 
thought  might  be  given,  in  instruction,  to  the  Delegates  who  should  be 
appointed  to  attend  the  general  Congress  proposed.  Tiiey  were  drawn 
in  haste,  with  a  number  of  blanks,  with  some  uncertainties  and  inac- 
curacies of  historical  facts,  wliich  I  neglected  at  the  moment,  knowing 
they  could  bo  readily  corrected  at  the  meeting.  I  set  out  on  my  jour- 
ney, but  was  taken  sick  on  the  road  and  was  unable  to  proceed.  I 
therefore  sent  on,  by  express,  two  copies,  one  under  cover  to  Patrick 
Henry,  the  other  to  Peyton  Randolph,  who  I  knew  would  be  in  the  Con- 
vention ;  of  the  former  no  more  was  ever  heard  or  known.  Mr.  Henry 
probably  thought  it  too  bold,  as  a  first  measure,  as  a  majority  of  the 
Members  did.  On  the  other  copy  being  laid  on  the  table  of  the  Con. 
vention  by  Peyton  Randolph,  as  the  proposition  of  a  Member  who  was 
prevented  from  attendance  by  sickness  on  the  road,  tamer  sentiments 
were  preferred,  and,  I  believe,  wisely  preferred ;  the  leap,  I  proposed, 
being,  too  long  as  yet,  for  the  mass  of  our  citizens.  The  distance  between 
these  and  the  Instructions  actually  adopted  is  of  some  curiosity,  how- 
ever, as  it  shows  the  inequality  of  pace  with  which  wo  moved,  and  the 
prudence  required  to  keep  front  and  rear  together — Jefferson. 


Fourth  Series. 


44 


691 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


692 


Throne  to  obtain,  through  its  intervention,  some  redress 
of  their  injured  rights,  to  none  of  which  was  ever  even  an 
answer  condescended  ;  liumbly  to  hope  that  this  their  joint 
Address,  penned  in  tlie  language  of  truth,  and  divested  of 
those  expressions  of  servility  which  would  persuade  his 
Majesty  that  we  are  asking  favours,  and  not  rights,  shall 
obtain  from  his  Majesty  a  more  respectful  acceptance. 
And  this  his  Majesty  will  think  we  have  reason  to  expect 
when  he  reflects  that  he  is  no  more  tiian  the  Chief  Oiiicer 
of  tlie  people,  appointed  by  the  laws,  and  circumscrib- 
ed with  definitive  power,  to  assist  in  working  the  great 
machine  of  Government,  erected  for  their  use,  and  conse- 
quently subject  to  their  superintendence.  And  in  order 
that  these  our  rights,  as  well  as  the  invasions  of  them, 
may  be  laid  more  fully  before  his  Majesty,  to  take  a  view 
of  them  from  the  origin  and  first  settlement  of  these 
countries. 

To  remind  him  that  our  ancestors,  before  their  emigra- 
tion to  America,  were  the  free  inhabitants  of  the  British 
Dominions  in  Europe,  and  possessed  a  right  which  nature 
has  given  to  all  men,  of  departing  from  the  country  in 
which  chance,  not  choice,  has  placed  them,  of  going  in 
quest  of  new  habitations,  and  of  their  establisiiing  new 
societies  under  such  laws  and  regulations  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  promote  publick  happiness.  That 
their  Saxon  ancestors  had,  under  this  universal  law,  in  like 
manner  left  their  native  wilds  and  woods  in  the  North  of 
Europe,  had  possessed  themselves  of  tiie  Isle  of  Britain, 
tlien  less  charged  with  inhabitants,  and  had  established 
there  that  system  of  laws  which  has  so  long  been  the  glory 
and  protection  of  tiiat  country.  Nor  was  ever  any  claim 
of  superiority  or  dependence  asserted  over  them  by  that 
mother  country  from  which  they  had  migrated  ;  and  were 
such  a  claim  made,  it  is  believed  that  his  Majesty's  subjects 
in  Great  Britain  have  too  firm  a  feeling  of  the  rights  de- 
rived to  them  from  their  ancestors,  to  bow  down  the  sov- 
ereignty of  their  state  before  such  visionary  pretensions. 
And  it  is  thought  that  no  circumstance  has  occurred  to 
distinguish  materially  the  British  from  the  Saxon  emigra- 
tion. America  was  conquered  and  her  settlements  made, 
and  firmly  established,  at  the  expense  of  individuals,  and 
not  of  the  British  publick.  Their  own  blood  was  spilt  in 
acquiring  lands  for  their  settlement ;  their  own  fortunes  ex- 
pended in  making  that  settlement  effectual ;  for  themselves 
they  fought,  for  themselves  they  conquered,  and  for  them- 
selves alone  they  have  right  to  hold.  Not  a  shilling  was 
ever  issued  from  the  publick  treasures  of  his  Majesty,  or  his 
ancestors  for  their  assistance,  till  of  very  late  times,  after 
the  Colonies  had  become  established  upon  a  firm  and  perm- 
anent footing.  That  then,  indeed,  having  become  valu- 
able to  Great  Britain  for  her  commercial  purposes,  his 
Parliament  was  pleased  to  lend  them  assistance  against  an 
enemy  who  would  fain  have  drawn  to  herself  the  benefits 
of  their  commerce,  to  the  great  aggrandizement  of  herself 
and  danger  of  Great  Britain.  Such  assistance  and  in 
such  circumstances,  they  had  often  before  given  to  Portu- 
gal, and  other  allied  states,  with  whom  they  carry  on  a 
commercial  intercourse ;  yet  these  States  never  supposed, 
that  by  calling  in  her  aid  they  thereby  submitted  tiiemselves 
to  her  sovereignty.  Had  such  terms  been  proposed,  they 
would  have  rejected  them  with  disdain,  and  trusted  for 
better  to  the  moderation  of  their  enemies,  or  to  a  vioforous 
exertion  of  their  own  force.  We  do  not,  however,  mean 
to  underrate  those  aids,  which  to  us  were  doubtless  valu- 
able, on  whatever  principles  granted  ;  but  we  would  show 
that  they  cannot  give  a  title  to  that  authority  which  the 
British  Parliament  would  arrogate  over  us,  and  that  they 
may  amply  be  repaid  by  our  giving  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain,  such  exclusive  privileges  in  trade  as  may 
be  advantageous  to  them,  and  at  the  same  time  not  too 
restrictive  to  ourselves.  That  settlements  having  been 
tlius  effected  in  the  wilds  of  America,  the  emigrants  thoun-ht 
proper  to  adopt  that  system  of  laws  under  which  they  had 
hitherto  lived  in  the  mother  country,  and  to  continue  their 
union  with  her  by  submitting  themselves  to  the  same  com- 
mon Sovereign,  who  was  thereby  made  the  central  link 
connecting  the  several  parts  of  the  Empire  thus  newly 
multiplied. 

But  that  not  long  were  they  permitted,  however  far 
they  thought  themselves  removed  from  the  hand  of  oppres- 


sion, to  hold  undisturbed  the  rights  thus  acquired  at  the 
hazard  of  their  lives,  and  loss  of  their  fortunes.  A  family 
of  Princes  was  then  on  the  British  Throne,  whose  trea- 
sonable crimes  against  their  people  brought  on  them  after- 
wards the  exertion  of  tiiose  sacred  and  sovereign  rights  of 
punishment,  reserved  in  the  hands  of  the  people  for  cases 
of  extreme  necessity,  and  judged  by  the  Constitution  un- 
safe to  be  delegated  to  any  other  judicature.  While  every 
day  brought  forth  some  new  and  unjustifiable  exertion  of 
power  over  their  subjects  on  that  side  of  tiie  water,  it  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  those  here,  much  less  able  at  that 
time,  to  oppose  the  designs  of  despotism,  should  be  ex- 
empted from  injury. 

Accordingly  that  country,  which  had  been  acquired  by 
the  lives,  tlie  labours,  and  the  fortunes  of  individual  adven- 
turers, was  by  these  Princes,  at  several  times,  parted  out 
and  distributed  among  tlie  favourites  and  *  followers  of 
their  fortunes,  and,  by  an  assumed  r'.glit  of  the  Crown 
alone,  were  erected  into  distinct  and  independent  Govern- 
ments; a  measure  which  it  is  believed  his  Majesty's  pru- 
dence and  understanding  would  prevent  him  from  imitating 
at  this  day,  as  no  exercise  of  such  power,  of  dividing  and 
dismembering  a  country,  lias  ever  occurred  in  his  Majesty's 
Realm  of  England,  though  now  of  very  ancient  standing ; 
nor  could  it  be  justified  or  acquiesced  under  there,  or  in 
any  other  part  of  his  Majesty's  Empire. 

That  the  exercise  of  a  free  trade  with  all  parts  of  the 
world,  possessed  by  the  American  Colonists,  as  of  natural 
right,  and  which  no  law  of  their  own  had  taken  away  or 
abridged,  was  next  the  object  of  unjust  encroachment. 
Some  of  the  Colonies  having  thought  proper  to  continue  the 
Administration  of  their  Government  in  the  name  and  under 
the  authority  of  his  Majesty  King  Charles  the  First,  whom 
notwithstanding  his  late  deposition  by  the  Commonwealth 
of  England,  they  continued  in  the  sovereignty  of  their  state; 
the  Parliament  for  the  Commonwealth  took  the  same  in  high 
offence,  and  assumed  upon  themselves  the  power  of  prohib- 
iting their  trade  with  all  other  parts  of  the  world,  except 
the  Island  of  Great  Britain.  This  arbitrary  act,  however, 
they  soon  recalled,  and  by  solemn  treaty,  entered  into  on  the 
12th  day  oi March,  1651,  between  the  said  Commonwealth, 
by  their  Commissioners,  and  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  by 
their  House  of  Burgesses,  it  was  expressly  stipulated  by 
the  eighth  article  of  the  said  treaty,  that  they  should 
have  "  free  trade  as  the  people  of  England  do  enjoy,  to 
"  all  places  and  with  all  Nations,  according  to  the  laws  of 
"  that  Commonwealth."  But  that  upon  the  restoration  of 
his  Majesty  King  Charles  the  Second,  their  rights  of  free 
commerce  fell  once  more  a  victim  to  arbitrary  power  ;  and 
by  several  Actsf  of  his  reign,  as  well  as  of  some  of  his 
successors,  the  trade  of  the  Colonies  were  laid  under  such 
restrictions  as  show  what  hopes  they  might  fonn  from  the 
justice  of  a  British  Parliament,  were  its  uncontrolled 
power  admitted  over  these  States.  History  has  informed 
us  that  bodies  of  men,  as  well  as  individuals,  are  suscept- 
ible of  the  spirit  of  tyranny.  A  view  of  these  Acts  of  Par- 
liament for  the  regulation,  as  it  has  been  affectedly  called, 
of  the  American  trade,  if  all  other  evidence  were  removed 
out  of  the  case,  would  undeniably  evince  the  truth  of  this 
observation.  Besides  the  duties  they  impose  on  our  arti- 
cles of  export  and  import,  they  prohibit  our  going  to  any 
markets  northward  of  Cape  Eivisterre,  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Spain,  for  the  sale  of  commodities  which  Great  Britain 
will  not  take  from  us,  and  for  tiie  purchase  of  others  with 
which  she  cannot  su|)ply  us.  and  that  for  no  other  than  the 
arbitrary  purposes  of  purchasing  for  themselves,  by  a  sac- 
rifice of  our  rigiits  and  interests,  certain  privileges  in  their 

*  In  1632  Maryland  was  granted  to  Lord  Baltimore ;  33  Charles  II. 
Pennsylvania  to  Penn.  The  Province  of  Carolina  was,  in  the  year 
16G3,  granted  by  letters  patent  of  his  Maj'sty  Kini  Chnrlea  II.,  in  the 
fifteenth  y"ar  of  liis  roign,  in  propriety,  unto  the  lliglit  Honourable 
Edward,  Earl  of  Clarendon,  George,  Duke  of  Albemarle,  William, 
E  irl  of  Craven,  John,  Lord  Berkelij,  Anihonij,  Lord  Axhley,  Sir  George 
Carteret,  .Sir  John  Colleton,  Kniglit  and  IJjronet,  and  Sir  William 
Berkeli/,  Knight;  by  which  letters  patent  ths  \a\vs  of  England  were 
to  be  in  force  in  Carolina.  But  the  Lords  Proprietors  had  power,  with 
the  consent  of  the  inhabitants,  to  make  bye-laws  for  the  better  gov- 
ernment of  the  said  Province ;  so  that  no  money  could  be  recovered, 
or  l;iw  made,  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  or  their  Repre. 
sentatives. 

1 12  CAarics  II.  chap.  18.  15  CAaWes  II.  chip.  11.  2a  Charlet  11. 
chap.  7.  7  and  8  William  III.  chap.  22.  11  William  III.  6  Anne, 
chap.  37.     6  George  II.  chap.  13. 


693 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


694 


commerce  with  an  allied  state,  who  in  confidence  that  their 
exclusive  trade  with  America  will  be  continued,  while  the 
principles  and  power  of  the  British  Parliament  be  the 
same,  have  indulged  themselves  in  every  exorbitance, 
which  their  avarice  could  dictate,  or  ournecessities  extort; 
have  raised  their  commodities  called  for  in  America  to  the 
double  and  treble  of  what  they  sold  for  before  such  exclu- 
sive privileges  were  given  them,  and  of  what  better  com- 
modities of  the  same  kind  would  cost  us  elsewhere,  and  at 
the  same  time  give  us  much  less  for  what  we  carry  thither, 
tlian  might  be  had  at  more  convenient  ports.  That  these 
Acts  prohibit  us  from  carrying,  in  quest  of  other  purchasers, 
tiie  surplus  of  our  tobaccoes  remaining  after  the  consump- 
tion of  Great  Britain  is  supplied  ;  so  that  we  must  leave 
tliem  with  the  British  merchant  for  whatever  he  will  please 
to  allow  us,  to  be  by  him  re-shipped  to  foreign  markets, 
where  he  will  reap  the  benefits  of  making  sales  of  them  for 
full  value.  That  to  heighten  still  the  idea  of  Parliament- 
ary justice,  and  to  show  with  what  moderation  they  are 
like  to  exercise  power,  where  themselves  are  to  feel  no 
part  of  its  weight,  we  take  leave  to  mention  to  his  iVIa- 
jesty  certain  other  Acts  of  Parliament,  by  which  they  would 
prohibit  us  from  manufacturing  for  our  own  use  the  articles 
we  raise  on  our  own  lands,  with  our  own  labour. 

By  an  Act  *  passed  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  his 
late  iNIajesty  King  George  the  Second,  an  American  sub- 
ject is  forbidden  to  make  a  hat  for  himself  of  the  fur  which 
he  has  taken  perhaps  on  his  own  soil ;  an  instance  of  des- 
potism to  which  no  parallel  can  be  produced  in  the  most 
ai'bitrary  ages  of  British  history.  By  one  other  Actf 
passed  in  the  twenty-third  year  of  the  same  reign,  the  iron 
which  we  make  we  are  forbidden  to  manufacture,  and 
heavy  as  that  article  is,  and  necessary  in  every  branch  of 
husbandry,  besides  commission  and  insurance,  we  are  to 
pay  freight  for  it  to  Great  Britain,  and  freight  for  it  back 
again,  for  the  purpose  of  supporting  not  men,  but  machines, 
in  the  Island  of  Great  Britain.  In  the  same  spirit  of  equal 
and  impartial  legislation  is  to  be  viewed  the  Act  of  Parha- 
ment,  J  passed  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  same  reign,  by  which 
American  lands  are  made  subject  to  the  demands  ol' British 
creditors,  while  their  own  lands  were  still  continued  un- 
answerable for  their  debts ;  from  which  one  of  these  con- 
clusions must  necessarily  follow,  either  that  justice  is  not 
the  same  in  America  as  in  Britain,  or  else  that  the  British 
Parliament  pay  less  regard  to  it  here  than  there.  But  that 
we  do  not  point  out  to  his  Majesty  the  injustice  of  these 
Acts,  with  intent  to  rest  on  that  principle  the  cause  of  that 
nullity  ;  but  to  show  that  experience  confirms  the  propriety 
of  those  political  principles  which  exempt  us  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  British  Parliament.  The  true  ground 
on  which  we  declare  these  Acts  void  is,  that  the  British 
Parliament  has  no  right  to  exercise  authority  over  us. 

That  these  exercises  of  usurped  power  have  not  been 
confined  to  instances  alone  in  which  themselves  were  in- 
terested, but  they  have  also  intermeddled  with  the  regula- 
tion of  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Colonies.  The  Act  of 
the  ninth  of  Anne,  for  establishing  a  Post  Office  in  Ameri- 
ca, seems  to  have  had  little  connection  with  British  con- 
venience, except  that  of  accommodating  his  Majesty's 
Ministers  and  favourites  with  the  sale  of  lucrative  and  easy 
offices. 

That  thus  we  have  hastened  through  the  reigns  which 
preceded  his  Majesty's,  during  which  the  violations  of  our 
right  were  less  alarming,  because  repeated  at  more  distant 
intervals  than  that  rapid  and  bold  succession  of  injuries 
which  is  likely  to  distinguish  the  present  from  all  other 
periods  oi  American  story.  Scarcely  have  our  minds  been 
able  to  emerge  from  the  astonishment  into  which  one  stroke 
of  Parliamentary  thunder  has  involved  us,  before  another 
more  heavy  and  more  alarming  is  fallen  on  us.  Single 
acts  of  tyranny  may  be  ascribed  to  the  accidental  opinion 
of  a  day  ;  but  a  series  of  oppressions  begun  at  a  distin- 
guished period,  and  pursued  unalterably  through  every 
change  of  Ministers,  too  plainly  prove  a  deliberate  and 
systematical  plan  of  reducing  us  to  slavery. 

That  the  Act  ||  passeil  in  the  fourth  year  of  his  Majes- 
ty's reign,  cnlitled,  "  An  Act  for  granting  certain  duties  in 
"  the  British  Colonics  and  Plantations  in  America,  &,c." 
One  other  Act  '5>  passed  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  en- 

•  5  Oeorge  11.      +  23  George  II.  chap.  29.      J  5  George  II.  chap.  70. 
II 4  George  III.  chap.  15.  ^  5  George  III.  chap.  12. 


titled,  "  An  Act  for  granting  and  applying  certain  stamp 
"duties  and  other  duties  in  the  British  Colonies  and 
"  Plantations  in  America,  &,c."  One  other  Act*  passed 
in  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  the 
"better  securing  the  dependency  of  his  Majesty's  Domin- 
"  ions  in  America  upon  the  Crown  and  Parliament  of  Great 
"Britain;'"  and  one  other  Actf  passed  in  the  seventh 
year  of  his  reign,  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  granting  duties 
on  paper,  tea,  he,"  form  that  connected  chain  of  Par- 
liamentary usurpation,  which  has  already  been  the  subject 
of  frequent  applications  to  his  Majesty,  and  the  Houses 
of  Lords  and  Commons  of  Great  Britain ;  and  no  answers 
having  been  yet  condescended  to  any  of  these,  we  shall 
not  trouble  his  Majesty  with  a  repetition  of  the  matters 
they  contained. 

But  that  one  other  Act,  f  passed  in  the  same  seventh 
year  of  his  reign,  having  been  a  peculiar  attempt,  must  ever 
require  peculiar  mention  ;  it  is  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  sus- 
pending the  Legislature  of  New-  York."  One  free  and 
independent  Legislature  hereby  takes  upon  itself  to  sus- 
pend the  powers  of  another,  free  and  independent  as  itself; 
thus  exhibiting  a  phenomenon  unknown  in  nature,  the 
creator  and  creature  of  its  own  power.  Not  only  the  princi- 
ples of  common  sense,  but  the  common  feelings  of  human 
nature,  must  be  surrendered  up  before  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects here  can  be  persuaded  to  believe  that  they  hold  tlieir 
political  existence  at  the  will  of  a  British  Parliament. 
Shall  these  Governments  be  dissolved,  their  property  anni- 
hilated, and  their  people  reduced  to  a  state  of  nature,  at 
the  imperious  breath  of  a  body  of  men,  whom  they  never 
saw,  in  whom  they  never  confided,  and  over  whom  they 
have  no  powers  of  punishment  or  removal,  let  their  crimes 
against  tlie  American  publick  be  ever  so  great  ?  Can  any 
one  reason  be  assigned  why  one  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand electors  in  the  Island  of  Great  Britain  shall  give  law 
to  four  millions  in  the  States  ot  America,  every  individual 
of  whom  is  equal  to  every  individual  of  them  in  virtue,  in 
understanding,  and  in  bodily  strength  ?  Were  this  to  be 
admitted,  instead  of  being  a  free  people,  as  we  have 
hitherto  supposed,  and  mean  to  continue  ourselves,  we 
should  suddenly  be  found  the  slaves,  not  of  one,  but  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  tyrants,  distinguished  too, 
from  all  others,  by  this  singular  circumstance,  that  they 
are  removed  from  the  reach  of  fear,  the  only  restraining 
motive  which  may  hold  the  hand  of  a  tyrant. 

That  by  "  An  Act  ||  to  discontinue  in  such  manner  and 
"  for  such  time  as  are  therein  mentioned,  the  landing  and 
"  discharging,  lading  or  shipping  of  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
"  chandise,  at  the  town  and  within  the  harbour  of  Boston, 
"  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  North 
"  America,"  which  was  passed  at  the  last  session  of  the 
British  Parliament,  a  large  and  populous  town,  whose 
trade  was  their  sole  subsistence,  was  deprived  of  that  trade, 
and  involved  in  utter  ruin.  Let  us  for  a  while  suppose  the 
question  of  right  suspended,  in  order  to  examine  this  Act 
on  principles  of  justice.  An  Act  of  Parliament  had  been 
passed,  imposing  duties  on  teas,  to  be  paid  in  America, 
against  which  Act  the  Americans  had  protested  as  inau- 
thoritative.  The  East  India  Company,  who  till  that  time 
had  never  sent  a  pound  of  tea  to  America  on  their  own  ac- 
count step  forth  on  that  occasion,  the  assertors  of  Parliamen- 
tary right,  and  send  hither  many  ship  loads  of  that  obnox- 
ious commodity.  The  masters  of  their  several  vessels,  how- 
ever, on  their  arrival  in  America,  wisely  attended  to  admo- 
nition and  returned  with  their  cargoes.  In  the  Province 
of  New  England  alone,  the  remonstrances  of  the  people 
were  disregarded,  and  a  compliance,  after  being  many  days 
waited  for,  was  flatly  refused.  Whether  in  this  the  master 
of  the  vessel  was  governed  by  his  obstinacy,  or  his  instruc- 
tions, let  those  who  know,  say.  There  are  extraordinary 
situations  which  require  extraordinary  interpositions.  An 
exasperated  jieople  who  feel  that  they  possess  power,  are 
not  easily  restrained  within  limits  strictly  regular.  A 
number  of  them  assembled  in  the  town  of  Boston,  threw 
the  tea  into  the  ocean,  and  dispersed,  without  doing  any 
other  act  of  violence.  If  in  this  they  did  wrong,  they 
were  known,  and  amenable  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  against 
which  it  could  not  be  objected  that  they  ever  had,  in  any 
instance  been  obstructed   or  diverted  from  their   regular 


•  6  George  III.  chap.  19. 
t  7  George  III.  chap.  59. 


1 7  George  III. 
0  14  George  III. 


695 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


696 


course  in  favour  of  popular  offenders.  Tliey  should  there- 
fore not  have  been  distrusted  on  this  occasion.  But  that 
ill-fated  Colony  had  formerly  been  hold  in  their  enmities 
against  the  House  of  Stuart,  and  were  now  devoted  to  ruin 
by  that  unseen  hand  which  governs  the  momentous  affairs 
of  this  great  Empire.  On  the  partial  representations  of 
a  few  worthless  Ministerial  dependants,  whose  constant 
office  it  has  been  to  keep  that  Government  embroiled,  and 
who,  by  their  treacheries,  hope  to  obtain  the  dignity  of  the 
British  knighthood,  without  calling  for  the  party  accused, 
without  asking  a  proof,  without  attempting  a  distinction 
between  the  guilty  and  the  innocent,  the  whole  of  that 
ancient  and  wealthy  town,  is  in  a  moment  reduced  from 
opulence  to  beggary.  Men  who  had  spent  their  lives  in 
extending  the  British  commerce,  who  had  invested  in  that 
place  the  wealth  their  honest  endeavours  had  merited, 
found  themselves  and  their  families  thrown  at  once  on  the 
world  for  subsistence  by  its  charities.  Not  the  hundretii 
part  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  town  had  been  concerned  in 
die  act  complained  of,  many  of  them  were  in  Great 
Britain  and  in  other  parts  beyond  sea ;  yet  all  were  in- 
volved in  one  indiscriminate  ruin,  by  a  new  Executive 
power  unheard  of  till  then,  that  of  a  British  Parliament. 
A  property,  of  a  value  of  many  millions  of  money,  was 
sacrificed  to  revenge,  not  repay,  the  loss  of  a  few  thousands. 
This  is  administering  justice  with  a  heavy  hand  indeed ! 
And  when  is  this  tempest  to  be  arrested  in  its  course? 
Two  wharves  are  to  be  opened  again  when  his  Majesty  shall 
think  proper.  The  residue,  which  lined  the  extensive 
shores  of  the  bay  of  Boston,  are  forever  interdicted  ^he  ex- 
ercise of  commerce.  This  little  exception  seems  to  have 
been  thrown  in  for  no  other  purpose  than  that  of  setting  a 
precedent  for  investing  his  Majesty  with  legislative  powers. 
If  the  pulse  of  his  people  shall  beat  calmly  under  this  ex- 
periment, another  and  another  will  be  tried,  till  the  mea- 
sure of  despotism  be  filled  up.  It  would  be  an  insult  on 
common  sense  to  pretend  that  this  exception  was  made  in 
order  to  restore  its  commerce  to  that  great  town.  The 
trade  which  cannot  be  received  at  two  wharves  alone, 
must  of  necessity  be  transferred  to  some  other  place  ;  to 
which  it  will  soon  be  followed  by  that  of  the  two  wharves. 
Considered  in  this  light,  it  would  be  an  insolent  and  cruel 
mockery  at  the  annihilation  of  tiie  town  of  Boston. 

By  the  Act*  for  the  suppression  of  riots  and  tumults  in 
the  town  of  Boston,  passed  also  in  the  last  session  of  Par- 
liament, a  murder  committed  there  is,  if  the  Goveruour 
pleases,  to  be  tried  in  a  Court  of  King's  Bench,  in  the 
Island  of  Great  Britain,  by  a  jury  of  Middlesex.  The 
witnesses  too,  on  receipt  of  such  a  sum  as  the  Govemour 
shall  tiiink  it  reasonable  for  them  to  expend,  are  to  enter 
into  recognisance  to  appear  at  the  trial.  This  is,  in  other 
words,  taxing  them  to  the  amount  of  their  recognisances, 
and  that  amount  may  be  whatever  a  Govemour  pleases ; 
for  who  does  his  Majesty  think  can  be  prevailed  on  to  cross 
the  Atlantic  for  the  sole  purpose  of  bearing  evidence  to 
a  fact  ?  His  expenses  are  to  be  borne,  indeed,  as  they 
shall  be  estimated  by  a  Govemour ;  but  who  are  to  feed 
the  wife  and  children  whom  he  leaves  behind,  and  who 
have  had  no  other  subsistence  but  his  daily  labour  ?  Those 
epidemical  disorders  too,  so  terrible  in  a  foreign  climate,  is 
the  cure  of  them  to  be  estimated  among  the  articles  of 
expense,  and  their  danger  to  be  warded  off  by  the  almighty 
power  of  Parliament?  And  the  wretched  criminal,  if  he 
happened  to  have  offended  on  the  American  side,  stripped 
of  his  privilege  of  trial  by  peers  of  his  vicinage,  removed 
from  the  place  where  alone  full  evidence  could  be  obtained, 
without  money,  without  counsel,  without  friends,  without 
exculpatory  proof,  is  tried  before  judges  predetermined  to 
condemn.  The  cowards  who  would  suffer  a  countryman 
to  be  torn  from  the  bowels  of  their  society,  in  order  to  be 
thus  offered  a  sacrifice  to  Parliamentary  tyranny,  would 
merit  that  everlasting  infamy  now  fixed  on  the  authors  of 
the  Act!  A  clause  f  for  a  similar  purpose  had  been  intro- 
duced into  an  Act  passed  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's reign,  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  the  better  securing  and 
"  preserving  his  Majesty's  dockyards,  magazines,  ships, 
"  ammunition,  and  stores,"  against  which,  as  meriting  the 
same  censures,  the  several  Colonies  have  already  pro- 
tested. 

That  these  are  Acts  of  power,  assumed  by  a  body  of 
•  14  George  III.  1 12  George  III.  chap.  24. 


men,  foreign  to  our  Constitutions,  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws,  against  which  we  do,  on  behalf  of  the  inhabitants 
of  British  America,  enter  this  our  solemn  and  determined 
Protest ;  and  that  we  do  earnestly  entreat  his  Majesty,  as 
yet  the  only  mediatory  power  between  the  several  states 
of  the  British  Empire,  to  recommend  to  his  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain  the  total  revocation  of  those  Acts,  which 
however  nugatory  they  may  be,  may  yet  prove  the  cause 
of  further  discontents  and  jealousies  among  us. 

Tiiat  we  next  proceed  to  consider  the  conduct  of  his 
Majesty  as  holding  the  Executive  powers  of  the  laws  of 
these  States ;  and  mark  out  his  deviations  from  the  line 
of  duty.  By  the  Constitution  of  Great  Britain,  as  well 
as  the  several  American  States,  his  Majesty  possesses 
the  power  of  refusing  to  pass  into  a  law  any  Bill  which 
has  already  passed  the  other  two  branches  of  Legislature. 
His  Majesty,  however,  and  his  ancestors,  conscious  of  the 
impropriety  of  opposing  their  single  opinion  to  the  united 
wisdom  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament,  while  their  pro- 
ceedings were  unbiased  by  interested  principles,  for  several 
ages  past,  have  modestly  declined  the  exercise  of  this 
power  in  that  part  of  his  Empire  called  Great  Britain. 
But  by  change  of  circumstances  other  principles  than 
those  of  justice  simply,  have  obtained  an  influence  on  their 
determinations ;  the  addition  of  new  states  to  the  British 
Empire  has  produced  an  addition  of  new,  and  sometimes, 
opposite  interests.  It  is  now,  therefore,  the  great  office  of 
his  Majesty  to  resume  the  exercise  of  his  negative  power, 
and  to  prevent  the  passing  of  laws  by  any  one  Legislature 
of  the  Empire,  which  might  bear  injuriously  on  the  rights 
and  interests  of  another.  Yet  this  will  not  excuse  the 
wanton  exercise  of  this  power,  which  we  have  seen  his 
Majesty  practice  on  the  laws  of  the  American  Legis- 
latures. For  the  most  trifling  reasons,  and  sometimes 
for  no  conceivable  reason  at  all,  his  Majesty  has  rejected 
laws  of  the  most  salutary  tendency.  The  abolition  of  do- 
mestick  slavery  is  the  greatest  object  of  desire  in  those 
Colonies,  where  it  was  unhappily  introduced  in  their  infant 
state.  But  previous  to  the  enfranchisement  of  the  slaves 
we  have,  it  is  necessary  to  exclude  all  further  importations 
from  Africa.  Yet  our  repeated  attem))ts  to  effect  this  by 
prohibitions,  and  by  imposing  duties  which  might  amount 
to  a  prohibition,  have  been  hitherto  defeated  by  his  Ma- 
jesty's negative.  Thus  preferring  the  immediate  advan- 
tages of  a  few  African  corsairs  to  the  lasting  interests  of 
the  American  States,  and  to  the  rights  of  human  nature, 
deeply  wounded  by  this  infamous  practice.  Nay,  the 
single  interposition  of  an  interested  individual,  against  a 
law,  was  scarcely  ever  known  to  fail  of  success,  though  in 
the  opposite  scale  were  placed  tiie  interests  of  a  whole 
country.  That  this  is  so  shameful  an  abuse  of  a  power 
trusted  with  his  Majesty  for  other  purposes,  as  if  not  re- 
formed, would  call  for  some  legal  restrictions. 

With  equal  inattention  to  the  necessities  of  his  people 
here,  has  his  Majesty  permitted  our  laws  to  lie  neglected 
in  England  for  years,  neither  confirming  them  by  his  as- 
sent nor  annulling  them  by  his  negative ;  so  that  such  of 
them  as  have  no  suspending  clause,  we  hold  on  the  most 
precarious  of  all  tenures,  his  Majesty's  will,  and  such  of 
them  as  suspend  themselves  till  his  Majesty's  assent  be 
obtained,  we  have  feared  might  be  called  into  existence  at 
some  future  and  distant  period,  when  time  and  change  of 
circumstances  shall  have  rendered  them  destructive  to  his 
people  here.  And  to  render  this  grievance  still  more  op- 
pressive, his  Majesty,  by  his  instructions,  have  laid  his 
Govemours  under  such  restrictions  that  they  can  pass  no 
law  of  any  moment,  unless  it  have  such  suspending  clause ; 
so  that,  however  immediate  may  be  the  call  for  Legislative 
interposition,  the  law  cannot  be  executed  till  it  has  twice 
crossed  the  Atlantic,  by  which  time  the  evil  may  have 
spent  its  whole  force. 

But  in  what  terms,  reconcileable  to  Majesty,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  truth,  shall  we  speak  of  a  late  instruction  to 
his  Majesty's  Govemour  of  tlie  Colony  of  Virginia,  by 
which  he  is  forbidden  to  assent  to  any  law  for  the  division 
of  a  county,  unless  the  new  county  will  consent  to  have  no 
Representative  in  Assembly  ?  That  Colony  has  as  yet  fixed 
no  boundary  to  the  Westward.  Their  Western  counties, 
therefore,  are  of  indefinite  extent,  some  of  them  are  actu- 
ally seated  many  hundred  miles  from  their  Eastern  limits. 
Is  it  possible,  then,  that  his  Majesty  can  have  bestowed  a 


697 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


698 


single  thought  on  the  situation  of  those  people,  who,  in 
order  to  obtain  justice  for  injuries,  however  great  or  small, 
must,  by  the  laws  of  that  Colony,  attend  their  County 
Court,  at  such  a  distance,  with  all  their  witnesses,  monthly, 
till  their  litigation  be  determined  ?  Or,  does  his  Majesty 
seriously  wish,  and  publish  it  to  the  world,  that  his  subjects 
should  give  up  the  glorious  right  of  representation,  with 
all  the  benefits  derived  from  that,  and  submit  themselves 
the  absolute  slaves  of  his  sovereign  will  ?  Or,  is  it  rather 
meant  to  confine  the  Legislative  body  to  their  present 
numbers,  that  they  may  be  the  cheaper  bargain  whenever 
they  shall  become  worth  a  purchase. 

One  of  the  articles  of  impeachment  against  Trcsilian, 
and  the  other  Judges  of  Weslminster  Hall,  in  the  reign  of 
Richard  the  Second,  for  which  they  suffered  death  as  traitors 
to  their  country,  was,  that  they  advised  the  King  that  he 
might  dissolve  his  Parliament  at  any  time  ;  and  succeed- 
ing Kings  have  adopted  the  opinion  of  these  unjust  Judges. 
Since  the  establishment,  however,  of  the  British  Constitu- 
tion, at  the  glorious  Revolution,  on  its  free  and  ancient  prin- 
ciples, neither  his  Majesty,  nor  his  ancestors,  have  exercised 
such  a  power  of  dissolution  in  the  Island  of  Great  Britain; 
and  when  his  Majesty  was  petitioned  by  the  united  voice 
of  his  people  there,  to  dissolve  the  present  Parliament, 
who  had  become  obnoxious  to  them,  his  Ministers  were 
heard  to  declare  in  open  Parliament,  that  his  Majesty  pos- 
sessed no  such  power  by  the  Constitution.  But  how  dif- 
ferent their  language  and  his  practice  here  !  To  declare, 
as  their  duty  required,  the  known  rights  of  their  country, 
to  oppose  the  usurpations  of  every  foreign  judicature,  to 
disregard  the  imperious  mandates  of  a  Minister  or  Govern- 
our,  have  been  the  avowed  causes  of  dissolving  Houses 
of  Representatives  in  America.  But  if  such  powers  be 
really  vested  in  his  Majesty,  can  he  suppose  they  are  there 
placed  to  awe  the  Members  from  such  purposes  as  these  ? 
When  the  representative  body  have  lost  the  confidence  of 
their  constituents,  when  they  have  notoriously  made  sale  of 
their  most  valuable  rights,  when  they  have  assumed  to 
tliemselves  powers  which  the  people  never  put  into  their 
hands,  then,  indeed,  their  continuing  in  office  becomes 
dangerous  to  the  state,  and  calls  for  an  exercise  of  the 
power  of  dissolution.  Such  being  the  causes  for  which 
the  representative  body  should,  and  should  not,  be  dis- 
solved, will  it  not  appear  strange  to  an  unbiassed  observer 
that  that  of  Great  Britain  was  not  dissolved,  while  those 
of  the  Colonies  have  repeatedly  incurred  that  sentence  ? 

But  your  Majesty,  or  your  Governours,  have  carried 
this  power  beyond  every  limit  known,  or  provided  for,  by 
tlie  laws.  After  dissolving  one  House  of  Representatives 
tliey  have  refused  to  call  another,  so  that  for  a  great  length 
of  time,  the  Legislature,  provided  by  the  laws,  has  been  out 
of  existence.  From  the  nature  of  things,  every  society 
must  at  all  times  possess  within  itself  the  sovereign  powers 
of  legislation.  The  feelings  of  human  nature  revolt  against 
the  supposition  of  a  state  so  situated  as  that  it  may  not  in 
any  einergency  provide  against  dangers  which  perhaps 
threaten  immediate  min.  While  those  bodies  are  in  exist- 
ence, to  whom  the  people  have  delegated  the  powers  of 
legislation,  they  alone  possess  and  may  exercise  those 
powers;  but  when  they  are  dissolved,  by  the  lopping  off 
one  or  more  of  their  branches,  the  power  reverts  to  the 
people,  who  may  exercise  it  to  unlimited  extent,  either  in 
assembling  together  in  person,  sending  Deputies,  or  in  any 
other  way  they  may  think  proper.  We  forbear  to  trace 
consequences  any  further  ;  the  dangers  are  conspicuous 
with  which  this  practice  is  replete. 

That  we  shall  at  this  time  also  take  notice  of  an  errour 
in  the  nature  of  our  landholdings,  which  crept  in  at  a  very 
early  period  of  our  settlement.  The  introduction  of  the 
feudal  tenures  into  the  Kingdom  ot  England,  though  an- 
cient, is  well  enough  understood  to  set  this  matter  in  a 
proper  light.  In  the  earlier  ages  of  the  Saxon  settlement, 
feudal  holdings  were  certainly  altogether  unknown,  and 
very  few,  if  any,  had  been  introduced  at  the  time  of 
the  Norman  conquest.  Our  Saxon  ancestors  held  their 
lands,  as  they  did  their  personal  property,  in  absolute  do- 
minion, disencumbered  with  any  superiour,  answering  nearly 
to  the  nature  of  those  possessions  which  the  feudalists  term 
allodial.  f-Villiam,  the  Norman,  first  introduced  that  sys- 
tem  generally.  The  lands  which  had  belonged  to  those 
who  fell  in  the  battle  of  Hastings,  and  in  the  subsequent 


insurrections  of  his  reign,  formed  a  considerable  proportion 
of  the  lands  of  the  whole  Kingdom.  These  he  granted 
out,  subject  to  feudal  duties,  as  did  he  also  those  of  a  great 
number  of  his  new  subjects,  who,  by  persuasions  or  threats, 
were  induced  to  surrender  them  for  that  purpose.  But 
still  much  was  left  in  the  hands  of  his  Saxon  subjects, 
held  of  no  superiour,  and  not  subject  to  feudal  conditions. 
These,  therefore,  by  express  laws,  enacted  to  render  uni- 
form the  system  of  military  defence  were  made  liable  to  the 
same  military  duties,  as  if  they  had  been  feuds ;  and  the 
Norman  lawyers  soon  found  means  to  saddle  them  also 
with  all  other  feudal  burdens.  But  still  they  had  not  been 
surrendered  to  the  King  ;  they  were  not  derived  from  his 
grant,  and,  therefore,  they  were  not  liolden  of  him.  A 
general  principle  indeed  was  introduced,  that  "  all  lands  in 
"  England  were  held  either  mediately  or  immediately  of 
"  the  Crown ;"  but  this  was  borrowed  from  those  holdings 
which  were  truly  feudal,  and  only  applied  to  others  for  the 
purposes  of  illustration.  Feudal  holdings  were,  therefore, 
but  exceptions  out  of  the  Saxon  laws  of  possession,  under 
which  all  lands  were  held  in  absolute  right.  These,  there- 
fore, still  form  the  basis,  or  ground-work,  of  the  common 
law,  to  prevail  wheresoever  the  exceptions  have  not  taken 
place.  America  was  not  conquered  by  William,  the  Nor- 
man, nor  its  lands  surrendered  to  him,  or  any  of  his  suc- 
cessors. Possessions  there  are  undoubtedly  of  the  allodial 
nature.  Our  ancestors,  however,  who  migrated  hither, 
were  farmers,  not  lawyers.  The  fictitious  principle  that 
all  lands  belong  originally  to  the  King,  they  were  early 
persuaded  to  believe  real ;  and  accordingly  took  grants  of 
their  own  lands  from  the  Crown.  And  while  the  Crown 
continued  to  grant  for  small  sums,  and  on  reasonable 
rents,  there  was  no  inducement  to  arrest  the  errour,  and  lay 
it  open  to  the  publick  view.  But  his  Majesty  has  lately 
taken  on  him  to  advance  the  terms  of  purchase,  and  of 
holding  to  the  double  of  what  they  were,  by  which  means 
the  acquisition  of  lands  being  rendered  difficult,  the  popu- 
lation of  our  country  is  likely  to  he  checked.  It  is  time, 
therefore,  for  us  to  lay  this  matter  before  his  Majesty,  and 
to  declare  that  he  has  no  right  to  grant  lands  of  himself. 
From  the  nature  and  purposes  of  civil  institutions,  all  the 
lands  within  the  limits  which  any  particular  society  has 
circumscribed  around  itself  are  assumed  by  that  society, 
and  subject  to  their  allotment  only.  This  may  be  done  by 
themselves  assembled  collectively,  or  by  their  Legislature, 
to  whom  they  have  delegated  sovereign  authority  ;  and  if 
they  are  allotted  in  neither  of  these  ways,  each  individual 
of  the  society  may  appropriate  to  hiiTiself  such  lands  as  he 
finds  vacant,  and  occupancy  will  give  him  title. 

That  in  order  to  enforce  the  arbitrary  measures  before 
complained  of,  his  Majesty  has,  from  time  to  time,  sent 
among  us  large  bodies  of  armed  forces,  not  made  up  of  the 
people  here,  not  raised  by  the  authority  of  our  laws.  Did 
his  Majesty  possess  such  a  right  as  this,  it  might  swallow 
up  all  our  other  rights  whenever  he  should  think  proper. 
But  his  Majesty  has  no  right  to  land  a  single  armed  man 
on  our  shores,  and  those  whom  he  sends  here  are  liable  to 
our  laws  made  for  the  suppression  and  punishment  of  riots, 
routs,  and  unlawful  assemblies  ;  or  are  hostile  bodies,  invad- 
ing us  in  defiance  of  law.  When  in  the  course  of  the  late 
war  it  became  expedient  that  a  body  of  Hanoverian  troops 
should  be  brought  over  for  the  defence  of  Great  Britain, 
his  Majesty's  grandfather,  our  late  Sovereign,  did  not  pre- 
tend to  introduce  them  under  any  authority  he  possessed. 
Such  a  measure  would  have  given  just  alarm  to  his  subjects 
in  Great  Britain,  whose  liberties  would  not  be  safe  if  armed 
men  of  another  country,  and  of  another  spirit,  might  be 
brought  into  the  Realm  at  any  time  without  the  consent  of 
their  Legislature.  He,  therefore,  applied  to  Parliament, 
who  passed  an  Act  for  that  purpose,  limiting  the  nunibei;  to 
be  brought  in,  and  the  time  they  were  to  continue.  In 
like  matiner  is  his  Majesty  restrained  in  every  part  of  the 
Empire.  He  possesses  indeed,  the  Executive  power  of 
the  laws  in  every  state,  but  they  are  the  laws  of  the  partic- 
ular state,  which  he  is  to  administer  within  that  state,  and 
not  those  of  any  one  within  the  limits  of  another.  Every 
state  must  judge  for  itself  the  number  of  armed  men  which 
they  may  safely  trust  among  them,  of  whom  they  are  to 
consist,  and  under  what  restrictions  they  shall  be  laid. 

To  render  these  proceedings  still  more  criminal  against 
our  laws,  instead  of  subjecting  the  military   to  the  civil 


699 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  8ic.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


700 


powers,  his  Majesty  has  expressly  made  the  civil  suhordi- 
nate  to  the  military.  But  can  his  Majesty  thus  put  down 
all  law  under  his  feet  ?  Can  he  erect  a  power  superiour  to 
that  which  erected  himself?  He  has  done  it  indeed  by 
force,  but  let  him  remember  that  force  cannot  give  riglit. 

That  these  are  our  grievances,  which  wo  have  thus  laid 
before  his  Majesty,  with  that  freedom  of  language  and 
sentiment  which  becomes  a  free  people  claiming  tiieir 
riglits  as  derived  from  the  laws  of  nature,  and  not  as  the 
gift  of  their  Chief  Magistrate.  Let  those  flatter  who  fear, 
it  is  not  an  American  art.  To  give  praise  which  is  not 
due  might  be  well  from  the  venal,  but  would  ill  beseem 
those  who  are  asserting  the  rights  of  human  nature.  They 
know,  and  will  therefore  say,  that  Kings  are  the  servants, 
not  the  proprietors  of  the  people.  Open  your  breast, 
sire,  to  liberal  and  expanded  thought.  Let  not  tlie  name 
of  George  the  Third  be  a  blot  in  the  page  of  history. 
You  are  surrounded  by  British  counsellors,  but  remember 
they  are  parties.  You  have  no  Ministers  for  American 
affairs,  because  you  have  none  taken  from  among  us,  nor 
amenable  to  tiie  laws  on  which  they  are  to  give  you  advice. 
It  behooves  you,  therefore,  to  think  and  to  act  for  yourself 
and  your  people.  The  great  principles  of  right  and  wrong 
are  legible  to  every  reader ;  to  pursue  them  requires  not 
the  aid  of  many  counsellors.  The  whole  art  of  Govern- 
ment consists  in  the  art  of  being  honest ;  only  aim  to  do 
your  duty,  and  mankind  will  give  you  credit  where  you  fail. 
No  longer  persevere  in  sacrificing  the  rights  of  one  part  of 
the  Empire  to  the  inordinate  desires  of  another ;  but  deal 
out  to  all  equal  and  impartial  right.  Let  no  Act  be  passed 
by  any  one  Legislature  which  may  infringe  on  the  rights 
and  liberties  of  another.  This  is  the  important  post  in 
which  fortune  has  placed  you,  holding  the  balance  of  a 
great,  if  a  well  poised  Empire. 

This,  sire,  is  the  advice  of  your  great  American  Coun- 
cil, on  the  observance  of  which  may  perhaps  depend  your 
felicity  and  future  fame,  and  the  preservation  of  that  har- 
mony which  alone  can  continue,  both  to  Great  Britain  and 
America,  the  reciprocal  advantages  of  their  connection. 
It  is  neither  our  wish  nor  our  interest  to  separate  from  her. 
We  are  willing,  on  our  part,  to  sacrifice  every  thing  which 
reason  can  ask,  to  the  restoration  of  that  tranquillity  for 
which  all  must  wish.  On  their  part  let  them  be  ready  to 
establish  union  and  a  generous  plan.  Let  them  name  their 
terms,  but  let  them  be  just.  Accept  of  every  commercial 
preference  it  is  in  our  power  to  give,  for  such  things  as  we 
can  raise  for  their  use,  or  they  make  for  ours.  But  let  them 
not  think  to  exclude  us  from  going  to  other  markets  to 
dispose  of  those  commodities  which  they  cannot  use,  or  to 
supply  those  wants  which  they  cannot  supply.  Still  less 
let  it  be  proposed  that  our  properties,  within  our  own  Ter- 
ritories, shall  be  taxed  or  regulated  by  any  power  on  earth 
but  our  own.  The  God  who  gave  us  life  gave  us  liberty 
at  the  same  time  ;  the  hand  of  force  may  destroy  but  cannot 
disjoin  them.  This,  sire,  is  our  last,  our  determined  reso- 
lution ;  and  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  interpose  with  that 
efficacy  which  your  earnest  endeavours  may  ensure,  to 
procure  redress  of  these  our  great  grievances  ;  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  your  subjects  in  British  America,  against  any  ap- 
prehensions of  future  encroachment ;  to  estal)lish  fraternal 
love  and  harmony  through  the  whole  Empire,  and  that 
these  may  continue  to  the  latest  ages  of  time  is  the  fervent 
prayer  of  all  British  America. 


GEOROIA. 

By  his  Excellency  Sir  James  Wright,  Baronet,  Captain- 
General,  Governour  and  Commander-in-chief  of  his 
Majesty's  Province  of  Georgia,  Chancellor,  Vice  Ad- 
miral, and  Ordinary  of  the  same  : 

A  PROCLAMATION. 

Whereas,  I  have  received  information,  that  on  Wednes- 
day the  27th  day  of  July  last  past,  a  number  of  persons, 
in  consequence  of  a  printed  Bill  or  Summons,  issued  or 
dispersed  throughout  the  Province,  by  certain  persons  un- 
known, did  unlawfully  assemble  together  at  the  Watch- 
house  in  the  town  of  Savannah,  under  colour  or  pittence 
of  consulting  together  for  the  redress  of  publick  griev- 
ances, or  imaginary  grievances;  and  that  the  persons  so 
assembled  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  or  some  of  them,  are 


from  and  by  their  own  authority,  by  a  certain  other  hand- 
bill issued  and  dispersed  throughout  the  Province,  and 
other  methods,  endeavouring  to  prevail  on  his  Majesty's 
liege  subjects  to  have  another  meeting  on  Wednesday  the 
10th  instant,  similar  to  the  former,  and  for  the  purposes 
aforesaid  ;  which  summonses  and  meetings  must  tend  to 
raise  fears  and  jealousies  in  the  minds  of  his  Majesty's  good 
subjects.  And  wiiereas  an  opinion  prevails  and  has  been 
industriously  propagated,  that  summonses  and  meetings  of 
this  nature  are  constitutional  and  legal ;  in  order  therefore 
that  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects  may  not  be  misled  and 
imposed  upon  by  artful  and  designing  men,  I  do,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  his  Majesty's  honourable  Council,  issue 
this  my  Proclamation,  notifying  that  all  such  summons- 
es and  calls  by  private  persons,  and  all  assembling  and 
meetings  of  the  people,  which  may  tend  to  raise  fears  and 
jealousies  in  the  minds  of  his  Majesty's  subjects,  under 
pretence  of  consulting  together  for  redress  of  publick 
grievances,  or  imaginary  grievances,  are  unconstitutional, 
illegal,  and  punishable  by  law.  And  I  do  hereby  require 
all  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects  within  this  Province  to  pay 
due  regard  to  this  my  Proclamation,  as  they  will  answer 
the  contrary  at  their  peril. 

Given  under  my  hand  this  fifth  day  of  August,  he, 

James  Wright. 
By  his  Excellency's  command, 

Thomas  Moodie,  Deputy  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 


GEORGIA    RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolutions  entered  into  at  Savannah,  in  Georgia,  on 
Wednesday  ihe  10th  clay  of  August,  1 774,  at  a  General 
Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Province,  assembled  to 
consider  the  state  of  the  Colonies  in  America  : 

Resolved,  neminc  contradicente.  That  his  Majesty's 
subjects  in  America  owe  the  same  allegiance  and  are  enti- 
tled to  the  same  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  with 
their  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente.  That  as  protection  and 
allegiance  are  reciprocal,  and  under  the  British  Constitu- 
,tion,  correlative  terms,  his  Majesty's  liege  subjects  in  Ame- 
rica have  a  clear  and  indisputable  right,  as  well  from  the 
general  laws  of  mankind,  as  from  the  ancient  and  estab- 
lished customs  of  the  land,  so  often  recognised,  to  peti- 
tion the  Throne  upon  every  emergency. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  That  an  Act  of  Parlia- 
ment, lately  passed,  for  blockading  the  port  and  harbour  of 
Boston,  is  contrary  to  our  idea  of  the  British  Constitu- 
tion :  First,  for  that  it  in  effect  deprives  good  and  lawful 
men  of  the  use  of  their  property  without  judgment  of 
their  peers ;  and  secondly,  for  that  it  is  in  nature  of  an 
ex-post-facto  law,  and  indiscriminately  blends  as  objects  of 
punishment  the  innocent  with  the  guilty ;  neither  do  we 
conceive  the  same  justified  upon  a  principle  of  necessity  ; 
for  that  numerous  instances  evince  that  the  laws  and  exec- 
utive power  of  Boston  have  made  sufficient  provision  for  the 
punishment  of  all  offenders  against  persons  and  property. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente.  That  the  Act  for  abol- 
ishing the  Charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  tends  to  the 
subversion  of  American  rights  ;  for,  besides  those  general 
liberties  the  original  settlers  brought  over  with  them  as 
their  birthright,  particular  immunities  were  granted  by  such 
Charter  as  an  inducement  and  means  of  settling  the  Prov- 
ince ;  and  we  apprehend  the  said  Charter  cannot  be  dis- 
solved but  by  a  voluntary  surrender  of  the  people,  repre- 
sentatively declared. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente.  That  we  apprehend  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  hath  not,  nor  ever  had,  any 
right  to  tax  his  Majesty's  American  subjects ;  for  it  is 
evident  beyond  contradiction  the  Constitution  admits  of  no 
taxation  without  representation ;  that  they  are  coeval  and 
inseparable  :  and  every  demand  for  the  support  of  Govern- 
ment should  be  by  requisition  made  to  the  several  Houses 
of  Representatives. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  Tiiat  it  is  contrary  to 
natural  justice,  and  the  established  law  of  the  land,  to 
transport  any  person  to  Great  Britain,  or  elsewhere,  to  be 
tried  under  indictment  for  a  crime  committed  in  any  of  the 
Colonies,  as  the  party  prosecuted  would  thereby  be  depriv- 
ed of  the  privilege  of  trial  by  his  peers  from  the  vicinage, 


701 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


702 


the  injured  perhaps  prevented  from  legal  reparation,  and 
both  lose  the  full  benefit  of  tiieir  witnesses. 

Resolved,  neminc  contradicente,  That  we  will  concur 
with  our  sister  Colonies  in  every  constitutional  measure  to 
obtain  redress  of  American  grievances,  and  will  by  every 
lawful  means  in  our  power  maintain  those  inestimable 
blessings  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  God  and  the  Con- 
stitution of  our  country — a  Constitution  founded  upon  rea- 
son and  justice,  and  the  indelible  rights  of  mankind. 

Resolved,  nemine  contradicente,  That  the  Committee 
appointed  by  the  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Prov- 
ince on  Wednesday  the  27th  of  July  last,  together  with 
the  Deputies  who  have  appeared  here  on  this  day  from  the 
different  Parishes,  be  a  General  Committee  to  act ;  and 
tliat  any  eleven  or  more  of  them  shall  have  full  power  to 
correspond  with  the  Committees  of  the  several  Provinces 
upon  the  Continent ;  and  that  copies  of  these  resolutions, 
as  well  as  all  other  proceedings,  be  transmitted  without 
delay  to  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  in  the  respect- 
ive Provinces. 

A  Committee  was  appointed  to  receive  subscriptions  for 
die  suffering  poor  of  Boston,  consisting  of  William  Ewe?!, 
William  Young,  Joseph  Clay,  John  Houstoun,  Noble 
Wimberly  Jones,  Edward  Telfair,  John  Smith,  Samuel 
Farley,  and  Andrew  Elton  Wells,  Esquires. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  DATED  LONDON,  AUGUST  10,  1774. 

This  being  the  time  of  recess  from  publick  business, 
little  is  stirring  in  the  political  hemisphere ;  but  to  shew 
that  your  friends  here  are  not  idle,  a  pamphlet  is  enclosed, 
which  is  now  circulating  in  this  Kingdom.  The  spirit 
which  has  appeared  in  all  America  has  given  much  unea- 
siness to  our  wicked  Ministers,  and  I  conjecture  they  will, 
by  their  wicked  emissaries,  try  every  expedient  to  bring 
about  a  disunion  among  you,  when  the  Congress  meets ; 
therefore,  with  much  circumspection,  you  should  watch 
tlieir  motions,  and  take  all  possible  precaution  to  defeat 
tJieir  attempts.  It  appears  to  me  the  greatest  stake  that 
ever  was  played  for ;  no  less  than  whether  the  Americans, 
and  their  endless  generations,  shall  enjoy  the  common 
rights  of  mankind,  or  be  worse  than  Eastern  slaves.  The 
trial  must  now  come  to  issue,  as  open  war  is  declared  by 
die  Boston  Port  Act ;  the  others,  for  altering  your  Charter, 
and  licensing  the  soldiery  and  Custom  House  Officers  in 
murder  and  bloodshed  ;  and  above  all,  by  the  (Quebec  Bill. 

These  are  the  fruits  of  the  seeds  that  have  been  sowing 
ever  since  1764;  therefore  it  will  be  necessary  in  your 
Bill  of  Rights,  which  it  appears  the  Congress  is  to  draw  up, 
to  specify  every  oppressive  Act  of  Parliament  since  diat 
period,  and  if  that  is  done  with  decency  and  manly  firm- 
ness, I  think  Lord  Chatham  and  his  friends  will  support  it, 
diought  it  is  by  no  means  prudent  to  rely  over  much  on 
any  support  on  this  side  the  water;  your  chief  confidence 
must  be  in  your  own  virtue,  unanimity  and  steadiness ; 
temper  and  resolution  must  be  joined.  When  your  Bill  of 
Rights  is  agreed  on,  the  great  consideration  will  be  how  to 
get  it  confirmed  iiere.  Was  the  Congress  composed  of 
DepuUes,  regularly  authorized  by  the  Assemblies  of  each 
Province,  it  might  be  proper  to  have  it  presented  to  the 
King,  by  a  Deputy,  as  an  ambassador  from  every  Colony ; 
but  as  the  Congress  will  not  be  so  constituted,  your  Bill 
will  not  be  received  through  such  a  medium ;  therefore,  I 
suppose  it  must  go  through  the  old  channel  of  the  agents. 

But  this  I  would  have  you  rely  on  as  a  thing  of  absolute 
certainty,  that  your  Bill  or  Petition  will  not  be  in  the  least 
regarded,  unless  you  can  compel  the  merchants,  manufac- 
turers, and  people  of  England,  to  join  you.  For  this  end 
L  know  of  no  possible  means  but  immediately  to  stop  all 
commerce  with  this  country,  both  exports  and  imports, 
which  plan  must  be  steadily  and  with  the  strictest  faith 
adhered  to,  until  you  have  obtained  redress.  The  want  of 
American  naval  stores,  particularly  pilch,  tar,  and  turpen- 
tine, would  be  most  sensibly  felt  here  immediately  ;  tobacco 
alone  yields  above  £500,000,  to  the  revenue,  which  defi- 
ciency it  would  puzzle  the  Ministers  in  the  extreme  to 
make  good. 

Your  Province  will  surely  be  wise  and  prudent  enough 
not  to  enter  into  any  violent  measures  without  the  strictest 
concert  with  the  other  Colonies,  particularly  Maryland, 
Virginia,  and  the  Carolinas,  because  upon  tlieai  depend 


the  whole  effect  of  the  American  non-exportation.  The 
Northern  Colonies  have  all  the  European  markets  almost 
for  their  exports ;  but  those  Colonies  have  hardly  any  but 
the  English  markets  for  their  chief  exports,  wliicli  are 
tobacco  and  naval  stores ;  therefore  it  will  require  your 
greatest  address  "to  get  them  to  join  in  the  non-exportation 
as  well  as  the  non-importation,  for  I  am  well  convinced 
that  the  latter  without  the  former  will  not  avail,  nor  indeed 
will  tiiey  both  do,  unless  put  in  immediate  practice ;  for  if 
you  lose  the  present  crisis,  the  new  House  of  Commons 
will  be  modelled  in  a  year's  time  to  the  Ministerial  mould, 
and  Carleton  will  have  forwarded  tiie  plan  of  the  Quebec 
Bill,  so  that  any  resistance  you  can  make  then  will  be 
fruidess  ;  whereas  if  all  commerce  is  immediately  stopped, 
the  intelligence  will  be  known  over  the  whole  Kingdom  in 
the  wint  r,  when  we  are  in  the  height  of  a  general  election, 
and  then  will  be  the  best  dme  diat  can  be  wished  for  the 
people  at  large  to  convince  the  candidates  to  serve  in  Par- 
liament of  the  necessity  there  is  to  do  you  justice,  by 
repealing  all  the  late  wicked  Acts ;  and  I  think  it  more 
than  probable  that  in  such  an  event  it  would  be  made  a 
stipulation  with  the  candidates  that  they  should  use  their 
utmost  efforts  to  obtain  a  total  repeal  of  all  the  oppressive 
Acts  that  you  complain  of.  You  must  make  the  mer- 
chants feel  before  they  will  sdr  for  you,  as  their  conduct 
respecting  die  Boston  Port  Bill  sufficiently  evinces. 


POUGHKEEPSIE  (nEW-YORk)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of 
Poughkeepsie  Precinct,  in  Dutchess  County,  in  conse- 
quence of  an  adverdsement  of  the  Supervisor  of  said  Pre- 
cinct, on  the  10th  of  August,  1774  : 

Zephaniah  Platt,  Chairman. 

The  question  was  put,  "  Whether  we  will  choose  a  Com- 
"  mittee  agreeable  to  a  request  contained  in  a  Letter  from 
"  Mr.  Isaac  Low,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
"  pondence  in  New-York  1" 

Which  was  carried  in  the  Negadve. 

The  following  Resolves  were  then  unanimously  entered 
into: 

1st.  Resolved,  That  although  the  members  of  this  meet- 
ing (and  they  are  persuaded  the  inhabitants  of^  America  in 
general)  are  firm  and  unshaken  in  their  allegiance  to  his 
Majesty  King  George,  and  are  entirely  averse  to  breaking 
their  connection  with  the  modier  country,  yet  they  think  it 
necessary  to  declare,  that  they  agree  fully  in  opinion  with 
the  many  respectable  bodies  who  have  already  published 
their  sentiments,  in  declaring  that  the  unlimited  right 
claimed  by  the  British  Parliament,  in  which  we  neither 
are,  or  can  be  represented,  of  making  laws  of  every  kind  to 
be  binding  on  the  Colonies,  pardcularly  of  imposing  taxes, 
whatever  may  be  the  name  or  form  under  which  they  are 
attempted  to  be  introduced,  is  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the 
British  Constitution,  and  consequently  inconsistent  with 
that  liberty  which  we,  as  British  subjects,  have  a  right  to 
claim,  and,  therefore, 

2d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting 
that  letters  of  Instruction  be  directed  to  the  Members  of  the 
General  Assembly  for  the  County  of  Dutchess,  desiring  that 
at  the  next  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  for  the  Prov- 
ince of  New-York,  they  will  lay  before  that  honourable 
House  the  dangerous  consequences  flowing  from  several  late 
Acts  of  the  British  Parhament  imposing  dudes  and  taxes 
on  the  British  Colonies  in  America,  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  raising  a  revenue,  and  that  they  use  their  influence  in 
the  said  House,  and  with  the  several  branches  of  the  Le- 
gislature, to  lay  before  his  Majesty  an  humble  Petidon  and 
Remonstrance,  setting  forth  the  state  of  our  several  griev- 
ances, and  praying  his  Royal  interposition  for  a  repeal  of 
the  said  Acts. 

3d.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that 
they  ought,  and  are  willing  to  bear  and  pay  such  part  and 
proportion  of  the  nadonal  expenses  as  their  circumstances 
will  admit  of,  in  such  manner  and  form  as  the  General 
Assembly  of  this  Province  shall  think  proper ;  and  that 
like  sentiments,  adopted  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  other 
Colonies,  will  have  a  tendency  to  conciliate  the  affections 
of  the  mother  country  and  the  Colonies,  upon  which  their 
mutual  happiness,  we  conceive,  principally  depends. 


703 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


704 


Ordered,  Tliat  the  Cliairman  of  this  meeting  forward 
a  copy  of  these  our  proceedings  to  the  Ciiainnan  of  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  in  New-  York,  as  also  a 
copy  to  one  of  the  Printers  of  the  public  papers  in  Aew- 
York,  to  be  forthwitli  pubHshed. 

By  order  of  the  Meetina;. 

John  Davis,  Clerk. 


HYE    (nEW-YORk)    resolutions. 

On  the  10th  day  of  August,  1774,  tlie  Freeholders  and 
Inhabitants  of  the  townsliip  of  Rye,  made  choice  of  John 
Thomas,  jim.  Esquire,  James  Ilorion,  jun.  Esquire ; 
Robert  Bloomer,  Zeno  Carpenter,  and  Ebcuezcr  Havi- 
land,  for  a  Committee  to  consult  and  determine  with  the 
Committees  of  the  other  towns  and  districts  in  the  County 
of  West  Chester,  upon  tlie  expediency  of  sending  one  or 
more  Delegates  to  Congress  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia  on 
the  first  day  of  September  next.  The  Committee  after 
making  choice  of  Ebenezer  Haviland,  Chairman,  ex- 
jiressed  their  sentiments  and  resolutions  in  the  following 
manner,  which  were  unanimously  approved  of: 

This  meeting  being  greatly  alarmed  at  the  late  proceed- 
ings of  the  British  Parliament,  in  order  to  raise  a  revenue 
in  America,  and  considering  their  late  most  cruel,  unjust, 
and  unwarrantable  Act  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston, 
having  a  direct  tendency  to  deprive  a  free  people  of  their 
most  valuable  rights  and  privileges,  an  introduction  to  sub- 
jugate the  inhabitants  of  the  English  Colonies,  and  render 
them  vassals  to  the  British  House  of  Commons  : 

Resolve,  1st.  That  they  think  it  their  greatest  happi- 
ness to  live  under  the  illustrious  House  of  Hanover,  and 
that  they  will  steadfastly  and  uniformly  bear  true  and  faith- 
ful allegiance  to  his  Majesty  King  George  the  Third,  under 
the  enjoyment  of  their  constitutional  rights  and  privileges 
as  fellow-subjects,  with  those  in  England. 

2d.  That  we  conceive  it  a  fundamental  part  of  the 
British  Constitution  that  no  man  shall  be  taxed  but  by 
his  own  consent,  or  that  of  his  Representatives  in  Parlia- 
ment ;  and  as  we  are  by  no  means  represented,  we  con- 
sider all  Acts  of  Parliament  imposing  taxes  on  the  Colo- 
nies, an  undue  exertion  of  power,  and  subversive  of  one  of 
the  most  valuable  privileges  of  the  English  Constitution. 

3d.  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  meeting,  that  the  Act 
of  Parhament  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  di- 
vesting some  of  the  inhabitants  of  private  property,  is  a 
most  unparalleled,  rigorous,  and  unjust  piece  of  cruelty  and 
despotism. 

4th.  That  unanimity  and  firmness  of  measures  in  the 
Colonies  are  the  most  effectual  means  to  secure  the  invad- 
ed rights  and  privileges  of  America,  and  to  avoid  the  im- 
pending ruin  which  now  threatens  this  once  happy  country. 

5th.  That  the  most  effectual  mode  of  redressing  our 
grievances  will  be  by  general  Congress  of  Delegates  from 
the  different  Colonies ;  and  that  we  are  willing  to  abide  by 
such  measures  as  they  in  their  wisdom  shall  consider  neces- 
sary to  be  adopted  on  that  important  occasion. 

By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Ebenezer  Haviland,  Chairman. 

The  Committee  for  the  town  of  Rye  will  meet  the  Com- 
mittees of  the  other  towns  and  districts  in  the  County  of 
West  Chester,  on  Monday,  the  22d  day  of  this  instant,  at 
the  Court  House  in  the  White  Plains,  to  return  an 
answer  to  a  Letter  from  Mr.  Isaac  Loiv,  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  in  New-  York. 


CHARLES    COUNTY    (maRYLANd)    COMMITTEE. 

Annupolis,  August  lltli,  1774. 

The  Committee  of  Charles  County  having  notice  of  the 
arrival  of  the  brigantine  Mary  and  Jane,  Cajitain  George 
Chapman,  master,  in  .SV.  Mary's  river,  St.  Mary's  County, 
from  London,  with  tea  subject  to  the  payment  of  American 
duty,  part  of  which  the  Committee  suspected  was  designed 
to  be  landed  in  this  county,  requested  Captain  Chapman, 

gen  in  Charles  County)  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the  said 
mmittee  ;  in  consequence  whereof  the  Captain  attended, 
and  gave  information  that  a  quantity  of  tea  was  shipped  on 
board  his  brig  at  London,  on  the  20th  of  May  last,  whereof 
two  chests  were  consigned  to  Mr.  Robert  Findlay,  mer- 


chant in  Bladensburg  ;  one  chest  to  Mr.  Robert  Peter,  of 
Georgetown,  merchant;  and  the  remainder  to  sundry  mer- 
chants in  Norfolk,  Virginia ;  that  the  consigners  of  the 
said  tea,  before  the  shipping  thereof,  were  acquainted  with 
the  passing  the  Boston  Port  liill,  and  also  of  the  sense  of 
America  respecting  the  consequences  of  receiving  tea  sub- 
ject to  duty  imposed  by  the  British  Parliament,  payable  in 
America  for  the  purpose  of  revenue  ;  that  he  had  received 
the  duty  in  London  for  the  tea  consigned  to  Mr.  Findlay, 
with  direction  to  pay  the  same  to  the  collector  here  on  his 
arrival,  but  that  no  money  was  delivered  to  him  in  London 
to  pay  the  duty  on  the  other  tea  on  board  his  vessel. 

Mr.  Robert  Findlay,  at  the  desire  of  the  Committee, 
also  attended  ;  and  having  fully  and  satisfactorily  exculpat- 
ed himself  of  any  intention  to  counteract  the  resolutions  of 
America,  by  orders  for  the  said  tea,  the  same  being  sent  by 
him  to  his  correspondents  last  fall,  declared  his  inclination 
to  do  with  the  tea  whatever  was  thought  reasonable  by  the 
Committee  of  this  or  any  other  county.  The  Committee 
thought  proper,  as  Mr.  Findlay  was  concerned  in  a  store 
kept  in  Charles  County,  to  acquaint  him  and  Captain 
Chapman  that  the  said  tea  ought  not  to  be  landed  there, 
or  in  any  other  part  of  Maryland ;  and  that  ahy  attempt 
to  land  the  same  in  this  county,  would  be  opposed  by  the 
people  thereof,  upon  which  Mr.  Findlay  pledged  his  word 
to  the  Committee  that  the  said  tea  should  not  by  his  order 
or  consent  be  landed  in  America  ;  but  that  he  would  order 
the  same  to  be  sent  back  to  London.  Captain  Chapnan 
also  promised  the  Committee  that  he  would  return  Mr. 
Findlay's  tea  to  London,  and  that  he  would  not  land  the 
tea  consigned  to  Mr.  Peter,  but  would  return  the  same  to 
London,  unless  Mr.  Peter  demanded  it  at  his  vessel's  side, 
of  which  (if  it  happens)  he  promised  immediately  to  in- 
form the  Committee  of  such  county  as  should  be  most  con- 
venient. The  Committtee  having  transmitted  intelligence 
of  this  transaction  to  the  neighbouring  counties,  and  Nor- 
folk, thanked  Captain  Chapman  and  Mr.  Findlay  for  their 
candid  and  upright  conduct  in  this  afiair. 


FREDERICK  COUNTY  (maRYLANd)  COMMITTEE. 

Certain  gentlemen  of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence 
for  Frederick  County,  having  received  intelligence  from 
the  Committee  of  Charles  County,  that  the  brigantine 
Mary  and  Jane,  Captain  Chapman,  Commander,  was 
arrived  in  Wicomico  from  London,  and  that  she  brought 
eleven  chests  of  tea  destined  for  Virginia  and  Maryland ; 
one  chest  whereof  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Robert  Peter,  of 
Georgetoivn,  and  another  to  Mr.  John  Ferguson,  of  the 
same  place,  factor  for  Messrs.  Findlay  and  Company, 
notice  was  immediately  despatched  to  other  gentlemen  of 
the  Committee,  and  a  meeting  was  accordingly  held  on 
the  1 1th  day  of  August,  to  deliberate  what  measures  should 
be  adopted  on  the  alarming  occasion. 

Messrs.  Peter  and  Ferguson  were  requested  to  attend. 
Mr.  Peter  acknowledged,  that  in  consequence  of  orders 
communicated  some  time  in  December  last,  his  cliest  of  tea 
was  shipped,  and  that  he  relied  on  the  custom  which  had 
constantly  prevailed  in  the  Province  of  Maryland,  since 
the  partial  repeal  of  the  Revenue  Act,  to  screen  him  from 
censure,  and  to  justify  his  conduct  in  the  procedure.  At 
the  same  time  he  submitted  to  the  sentiments  of  the  Com- 
mittee, and  declared  an  entire  willingness  to  abide  by  theu- 
determination. 

It  was  unanimously  resolved  that  the  importation  of  any 
commodity  from  Great  Britain,  liable  to  the  payment  of 
a  duty  im|)osed  by  an  Act  of  Parliament,  however  sanc- 
tioned by  the  practice  of  a  part,  or  even  the  whole  of  the 
trading  part  of  the  conimunity,  is  in  a  higii  degree  danger- 
ous to  our  liberties,  as  it  implies  a  full  assent  to  the  claim 
asserted  by  the  British  Parliament,  of  a  right  to  impose 
taxes  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America. 
Therefore,  in  order  to  discourage  the  pernicious  practice, 
they  judged  it  expedient,  that  the  tea  in  question  should 
not  be  landed  in  America,  but  that  it  should  be  sent  back 
in  the  same  ship.  Mr.  Peter  readily  ac(juicsced,  promis- 
ing that  he  would  write  by  the  first  o})portunity,  to  prevent 
a  delivery  of  it  from  the  ship :  but  should  it  be  delivered 
before  the  arrival  of  his  orders,  he  requested  instructions 
how  to  act,  intimating  a  desire  that  in  such  case,  it  might 
be  stored  by  any  gentleman  to  be  appomted  by  the  Com- 


705 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


7Q6 


mittee  ;  whereupon  it  was  resolved,  that  in  case  it  should 
be  landed  here,  and  delivered  to  Messrs.  Thomas  Johns, 
William  Dcakins,  and  Bernard  O'Neal,  to  wait  the  fu- 
ture directions  of  the  Committee ;  Mr.  Peter  assented, 
and  pawned  his  honour  for  the  faithful  performance  of  his 
engagements. 

Mr.  Ferguson  declared,  tliat  as  the  tea  addressed  to  him 
was  the  property  of  other  gentlemen,  he  could  only  engage 
that  slioidd  he  receive  it,  he  would  immediately  deliver  it  to 
tlie  above  mentioned  gentlemen,  Messrs.  Johns,  Deakins, 
and  O'Neal,  to  be  at  the  dis])osal  of  the  Committee.  This 
was  likewise  deemed  satisfactory,  and  tiien  Messrs.  Feier 
and  Ferguson  were  dismissed  with  thanks  for  their  candid 
and  disinterested  behaviour. 

The  Committee  having  been  informed  that  Mr.  Thomas 
Bichartlso7i,  of  Georgetown,  had  just  received  a  quantity 
of  tea  immediately  from  Fhiladelpbia,  he  was  sent  (or,  and 
acknowledged  that  he  had  received  about  one  hundred 
pounds  weight,  which  he  was  ready  and  willing  to  deliver 
to  any  persons  the  Committee  should  appoint,  to  be  safely 
stored  until  further  deliberation  ;  his  proposition  was  ac- 
cejited  ;  his  conduct  highly  commended  ;  and  the  tea  was, 
in  tlie  presence  of  the  Committee,  delivered  to  the  above 
mentioned  gentlemen,  Messrs.  Johns,  Deakins,  and 
O'Neal. 


PROVIDENCE   (rHODE  ISLANd)  TOWN  MEETING. 

At  a  Town  Meeting  held  at  Providence,  Rhode  Island, 
convened  by  warrant,  on  the  12th  day  o[  August,  1774: 

Benjamin  Man,  Esquire,  Moderator. 

Instructions  to  the  Deputies  of  this    Town  in  General 
Assembly. 

Gentlemen  :  The  sufferings  and  distresses  of  the 
people  of  the  town  of  Boston,  occasioned  by  a  relentless 
execution  of  that  cruel  edict  for  blocking  up  the  port, 
awakens  our  attention  and  excites  our  compassion.  Their 
cause  is  our  cause  ;  and  unless  aid  and  succour  be  afforded 
them,  they  may  be  discouraged  into  a  hurtful  submission, 
and  Ministerial  vengeance  may  next  be  directed  against  this 
Colony,  and  in  the  end  alight  upon  all.  You  are  there- 
fore requested  to  use  your  endeavours  at  the  next  session 
of  the  General  Assembly,  to  procure  a  grant  to  be  made 
from  this  Colony  of  such  sum  of  money  as  they  may  think 
fit,  towards  relieving  and  mitigating  the  difficulties  and  dis- 
tresses which  that  town  must  experience  from  the  opera- 
tion of  that  most  unrighteous  inhibition,  the  hostile  manner 
of  carrying  the  same  into  force,  and  a  general  arrest  of 
their  liberties. 

Permit  us  to  observe,  that  in  doing  tliis  it  will  be  evidenc- 
ed, that  as  a  community,  we  would  do  unto  others  as  we 
would  that  they  should  do  unto  us  in  a  hke  circumstance ; 
and  that  it  will  be  a  greater  testimony  of  unanimity  in 
the  general  concernments  of  America  in  this  day  of  strug- 
gle and  danger,  than  private  contributions,  and  far  more 
equal. 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 

At  a  Privy  Council  held  at  Newbern,  the  12th  August, 
1774,  Present:  His  Excellency  the  Governour,  the  Hon- 
ourable James  Hasell,  Lewis  H.  De  Rosseit,  John  Samp- 
son, William  Dry,  and  Samuel  Cornell,  Esquires. 

His  Excellency  the  Governour  addressed  the  Honour- 
able Members  of  this  Board,  as  follows : 
Gentlemen  of  his  Majesty's  Council: 

I  have  heard,  with  the  greatest  concern,  and  I  have  read 
in  publick  newspapers  and  handbills,  of  invitations  to  the 
people  in  the  several  counties  and  towns  of  this  Province 
to  meet  together  to  express  their  sentiments  on  Acts  lately 
passed  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  appoint 
Deputies  to  attend,  on  their  behalf,  (with  powers  obliga- 
tory of  the  future  conduct  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Prov- 
ince) at  a  meeting  that  I  understand  is  to  be  held  here  on 
the  25th  instant.  I  also  find  that  meetings  of  the  free- 
holders and  inhabitants  have  been  accordingly  already  held 
in  some  places,  at  which  resolves  have  been  entered  into 
derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  his  Majesty  and  his  Parlia- 
ment, and  tending  to  excite  clamour  and  discontent  among 
the  King's  subjects  in  this  Province.    Under  these  circum- 


Fouktu  Series. 


stances,  gentlemen,  I  consider  it  my  indispensable  duty  to 
his  Majesty  and  this  country  to  advise  with  you  the  mea- 
sures most  proper  to  be  taken  to  discourage  or  prevent 
these  assemblies  of  the  people,  which  are  so  inconsistent 
with  the  peace  and  good  order  of  this  Government ;  whose 
professed  purposes  will  appear,  at  least,  highly  indecent, 
and  have  an  evident  tendency  to  draw  his  Majesty's  dis- 
pleasure on  this  Province,  already  labouring  under  the 
most  grievous  and  disgraceful  circumstances  for  want  of  a 
just  and  efl'ectual  civil  polity. 

The  Council  desired  to  lake  time  maturely  to  consider 
the  subject  of  the  above  Address  till  to-morrow  morning. 

The  Governour  finding  that,  during  the  absence  of  Mr. 
Howard,  the  circumstances  of  things  rendered  the  tempo- 
rary appointment  of  a  Chief  Justice  necessary,  recom- 
mended the  Honourable  Mr.  Hasell  for  such  appointment, 
who  was  unanimously  approved. 


At  a  Privy  Council  held  at  Newbern,  13lh  of  August, 
1774,  Present :  His  Excellency  the  Governour,  the  Hon- 
ourable James  Hasell,  Lewis  H.  De  Rossett,  John  Samp- 
son, William  Dry,  and  Samuel  Cornell,  Esquires. 

The  Members  of  the  Council  having  maturely  con- 
sidered the  matters  laid  before  them  yesterday  by  the 
Governour,  unanimously  concurred  in  advice  to  his  Excel- 
lency to  issue  a  Proclamation  forthwith,  to  discourage  and 
prevent  the  meetings  and  assemblies  of  the  people  of  this 
Province,  mentioned  in  the  Govemour's  Address  of  yester- 
day, and  that  they  do  not  discern  that  any  other  measures 
can  be  properly  taken  on  the  occasion  at  present. 

North  Carolina,  ss. 

By  his  Excellency  Josiah  Martin,  Esquire,  Captain- 
General,  Governour,  and  Com,mander-in-chief  in  and 
over  the  said  Province  : 

A  PROCLAMjVTION. 

Whereas  It  appears  to  me  that  Meetings  and  Assemblies 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  Province  have  been,  in  some  of 
the  counties  and  towns  thereof,  already  held,  and  are  in 
others  appointed  to  be  held,  without  any  legal  authority, 
and  that  Resolves  have  been  entered  into,  and  plans  con- 
certed, (in  such  meetings  as  are  passed)  derogatory  to  his 
Majesty  and  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  that 
there  is  reason  to  apprehend  the  same  inflammatory,  dis- 
loyal, and  indecent  measures  may  be  adopted  in  such 
future  assemblies,  inconsistent  with  the  peace  and  good 
order  of  this  Government,  and  tending  to  excite  clamour 
and  discontent  among  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  this  Prov- 
ince. I  have  thought  fit,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
his  Majesty's  Council,  to  issue  this  Proclamation,  to  dis- 
courage, as  much  as  possible,  proceedings  so  illegal  and 
unwarrantable  in  their  nature,  and  in  their  effect  so  ob- 
viously injurious  to  the  welfare  of  this  country.  And  to 
this  end  I  do  hereby  strictly  require  and  enjoin,  on  their 
allegiance,  all  and  every  his  Majesty's  subjects  to  forbear 
to  attend  at  any  such  illegal  Meetings,  and  that  they  do 
discourage  and  prevent  the  same  by  all  and  every  means 
in  their  power,  and  more  particularly  that  they  do  forbear 
to  attend,  and  prevent,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  the  meeting 
of  certain  Deputies  said  to  be  appointed  to  be  held  at 
Newbern  on  the  25th  instant.  And  I  do  more  especially 
charge,  require,  and  command  all  and  every  his  Majesty's 
Justices  of  the  Peace,  Sheriffs,  and  other  Officers,  to  be 
aiding  and  assisting  herein  to  the  utmost  of  their  power. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  Neivbern,  the  13th  day  of  August,  1774,  and 
in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign. 

Jo.  Martin. 
God  save  the  King. 


At  a  Council  held  &t  Newbern,  the  25th  August,  1774, 
Present :  His  Excellency  the  Goveniour,  the  Honour- 
able James  Hasell,  John  Rutherford,  Lewis  H.  De  Ros- 
sett, John  Sampson,  William  Dry,  and  Samuel  Cornell, 
Esquires. 

The  Governour  signified  to  the  Board  that  this  was  the 
day  appointed  for  the  Meeting  of  certain  persons  called 


45 


707 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


708 


Deputies,  from  the  several  counties  and  towns  of  the  Prov- 
ince, at  this  place,  and  that  many  of  ihcm  were  accord- 
ingly come  to  town  ;  and  he  desired  tlie  advice  of  the 
Council  whether  he  could  take  any  further  measures  than 
those  he  had  taken  pursuant  to  tlieir  advice  on  the  13th 
instant;  when,  they  were  unanimously  of  opinion  that  no 
Other  steps  could  be  properly  taken  at  this  conjuncture. 


LETTER  FROM  COLONEL  WILLIAM  PRESTON,  DATED  FIN- 
CASTLE,  AUGUST  13,  1774. 

Dkar  Sir  :  I  received  your  favour,  by  Tliomas  Ede^er, 
with  the  papers,  for  which  I  am  much  obliged  to  you.  In 
return,  please  to  accept  of  the  following  intelligence  from 
the  frontiers,  which,  if  necessary,  may  be  supported  by 
the  most  indubitable  authority. 

The  murder  of  Mr.  Russell  and  five  of  his  companions, 
last  Fall,  at  no  great  distance  from  our  settlements,  you 
have  already  heard  of.  It  has  since  appeared  that  the 
assassins  were  not  Cherokces,  as  was  then  thought,  but  a 
party  belonging  to  some  of  the  Northern  tribes.  Two 
persons,  called  Cochran  and  Foley,  and  three  men  in  com- 
pany with  one  Hayes,  were  killed  about  the  same  time. 

In  the  course  of  this  summer  a  number  of  our  people 
have  been  killed  and  captivated  by  the  Northern  Indians, 
particularly  Mr.  Thomas  Hos^g,  and  two  men  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kenhawa ;  Walter  Kelly,  with  three 
or  four  other  persons,  below  the  falls  of  that  river ;  Wil- 
liam Kelly,  on  Muddy  Creek,  a  branch  of  Greenbrier, 
and  a  young  woman  at  the  same  time  made  prisoner.  One 
of  the  scouts,  called  Shockley,  was  lately  shot  in  this 
county  ;  and  on  Sunday,  the  7tii  of  this  instant,  a  party 
attacked  three  families  at  the  house  of  one  Layhrook, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  this  place.  Old  Layhrook  was 
wounded  in  the  arm;  three  of  his  children,  (one  of  them  a 
sucking  infant)  a  young  woman,  the  daugher  of  one  Scott, 
and  a  child  of  one  widow  Snyde,  were  killed.  They 
scalped  the  children,  all  but  one,  and  mangled  them  in  a 
most  cniel  manner.  Three  boys  were  made  prisoners, 
two  of  whom  made  their  escape  the  Wednesday  following, 
and  were  found  in  die  woods  by  the  scouts.  The  Indians 
were  immediately  pursued  by  several  parties  of  militia,  but 
they  took  such  precaution  in  travelling  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  find  their  track.  Sundry  other  people  have  also 
been  murdered  along  the  frontier  parts  of  the  neighbouring 
counties.  The  inhabitants  of  Fincastle,  except  those  on 
Holstein,  are  chiefly  gathered  into  small  forts,  also  great 
numbers  in  Botetourt;  as  Indians  are  frequently  seen, 
and  their  signs  discovered,  in  the  interiour  parts  of  both 
counties. 

Such  is  the  unhappy  situation  of  the  people  that  they 
cannot  attend  their  plantations,  nor  is  it  in  the  power  of  the 
scouts  and  parties  on  duty  to  investigate  the  inroads  of  the 
enemy,  as  they  come  in  small  parties,  and  travel  among 
the  mountains  with  so  much  caution.  About  the  last  of 
July,  one  Knox,  who  went  to  the  Ohio  with  the  Sur- 
veyors in  the  Spring,  reached  this  settlement,  and  gives 
the  following  intelligence:  That,  on  the  13th  of  June, 
one  Jacob  Lewis  departed  from  the  camp,  on  Salt  River, 
in  the  morning  to  hunt,  and  has  never  been  heard  of  since ; 
that  on  the  8th  of  July,  being  at  the  said  camp,  about  one 
hundred  miles  from  the  Ohio,  and  nearly  opposite  to  the 
Falls,  he,  with  nine  others,  were  surprised  and  fired  upon 
by  a  party  of  about  twenty  Indians ;  that  two  men  were 
killed  on  the  spot,  viz :  James  Hamilton,  from  Fredericks- 
burg, and  James  Cowan,  from  Pennsylvania;  and  as  the 
enemy  rushed  upon  them  before  it  was  possible  to  put 
themselves  in  any  posture  of  defence,  they  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  camp,  and  make  their  escape  to  a  party 
of  thirty-five  men  who  were  then  in  tiiat  neighbourliood. 
Next  day  the  whole,  being  forty-three  men  in  number, 
after  burying  the  dead,  set  out  for  the  settlement  on  Clinch 
River,  where  they  arrived  the  29th,  after  making  several 
discoveries  of  the  enemy  on  the  way. 

This  day  Captain  Floyd,  one  of  the  Surveyors,  reached 
this  place  with  the  news  that  on  the  8th  of  July  he  and 
tliree  others  parted  with  fourteen  men  who  were  also 
engaged  in  the  surveying  business,  and  went  about  twenty 
miles  from  them  to  finish  his  part  of  the  work,  and  that 
they  were  to  meet  on  the  first  of  August,  at  a  place  on 
Kentucky,  known  by  the  name  of  the  Cabin,  in  order  to 


proceed  on  their  journey  homeward.  On  the  24th  of 
July,  Captain  Floyd,  with  his  three  men,  repaired  to  the 
place  appointed,  where  he  found  that  part,  and  perhaps 
all  the  rest  of  the  company,  had  assembled  according  to 
agreement,  but  had  gone  off  in  the  greatest  precipitation, 
leaving  him  only  this  notice,  written  on  a  tree,  "  alarmed 
by  finding  some  people  killed,  we  are  gone  down  ;"  upon 
which  Captain  Floyd,  with  his  small  party,  immediately 
set  out,  steering  for  our  settlements,  and  after  an  extreme, 
painful,  and  fatiguing  journey  of  sixteen  days,  through 
mountains  almost  inaccessible,  and  ways  unknown,  he  at 
last  arrived  on  Clinch  River,  near  Captain  Russell's  fort. 

Captain  Floyd  does  not  well  understand  tiie  notice  left 
him  on  the  tree,  whether  part  of  the  company  had  assem- 
bled at  the  Cabin,  and  that  they  were  gone  down  to  the 
camp,  where  he  parted  with  them,  in  order  to  warn  those 
who  were  at  work  in  that  neighbourhood  of  the  impend- 
ing danger,  or  whether  the  whole  company  had  not  met, 
and  were  departed  down  the  Mississipjfi,  as  several  in  the 
company  had  before  proposed  returning  home  tiiat  way, 
with  a  view  both  to  see  the  country  and  avoid  the  fatigue 
of  returning  by  land. 

For  the  satisfaction  of  any  gentlemen  who  may  be  con- 
cerned, the  names  of  the  Surveyors  and  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal persons  not  yet  returned,  are  inserted,  viz:  James 
Douglass,  Hancock  Taylor,  and  Isaac  •••»»»«,  Sur- 
veyors ;  Johji  Willis,  Willis  Lee,  Captain  John  Ashby, 
Abraham  HcmpenstaJl,  William  Ballard,  John  Green, 
Lawrence  Darnell,  Mordecai  Batson,  Jacob  Sodousky, 
James  Strothcr,  and  John  Bell. 

If  any  thing  happens  for  the  future,  worthy  of  notice, 
you  shall  be  punctually  informed  of  it,  by  your  humble 
servant,  William  Preston. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  SIR  JAMES  WRIGHT,  BART, 
TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  GEORGIA,  13th 
AUGUST,  1774. 

I  am  sorry  to  acquaint  your  Lordship  that  there  have 
been  two  meetings  of  the  Liberty  folks  here,  and  some 
Resolutions  were  drawn  up  yesterday,  but  not  yet  pub- 
lished ;  the  particulars  of  which,  and  mode  of  conduct,  I 
shall  fully  transmit  to  your  Lordship  as  soon  as  may  be. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  LONDON 
TO  HIS  CORRESPONDENT  IN  WILLIAMSBURG,  DATED 
AUGUST  14,  1774. 

If  you  submit  to  the  last  arbitrary  and  tyrannical  Acts 
of  Parliament,  relative  to  Massachusetts  Bay  and  Quebec, 
there  will  not  be  a  set  of  more  abject  slaves  under  Heaven 
than  the  North  Americans.  You  will  be  obliged  to  dig 
tobacco,  iron,  and  whatever  your  good  and  virtuous  masters 
here  want. 

The  Marquis  of  Carmarthen,  a  puppy  just  entered  into 
the  infernal  pack  of  bloodhounds,  said  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  %vc  sent  them  to  those  Colonies  to  labour  for  us  ! 
And  so  sure  as  England  now  exists  (it  cannot  long  indeed, 
in  its  present  state  of  luxury,  debauchery,  and  villainy) 
but  I  say,  so  long  and  so  sure  as  it  docs  exist  in  this  state, 
if  the  Americans  now  submit,  the  Charters  of  all  the  other 
Colonies  will  be  attacked,  and  treated  as  that  of  tiie  Mas- 
sachusetts Buy  has  already  been.  This  is  determined,  I 
assure  you.  They  were  afraid  to  attack  more  than  Boston, 
at  first,  lest  it  might  occasion  an  union  of  the  Colonies  ;  but 
New-York,  Pennsylvania,  and  South  Carolina,  will  be 
struck  at,  because  they  refused  entrance  to  the  tea  ;  Con- 
necticut, Rhode  Island,  and  all  the  old  Provinces  in  Ame- 
rica, impeached,  because  their  Charters  are  bad ;  and 
among  the  rest,  Virginia  will  be  included,  especially  as 
you  dared  to  go  to  prayei-s  and  fast.  Remember  this,  and 
recollect,  I  pray,  dear  sir,  that  I  do  not  speak  from  opin- 
ion, but  from  undoubted,  incontrovertible  authority.  The 
King  will  recommend  it  in  his  next  speech  to  Parliament, 
"  finding  his  Colonies  in  North  America  are  not  properly 
"  governed,  owing  to.,the  several  Charters  now  subsisting 
"  in  the  said  Colonies,"  &c.,  &c.  To  prepare  too  for  the 
more  effectual  execution  of  this  hellish  plan,  orders  are 
sent  to  his  Majesty's  Cadiolick  Province  of  Quebec,  im- 
mediately to  raise  and  embody  four  thousand  of  his  good 


709 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


710 


and  faithful  Catholick  subjects  of  Canada,  to  be  formed 
into  four  regiments,  and  to  be  commanded  by  Frenchmen ; 
you  may  guess  for  what  purpose.  But  lest  you  should 
not,  1  will  tell  you,  that  these  good  subjects,  and  the  In- 
dians, are  to  be  set  to  cut  the  throats  of  the  King's  disaf- 
fected subjects  of  the  old  Provinces,  who  sent  at  their  ow  n 
expense,  twenty  thousand  men  last  war  to  make  the  Cana- 
dians subjects  of  the  very  virtuous  and  pious  Prince  George 
the  Third.     This  is  as  true  as  holy  writ. 

I  dare  not  tell  you   how  I  came  by  the  knowledge  of 
these  schemes,  as  it  would,  were  it  discovered,  prevent  me 
from  knowing  and  telling  you  more;  but  I  hope  it  will 
rouse  the  people  of  North  America  to  exert  themselves, 
to  convince  the  world  that  they  will  not  wear  the  chains 
of  five  hundred  such  traitorous  and  haughty  tyrants.  Better 
it  is,  far,  to  be  subject  to  any  one  that  ever  existed,  who 
has,  and  can  have,  only  his  own  vanity  or  caprice  to  satisfy, 
tlian  to  so  numerous  a  body  of  needy,  luxurious,  mercenary 
rascals,  who  would  even  sell  their  King,  could  they  find 
another  to  promise  the  addition  of  one  hundred  pound  to 
the  Chancellorship  of  Great  Britain,  or  five  pound  to  a 
Gentleman  Usher.    I  cannot  guess  how,  or  by  what  means, 
you  have  been  persuaded,  in  North  America,  that  you 
have  any  friends,  really  so  from  principle,  in  this  country. 
It  is  true  some  publickly  declaim,  and  pretend  to  lament  the 
situation  of  their  brethren  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic;   as  they  hope,  being  out  of  place,  to  climb  up  to  pre- 
ferment from  espousing  their  quarrel.     But,  at  the  same 
time,  I  can  venture  to  say,  that  there  is  not  a  person,  male 
or  female,  resident  in  Great  Britain,  and  contributing  to  its 
taxes,  from  the  Lord  Chancellor  to  the  shoeblack,  who 
does  not  rejoice  at  this  exertion  of  power ;  nor  is  there  a 
manufacturer  in  England,  who  does  not  say  trade  will  now 
revive,  as  our  American  subjects  will  be  convinced  we  are 
no  longer  to  be  trifled  with,  and  that  they  will  noiv  be 
properly  punished,  if  they  commit  riots,  &c.,  as  they  will 
be  brought  here  and  tried  for  their  offences,  by  a  jury  of 
Englishmen,  who  will  not  be  so  complacent  to  them,  as  the 
rascals  in   their  own  country  were  (who  were  all  liable  to 
be  tried   for  treason  and    rebellion)    with    ten    thousand 
speeches  to  the  same  effect.     Now,  lest  you  should  call 
me  a  declaimer,  and  say  I  represented  dangers,  without 
telling  you  how  to  avoid  them,  I  will  give  your  a  specifick, 
which,  if  it  fails  to  produce  an  immediate  and   effectual 
cure,  I  will  acknowledge  myself  a  quack  in  politicks,  and 
declare  against  any  further  practice  in  state  disorders ;  it  is 
a  remedy  easily  administered,  and  cannot,  at  least  to  sound 
constitutions,  be  unpalatable.     Moreover,  it  is  cheap,  and 
easily  procured,  so  that  no  person  need  advance  sixpence, 
or  go  out  of  his  own  house,  to  procure  it,  as  it  is  only  an 
agreement  to  stop  all  exports  and  imports.     Enter  heartily 
and  with  firmness  into  such  an  association  ;  and  bind  your- 
selves, even  by  an  oath,  not  only  to  observe  it  individually, 
but  to  enforce  it  generally.     If  you  do  this,  and  these 
hellish  Acts  are  not  sent  back  to  the  devil  in  less  then  eight 
months,  I  will  agree  to  be  tarred  and  feathered,  and  hang- 
ed on  Liberty  tree  afterwards ;  but,  if  you  do  it  not,  I  will 
venture  to  pronounce,  and  declare,  that  for  fifty  years  to 
come,  the  people  of   North  America  will  be  the  most 
miserable  of  slaves.     They  will  hold  life  and  property  at 
the  will   and  sufferance  of  their  tyrannical  and  profligate 
oppressors.     It  must  not,  it  cannot  be  so.    Americans  will 
be  free ;  at  least  I  hope  so,  especially  as  you  have  the 
means  so  much  in  your  own  power.     They  are  absolutely 
now  in  your  hands,  and  you  will  justly  merit  every  oppres- 
sion and  insult  if  you  throw  them  away. 


Boston,  August  18,  1774. 
His  Excellency  Governour  Gage,  having  signified  to  the 
Honourable  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  that  he  had  no  further 
service  for  him  as  Colonel  of  the  company  of  Cadets,  the 
gentlemen  of  that  corps  met  on  Morulay  evening,  August 
14,  1774,  in  Boston,  and  chose  a  Committee  to  wait 
on  the  Governour,  at  Salem,  and  deliver  him  their  Stand- 
ard, (which  he  had  presented  to  them)  as  they  had  almost 
unanimously  disbanded  themselves.  The  Standard  was 
accordingly  carried  to  his  Excellency  next  day,  which  he 
was  pleased  to  accept.  In  their  address  to  the  Governour, 
they  say,  they  no  longer  consider  themselves  as  the  Gov- 
emour's  Independent  Company. 


SILAS    DEANE    TO    GOVEBNOUR    TRUMBULL. 

Wetliersfield,  August  16,  1774. 
Sir  :  I  shall  make  no  apology  for  the  trouble  I  am  about 
to  give  you,  as  the  pubiick  service  requires  that  the  Repre- 
sentatives of  this  Colony  should  be  perfectly  masters,  not 
only  of  the  present,  but  past  state  of  it,  and  its  pubiick 
transactions.  I  hoped  to  have  obtained  from  the  Custom 
Houses,  the  number  and  size  of  the  shipping,  as  well  as  a 
general  state  of  the  imports  and  exports,  and  accordingly 
applied  ;  but  they  appear  at  present  unwilling  to  give  me 
any  information  on  the  subject,  I  suppose  on  account  of 
the  present  situation  of  pubiick  affairs,  and  the  part  I  have 
taken  therein.  I  conclude  that  some  return  has  been 
made  in  consequence  of  a  late  requisition,  and  that  you  are 
possessed  of  it.  This  will  perhaps  answer  my  purpose  on 
that  head.  The  extracts  made  by  your  Honour  from  Gov- 
ernour Winthi-op's  manuscript  Diary,  I  think  may  be  of 
consequence,  and  therefore  ask  the  loan  of  them,  or  such 
extracts  or  parts  as  you  judge  most  deserving  of  notice,  but 
I  prefer  the  whole  of  what  you  lent  me  last  Spring.  The 
extracts  made  from  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  put 
into  my  hands  last  February,  at  Hartford,  and  which  I 
delivered  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Trumbull,  may  throw  light 
on  many  of  the  early  and  important  transactions  of  New 
England.  These  are  two  of  the  most  material  and  certain 
sources  of  intelligence,  relating  to  the  first  principles  on 
which  these  Colonies  were  settled,  and  their  conduct  there- 
on, and  therefore  wish  to  be  possessed  of  them,  as  well  as 
of  every  thing  else  which  you  can  in  so  short  a  time  pre- 
pare and  convey  to  me.  The  expectation  I  had  of  the  plea- 
sure of  Captain  Trumbull's  company  must  excuse  my  not 
sending  earlier  for  these  papers.  1  have  taken  from  the 
Secretary's  office  a  copy  of  Charles  the  Second's  letter, 
which  is  the  only  ancient  authority  of  any  consequence  to 
the  present  controversy  that  I  know  of  in  his  possession. 
I  wish  the  modem  ones  were  preserved  in  a  different  man- 
ner than  what  they  are,  or  rather  that  they  were  preserved 
at  all. 

It  is  disagreeable  to  me  to  recriminate  at  any  time  ; 
it  is  generally  unavailing;  and  at  the  present  time  I  know 
should  not  be  permitted,  but  on  certain  prospect  of  better 
regulations  for  the  future  ;  but  when  I  review  the  history 
and  transactions  of  this  Colony,  and  consider  what  im- 
mense sums  must  have  been  expended,  not  only  in  settling 
but  defending  this  part  of  his  Majesty's  territories  and  the 
neighbouring  Colonies,  (I  am  confident,  to  the  amount  of 
many  millions,)  and  can  find  no  authentick  record  kept  of 
it,  I  have  scarce  any  patience  left ;  but  indignation  and 
chagrin  rise  equal  with  my  grief  at  so  fatal  an  omission  ; 
especially  as  our  enemies  boldly  assert  that  we  have  ex- 
pended nothing  but  what  we  have  been  largely  repaid  for ; 
and  we  have  no  record  to  contradict  them.  An  omission 
of  this  nature  in  the  infant  state  of  a  Colony,  struggling 
with  the  hardness  of  a  new  uncultivated  soil,  and  under 
continual  alarms  from  the  savages,  is  in  a  degree  excusable, 
the  more  so,  as  they  could  not  so  much  as  dream  of  having 
their  title  to  the  country,  and  their  privileges  and  immuni- 
ties in  it  ever  disputed  by  any,  save  an  open  declared 
enemy  ;  but  what  excuse,  let  me  ask  with  submission, 
can  be  made  for  neglecting  to  preserve  the  exact  account 
of  the  charge  of  the  last  war?  I  was  really  surprised,  on 
examining  at  Hartford,  to  find  that  no  accounts  could  be 
procured  either  at  the  Secretary's  or  Treasurer's ;  and  that 
I  must  be  left  to  conjecture  on  this  material  point,  and  of 
course  liable  to  contradiction  beyond  a  possibility  of  sup- 
porting any  assertion  on  the  subject.  Some  have  thought 
your  Honour  may  have  the  account ;  if  so,  I  must  pray  you 
to  send  it  by  the  bearer,  with  the  other  papei-s  you  shall 
favour  me  with.  Before  I  dismiss  this  subject,  on  which 
you  must  excuse  my  freedom,  give  me  leave  to  suggest  to 
your  Honour,  whether  it  may  not  be  a  seasonable  step  to 
lay  before  the  next  Assembly  the  propriety,  and  even  ne- 
cessity, of  preserving  accounts,  and  the  history  of  trans- 
actions of  this  kind,  in  sonie  pubiick  office,  for  our  own  as 
well  as  the  information  of  posterity.  The  Office  Letters  to 
and  from  the  Governour,  and  the  Journal  of  the  House, 
are  of  more  importance  in  my  view,  and  will  hereafter  be 
more  relied  on  when  a  reference  is  needed  to  the  sense  of 
former  times,  on  any  subject,  than  all  the  other  records  put 
together ;  yet  neither  of  these  are  preserved  in  any  office, 
nor  mdeed  any  where  else,  that  1  can  find ;  at  least,  they 


74  r 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


712 


are  in  private  cabinets,  but  much  the  greatest  part  have 
been  long  since  used  for  wrappere ;  and  several  important 
letters  to  and  from  the  late  Governour  Saltonstalt,  have 
been  sent  me  by  the  family  round  garden-seeds  and  the 
like  ;  letters  that  would  not  only  do  honour  to  him,  but 
prove  of  service  to  the  Colony,  were  they  jjreserved ; 
and  surely  we  as  well  ;is  our  posterity  have  a  right  to  these 
letters  aud  journals.  We  have,  as  I  may  iuy,  a  property 
in  them,  being  written  by  persons  in  our  employ,  and  on 
our  account.  I  leave  the  tliouglit  with  your  Honour  to  be 
improved  or  thrown  by,  as  you  shall  judge  proper.  The 
post  wailing,  I  have  no  time  to  write  Colonel  Williams, 
must  therefore  ask  the  favour  of  you  to  procure  of  him  the 
Resolutions  of  the  House  of  Kepresentiilives  attested,  en- 
closed in  the  packet  you  send  uje. 

I  am  with  the  highest  esteem  and  respect,  your  Honour's 
much  obliged,  and  most  humble  servant,   - 

Silas  Deane. 

The  Honourable    Jonathan    Trumbull,    Esquire,    Gover- 
nour, &c.,  Lebanon. 

P.  S.     Messrs.    Cashing,  Adams,  Paine,  and  Adams 
called  on  me  yesterday  in  their  way  to  Philadelphia.     I 

t)urpose  setting  out  next  Monday,  and  have  ordered  the 
jearer  of  tliis  to  wait  your  commands. 


REV.  SAMUEL  PETERS,  OF  HEBRON,  CONNECTICUT. 

Two  gentlemen,  one  from  Cumberland  County,  and 
tlie  other  from  Gloucester  County,  arrived  here,  inform, 
that  on  their  journey  hither,  on  Sunday  night  tiie  14tli 
of  August,  they  lodged  at  the  Reverend  Samuel  Peters's 
house,  in  Hebron,  in  Connectiait ;  and  that  about  sunrise 
the  next  morning  they  were  surprised  by  about  three 
hundred  men,  who  came  to  the  house  on  horseback,  about 
ten  of  whom  came  into  the  house,  and  informed  Mr.  Pe- 
ters that  they  were  a  Committee  chosen  by  the  body  of 
tlie  people  that  waited  without,  to  inquire  whether  he  (Mr. 
Peters^  had  not  wrote  to  England  in  a  manner  unfriendly 
to  the  rights  and  privileges  of  this  Colony  ?  Mr.  Peters 
declared  to  them  that  he  had  not  wrote  in  such  manner ; 
whereupon  they  informed  him  that  they  expected  he  would 
show  them  the  copies  of  such  letters  as  he  had  wrote  to 
the  Society  for  propagating  the  gospel  in  foreign  parts,  and 
copies  of  such  pieces  as  he  had  sent  and  procured  to  be 
printed  in  any  of  the  common  newspapers,  or  had  prepared 
for  the  press ;  Mr.  Peters  perceiving  the  vengeance  that 
seemed  to  sit  on  the  brows  of  the  formidable  multitude  that 
surrounded  the  house,  thought  it  prudent  to  show  them 
all  such  papers  as  they  requested,  and  did  do  it ;  first  read- 
ing them  to  the  Committee,  then  permitting  the  Commit- 
tee to  peruse  them  themselves ;  after  which  our  intelli- 
fencers  were  examined,  whether  some  other  letters  from 
Ir.  Peters,  not  shown  to  the  Committee,  were  not  in  their 
hands  to  carry  to  New-York  1  And  they  answered  in  the 
negative  ;  the  said  Committee  declared  themselves  satisfied 
that  Mr.  Peters  was  innocent  of  the  crimes  he  was  sus- 
pected to  be  truilty  of,  and  went  to  their  brethren,  the  mob, 
that  surrounded  the  house,  and  reported  that  Mr.  Peters 
was  innocent ;  this  was  satisfactory  to  most  of  them.  To  the 
honour  of  the  Committee  it  may  justly  be  said,  that  they 
treated  Mr.  Peters  with  as  much  civility  as  might  any  way 
be  expected  from  men  who  had  forgot  that  it  was  as  inde- 
cent, unjust,  and  cruel  to  terrify  a  British  subject  to  such 
a  degree,  as  to  force  him  to  lay  open  to  publick  vitw  his 
private  letters,  Stc,  as  it  is  by  force  and  terrour  to  extort 
from  a  man  all  the  secrets  of  his  family. 

Satisfied  as  this  tumultuous  people  at  first  seemed  to  be 
with  the  report  of  their  Committee,  yet  they  swrn  after- 
wards made  a  fresh  demand,  that  Mr.  Peters  should  read 
to  them  a  certain  piece  he  had  prepared  for  the  press,  which 
he  did  ;  the  whole  people  now  seemed  satisfied  ;  but  soon 
after  informed  Mr.  Peters  that  he  must  sign  v,  ith  his  name 
at  large,  the  same  piece,  and  deliver  it  to  them,  for  them 
to  print  or  sUjipress,  as  they  should  think  best  ou  further 
consideration ;  and  further,  that  he  must  give  them  under 
his  hand,  that  he  had  not  wrote,  nor  did  not  intend  to  write 
to  Great  Britain,  relating  to  the  conuoversy  between  her 
and  the  Colonies;  all  which  Mr.  J'/.te/s  complied  with. 
The  mob  now  seemed  quite  satisfied,  and  a  great  majority 
of  them  mounted  their  horses  to  retire,   thanking   Mr. 


Peters  for  his  civility,  he.  But  about  the  number  of 
twenty  of  the  mob,  headed  by  one  Hatch  and  one  White, 
tarried  and  insisted  on  Mr.  Peters  asking  forgiveness,  ac- 
knowledging his  fault,  &LC.,  but  as  neither  he  nor  a  great 
majority  of  the  people  assembled  could  see  that  he  had 
done  any  thing  wortliy  of  tar  and  feathers,  he  refused  to 
do  it ;  and  after  sutiering  much  scurrility  and  abuse  from 
Hatch,  IVhite,  and  their  party,  a  considerable  number  of 
jNIr.  Peters's  friends  assembled,  the  appearance  of  whom 
struck  such  terrour  into  Hatch,  White,  and  the  other  crea- 
tures that  attended  them,  that  they  soon  followed  their 
more  sensible  friends,  without  administering  on  Mr.  Peters 
tar  and  feathers,  or  any  other  violence,  though  it  had 
been,  for  more  than  an  hour,  every  moment  expected  that 
he  would  feel  the  rage  and  fury  of  these  twenty  more  than 
brutish  people.  O  how  dreadful  is  it  for  innocence  to  be 
arraigned  at  the  bar  of  infernal  furies  ! 

What  is  very  remarkable,  this  large  body  of  people 
called  themselves  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  O  poor  degen- 
erate children  !  Such  destroyers  of  liberty  itself  are  a  dis- 
grace to  their  mother,  if  she  is  the  Goddess  of  Liberty. 
For  doth  not  Liberty  herself  allow  every  man  to  enjoy  his 
own  sentiments  ?  Doth  she  not  allow  him  to  enjoy  his 
leisure  hours  in  contemplation  ?  Does  she  forbid  him  com- 
mitting by  ink  to  paper  his  thoughts?  Does  she  deny 
him  the  privilege  of  looking  back  on  his  former  thoughts 
committed  to  writing  only  for  his  own  use  ?  Does  she 
justify  others,  when  they  break  the  cabinet  of  her  sons,  and 
peep  into  their  secrets  ?  Are  these  burglarians  her  dutiful 
sons  ;  or  are  they  the  destroyers  of  her  family,  the  disgrace 
of  their  mother?  Surely  they  are  cursed  children,  to 
whom  is  reserved  the  blackness  of  darkness  for  ever. 

John  Grou,   Cumberland  County. 

John  Peters,   Gloucester  County. 


STATEMENT  OF  THE  BOLTON  COMMITTEE. 

Bolton,  August  18,  1774. 

Mr.  Green  :  Sir,  Please  to  insert  what  follows  in  your 
paper,  and  next  to  this  Mr.  Peters's  Resolves,  and  then  his 
Declaration,  both  signed  Samuel  Peters,  and  herein  en- 
closed. 

At  a  time  when  the  liberties  of  the  Colonies  are  so 
much  threatened  by  an  arbitrary  Parliament,  and  when  the 
loyal  inhabitants  of  the  Colonies  are  so  universally  awaken- 
ed to  concert  such  measures  as  may  happily  prove  success- 
ful to  the  redressing  of  their  grievances,  and  re-establishing 
the  enjoyment  of  all  their  civil,  natural,  and  religious 
privileges,  as  well  as  a  proper  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  Colonies,  to  hear  of  any  one  fiorn  among 
ourselves,  that  from  time  to  time  makes  it  his  business  to 
write  home,  and  by  so  doing,  to  make  false  representations 
of  the  measures  the  Colonies  are  taking  to  retrieve  the  dif- 
ficulties they  labour  under,  is  justly  alarming,  and  must 
excite  every  one,  properly  jealous  of  his  rights,  to  put  a 
speedy  stop  unto ;  as  such  representations  retard  the  mea- 
sures lor  redress,  which  the  Colonies  are  so  generally  and 
loyally  taking,  and  doubtless  will  be  improved  by  a  mer- 
cenary and  arbitrary  Parliament  to  our  disadvantage.  A 
report  of  this  kind  of  misrepresentations,  lately  taking 
place  on  the  Reverend  Samuel  Peters  of  Hebron,  occa- 
sioned him  a  visit  from  near  three  hundred  people  last 
Monday  morning,  about  half  an  hour  before  sunrise,  civilly 
to  inquire  into  the  truth  of  said  report ;  said  report  being, 
that  said  Peters  was  about  sending  a  packet  home  that 
same  morning,  by  the  way  of  New-York,  expressive  of 
the  above  false  representations,  which  he  had  many  times 
before  done  in  like  manner ;  but  on  said  inquiry,  it  was 
found  by  all  that  could  be  discovered,  together  with  his 
own  declaration,  that  he  never  had  before  done,  or  was  he 
tlien  about  doing  such  a  thing;  but,  instead  thereof,  the 
writing  which  the  reporter  mistook  for  such  a  thing,  was 
a  number  of  resolves  said  Peters  had  been  fitting  for  the 
Printer,  which  he  gave  up  to  us,  signed  with  his  own  hand, 
before  us,  with  his  liberty  for  the  press.  As  said  Resolves 
are  inserted  immediately  below  this  apology,  together  with 
his  Declaration  and  intent  for  the  future,  next  below  them, 
signed  with  his  own  hand,  we  think  it  not  needful  to  re- 
mark on  said  resolves,  &ic.,  Sic, — only,  we  think  of  Mr. 
Peters's  prefatory  part  of  his  resolves,  they  savour  too 
much  of  arrogancy,  when  made  by  himself  and  two  or 


713 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


714 


three  churchmen,  without  any  legal  meeting  warned  for 
tiiat  purpose ;  and  yet  to  intend  tliem  as  equitable  resolves 
(in  contradistinction  to  the  general  run  of  the  resolves  of 
other  towns)  for  the  town  of  Hebron,  when  said  town  had 
no  knowledge  of  them. 

IcHABOD  Warner,      Benj.  Talcott,  Jun., 
Isaac  Fellows,  Samuel  Carver,  Jun. 

Bolton  Committee  of  Correspondence. 

In  our  names,  and  in  behalf,  and  at  the  desire  of  the 
attendants,  or  said  visitors  from  Tolland,  Coventry,  and 
Bolton. 

P.  S.  Mr.  Peters  confessed  that  he  had  wrote  sundry 
pieces  of  the  like  nature  of  his  said  resolves  for  the  press, 
which  his  brother  Solomon  John  Peters,  our  informer,  did 
in  truth  think  the  said  Reverend  had  sent  to  England. 

MR.  peters's  resolves. 

To  THE  Printer:  As  every  town  seems  fond  of  shew- 
ing their  opinions  relative  to  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament, 
founded  upon  some  violent  conduct  of  the  loyal  people  in 
the  town  of  Boston,  I  know  not  why  we,  who  are  the 
inhabitants  of  Hebron,  may  not  also  be  heard,  though  we 
are  few  in  number,  who  are  convened  on  this  occasion. 
We  have  presumed  (after  reading  many  resolves  and 
some  histories)  to  resolve  that  the  most  of  those  multi- 
plied resolutions  are  wrong,  and  our  own  just  and  legal — as 
follows : 

1.  All  Charters  are  sacred  to  serve  the  end  for  which 
they  were  given,  and  no  further. 

2.  No  Charter  from  the  King  &,c.,  can  be  found,  in 
which  the  grantees  have  a  right  to  the  seas,  as  all  our 
Charters  bound  us  upon  the  sea  coast  as  that  runs. 

3.  The  duty  laid  on  teas,  is  not  a  tax  upon  America, 
because  tea  grows  not  within  the  limits  of  our  Charters. 

4.  Since  they  have  not  placed  a  tax  upon  ours,  but  their 
own  specie,  which  they  certainly  have  a  right  to  do,  it  is 
our  duty  not  to  purchase  their  teas,  unless  we  have  a  mind 
to  do  it ;  and  the  East  India  Company  claim  no  right  to 
force  us  to  buy  their  teas. 

5.  The  King,  &;c.,  have  an  undoubted  right  to  prohibit 
our  trade  with  the  Dutch,  or  any  other  foreign  Nation,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  if  they  judge  the  interest  of  the  Nation 
requires  it. 

6.  The  East  India  Company  have  a  Charter  from  the 
Crown,  and  they  pay  £2,000,000  sterling,  annually  to 
support  the  Nation,  only  for  these  privileges  mentioned  in 
their  Charter :  one  of  which  privileges  is,  that  they  (the 
East  India  Company)  shall  have  the  sole  right  to  supply 
America,  &c.,  with  teas  at  two  shillings  and  six  pence 
sterling,  by  the  pound,  and  no  higher. 

7.  The  East  India  Company  have  a  purchased  and 
equitable  right  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Dutch  trade,  in  the 
article  of  tea ;  and  if  we  will  live  without  teas,  as  our 
fathers  did  in  the  purity  of  this  country,  the  tax  will  not 
hurt  us,  nor  will  the  tea  trade  profit  the  East  India  Com- 
pany. 

8.  The  Nation  is  profited  six  pence  on  each  pound  of  tea 
consumed  in  America,  sent  by  the  East  India  Company, 
but  not  a  farthing  profit  is  received  by  the  Nation  from  all 
tlie  Dutch  teas. 

9.  America  by  trading  with  the  East  India  Company 
for  their  tea,  have  a  great  advantage,  as  their  teas  are  the 
second  growth,  and  the  Dutch  teas  are  the  third  growth, 
and  a  pound  of  second  growth  tea  costs  two  shillings,  when 
a  pound  of  the  third  growth  costs  but  eight  pence  in  the 
East  Indies.  In  Amsterdam  the  tea  sells  for  one  shilling ; 
in  London,  two  shillings  and  six  pence ;  but  in  Boston  at 
one  and  the  same  price.  Hence  is  visible  the  reasons  why 
the  Dutch  traders  in  Boston  destroyed  the  English  teas, 
viz  :  one  shilling  and  ten  pence  by  the  pound,  that  Colonel 
Hancock  gains  by  iiis  Dutch  trade,  while  Colonel  Erving 
gains  but  six  pence,  by  the  pound,  in  his  trade  with  the 
East  India  Company. 

10.  As  one  shilling  and  four  pence  by  the  pound,  or 
private  interest  of  these  Dutch  factors,  caused  this  great 
waste  of  the  property  of  the  East  India  Company,  they 
(the  Dutch  factors)  in  justice  ought  to  pay  for  their  teas 
out  of  their  exorbitant  gains  from  poor  countrymen,  aris- 
ing from  the  sale  of  five  thousand  .boxes  of  Dutch  teas 
within  two  years  last  past. 

11.  The  Bostonians  are  able  to  support  their  own  poor. 


after  Windham  and  other  towns  have  paid  them  their  legal 
demands. 

12.  We  cannot  find  out  any  reasons  why  the  good  peo- 
ple of  Windham-  undertook  to  arraign  and  condemn  Gov- 
ernour  Hutchinson,  "  for  treason  against  his  country,"  and 
those  distinguished  ministers,  nierciiants,  barristers  and 
attornies,  for  ignorance,  insult  and  treason  against  law  and 
common  sense,  only  for  dilTering  in  sentiments  witli  some 
of  their  neighbours — since  there  were  a  few  names  in 
Sardis. 

13.  Farmington  burnt  the  Act  of  Parliament,  in  great 
contempt,  by  their  common  hangman,  when  a  thousand  of 
their  best  inhabitants  were  convened  for  that  glorious  pur- 
pose of  committing  treason  against  the  King ;  for  which 
vile  conduct  they  have  not  been  styled  a  pest  to  Connecti- 
cut, and  enemies  to  common  sense,  either  by  his  Honour, 
or  any  King's  attorney,  or  in  any  town  meeting.  "  We 
sincerely  wish  and  hope,"  a  day  will  be  set  apart  by  his 
Honour,  very  soon,  for  fasting  and  prayer  throughout  this 
Colony,  that  the  sins  of  those  haughty  people  may  not  be 
laid  to  our  charge  as  a  Government,  and  we  recommend  a 
due  observation  of  said  day  to  all  our  neighbours,  by  giving 
liberally  food  and  raiment  to  the  indigent  poor  in  every 
town  in  Connecticut,  and  also  to  draw  up  resolutions  that 
for  the  future  we  will  pay  the  poor  their  wages,  and  every 
man  his  due. 

MR.  peters's  declaration. 

I,  the  subscriber,  have  not  sent  any  letter  to  the  Bishop 
of  London,  or  the  venerable  Society  for  the  propagation  of 
the  Gospel,  Sic,  relative  to  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  or  the 
tea  affair,  or  the  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  Colonies,  and  design  not  to,  during  my  natural  life,  as 
those  controversies  are  out  of  my  business  as  a  clergy- 
man; also,  I  have  not  wrote  to  England  to  any  other 
gentlemen  or  designed  Company  nor  will  I  do  it. 

Witness  my  hand,  this  15th  August,  1774,  at  Hebron, 

Samuel  Peters,  Clerk. 


THADDEUS  BURR  TO  GOVERNOUR  TRUMBULL. 

Boston,  October  13,  1774. 

May  it  please  your  Honour  :  As  an  inhabitant  of  the 
Colony  of  Connecticut,  and  a  real  friend  to  its  invaluable 
rights  and  privileges,  I  look  upon  myself  in  duty  bound 
to  give  your  Honour  this  early  notice  of  some  secret 
machinations  forming  in  this  town,  which  may  eventually,  if 
not  guarded  against,  bring  our  Charter  into  question,  and  be 
a  means  of  curtailing,  if  not  destroying  it.  Without  saying 
any  more  to  apologize  for  my  troubling  your  Honour  with 
this,  I  shall  go  on  to  give  you  an  account  of  the  matter  in 
as  clear  and  concise  a  manner  as  I  am  able. 

In  a  few  days  after  I  came  to  town,  which  was  the  first 
of  this  month,  I  was  informed  that  Mr.  Peters,  a  Church 
of  England  clergymen  from  Hebron,  was  come  to  town 
with  a  design  to  go  to  England  to  make  a  representation 
of  the  treatment  he  had  met  with  in  Connecticut.  As  I 
knew  the  general  character  of  the  man,  I  had  but  little  to 
fear  from  any  representations  he  could  make  of  himself; 
but  when  I  found  he  was  countenanced  by  the  Governour, 
and  his  Mandamus  Counsellors,  the  Commissioners,  the 
body  of  the  Church  Clergy,  and,  in  short,  by  all  those 
who  style  themselves  friends  to  Government,  I  thought  he 
might,  in  conjunction  with  them,  form  some  scheme  that 
would  be  detrimental  to  the  Colony.  I  therefore  made  it 
my  business  to  find  out  as  far  as  I  possibly  could  what  their 
designs  were ;  and  from  the  best  authority,  1  am  warranted 
to  say  that  the  whole  body  as  represented  before,  are  set- 
ting the  treatment  which  Mr.  Peters  met  with  in  its  most 
glaring  colours,  so  exaggerated  as  to  exceed  all  bounds  of 
truth  ;  and  are  now  preparing  to  represent  to  Administra- 
tion that  tiie  Colony  of  Connecticut,  as  such,  is  determined 
to  persecute  and  drive  out  all  the  Church  of  England 
Clergymen  from  among  them. 

Who  is  to  go  home  with  this  false  and  malicious  ])lan,  I 
cannot  yet  find  out ;  am  rather  inclined  to  think  Mr.  Peters 
himself.  From  the  character  of  the  gentlemen  who  have 
been  so  kind  as  to  assist  me  in  detecting  this  wicked  and 
secret  scheme,  and  from  what  I  myself,  as  a  stranger,  have 
collected  from  that  party,  I  make  no  doubt  of  the  truth 
of  it. 


715 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


716 


Tlius,  may  it  please  your  Honour,  you  have  an  exact 
account  of  the  scliemc  in  agitation,  as  far  as  I  am  able  at 
present  to  collect.  I  shall  be  in  town  till  the  first  of  No- 
vember, and  should  be  glad  of  a  line  from  your  Honour  that 
1  may  be  informed  whether  it  would  be  advisable,  should 
I  make  any  further  discoveries,  to  communicate  them.  If 
I  can  in  any  way  be  of  service  to  the  Colony  it  will  give 
me  great  pleasure.  I  have  the  honour  to  subserilje  myself, 
your  Honour's  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

Thaddeus  Burr. 

New-York,  Novonibor  3,  1771. 

The  following  is  an  authentick  account  of  the  means 
whereby  Mr.  Petcrs's  letters,  (copies  of  which  you  are 
desired  to  publish,)  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  publick. 
I  am  sorry  tliat  the  indiscretion  of  a  few  weak  men, 
whose  conduct  evinces  their  ignorance  of  the  English 
Constitution,  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  religion  they  profess, 
should  have  brought  such  a  scandal  upon  Episcopacy  (or 
the  Church  of  England)  which  in  reality  is  inconsistent 
with  all  the  unconstitutional  measures  of  the  British  Min- 
istry— •which  have  nearly  enslaved  the  people  in  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  and  occasioned  all  the  contention  and 
disturbance  between  the  Colonies  and  the  parent  state. 

The  principles  of  the  Church  o{  England  are  so  far  from 
supporting  or  countenancing  a  persecuting  spirit,  or  any 
pretensions  to  tyranny  or  aibitrary  power,  either  in  Church 
or  State,  that  they  lay  the  strongest  restraints  upon  them, 
and  many  of  the  most  firm  and  strenuous  assertors  of  the 
natural  and  constitutional  rights  and  liberty  of  the  sub- 
ject, in  matters  both  civil  and  religious,  have  always  been, 
and  now  are  to  be  found,  among  the  Episcopalians,  who 
cordially  unite  with  their  brethren  of  other  denominations 
in  maintaining  those  rights  that  are  common  to  all. 

After  the  difference  between  Mr.  Peters  and  his  neigh- 
bours (before  published)  appeared,  on  the  concessions  he 
made,  to  have  subsided;  his  conduct  again  exposed  him  to 
their  resentment,  and,  on  some  discoveries,  he  thought  pro- 
per to  retire  to  Boston.  After  he  had  been  there  some 
time,  two  of  his  friends  having  made  a  journey  to  Boston, 
on  their  return,  were  by  some  of  the  neighbours  suspect- 
ed of  having  brought  letters  from  him  to  his  family.  A 
party  waited  the  return  of  these  men,  met  them  at  a  tavern 
on  the  road,  and  questioned  them,  whether  they  had  any 
letters  from  Mr.  Peters.  The  men  denied  having  any,  and 
offered  to  be  searched.  Tliey  were  believed,  without  fur- 
ther examination,  and  suffered  to  depart ;  but  one  of  them 
was  overheard,  by  a  man  who  was  at  work  behind  a  fence, 
to  say,  "  that  they  might  yet  be  searched"  before  they  got 
"  home,  might  be  brought  into  trouble,  and  therefore  had 
"  better  hide  the  letters."  The  man  who  overheard  this 
conversation,  and  probably  knew  what  had  passed  at  the 
tavern,  watched  them,  saw  them  alight  near  a  stone  fence, 
where  they  made  some  stay.  When  they  were  gone,  he 
informed  the  men  who  had  questioned  the  two  men  at 
the  tavern  of  what  he  had  heard,  and  directed  them  to 
the  place  where  he  had  seen  the  men  stop.  There,  in  a 
hole  in  the  fence,  the  letters  were  found  ;  the  two  men  were 
overtaken,  and  again  questioned,  concerning  letters  from 
Mt.  Peters.  They  denied  having  any,  and  offered  to 
declare  upon  oath  that  they  had  not,  but  the  letters  being 
produced,  they  owned  the  bringing  and  hiding  them,  which 
proved  the  means  of  making  their  contents  known  to  the 
publick. 


LETTER     FROM   THE     REVEREND    SAMUEL     PETERS,     OF 
HEBRON,  TO  HIS  MOTHER. 

Dear  Mother:  I  am  well,  and  doing  business  for  my 
intended  route.  I  hear  a  mob  was  gathered  for  me  the  day 
I  left  Hebron ;  what  they  have  done  I  cannot  yet  find  out. 
As  Jonathan  will  be  obliged  to  attend  at  New-Haven 
when  the  Assembly  sits,  1  desire  him  to  tell  Mr.  Jarvis, 
Andrews,  Hubbard,  &.C.,  to  collect  all  facts  touching  mobs 
and  insults  offered  the  clergy  of  our  churches,  or  her 
members ;  likewise  to  send  me  a  copy  of  the  Clergy's 
petition  to  Govemour  Trumbull,  and  what  he  does  in 
answer.  If  Jonathan  is  hurt,  or  my  house  is  hurt  or 
damaged,  let  that  be  transmitted  to  me  within  fourteen 
days,  or,  after  that,  send  accounts  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Rice 
Williams,  a  woollen  draper  in  London.     I  am  in  high 


spirits ;  I  should  be  happy  if  my  friends  and  relations  at 
Hebron  were  provided  for  at  these  bad  times,  when  things 
are  growing  worse.  Six  regiments  are  now  coming  from 
England,  and  sundry  men-of-war ;  so  soon  as  they  come 
hanijing  work  will  go  on,  and  destruction  will  first  attend 

■TO  O  ■     _ 

the  sea-port  towns ;  the  lintel  sprinkled  on  the  side  posts 
will  preserve  the  faithful.  I  wish  Hannah  to  take  some 
papers  which  she  and  I  laid  away  and  bring  them  to  me ; 
she  knows  where  they  be ;  or  burn  them  if  this  letter 
appears  to  be  opened  before  it  is  opened  by  you. 

IMr.  Becbe  and  Mr.  David  Jones,  Mr.  Warner  and  Mr. 
Grijfin,  of  Millington,  must  draught  a  narrative  of  their 
suflerings,  and  such  words  as  Colonel  Spencer,  &;c.,  have 
spoke,  by  way  of  encouragement  to  mobs,  and  let  Doctor 
Becbe,  send  the  same  to  me,  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Thomas 
Brovm,  merchant  in  Boston. 

I  am,  &:c.  Samuel  Peters. 


the  reverend  SAMUEL  PETERS  TO  THE  REVEREND  DOC- 
TOR ACHMUTY  OF  NEW  YORK. 

Boston,  October  1,  177'l. 

Reverend  Sir:  The  riots  and  mobs  that  have  attended 
me  and  my  house,  set  on  by  the  Govemour  of  Connecticut, 
have  compelled  me  to  take  up  my  abode  here ;  and  the 
clergy  of  Connecticut  must  fall  a  sacrifice,  with  the  several 
churches,  very  soon  to  the  rage  of  the  puritan  mobility,  if 
the  old  serpent,  that  dragon,  is  not  bound.  Yesterday  I 
waited  on  his  Excellency,  the  Admiral,  &,c..  Doctor 
Conner,  Mr.  Troutbcck,  Doctor  Bylcs,  &,c.  I  am  soon 
to  sail  for  England ;  I  shall  stand  in  great  need  of  your 
letters,  and  the  letters  of  the  clergy  of  New-York ;  direct 
to  Mr.  Rice  Williams,  woollen  draper,  in  London,  where 
I  shall  put  up.  Judge  Achmuty,  &ic.,  Stc,  will  do  all 
things  reasonable  for  the  neighbouring  charter ;  necessity 
calls  for  such  friendship,  as  the  head  is  sick,  and  the  heart 
faint,  and  spiritual  iniquity  rides  in  high  places  with 
halberts,  pistols,  and  swords.  See  the  Proclamation  I 
send  you  by  my  nephew,  and  their  pious  Sabbath  day,  the 
4th  of  last  month,  when  the  preachers  and  magistrates  left 
the  pulpits,  &IC.,  for  the  gun  and  drum,  and  set  off  for 
Boston,  cursing  the  King  and  Lord  North,  General  Gage, 
the  Bishops  and  their  cursed  Curates,  and  the  Church 
of  England.  And  for  my  telling  the  church  people  not 
to  take  up  arms,  Stc,  it  being  high  treason,  &c.,  the  Sons 
of  Liberty  have  almost  killed  one  of  my  church,  tarred 
and  feathered  two,  abused  others ;  and  on  the  sixth  day 
destroyed  my  windows,  and  rent  my  clothes,  even  my 
gown,  fee,  crying  out,  down  with  the  church,  the  rags  of 
Popery,  Sic. ;  their  rebellion  is  obvious;  treason  is  common ; 
and  robbery  is  their  daily  diversion  ;  the  Lord  deliver  us 
from  anarchy.  The  bounds  of  New-York  may  directly 
extend  to  Connecticut  river,  Boston  meet  them,  and  New- 
Hampshire  take  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  Rhode  Island 
be  swallowed  up  as  Dathan.  Pray  lose  no  time,  nor  fear 
worse  times  than  attend. 

Reverend  sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

Samuel  Peters. 

N.  B.  I  wrote  to  the  Clergy  of  Connecticut ;  the  letters 
may  be  intercepted ;  pray  acquaint  Mr.  Dibble,  he. 


JOEL  WHITE  TO  GOTERNOUR  TRUMBULL. 

Bolton,  November  30,  1774. 

Sir  :  Agreeable  to  your  Honour's  request,  I  have  waited 
on  part  of  the  Committee,  others  living  at  a  distance  in 
neighbouring  towns  have  omitted,  relative  to  Mr.  Samuel 
Peters's  affair,  and  here  is  enclosed  as  your  Honour  may 
see.  As  to  the  last  transaction,  in  September  last,  the 
Committee,  as  I  understand,  were  Captain  Seth  Wright, 
Captain  Asahel  Clark,  and  Mr.  Hill,  of  Lebanon,  and 
Mr.  Larrabee,  of  Windham,  &c. 

Sir,  I  am  your  dutiful  and  humble  servant, 

Joel  White. 
To  the  Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esquire. 


We,  the  subscribers,  being  desired  by  Joel  White, 
Esquire,  to  give  a  narrative  of  our  treatment  to  Mr. 
Samuel  Peters,  of  Hebron,  we,  with  some  others  being 


717 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


718 


informed  by  Captain  John  Peters,  brother  to  the  said 
Samuel,  had  reported  that  the  said  Samuel  had,  at  sundry 
times  before,  wrote,  and  then  had  sundry  letters  prepared 
to  be  sent  home  by  the  way  of  New-York,  big  with 
reflections  upon  this  Colony,  on  account  of  the  measures 
they  are  taking  to  get  a  redress  of  the  grievances  tliey 
have,  with  the  other  Colonies,  laboured  under  for  a  long 
time  by  (as  we  say)  an  arbitrary  Ministry,  did,  with  the 
advice  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Bolton, 
with  the  assistance  of  a  large  number  of  people  from 
the  neighbouring  towns,  near  three  hundred,  upon  the 
15th  day  of  August  last,  wait  upon  the  said  Samuel 
Peters,  before  sunrise,  civilly  to  inquire  into  the  matters 
contained  in  said  reports,  we  being,  with  sundry  others, 
chosen  a  Committee  to  wait  upon  the  said  Peters. — Do 
report  as  followeth,  viz:  That,  on  said  day,  did  wait 
upon  the  said  Peters,  at  his  own  door,  and  informed  him 
our  business.  He  asked  us  to  walk  into  his  house ;  there  he 
seemed  to  be  frank  and  free  to  inform  us  into  the  mattei's 
contained  in  the  said  report,  and  produced  a  number  of  Re- 
solves which  we  caused  to  be  published  in  the  New-Lon- 
don Gazette,  No.  564,  and  solemnly  declared,  upon  the 
faith  of  a  Priest,  that  he  never  had  nor  never  would  write 
home  to  any  person,  during  his  natural  life,  touching  said 
controversy ;  which  engagement  seemed  satisfactory,  and 
so  left  him  without  injuring  his  person  or  interest,  with  his 
thanks  for  our  kind  treatment. 

Witness  our  hands  this  29th  day  of  November,  A.  D., 
1774. 

Saul  Alvord,  Samuel  Carver,  Jr., 

Isaac  Fellows,       Ichabod  Warner. 
Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull. 


Hezekiah  Huntington,  Vine  Elderkin,  Ebenezer  Gray, 
and  John  Ripley,  all  of  Windham,  in  the  County  of 
Windham,  and  Colony  of  Connecticut,  of  lawful  age,  testify 
aiid  say,  that  on  the  6th  day  of  September,  A.  D.  1774, 
we,  with  other  persons  of  this  and  some  of  the  neighbour- 
ing towns,  went  to  Hebron  to  visit  and  deal  with  the 
Reverend  Samuel  Peters,  of  that  place,  for  and  on  account 
of  his  making  and  publishing  sentiments  and  principles 
incompatible  with  our  civil  liberties,  subversive  of  our 
Constitution,  and  tending  to  make  discord  and  dissension 
amongst  the  people  at  that  critical  time  when  an  union  was 
absolutely  necessary.  When  we  arrived  at  said  Peters's 
house  (which  we  found  full  of  people,  who  were  said  to  be 
armed)  one  Captain  Mack  came  from  the  house  and  said 
that  Peters  desired  the  people  to  choose  a  Committee  to 
converse  with  him,  which  the  people  then  accordingly  did, 
of  which  we  were  part.  The  Committee  (consisting  of 
about  ten)  accordingly  went  into  his  house  and  told  him 
the  business  we  were  upon,  and  also  asked  him  whether 
the  Resolves  published  in  the  New-London  Gazette,  as 
the  Resolves  of  the  town  of  Hebron,  made  and  formed  by 
him,  were  his  principles  ?  to  which,  after  some  conversa- 
tion and  endeavours  in  vain  to  justify  them,  he  answered 
in  the  affirmative ;  for  which,  and  many  other  things, 
particularly  his  saying  that  the  people  of  Farmington 
were  guilty  of  treason,  and  that  the  town  of  Boston  justly 
deserved  to  suffer  what  they  were  then  suffering  by  reason 
of  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  that  the  Port  Bill  was 
right,  or  words  to  that  import,  and  such  like,  the  people 
were  offended,  and  were  determined  to  have  some  publick 
retraction  and  satisfaction.  Peters  then  undertook  to  jus- 
tify his  conduct  and  principles,  which  consisted  principally 
in  trying  to  shew  that  there  was  no  duty  laid  without  our 
consent,  on  tiie  article  of  tea,  because,  he  said,  no  man 
was  obliged  to  buy,  and  when  he  did  buy  he  consented  to 
pay  the  duty,  and  so  there  could  be  no  duty  thereon  if  no 
man  purchased  it.  The  Committee,  after  hearing  him 
awhile,  told  him  that  their  principles  were  fixed,  and  that 
they  did  not  come  there  to  dispute  principles  with  him, 
and  advised  him  to  go  out  to  the  people,  and  perhaps  he 
could  convince  them  that  he  was  right,  which,  if  he  did, 
wo  would  be  satisfied,  and  assured  him,  on  his  request, 
that  he  should  return  into  his  house  again  safe,  and  without 
any  abuse  of  any  kind,  (antecedent  to  this  said  Peters 
declared  that  he  had  no  arms  in  the  house,  except  one  or 
two  old  guns  out  of  repair.)  Upon  which  said  Peters 
went  out  to  the  people,  and  being  placed  in  the  centre  of 
a  large  number,  he  began  to  harangue  the  people  as  he 


did  to  the  Committee  in  the  house ;  in  a  few  minutes  after 
a  gun  was  discharged  in  the  house,  which  much  alarmed 
the  people.  Eight  or  ten  people  were  immediately  sent 
into  the  house  to  know  the  occasion  of  the  firing,  and  to 
see  if  there  were  any  arms  or  weapons  of  dealli  therein, 
and  found  several  guns  and  pistols  loaded  with  powder  and 
ball,  some  swords,  and  about  two  dozen  large  wooden 
clubs,  concealed  and  hid  in  the  house,  and  that  the  firing 
was  accidental,  in  which  two  balls  were  discharged  from 
the  gun  fired  in  the  house;  whereupon  said  eight  or  ten 
persons  cleared  the  house  of  all  the  men  that  were  therein, 
and  set  centinels  at  each  door  of  the  house,  that  no 
damage  might  ensue,  and  thereupon,  said  Peters  having 
finished  vvhat  he  had  to  say  to  the  people,  which  was  in 
no  way  satisfactory,  the  Committee  returned  said  Peters 
safely  into  the  house,  and  were  ordered  by  the  people  to 
draw  up  something  in  writing,  which  said  Peters  should 
subscribe  and  acknowledge,  which  was  accordingly  done  ; 
and  Peters  likewise  drew  another,  and  thereupon,  on  the 
like  assurances  as  before,  Peters  and  the  Committee  went 
out  to  the  people  again,  and  Peters,  according  to  his 
desire,  read  what  he  wrote,  which  the  people  universally 
rejected ;  and  then  the  one  drawn  by  the  Committee  was 
read,  (which  was  the  same  that  was  afterwards  published 
to  the  words  Holy  Religion,  the  remainder  being  added 
afterward)  was  read  to  the  people  and  approved  so  far  as 
was  then  wrote,  which  Peters  then  absolutely  refused  to  sign 
or  acknowledge,  although  urged  and  desired  to  do  it  by  the 
Committee,  as  they  were  afraid  of  the  consequences,  as 
many  of  the  people  were  warm  and  high,  and  determined 
not  to  be  delayed  any  longer,  and  thereupon  the  Com- 
mittee safely  conveyed  him  into  his  house  again,  and  were 
persuading  him  to  sign  the  paper  drawn  up  by  the  Com- 
mittee, as  beforesaid,  when  the  people,  impatient,  weary, 
and  hungry,  would  not  be  put  off  or  delayed  longer, 
rushed  into  the  house,  by  the  door  and  one  window, 
(which  was  somewhat  broken  in  the  attempt)  seized  and 
brought  Peters  out  of  the  house,  and  placed  him  on  a  horse, 
and  carried  him  to  the  Meeting  House  Green,  or  Common 
Parade,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  where,  after  some 
talking  upon  the  premises,  Peters  agreed  to,  and  did  sign 
the  paper,  as  was  published,  and  read  it  to  the  people  him- 
self; on  which,  they,  with  one  voice,  (to  appearance) 
accepted,  and  gave  three  cheers  and  dispereed.  The 
number  of  people  was  about  three  hundred.  The  sash  of 
one  window  of  his  house  was  broken,  his  gown  and  shirt 
somewhat  torn,  and  it  was  said  by  some  that  a  table  was 
turned  over,  and  a  punch  bowl  and  glass  broken,  which 
was  all  the  damage  that  was  done  that  we  ever  heard  of; 
and  through  the  whole  the  Committee  endeavoured  to 
calm  and  moderate  the  minds  of  the  people,  who  were 
greatly  exasperated  by  Mr.  Peters' s  conduct,  firing  the 
gun,  preparing  arms,  &c.,  &.C.,  as  much  as  lay  in  their 
power ;  and  also  frequently  told  him  that  it  was  not  for  his 
religious  sentiments,  or  because  he  was  a  church-man,  or 
professed  the  religion  established  in  the  English  Nation, 
(before  the  Quebec  Bill  was  passed)  that  we  visited  him,  for 
some  of  the  people  were  of  that  denomination,  and  that 
we  were  so  far  from  hurting  or  injuring  any  one  that  did 
profess  it,  that  we  were  ready  to  defend  and  protect  them, 
when  thereto  called,  with  all  our  strength,  but  for  the 
things  and  matters  before  mentioned  we  did  visit  him;  and 
further  these  deponents  say  not. 

Hez.  Huntington,       Vine  Elderkin, 
John  Ripley,  Ebenezer  Gray. 

Windham,  December  6,  1774. 

Colony  q/" Connecticut,  m.,  Windham  County : 

Windham,  December  6,  1774. 

Tlien  personally  appeared  Hezekiah  Huntington,  John 
Ripley,  Vine  Elderkin,  and  Ebenezer  Gray,  subscribers 
to  the  foregoing  testimony,  and  made  solemn  oath  to  the 
truth  of  the  same.     Before  me, 

Samuel  Gray,  Justice  of  the  Peace. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  PENNSYLVANIA. 

Philadelphia,  August  17,  1774. 

Though  truth  and  candour  fundamentally  characterize 
the  real  patriot,  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  among  the  many 
publications  on  the  reigning  subject  of  political  declamation, 
it  has  been  m  general  disingenuously  U-eated,  and  the  pub- 


719 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


720 


lick  amused  with  partial  and  unfair  representations  of  things. 
Will  any  man,  acquainted  with  our  late  publications,  and  the 
popular  transactions  in  this  city,  be  so  hardy  as  to  assert, 
tJiat  the  freedom  of  the  press  here  has  not  been  interrupted 
by  tiie  illegal  menaces  and  arbitrary  frowns  of  a  prevailing 
party,  to  the  exclusion  of  an  honest,  unprejudiced,  and 
unawcd  investigation  of  the  question,  so  necessary  to  be 
clearly  understood  in  its  tme  light — in  which  every  free- 
man in  America  is  so  nearly  concerned,  and  into  which  he 
lias  an  undoubted  right,  with  British  boldness,  to  exercise 
the  freedom  of  inquiry  ?  Tliose  writers  who  have  appeared 
to  treat  the  subject  with  an  aspect  of  fair  and  disinterested 
examination,  have  yet  seemed  to  allow  themselves  to  sup- 
press momentous  truths,  under  the  general  notion,  that  the 
truth  is  not  to  be  spoken  at  all  times.  Those  who  enjoy 
the  sweet  solace  of  the  conscious  uprightness  of  their  own 
hearts;  who  are  actuated  by  the  ennobling  principles  of  good- 
will to  men  ;  delighting  in  the  peaceful  pleasures  of  social 
kindness,  and  the  harmony  of  civil  order,  are  not  easily 
provoked  into  publick  contest,  being  generally  over-back- 
ward in  opposing  the  spreading  influence  of  parties,  com- 
posed of  forward  and  assuming  spirits,  who  are  ever  ready 
to  bestow  on  themselves  all  the  honours  due  to  publick 
merit.  It  is  no  slight  proof  of  the  excellency  of  Virtue, 
that  among  the  number  of  those  unhappy  men  who 
•undermine  her  interests  and  slight  her  salutary  rules,  very 
few  are  to  be  found  who  do  not  seek  her  name  as  a  sanctu- 
ary of  their  forfeited  honour,  and  labour  to  cover  themselves 
-with  some  ai-tificial  and  specious  likeness  of  her ;  her  name 
has  been  pompously  sounded  amongst  us  ;  how  many  Imve 
sung  plaudits  to  true  virtue,  while  they  were  mocking  her 
with  oderings  abhorrent  to  nature  ?  How  many  who  are 
practically  disclaiming  her  influence,  are  yet  ridiculously 
blowing  the  trumpet  of  their  own  praise,  with  hollow 
sounds  of  their  reverence  and  zeal  for  virtue  ?  Would  to 
God  we  had  a  more  just  title  to  virtue,  and  that  we  were 
more  generally  honest  in  seeking  a  portion  of  inheritance 
in  this  durable  substance  !  A  little  attention  to  this  sub- 
ject must  make  any  one,  ca))able  of  rational  reflection, 
serious;  and  incline  them  to  join  with  me  in  this  desire  for 
my  country.  For  I  would  not  ofter  such  an  affront  to 
your  understandings,  my  kWow- Americans,  as  to  suppose 
you  are  yet  to  be  informed  that  after  every  subtile  political 
refinement  has  had  full  examination  and  experiment,  hon- 
esty, truth,  and  integrity  in  individuals,  must  be  recurred  to 
as  the  sure  ground-work  of  a  right  publick  spirit ;  and  in 
all  matters,  both  of  a  private  and  publick  nature,  will,  most 
certainly  be  found  the  very  best  of  all  policy:  "  Righteous- 
ness exalteth  a  Nation  ;"  but  sordid  guile  and  treacherous 
double-dealing,  bring  shame  upon  any  people,  and  have  a 
direct  tendency  to  weaken  and  render  fruitless  their  most 
strenuous  efforts  in  support  of  their  invaded  rights.  Let 
us  not  mistake  a  partial,  vindictive  virulence  of  spirit,  for 
the  generous  warmth  and  sober  firmness  of  an  honest  love 
for  our  country,  grounded  on  the  equitable  base  of  justice 
and  constitutional  right ;  let  us  not  forget  that  we  are,  (by 
profession  at  least)  Christians,  and  that  that  most  excellent 
law  of  universal  ohligation  is  binding  on  us  :  "  Whatever  ye 
"  would  that  others  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  even  so 
"  unto  them."  Come,  fellow-citizens  !  my  countrymen, 
come  ! — let  us  step  a  little  aside  from  the  broad  way  of 
popular  confusion,  into  the  retired  and  much  unfrequented 
walk  of  Christian  circumspection ;  let  us  question  ourselves 
with  an  earnest  sincerity  :  what  have  we  been  about  ? 
What  are  we  doing?  Has  the  false  fire  of  Faction  yet 
enough  spent  itself,  and  subsided,  to  admit  a  supposition, 
that  we  may  have  been  grossly  imposed  on,  amused,  abused, 
and  misled  by  dishonest  pretensions  to  patriotism  and  zeal 
for  the  publick  good?  Conscious  of  the  uprightness  of  my 
concern  for  the  honour  of  my  country,  I  dare  suppose  that 
such  is  really  our  case.  I  desire  not,  for  the  gratification 
of  any  party  spleen,  or  personal  disaffection,  to  accuse  a 
single  man  of  my  inWovi- Americans ;  far  be  it  from  me  to 
delight  in  passing,  wantonly  and  unnecessarily,  harsh  cen- 
sures on  any  ;  but  I  claim  it  as  the  right  of  every  freeman 
to  question  the  expediency  of  placing  publick  confidence 
in  such  unsound  politicians  as  have  been  principally  instru- 
mental in  exposing  us  to  the  hand  of  oppression,  both 
Ministerial,  Parliamentary,  and  popular,  and  who,  by  pre- 
ferring money  and  popularity  before  honesty,  have  made  it 
their  interest  to  lead  us  out  of  the  path  of  order  and 
honour. 


The  progress  of  population,  agriculture,  commerce,  op- 
ulence, and  science  in  Amtrica,  has  been  truly  astonishing ; 
a  land  of  liberty  and  plenty,  situate  between  the  extremes 
of  heat  and  cold,  abounding  with  commodious  rivers  and 
harbours,  where  maritime  cities  afford  a  perpetual  increas- 
ing nursery  for  seamen  ;  but  unhappily  this  has  become  too 
generally  a  school  of  corruption.  Alany  of  our  merchants, 
not  content  with  the  moderate  profits  of  lawful  trade,  have 
submitted  to  be  the  slaves  of  an  exorbitant  tliii-st  of  gain, 
and  enriched  themselves  by  defrauding  the  Crown  of  its 
revenue.  This  traffick  has  amazingly  increased  within 
these  twenty  years  past,  numbers  becoming  more  reconciled 
to  it  by  example,  habit,  and  custom,  and  have  gradually 
consented  to  amuse  themselves  with  some  very  superficial 
arguments  in  iis  favour,  such  as  that  every  man  has  a  nat- 
ural right  to  exchange  his  property  with  whom  he  pleases, 
and  where  he  can  make  the  most  advantage  of  it ;  that 
there  is  no  injustice  in  the  nature  of  the  thing,  being  no 
otherwise  unlawful  than  as  the  partial  restrictions  of  power 
have  made  it  so  ;  arguments  whicli  may  be,  and  aie  adopt- 
ed in  extenuation  of  many  other  disorderly  and  pernicious 
practices.  But  do  not  these  reasoners  seem  implicitly  to 
adopt  Butler's  ludicrous  hint,  and  apply  it  as  a  serious 
moral  truth : 

"  The  imposer  of  the  oath  'tis  breaks  it ; 
"  Not  lio  wlio  for  couTenience  tukes  it." 

I  will  not  here  insist  on  the  obligation  of  that  gospel  pre- 
cept which  enjoins  us  to  submit  to  every  ordinance  of  man 
for  conscience  sake ;  trade  and  civil  regulation  here  being 
too  much  under  the  influence  of  buccaneering  policy,  to 
expect  the  favourers  of  contraband  Iraflick  should  pay  any 
regard  to  Christian  maxims  ;  and  because  it  might  lead  into 
a  controversy  respecting  the  strict  and  literal  observance  of 
that  precept  in  all  cases  ;  though  I  confess,  if  applied  to 
the  matter  before  us,  I  cannot  see  how  its  force  can  be 
fairly  eluded  ;  neither  will  I  undertake  to  travel  into  those 
dark  mazes  of  conAised  reasoning,  which,  founded  on  false 
|X)licy,  suppose  the  acquisition  of  weaitli  to  a  state,  how- 
ever obtained,  is  its  chief  good  ;  but  rather  lament,  that 
this  net  of  wretched  sophistry  has  so  miserably  entangled 
the  understandings  of  too  many  amongst  us.  It  is  sufficient 
to  observe  (and  here  I  am  sure  of  being  upon  safe  and  in- 
controvertible ground)  that  that  pursuit  of  gain  is  a  most 
iniquitous  one,  which  cannot  be  prosecuted  without  incur- 
ring the  guilt  of  perjury,  and  a  train  of  corrupt  and  fraud- 
ulent practices — and  that  a  trade,  unavoidably  attended 
witli  such  diabolical  circumstances,  as  directly  tend  to  sap 
the  foundation  of  morality  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and 
introduce  in  the  community  a  vicious  dissoluteness  of  man- 
ners, is  more  dreadful  in  its  nature  and  effects,  than  the 
most  that  can  be  apprehended  from  Ministerial  machina- 
tions. Ye  virtuous  parents  who  feel  the  influence  of  a 
rational  tenderness  for  your  offspring,  attend  to  the  gene- 
rous emotions  of  sympathy,  and  consider,  religiously  consi- 
der, the  melancholy  prospect  of  tiiat  father  and  motlier, 
who,  having  a  son  in  whom  appears  a  strong  bias  to,  and  a 
genius  for  a  seafaring  life,  are  about  to  fix  him  in  that  oc- 
cupation for  a  livelihood  !  It  is  an  opinion  but  too  justly 
founded,  that  the  unrestrained  course  of  this  dishonest 
dealing  hath  excited  the  politicians  of  Britain  to  meditate 
on  the  most  effectual  means  to  shackle  American  trade,  and 
lay  even  internal  burthens  on  American  backs  ;  is  it  to  be 
wondered  at,  that  it  should  iiave  sucii  an  effect  ?  In  Great 
Britain,  where  smuggling  is  attended  with  no  greater,  I 
believe  with  a  much  less  degree  of  guilt,  the  law  of  the 
land  ranks  those  desperate  votaries  of  Mammon  with  shop- 
lifters and  pickpockets ;  but  what  is  their  rank  among  us  ? 
What  is  their  influence  on  our  publick  affairs  ?  A  powerful 
influence  generally  attends  tlie  possession  of  wealth,  and 
where  that  wealth  is  obtained  at  the  expense  of  conscience 
it  creates  a  separate  interest  incompatible  with  the  publick 
weal,  and  introduces  a  very  dangerous  power,  a  power  in 
the  hands  of  the  wicked,  which,  if  not  restrained  by  the 
righteous  exertions  of  just  law,  must  make  the  land  to 
mourn.  Have  we  not  just  cause  to  mourn  that  "  Our 
dealers  have  dealt  treacherously,  yea  very  treacherously," 
and  had  a  principal  share  in  bringing  the  present  load  of 
difficulty  (might  I  not  add  disgrace)  upon  their  country  ? 
Where  is  the  Government  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  V!h\ch 
has  offered  the  least  restraint  or  discouragement  to  their 
evil  doing  ?  It  must  be  strange  blindness  and  depravity 
indeed,  in  any  to  pretend  this  is  not  a  crying  grievance, 


721 


CORRESPONDEiNCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


722 


which  loudly  demands  the  most  serious  attention  of  those 
who  preside  in  the  respective  Governments  in  America ; 
it  would  he  the  same  thing  to  say,  seeking  to  avert  publick 
calamity,  or  to  promote  the  happiness  ol"  the  people,  are 
no  part  of  their  concern.  Miserably  degraded  indeed,  is 
the  state  of  patriotism  amongst  us,  wiien  men  of  such  viti- 
ated and  corrupt  principles,  have  strength  or  influence 
enough  to  set  up  their  particular  interests  in  opposition  to 
the  true  interest  of  their  country,  and  beguile  the  people 
into  a  belief  that  it  is  tlie  cause  of  liberty  and  common 
right.  How  can  we,  with  a  face  of  honest  confidence, 
claim  redress  of  the  Parliamentary  wrongs  offered  us,  if 
we  not  only  foster  in  our  bosoms  those  dangerous  enemies 
of  our  moral  health  and  social  peace,  but  suffer  some  of 
them  to  lord  it  over  us,  as  the  first  men  in  the  community, 
worthy  to  dictate  measures  for  the  publick  good;  nay, 
tacitly  seem  to  approbate  their  insolently  boasting  of  their 
crimes,  as  proofs  of  their  patriotick  virtue  ?  It  is  now 
about  eight  years  since  the  Act  was  passed  declaring  a  right 
in  tlie  British  Parliament  to  make  laws  binding  on  America 
in  all  cases  whatsoever ;  so  long  have  the  devoted  Colonies 
been  under  that  tyrannical  proscription  ;  Administration 
with  the  Ministerial  party  in  Parliament,  have  proceeded 
with  a  deliberate  and  cautious  sublety ;  they  were  doubt- 
less apprized  of  the  weight  of  the  smuggling  interest  among 
us  ;  they  knew  our  true  interests  were  in  continual  danger 
of  being  betrayed  by  this  desperate  faction  ;  they  knew 
whenever  we  deserted  the  constitutional  ground  of  civil 
order,  it  must  render  us  an  easier  prey  ;  they  tried  expedient 
after  expedient ;  they  did  and  undid,  to  put  our  wisdom  and 
virtue  to  the  proof;  at  length  they  audiorized  the  East 
India  Comjiany  to  export  their  teas  to  America  and  offer 
them  for  sale,  subject  to  the  obnoxious  duty.  How  have 
we  approved  ourselves  on  this  trying  occasion  ?  Have  we 
acted  like  a  wise  or  just  people.in  opposing  this  insidious 
measure  ?  Or  have  we  not  been  trapanned  into  a  captious, 
disorderly,  and  unlawful  opposition,  giving  our  oppressors, 
tliereby,  an  advantage  over  us  greater  than  they  could 
otherwise  have  had.  We  see  them  now  driving  over  our 
rights  and  privileges  with  an  hostile  Jehu-like  course,  under 
colour  of  punishing  our  flagitious  conduct ;  a  conduct  which 
we  cannot  justify. 

The  East  India  Company's  attempt  to  vend  their  teas 
among  us,  naturally  excited  disgust  in  the  merchant  im- 
porters of  dry  goods,  particularly  in  this  city  and  New- 
York,  where  they  had  steadily  adhered  to  that  reasonable 
and  orderly  measure  adopted  a  few  years  before,  not  to  im- 
port that  dutiable  commodity  ;  though  other  Colonies,  dis- 
regarding that  measure,  did  import  it  in  such  quantities, 
that  they  had  a  surplus  to  spare,  some  of  which  they  sent 
to  be  sold  among  us,  with  certificates  of  its  having  paid  the 
duty  ;  which  numbers  of  our  people  greedily  purchased  at 
an  advanced  price,  not  only  on  account  of  its  superiour 
quality,  but  many  had  serious  objections  to  the  use  of  that 
which  was  introduced  through  the  corrupt  and  filthy  con- 
traband channel ;  this  excited  no  visible  apprehensions  or 
our  liberty  ;  patriotism  supinely  slumbered  till  the  Minis- 
try and  East  India  Company  united  in  aiming  a  blow  at 
tlie  Diana  of  Ammcan  snmgglers  ;  her  votaries  and  their 
adherents  took  the  alarm  ;  they  saw  it  was  in  their  favour 
that  the  merchants,  from  commercial  considerations,  were 
generally  dissatisfied ;  they  had  the  address,  by  inflamma- 
tory harangues  and  publications,  to  raise  a  ferment  among 
the  people ;  they  were  soon  joined  by  those  ambitious 
spirits,  who  are  fond  of  any  opportunity  of  giving  them- 
selves consequence  with  the  populace  ;  they  made  a  not- 
able stalking  horse  of  the  word  Liberty,  and  many  well 
meaning  ])ersons  were  duped  by  the  specious  colouring  of 
their  sinister  zeal.  Finding  themselves  thus  strong,  these 
new  Lords  made  new  laws,  created  new  crimes,  and  devis- 
ed new  punishments ;  territick  bulls  were  issued,  denounc- 
ing vengeance  against  those  who  should  dare  to  cross  their 
measures.  Where  was  the  Printer  who  had  the  virtue  or 
courage  to  publish  one  sober  remonstrance  against  their 
outrageous  career?  The  free  trade  of  the  King's  subjects 
was  obstructed  ;  property  was  violated  ;  and  the  publick 
thanks  of  the  populace  were  demanded  in  justification  of 
the  conduct  of  desperadoes.  In  vain  did  a  very  lew  openly 
oppose  these  dangerous  proceedings,  and  seriously  remon- 
strate against  such  licentious  trampling  on  law  and  civil 
order ;  the  generality  of  the  conscientious  and  judicious, 

Fourth  Series.  46 


who  were  sensible  of  the  wicked  root  from  whence  it 
sprang,  and  saw  its  mischievous  tendency  were  intimidated ; 
and  through  a  dastardly  fear  of  exposing  themselves  to  the 
outrageous  insults  of  violent  men,  suppressed  the  honest 
sentiments  their  hearts  suggested,  and  they  in  private 
avowed  ;  and  by  this,  their  unmanly  flinching,  in  the  hour 
of  trial,  the  publick  was  deprived  of  the  benefit  it  would 
probably  have  received  from  their  weight  and  influence. 

Thus  has  the  true  strength  of  a  real  and  virtuous  patri-  . 
otism  been  superseded  by  the  traitorous  fire  of  false  spirits, 
which  may  have  made  us  contemptible,  but  can  never 
render  us  formidable  to  our  oppressors.  If  a  despotick 
Ministry  and  venal  Parliament  are  enemies  to  our  happy 
Constitution,  surely  these  kind  of  patriots  are  not  less  so. 
It  may  be  best  not  to  take  too  particular  notice  of  the  part 
magistracy  took  during  our  late  popular  disorders  ;  "  speak 
not  evil  of  dignities,"  the  nobility  of  magistracy  should  not 
be  degraded ;  true  1  may  it  therefore  ever  be  cloathed 
with  just  authority,  and  exercise  that  authority  "  to  the 
"  terrour  of  evil  doers,  and  the  praise  and  protection  of 
"them  that  do  well." 

We  are,  my  fellow-citizens  and  countrymen,  involved 
in  difficulties  of  a  very  serious  and  alarming  nature,  the 
weight  of  which  I  sensibly  feel,  and  am,  therefore,  anxious 
that  we  should  no  longer  follow  the  bewildering  counsels 
oi  false  brethren,  who,  as  we  have  sufficiently  experienced, 
are  but  too  ready,  for  base  ends,  to  hurry  us  into  trouble 
and  distress  from  which  they  caimot  extricate  us.  Let  us 
endeavour  to  repair  past  errours ;  it  is  the  first  necessary 
step,  in  order  to  remove  the  evil  from  our  understandings, 
which  prevents  our  discerning  the  way  to  do  right ;  re- 
membering that  we  do  not  profess  to  be  a  Nation  of  Infidels, 
but  to  believe  in  the  superintendence  of  a  Providence  who 
is  just  and  equal  in  all  his  wa3's  ;  and  that,  though  we  may 
cheat  each  other  with  fallacious  mockeries,  yet  the  su- 
preme and  all  wise  Disposer  of  events,  the  Judge  of  all  the 
earth,  who  will  do  right,  cannot  be  mocked.  Let  us  with 
sincere  and  upright  purpose  of  heart,  apply  the  good  and 
significant  advice  formerly  given  to  the  hypocrite :  "  First 
"  pull  the  beam  out  of  thine  own  eye,  that  thou  mayest  see 
"  clearly  how  to  take  the  mote  out  of  thy  brother's ;"  and 
being  thus  disposed  to  adhere  to  the  wisdom  of  the  just, 
we  need  not  fear  but  that  the  King  of  Kings  will  furnish 
us  with  an  impenetrable  shield  and  buckler  of  defence. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  A  GENTLEMAN  AT  RED- 
STONE, RECEIVED  AT  WILLIAMSBURG,  AUGUST  18, 
1774. 

On  the  26ih  of  July,  our  troops,  to  the  amount  of  four 
hundred  men,  in  eight  companies,  commanded  by  Major 
McDonald,  met  at  the  mouth  of  Fish  Creek,  on  the  Ohio, 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  below  Fort  Pitt.  A 
council  of  war  being  held,  it  was  unanimously  determined 
to  cross  the  Ohio,  and  proceed  to  destroy  the  Shawanese 
Town  called  Wagetomica,  situated  on  the  river  Musk- 
ingum, about  ninety  miles  from  the  said  creek. 

On  the  Sunday  following,  our  advanced  party  discovered 
three  Indians  coming  towards  them  on  horseback ;  who, 
observing  our  party,  rode  off  on  our  people  firing  one  shot 
at  them.  On  Tuesday,  our  advanced  party  met  three  In- 
dians, supposed  to  be  spies  from  a  large  body,  which  we 
afterwards  found  had  lain  about  half  a  mile  from  our  army. 
Upon  our  men  firing  upon  them,  they  ran,  giving  the  war 
whoop  ;  which  our  people  hearing,  immediately  formed  in 
three  columns,  expecting  to  be  attacked.  In  this  order  we 
advanced  about  half  a  mile,  when  we  were  fired  upon  by 
the  Indians  who  lay  in  ambush ;  a  battle  ensued,  in  which 
we  killed  four  Indians  and  wounded  many  more.  We  had 
two  men  killed,  and  five  wounded.  We  drove  the  Indians 
before  us  about  a  mile  and  a  half,  they  firing  upon  us  from 
every  rising  ground,  when  at  last  they  ran. 

Our  men  being  much  scattered  in  the  woods,  Major  Mc 
Donald  collected  ihcm ;  and  leaving  a  party  with  the 
wounded,  marclied  about  five  miles.  On  our  coming  to 
tlie  river  opposite  their  town,  we  observed  the  Indians 
posted  on  the  bank,  intending  to  dispute  our  passage,  each 
party  endeavouring  to  conceal  themselves  behind  trees, 
logs,  he,  watching  an  opportunity  to  fire  on  each  other. 
Here  our  men  killed  one  Indian.    At  a  council  held  here, 


723 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


724 


It  was  agreed  to  cross  lower  down  the  river  with  a  party  in 
the  night,  to  amuse  the  Indians.  One  of  our  interpreters 
called  to  them  across  the  river,  when  a  Delaware  spoke  in 
his  language,  asking  wiio  he  was,  and  what  he  wanted. 
The  interpreter  telling  his  name,  invited  him  over,  with  an 
assurance  that  no  injury  should  be  done  him.  The  Indian 
knew  him  and  came  across  the  river,  and  informed  our 
commander  of  the  good  disposition  of  the  Delaioares 
towards  the  white  people ;  but  that  John  Gibson  and  one 
IVilson,  Indian  traders,  had  been  sent  from  Pittsburgh  to 
acquaint  them  that  a  party  of  Virginians  had  marched 
against  some  of  their  towns,  but  they  did  not  know  which. 
Major  McDonald  told  him  he  had  particular  instructions 
from  the  Governour  of  Virginia  not  to  molest  any  Indians 
at  peace  with  us,  and  particularly  the  Dclawares,  who  had, 
on  many  occasions,  behaved  friendly  to  the  white  people, 
not  only  delivering  several  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Shawa- 
nese  and  Mingoes,  but  had  taken  great  pains  to  dissuade 
them  from  striking  the  whites.  The  Delaware  expressed 
great  satisfaction  that  they  were  respected  by  the  Vir- 
ginians, who  had  been  represented  to  them  by  the  Penn- 
sylvania traders  as  a  cruel,  barbarous  people,  that  would 
spare  none  of  the  Indians,  which  had  left  the  Delawares 
in  great  suspense  what  course  to  take.  After  this  conver- 
sation he  requested  us  to  stay  until  he  brought  one  Win- 
ganum,  a  Chief  of  the  Delawares.  We  gave  him  part  of 
such  as  we  had.  Soon  after  his  departure  he  overtook  two 
others  of  his  Nation  on  their  way  to  Wingamim's,  and  re- 
turned with  them,  bringing  a  Mingo,  who  had  that  day 
been  fighting  against  us.  The  Delawares  were  exceeding- 
ly pleased  with  meeting  with  so  friendly  a  reception  in  that 
bloody  path  (as  they  expressed  it)  where  the  Shatvanese 
and  Mingoes  had  passed  to  murder  so  many  of  our  people, 
especially  as  they  had  received  from  the  traders  terrible 
accounts  of  the  Virginians  intending  to  cut  them  off  for 
the  sake  of  their  lands.  But,  said  they,  from  our  present 
experience,  we  find  you  a  good  people,  or,  as  we  are  but 
three  among  so  many  warriors,  you  would  now  cut  us  in 
pieces ;  but  you  treat  us  as  friends,  which  will  make  the 
hearts  of  our  great  men  and  Nation  glad  when  we  tell  them 
this  good  news.  We  have  called  our  people  from  among 
the  Shawanese  and  Mingoes,  and  frequently  advised  the 
Shawanese  not  to  strike  the  white  people  ;  but  they  re- 
fused to  listen  to  our  counsel,  when  we  told  them  we  should 
give  them  up  to  be  cut  off  by  the  whites,  which  would  be 
the  case  as  they  were  only  a  handful.  After  this  we  parted 
in  the  most  friendly  manner.  To  prevent  our  destroying 
the  Shawanese  Towns,  it  was  proposed  that  the  Mingo 
should  bring  over  two  of  their  young  warriors  next  morn- 
ing as  hostages,  until  their  great  men  and  ours  could  talk 
together ;  and  he  left  us  for  that  purpose. 

The  commander  ordered  Captain  Michael  Cresap,  and 
Captain  Hogeland,  to  cross  the  river  before  day,  and 
secure  the  banks,  to  cover  the  landing  of  our  men  ;  which 
they  did.  Here  we  waited  the  return  of  the  Mingo ; 
but  not  coming  as  he  promised,  we  proceeded  towards 
tlieir  Upper  Town,  when  we  met  him  wiliiin  two  miles  of 
the  said  town,  coming  (as  he  said)  to  inform  us  that  the 
other  Indians  would  not  agree  to  deliver  up  any  hostages  ; 
on  which  we  advanced,  but  had  not  gone  above  two  hun- 
dred yards  before  we  discovered  a  part}-  in  ambush  under 
a  bank.  On  our  endeavouring  to  surround  them,  they  ran 
off,  when  about  thirty  of  our  men  pursued  them  close,  and 
a  battle  ensued,  in  which  Captain  Michael  Cresap,  toma- 
hawked and  scalped  one  Indian;  and,  from  the  quantities 
of  blood  on  the  woods,  many  must  have  been  wounded. 
The  Indians  running,  we  set  fire  to  the  town,  and  destroy- 
ed every  thing  of  value.  As  the  Mingo  knew  of  the 
ambush,  and  not  informing  us,  we  secured  him;  but  as  he 
had  placed  some  confidence  in  us,  we  did  not  scalp  him, 
but  brought  him  prisoner.  From  this  town  we  proceeded 
to  the  rest,  five  in  number,  all  of  which  we  burnt,  together 
wth  about  five  hundred  bushels  of  old  corn,  and  every 
other  thing  they  had.  We  also  cut  down  and  destroyed 
about  seventy  acres  of  standing  corn.  No  Indians  appear- 
ing, and  provision  falling  short,  we  returned  to  Wheeling. 
On  our  march  we  passed  through  a  Delaware  Town,  which 
the  inhabitants  had  deserted  ;  but  as  they  were  friends,  we 
did  not  touch  the  least  tride  except  a  litde  old  corn,  which 
we  were  then  in  great  want  of. 

Since  the  above,  we  have  been  waiting  for  provisions, 


which  are  carrying  out  daily  to  Wheeling.  In  this  quar- 
ter are  now  about  seven  hundred  men,  waiting  for  Lord 
Dunmore,  who  is  expected  every  day,  and  who  will,  no 
doubt,  put  an  end  to  tliis  Indian  war,  and  convince  the 
Indians  that  their  interest  in  future  will  be  to  live  in  peace 
and  friendship  with  the  English,  and  never  more  put  con- 
fidence in  a  few  villainous  traders,  who  (as  will  appear 
hereafter)  have  been  the  cause  of  the  mischiefs  that  have 
happened. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER,  DATED  GREAT  BARRINGTON, 
AUGUST  18,  1774. 

At  the  late  opening  of  the  Courts  at  Great  Harrington, 
in  Massachusetts  Government,  a  body  of  fifteen  hundred 
assembled,  on  an  apprehension  that  the  Judges  were  to 
proceed  to  act  under  the  new  regulations  appointed  by  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  and  although  they  were 
informed  that  the  Act  of  Parliament  for  that  purpose  had 
not  arrived,  and  consequently,  the  business  of  the  Court 
would  be  conducted  in  the  usual  way,  still  they  would  not 
allow  the  Judges  to  proceed  ;  giving  them  to  understand 
it  was  required  they  quitted  the  town  immediately,  which 
was  complied  with.  There  were  twelve  hundred  persons  of 
the  Massachusetts,  and  about  three  hundred  from  Litchfield 
and  its  vicinity,  in  Connecticut  Government ;  a  number  of 
the  latter  were  taken  into  custody  by  the  Sheriff,  and 
brought  before  the  Honourable  Eliphalet  Dyer,  Esq., 
who,  with  great  solemnity  and  severity  repremanded  the 
delinquents  ;  he  obliged  them  also  to  enter  into  recognisance 
for  their  appearance  at  the  next  Court,  which  measures 
have  happily  restored  order  and  due  deference  to  the  laws 
in  those  parts  of  the  two  Provinces. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER,  DATED  BOSTON,  AUGUST  20,  1774. 

Letters  by  Captain  Scott  have  this  moment  arrived. 
He  brings  intelligence  that  the  people  in  England  are  rub- 
bing up  their  eyes,  and  begin  to  awake.  Governour  Tryon 
is  said  not  a  little  to  contribute  to  this  ;  he  told  the  Lords 
of  Council  that  it  would  not  do  to  treat  the  Yorkers  as  he 
did  the  Regulators ;  they  were  very  different  kind  of  men. 
He  said  all  the  force  he  had  could  not  have  saved  the  tea, 
and  therefore  he  sent  it  back.  He  was  asked  what  he 
thought  of  the  present  measures  adopted  towards  the 
Americans!  He  answered,  they  would  undoubtedly  pro- 
duce a  Congress.  And  what  would  be  the  result  of  that  ? 
He  replied,  he  could  not  take  upon  him  to  say ;  perhaps 
the  loss  of  all  North  America. 


MATTHEW  GRISWOLD  TO  GOVERNOUR  TRUMBULL. 

Litclifield,  August  20,  1774. 

Sir:  At  the  present  sessions  of  the  Superiour  Court  in 
this  place,  the  Attorney  General  for  this  county  exhibited 
an  information  against  sundry  persons,  inhabitants  in  the 
Northern  part  of  the  County  of  Litchfield,  representing 
that  on  the  2d  of  August,  instant,  the  persons  named,  with 
others  unknown,  did,  in  Canaan,  m  said  county,  riotously 
and  unlawfully  assemble  together  with  an  intent  to  disturb 
the  peace  of  our  Lord  the  Kins; ;  and  being  so  met,  did 
proceed  from  thence  to  Great  Barrington,  in  the  County 
of  Berkshire,  and  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay, 
and  there  made  an  assault  on  the  body  of  David  Ingtrsoll, 
of  said  Great  Barrington,  (Esq.,)  and  him  carried  from 
thence  to  said  Canaan,  and  him  did  falsely  imprison  and 
restrain  of  his  lawful  liberty  for  the  space  of  twelve  hours 
against  the  peace  &.c. 

The  Court  ordered  a  warrant  to  be  issued  to  arrest  and 
bring  the  persons  complained  of  to  answer  to  the  matters 
in  said  complaint ;  which  was  done  accordingly ;  and  the 
Sheriff  yesterday  in  the  afternoon  by  virtue  thereof  brought 
seven  of  the  persons  complained  of  before  this  Court ; 
who  being  set  to  the  bar  of  the  Court  for  the  purpose 
aforesaid,  two  of  the  number  moved  for  counsel,  which 
was  admitted.  The  counsel  then  moved  that  the  process 
against  those  two  should  be  continued  to  the  next  term  ; 
offered  his  reasons,  which  the  Court  judged  sufficient,  and 
ordered  the  continuance ;  and  bail  was  taken  accordingly. 
The  evening  coming  on  the  Court  adjourned  tell  this  morn- 
ing, and  the  five  other  persons  were  held  in  the  custody  of 


725 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


'796 


the  Sheriff,  who  this  morning  brought  them  into  Court ;  they 
subjected  themselves  to  trial.  But  the  time  for  holding 
tlie  sessions  of  the  Court  in  this  county  being  just  expiring, 
it  was  impracticable  to  attend  the  trial  of  tliese  persons, 
without  breaking  in  and  interrupting  the  order  of  the  Cir- 
cuit Courts  of  this  Colony,  as  established  by  law.  The 
Court  for  that  reason  ordered  the  process  against  the  whole 
to  be  continued  accordingly,  and  bail  was  given. 

The  persons  arrested  by  the  Sheriff  were  attended  by 
about  thirty  persons  of  their  friends,  but  no  act  of  hostili- 
ty was  offered  or  attempted  on  any  person.  The  spirit  of 
the  people  in  this  county  in  general  appears  to  condemn 
such  disorders,  and  profess  a  firm  resolution  to  support  the 
administration  of  civil  Government  in  this  Colony,  and 
avoid  disturbances  of  the  publick  peace. 

It  was  apprehended  expedient  to  give  your  Honour 
early  intelligence  of  the  steps  taken,  and  what  was  done  in 
the  affair  referred  to,  which  is  accordingly  done. 

By  your  Honour's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Matthew  Griswold. 
To  the  Honourable  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Esq.,  Governour. 


JOSIAH    ^VINCY,    JUN.,    TO   JOHN   DICKINSON. 

Boston,  August  30,  1T74. 
Much  respected  and  dear  Sir  :  Your  cordial  ap- 
probation of  my  poor  work  communicates  a  happiness 
surpassed  only  by  your  kind  invitation  of  me  into  the  circle 
of  your  friends.  Believe  me,  sir,  that  I  recollect  no  feel- 
ing which  would  give  me  more  solid,  heartfelt  satisfaction, 
than  being  considered  by  you  as  an  honest  friend,  unless 
I  except  a  consciousness  of  deserving  that  rank  and  con- 
fidence. 

Your  sentiments  relative  to  that  "  Colony  which  shall 
"  advance  too  hastily  before  the  rest,  contrary  to  the  max- 
"  ims  of  discipline,"  &.C.,  are  no  doubt  just.  Yet  permit 
me,  sir,  to  use  a  freedom,  which  your  partiality  seems  to 
invite,  and  observe,  that  those  maxims  of  discipline  are  not 
universally  known  in  this  early  period  of  Continental  war- 
fare ;  and  are  with  great  difficulty  practised  by  a  people 
under  the  scourge  of  publick  oppression.  When  time 
shall  have  taught  wisdom,  and  past  experience  fixed  bounds 
to  the  movements  of  a  single  Colony,  its  intemperate  and 
over-hasty  strides  will  be  more  unpardonable.  But  if  we 
should  unfortunately  see  one  Colony,  under  a  treble  pres- 
sure of  publick  oppression,  rendered  impatient  by  the 
refinements,  delays,  and  experiments  of  the  Philadel- 
phians,  of  their  less  oppressed  and  therefore  more  delibe- 
rate brethren  ;  I  say,  if  a  Colony  thus  insulted,  galled  from 
without,  and  vexed  within,  should  seem  to  advance  and 
"  break  the  line  of  opposition,"  ought  it  to  incur  the  heavy 
censure  of  "  betraying  the  common  cause  ?"  Though  not 
to  be  justified,  may  not  its  fault  be  considered  venial? 
Believe  me,  dear  sir,  you  know  not  all  our  patriotick  trials 
in  this  Province.  Corruption  (which  delay  gives  time  to 
operate)  is  the  destroying  angel  we  have  most  to  fear. 
Our  enemies  wish  for  nothing  so  much  as  our  tampering 
with  the  fatal  disease.  I  fear  much  that  timid  or  luke- 
warm counsels  will  be  considered  by  our  Congress  as 
))rudent  and  politick.  Such  counsels  will  inevitably  en- 
slave us ; — we  subjugated,  how  rapid  and  certain  the  fall  of 
the  rest.  Excuse  my  freedom  of  telling  what  I  dread, 
though  seeming  to  differ  from  those  I  honour  and  revere. 
We  are,  at  this  time,  calm  and  temperate  ;  and,  partiality 
to  my  countrymen  aside,  I  question  whether  any  ancient 
or  modern  state  can  give  an  instance  of  a  whole  people 
suffering  so  severely  with  such  dignity,  fortitude,  and  true 
spirit.  Our  very  enemies  are  dismayed,  and  though  they 
affect  to  sneer  at  our  enthusiasm,  yet  they  so  far  catch  the 
noble  infirmity  as  to  give  an  involuntary  applause. 

I  see  no  reason  to  apprehend  our  advancing  before  our 
brethren,  unless  the  plans  they  should  adopt  should  very 
evidently  be  too  languid  and  spiritless  to  give  any  rational 
hopes  of  safety  to  us,  in  our  adherence  to  them.  Sobrius 
esto  is  our  present  motto.  At  the  urgent  solicitation  of  a 
great  number  of  warm  friends  to  my  country  and  myself,  I 
have  agreed  to  relinquish  business  and  embark  for  London, 
and  shall  sail  in  eighteen  days  certainly.  I  am  flattered, 
by  those  who,  perhaps,  place  too  great  confidence  in  me, 
that  I  may  do  some  good  the  ensuing  winter  at  the  Court 
of  Great  Britain ;  hence,  I  have  taken  this  unexpected 


resolution.  My  design  is  to  be  kept  as  long  secret  as 
possible  ;  I  hope  till  1  get  to  Europe.  Should  it  transpire 
that  I  was  going  home,  our  publick  enemies  here  would  be 
as  indefatigable  and  persevering  to  my  injury  as  they  have 
been  to  the  cause  in  which  I  am  engaged,  heart  and 
hand  ;  perhaps  more  so,  as  personal  pique  would  be  added 
to  publick  malevolence. 

I  would  solicit,  earnestly,  intelligence  from  you,  sir, 
while  in  London.  I  shall  endeavour  to  procure  the  earliest 
information  from  all  parts  of  the  Continent.  As  I  propose 
dedicating  myself  wholly  to  the  service  of  my  country,  I 
shall  stand  in  need  of  the  aid  of  every  friend  of  America ; 
and  believe  me,  when  I  say  that  1  esteem  none  more 
capable  of  affording  me  that  aid  than  those  who  inhabit 
the  fertile  banks  of  the  Delaware. 

If  you  can  lead  me  into  any  channel  of  doing  real  ser- 
vice to  the  common  cause,  I  flatter  myself  you  are  not 
disinclined ;  and  though  it  should  never  be  in  my  power 
to  cancel  the  obligation,  it  will  ever  be  my  study  to 
remember  it. 

I  am  your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

JoSIAH    QuiNCY,    JuN. 


JOHN   DICKINSON    TO    ARTHUR    LEE. 

Fairfield,  August  20,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  A  general  Congress  meets  in  Philadelphia 
the  beginning  of  next  month.  These  Colonies  have  ap- 
pointed Deputies  :  Massachusetts  Bay,  New- Hampshire, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,, the  Government  on  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  South  Carolina.  North  Carolina  it  is  said  to 
appoint  on  this  day  ;  Georgia  will  also  appoint,  as  we  are 
assured. 

The  insanity  of  Parliament  has  operated  like  inspiration 
in  America.  They  are  mad  to  be  sure,  but  in  their 
phrenzy  they  have  discovered  invaluable  truths. 

The  Colonists  now  know  what  is  designed  against  them. 
All  classes  of  people  are  surprisingly  united  in  sentiment. 
The  first  step,  in  all  probability,  will  be  a  general  non-im- 
portation from  Great  Britain.  The  next,  if  grievances 
are  not  redressed,  a  general  non-exportation  to  that  King- 
dom. If  severities  increase,  events  will  inevitably  take 
place  which  a  man  so  connected  with  this  Continent  as 
you  are,  must  view  with  inexpressible  pain  of  mind. 

The  people  in  general  through  the  country  look  forward 
to  extremes  with  resolution.  Of  these,  the  brave  Ger- 
mans, many  of  whom  have  seen  service,  are  in  every  sense 
truly  respectable.  Is  it  possible  that  the  people  of  our 
mother  country,  so  beloved  and  revered  by  us,  can  se- 
riously think  of  sheathing  their  swords  in  bosoms  so  affec- 
tionate to  them  ?  Of  engaging  in  a  war  that  must  instantly 
produce  such  deficiencies  in  her  revenue,  expose  her  to  her 
natural  enemies,  and,  if  she  conquers,  must,  in  its  conse- 
quences, drag  her  down  to  destruction ;  and,  if  she  fails 
of  success,  as,  if  the  Colonists  have  common  sense,  she 
certainly  must,  will  involve  her  in  immediate  ruin  ? 

Surely,  sir,  you  may  render  your  native  country  eminent 
services  by  publishing  your  sentiments  in  the  present 
mournful  prospect  of  affairs.  That  you  may  undertake 
the  employment  is  the  hearty  wish  of,  dear  sir,  your  affec- 
tionate friend,  and  most  obedient  servant, 

John  Dickinson. 
Arthur  Lee,  London. 

I  have  just  heard  that  Georgia  has  appointed  Deputies 
to  attend  the  Congress. 


WESTCHESTER    (neW-YORk)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
Borough  Town  of  Westchester,  in  New-  York,  the  20th  of 
August,  1774, 

James  Ferris,  Esquire,  Colonel  Lewis  Morris,  and 
Ca])lain  Thomas  Hunt,  were  chosen  a  Committee  to  meet 
the  Committee  of  the  different  towns  and  precincts  within 
this  county,  at  the  White  Plains,  on  Monday,  the  22d 
instant,  to  consult  on  the  expediency  of  appointing  one  or 
more  Delegates  to  represent  this  county  at  the  general 
Congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  the  first  day  of  Sep- 
tember next ;  and  James  Ferris,  Esquire,  being  unani- 
mously chosen  Chairman,  the  Committee,  after  considering 


727 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


728 


tlie  very  alamiing  situation  of  their  suflering  bretliren,  at 
Boston,  oecasioned  by  the  late  unconstitutional,  arbitrary, 
and  oppressive  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  blocking 
up  their  port,  as  well  as  the  several  Acts  imposing  taxes 
on  the  Colonies,  in  order  to  raise  a  revenue  in  America, 
thought  proper  to  adojit  the  following  Resolutions,  which 
were  unanimously  agreed  to  : 

Resolved,  First,  That  we  do,  and  will  bear  true  alle- 
giance to  his  Majesty  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great 
Britain,  and  according  to  the  British  Constitution. 

Second,  That  we  coincide  in  opinion  with  our  friends  in 
I^ew-Yorlc,  and  of  every  other  Colony,  that  all  Acts  of 
the  British  Parliament,  imposing  taxes  on  the  Colonies 
without  their  consent,  or  by  their  Representatives,  are  arbi- 
trary and  oppressive,  and  should  meet  the  abhorrence  and 
detestation  of  all  good  men  ;  that  they  are  replete  with  the 
j)urpose  of  creating  animosities  and  dissensions  between 
tiie  mother  country  and  the  Colonies,  and  thereby  tend  to 
destroy  liiat  harmony  and  mutual  agreement  which  it  is  so 
much  the  interest  of  both  to  clierish  and  maintain. 

Third,  That  we  esteem  it  our  duty,  and  think  it  incum- 
bent on  all  the  Colonies  in  America,  to  contribute  towards 
the  relief  of  tlie  poor  and  distressed  people  of  Boston;  and 
that  a  pereon  of  this  Borough  be  appointed  to  collect  such 
charitable  donations,  within  the  same,  as  may  be  offered 
for  their  support. 

Fourth,  That  as  a  division  in  the  Colonies  would  be 
a  sure  means  to  counteract  the  present  intention  of  the 
Americans  in  their  endeavours  to  preserve  their  rights  and 
liberties  from  the  invasion  that  is  threatened,  we  do  most 
heartily  recommend  a  steadiness  and  unanimity  in  their 
measures,  as  they  will  have  the  happy  effects  of  averting 
the  calamity  that  the  late  tyrannical  Act  of  the  British 
Parhament  would  otherwise  most  assuredly  involve  us  in. 

Fifthly,  That,  to  obtain  a  redress  of  our  grievances,  it 
has  been  thought  most  advisable  in  the  Colonies  to  ap- 
point a  general  Congress,  we  will  take  shelter  under  the 
wisdom  of  those  gentlemen  who  may  be  chosen  to  repre- 
sent us,  and  clieerfullj'  acquiesce  in  any  measures  they 
may  judge  shall  be  proper  on  this  very  alarming  and  criti- 
cal occasion.  James  Ferris,  Chairman. 


FUBLICK    MEETING,    NORFOLK,    VIRGINIA. 

In  consequence  of  letters  from  the  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence, for  St.  Mary's  and  Charles  Counties,  in 
Maryland,  and  from  the  Burgesses  of  Elizabeth  City 
County,  in  this  Colony,  with  information  of  the  arrival  of 
nine  chests  of  tea,  on  board  the  brigantine  Mary  and  Jane, 
Captain  Chapman,  consigned  to  some  gentlemen  of  this 
town,  a  meeting  of  the  inhabitants  was  requested,  and 
accordingly  held,  at  the  Court  House,  on  the  22d  of 
August,  1774,  when  it  was 

Unanimously  Resolved,  That  the  teas  now  on  board  the 
brigantine  Mary  and  Jane,  and  consigned  to  Neil  Jamie- 
son  and  Company,  George  and  John  Boivness,  and  John 
Lawrence  and  Company,  being  subject  to  the  payment  of 
duties  imposed  by  an  Act  of  the  British  Pariiament,  ought 
to  be  sent  back,  and  not  suffered  to  be  landed  ;  and  there- 
fore, 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Abyvon,  Mr.  Bousch,  Captain 
Loyall,  Mr.  Richard  Taylor,  and  Captain  Selden,  be  a 
Committee  to  wait  upon  those  gentlemen,  to  know  whether 
they  will  comply  with  the  above  Resolution ;  and  that 
they  report  their  several  answers. 

The  Committee  accordingly  waited  on  those  gentlemen, 
and  made  the  following  return  in  writing  : 

"  Gentlemen  :  We,  your  Committee,  agreeable  to  your 
Resolve,  have  waited  on  the  within  mentioned  Neil  Jamie- 
son  and  Company,  George  and  John  Bowncss,  and  John 
Lawrence  and  Company,  owners  of  the  tea  now  on  board 
the  brigantine  Mary  and  Jane,  and  acquainted  them  with 
your  Resolution,  who  severally  and  respectively  answered, 
that  they  were  willing  that  the  tea  should  be  sent  back. 
"  Ceitified  under  our  hands  this  22d  day  of  August,  1774. 
"  George  Abyvon,  Richard  Taylor, 

"  Samuel  Bousch,  John  Selden." 

"  Paul  Loyall, 

Which  return  being  read  and  heard,  it  was 


Unanimously  Voted,  Tiiat  the  above  Committee  wait 
upon  those  gentlemen,  owners  of  the  tea,  with  the  thanks 
of  this  meeting  for  their  ready  and  cheerful  acquiescence 
in  the  above  Resolution. 

William  Davies,  Clerk. 


letter  from  the  committee  of  correspondence  or 

BOSTON,  TO  the   committee  OF  CORRESPONDENCE    FOB 
NEW-JERSEY. 

Boston,  August  22,  1774. 

Sir:  The  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  this  town 
have  handed  to  the  Committee  of  Donations  a  letter  from 
you  of  the  28th  ult.,  which  breathes  such  a  spirit  of  union 
and  hearty  concern  for  the  rights  of  America,  as  must  en- 
kindle in  every  breast  the  highest  opinion  of  the  virtue  and 
firmness  of  the  inhabitants  of  New-Jersey.  With  hearts 
deeply  impressed  with  gratitude,  we  note  your  kind  inten- 
tions to  contribute  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
town,  suffering  by  means  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  and 
desire  to  know  "  in  what  way  you  can  best  answer  our  pre- 
"  sent  necessities,  whether  cash  remitted  or  articles  of  pro- 
"  vision."  For  answer,  if  cash  would  be  equally  agreeable 
to  our  friends,  it  would  be  very  acceptable  at  this  time,  but 
would  leave  that  matter  entirely  to  your  convenience.  The 
Christian  sympathy  and  generosity  of  our  friends  through 
the  Continent  cannot  fail  to  inspire  the  inhabitants  of  this 
town  with  patience,  resignation,  and  firmness,  while  we 
trust  in  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  the  universe,  that  he  will 
graciously  hear  our  cries,  and  in  his  time  free  us  from  our 
present  bondage,  and  make  us  rejoice  in  his  great  salvation. 
Please  to  present  our  grateful  acknowledgments  to  our 
friends  of  New-Jersey,  and  be  assured  we  are,  with  great 
esteem,  sir,  your  friends  and  fellow-countrymen, 

Nathaniel  Appleton,  per  order. 


to    the    inhabitants    of    NEW-JERSEY. 

New-Jersey,  August  23,  1774. 

Friends  and  CounIrymen  :  In  a  late  address  to  you 
I  have  endeavoured  to  distinguisii  between  taxes  and 
duties ;  that  the  former  ought  to  be  imposed  on  our  estates 
by  our  own  Representatives  ;  that  the  latter  cannot  be  pro- 
perly laid  by  any  authority  but  that  of  Great  Britain. 
That  we  are  a  part  of  the  Great  British  Empire,  and 
without  losing  every  idea  of  a  Colony,  we  cannot  claim  an 
exemption  from  duties  and  restrictions  on  trade. 

I  now  beg  leave  to  add,  that  this  country  was  settled  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  trade  ;  and  an  absolute  submission  to  the 
laws  of  the  mother  country,  in  paying  customs  and  duties, 
was  one  of  the  terms  our  forefatliers  settled  under.  When 
we  consider  the  design  in  planting  Colonies,  we  should  not 
be  too  fond  of  our  o\\  n  oj)inions,  but  hearken  to  those  men 
who  have  made  this  subject  their  study,  and  examined  it 
fully. 

The  great  author  of  the  Spirit  of  Laws,  often  quoted  by 
our  political  writers,  has  given  us  not  only  his  own  senti- 
ments, but  the  policy  in  Europe,  of  making  these  senti- 
ments. Speaking  of  Colonies  in  his  second  volume,  book 
twenty-one,  chapter  seventeen,  he  says,  "  The  Colonies 
"  they  (the  European  Nations)  have  formed,  are  under  a 
"  kind  of  dependence,  of  which  their  is  scarcely  an  instance 
"  in  all  the  Colonies  of  the  ancients ;  whether  we  consider 
"  them  as  holding  of  the  state  itself,  or  of  some  trading 
"  company  established  in  the  state."  Again  :  "  The  design 
"  of  these  Colonies  is  to  trade  on  more  advantageous  con- 
"  ditions  tiian  could  otherwise  be  done  with  the  neigh- 
"  boiuing  people,  with  whom  all  advantages  are  reciprocal. 
"  It  has  been  established,  that  the  metropolis*  alone  shall 
"  trade  in  the  Colonies,  and  tiiat  from  very  good  reason : 
"  because  the  design  of  the  settlement  was  the  extension 
"  of  commerce,  not  the  foundation  of  a  new  city,  or  a 
"  new  Empire ;  thus  it  is  a  fundamental  law  of  Europe, 
"  that  all  commerce  with  a  foreign  Colony  shall  be  re- 
'•  garded  as  a  mere  monopoly,  punishable  by  the  laws  of 
"  the  country." 

No  man  can  read  these  sentiments  without  perceiving 
the  good  policy  upon  which  tliey  are  founded  ;  for  us  to 
judge  rightly  of  them,  we  should  divest  ourselves  of  those 

•This  is  the  language  of  the  ancients  in  the  slite  which  founded 
the  Colony, 


729 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


730 


opinions  we  have  been  taught  to  entertain,  and  that  ideal 
notion  of  empire,  wliich  some  men  among  us,  who  have 
no  "  grace  but  wiiat  is  founded  in  dominion,"  have  been 
but  too  successful  in  propagating.  When  we  do  this  llie 
force  of  this  author's  sentiments  vAW  appear  strongly  to  us, 
and  if  not  fully  convinced  by  them,  we  shall  become  so, 
when  we  reflect  that  one  of  the  conditions  of  our  forefathers 
emigrating  to  this  Colony,  or  rather  having  leave  to  do  so, 
was  among  others,  that  "  in  managing  and  carrying  on  trade 
"  with  the  people  there,  and  in  passing  and  returning  to 
"  and  fro,"  ihe  Colony  "  should  yield  and  pay  to  us,  our 
"  heirs  and  successors,  the  customs  and  duties  therefore 
"  due  and  payable,  according  to  the  laws  and  customs  of 
"  this  our  Realm." 

These  are  the  words  of  the  first  grant  of  this  Colony, 
made  by  Charles  the  Second,  and  by  the  laws  of  trade 
passed  in  this  King's  reign,  which  are  looked  upon  as  the 
palladium  of  British  commerce,  as  well  as  other  Acts. 
Tiie  British  Legislature  have  always  made  the  trade  of 
the  Colonies  their  object,  and  ever  kept  in  view  the  first 
intention  of  settling  them.  Under  these  laws  our  fore- 
fathers settled  and  improved  their  plantations  ;  under  them 
they  and  we  ourselves  have  happily  lived  and  enjoyed  all 
the  liberty  that  men  could  or  can  wish,  and  may  yet  do  it 
if  we  will  refuse  to  hearken  to  the  sedition,  nay,  treason, 
that  is  daily  buzzed  into  our  ears  by  men  who  do  not 
design  our  happiness,  but  only  study  their  own  emolu- 
ment. They  tell  us  we  are  cramped  in  our  trade,  and  that 
if  we  permit  this  duty  another  will  follow,  and  another, 
until  we  are  ruined  and  deprived  of  all  liberty. 

If  we,  my  countrymen,  have  not  a  free  trade  with  every 
Nation,  remember  that  our  forefathers  settled  here  with  this 
restraint,  and  that  we  are  no  losers  by  it,  for  in  return  we 
have  been,  and  now  are,  "  visibly  compensated  by  the  pro- 
tection of  the  mother  country,"  who  has,  and  yet  doth, 
defend  us  "  by  her  arms,  or  supports  us  by  her  laws  ;"  be- 
sides, my  countrymen,  as  trade  is  the  object  of  the  mother 
country,  we  should  remember  that  it  is  not  her  interest 
to  destroy  it,  she  will  rather  encourage  it.  It  is  true  that 
duties  will  be  laid  for  revenue  or  proiiibition,  but  these  will 
never  be  calculated  to  destroy  trade  ;  but  to  encourage 
beneficial,  and  destroy  destructive  commerce,  by  which  the 
smuggler  will  be  restrained,  and  the  fair  trader  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  his  industry  and  honesty.  But  what  right  have 
we  to  enter  into  a  quarrel  about  it?  Let  us  remember  our 
duty  to  the  parent  state,  the  terms  on  which  our  forefathers 
settled,  lived,  and  prospered  ;  under  which  we  ourselves 
have  grown  rich  and  lived  happily.  Let  us  request  the 
parent  state  to  leave  the  taxation  of  our  estates  to  our  own 
Representatives,  and,  without  a  doubt,  we  may  rely  that 
Great  Britain  will  never  abridge  us  of  our  liberties,  while 
we  act  within  the  sphere  of  our  duty,  and  pursue  not  mea- 
sures destructive  of  their  commerce,  and  bid  defiance  to  her 
laws. 

I  have  hope  (I  wish  I  could  say  more)  that  the  intended 
Congress  will  be  productive  of  good  to  the  Colonies.  Should 
they  calmly  and  without  prejudice  enter  into  a  considera- 
tion of  the  dispute  with  the  mother  country,  they  have  it 
in  their  power  to  preserve  our  liberties,  and  restore  harmony 
between  the  Colonies  and  the  mother  state.  But  sliould 
they  listen  to,  and  be  governed  by,  the  folly  of  the  times, 
and  think  that  these  Colonies  were  not  planted  nor  pro- 
tected for  the  extension  of  commerce,  but  for  a  new 
Empire,  then  will  our  once  happy  country  become  a 
scene  of  blood  and  distraction ;  we  can  have  no  recourse 
but  to  arms,  and  alas  how  shall  we  face  the  force  of  our 
mother  country  in  the  day  of  trial,  when  roused  by  our 
repeated  insults,  and  enraged  by  our  avowed  declarations 
against  her  authority,  "  her  fleets  and  armies  siege  our 
"  cities,  stop  our  trade,  and  we,  by  conquest,  are  reduced 
"  to  a  state  our  mother  country  will  even  be  grieved  to 


upon  measures  for  opposing  the  execution  of  divers  late 
Acts  of  Parliament.  And  whereas,  by  a  late  Act  of  Par- 
liament, all  town  meetings  called  witliout  the  consent  of  the 
Governour,  (except  the  annual  meetings  in  the  months  of 
March  and  May)  are  illegal. 

I  do  strictly  prohibit  all  persons  from  attending  the  afore- 
said, or  any  other  Meeting  not  warranted  by  law,  as  they 
will  be  chargeable  with  all  the  ill  consequences  tliat  may 
follow  thereon,  and  answer  them  at  their  utmost  peril. 
Given  at  Salem,  the  23d  of  August,  1774. 

Thomas  Gage. 
By  his  Excellency's  command, 

Thomas  Flucker,  Secretary, 
God  save  the  King. 


PROVINCE   OV    MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 

By  the  Governour. — A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  certain  Handbills  have  been  posted  in  sundry 
places  in  the  town  of  Salem,  calling  upon  the  Merchants, 
Freeholders,  and  other  Inhabitants  of  said  town,  to  meet  at 
tlie  Town  House  Chamber,  on  Wednesday  next,  at  nine 
o'clock  in    the  morning,    to   consider  of   and   determine 


SALEM   TOWN    MEETING. 

On  Saturday,  the  20th  of  August,  1774,  printed  notifi- 
cations were  posted  up  in  this  town,  desiring  the  Merchants, 
Freeholders,  and  other  Inhabitants,  to  meet  at  the  Town 
House  Chamber,  on  Wednesday  the  24th,  at  nine  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  to  appoint  Deputies  to  meet  at  Ipswich,  on 
the  6th  of  September  next,  with  the  Deputies  of  the  other 
towns  in  the  county,  to  consider  of,  and  determine  on  such 
measures  as  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  our  other 
grievances  render  necessary  and  expedient.  These  notifi- 
cations purported,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence  that  the  inhabitants  should  thus  assem- 
ble. 

On  Wednesday  morning,  at  eight  o'clock,  the  Governour 
sent  a  request  to  the  Committee,  that  they  would  meet  him 
at  nine  o'clock,  telling  them  he  had  something  of  import- 
ance to  communicate  to  them.  They  waited  upon  him 
accordingly,  and  were  asked  by  him  if  they  avowed  those 
notifications  ?  Being  answered  that  it  was  known  they  were 
posted  by  order  of  the  Committee,  he  then  desired  them 
to  disperse  the  inhabitants,  who,  being  assembled  by  them, 
they  must  abide  all  the  consequences.  It  was  answered, 
that  the  inhabitants  being  met  together  would  do  what  they 
thought  fit,  and  that  the  Committee  could  not  oblige  them 
to  disperse.  His  Excellency  declared  it  was  an  unlawful, 
seditious  meeting ;  it  was  replied,  neither  the  Committee 
nor  the  inhabitants  supposed  the  meeting  was  contrary  even 
to  the  Act  of  Parliament,  much  less  to  the  laws  of  the 
Province.  The  Governour  returned,  "  I  am  not  going  to 
"  enter  into  a  conversation  on  the  matter ;  I  came  to  exe- 
"  cute  the  laws,  not  to  dispute  them,  and  I  am  determined 
'•  to  execute  them.  If  the  people  do  not  disperse,  the 
"  Sheriff  will  go  first :  if  he  is  disobeyed,  and  needs  sup- 
"  port,  I  will  support  him."  This  he  uttered  with  much 
vehemence  of  voice  and  gesture.  The  Governour  ordered 
troops  to  be  in  readiness.  They  prepared  accordingly  as 
if  for  battle,  left  their  encampment,  and  marched  to  the 
eutrance  of  the  town,  there  halted  and  loaded,  and  then 
about  eighty  advanced  within  an  eighth  of  a  mile  from  the 
Town  House.  But  before  this  movement  of  the  troops  was 
known  to  the  inhabitants,  and  while  the  Committee  were 
in  conference  with  the  Governour,  the  whole  business  of 
the  meeting  was  transacted,  (being  merely  to  choose  Dele- 
gates) and  the  Honourable  Bohert  Darby,  Esq.,  Mr.  John 
Pickering,  Jun.,  Mr.  Jonathan  Bopes,  Captain  Timothy 
Pickering,  Captain  Jonathan  Gardner,  Jun.,  and  Captain 
Richard  Manning,  were  chosen  Deputies  from  the  several 
towns  in  the  County  of  Essex,  to  attend  the  meeting  to 
be  held  at  Ipswich,  on  the  6th  of  September.  After  the 
meeting  was  over,  news  came  that  the  troops  were  on  the 
march ;  but  they  were  now  ordered  to  return  to  their 
camp. 

Peter  Frye,  Esq.,  (by  express  orders  from  the  Gover- 
nour, as  he  declared  to  the  Conmiittee)  issued  a  warrant 
for  arresting  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  for  the 
unlawfully  and  seditiously  causing  the  people  to  assemble 
by  that  notification,  without  leave  from  the  Governour,  in 
open  contempt  of  the  laws,  against  the  peace,  and  the 
statute  in  that  case  made  and  provided.  Two  of  the 
Committee  who  were  first  arrested  recognised,  each  in 
one  hundred  pounds,  without  sureties,  to  appear  at  the 
next  Superiour  Court  at  Salem,  to  answer  to  the  above 
mentioned  charge.  The  rest  of  the  Committee  who  were 
arrested  some  time  after  have  refused  to  recognise. 


781 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


732 


KXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FRaM  GOVERNOUK  WRIGHT  TO  THE 
EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  SAVANNAH,  IN  GEORGIA, 
AUGUST  24,   1774. 

In  mine  of  July  25th,  No.  23,  and  August  13th,  No. 
24,  1  acquainted  your  Lordship  tiiat  I  should  give  you  a 
full  account  of  the  conduct  and  proceedings  of  the  Liberty 
people  here,  as  soon  as  I  knew  for  certain  what  they  did 
or  meant  to  do ;  and  I  mentioned  that  some  papers  were 
preparing  by  which  I  believed  it  would  appear  that  tliese 
resolutions  were  not  the  voice  of  the  people,  but  unfairly 
and  insolently  made  by  a  junto  of  a«*very  few  only,  but 
which  papers  are  not  yet  completed.  Every  thing,  my 
Lord,  was  done  that  could  be  thought  of  to  frustrate  their 
attempt,  but  this  did  not  totally  prevent  it. 

I  have  been  informed  of  another  summons  and  meeting 
to  be  in  St.  John's  Parish,  on  the  30lh  instant ;  and,  my 
Lord,  as  long  as  these  kind  of  summonses  and  meetings  are 
suffered,  a  private  man  take  upon  him  to  summons  a  whole 
Province,  to  consult  upon  and  redress  publick  grievances,  I 
apprehend  there  will  be  nothing  but  cabals  and  combina- 
tions, and  the  peace  of  the  Province,  and  minds  of  the 
people,  continually  heated,  disturbed,  and  distracted.  And 
the  Proclamation  I  issued  against  them  is  termed  arbitrary 
and  oppressive,  and  an  attempt  to  debar  them  of  their 
natural  and  lawful  rights  and  privileges.  In  short,  my 
Lord,  if  these  calls  and  meetings  are  considered  as  illegal 
and  improper,  it  will  require  the  interposition  of  higher 
authority  to  remedy  the  evil,  for  the  Executive  powers  of 
Government  in  the  Colonies  are  too  weak  to  rectify  such 
abuses,  and  prosecutions  would  only  be  laughed  at,  and  no 
grand  jury  would  find  a  bill  of  indictment,  and  the  persons 
ordering  and  carrying  them  on  probably  insulted  and 
abusecl. 


New-Iiondon,  September  2,  1774. 
Col.  Wlllard,  one  of  Governour  CTage's  new  Council,* 
came  to  Union  on  Tuesday,  August  24,  1774,  to  do  some 
business ;  when  two  gentlemen,  belonging  to  Windham, 
who  had  been  his  attorneys  in  the  case  met  him,  and  pub- 
licklv  renounced  him  and  his  cause,  and  refused  to  assist 
him  any  more,  as  they  looked  upon  him  as  a  traitor  to  his 
country.  The  people  rose,  took  and  confined  him  one 
night,  then  carried  him  to  Brimfield,  where  the  Province 
people,  about  four  hundred  in  number,  met  them.  They 
called  a  Council  of  themselves,  and  condemned  Colonel 
Willard  to  Netvgaie  Prison,  in  Symsbury  ;  and  a  number 
set  off  and  carried  him  six  miles  on  the  way  thither.  Col- 
onel Myiard  then  submitted  to  take  the  oath  hereto  an- 
nexed, on  which  they  dismissed  him.  One  Captain  Davis 
of  Brimfield  was  present,  who  showing  resentment,  and 
treating  the  people  with  bad  language,  was  stripped,  and 
honoured  with  the  new  fashion  dress  of  tar  and  feathers  ; 

*  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  gentlemen  appointed  by  his  Majesty, 
ConnscUors  of  this  Province,  agreeable  to  a  late  Act  of  Parliament : 

Thomas  Oliver,  Esquire,  Lieutenant  Governour ;  Thomas  Flucker, 
Esquire  ;  Peter  Oliver,  Esquire  ;  Foster  Hutchinson,  Esquire ;  Thomas 
Hutchinson,  Esquire ;  Harrison  Gray,  Esquire ;  Samuel  Danforth, 
Esquire ;  John  Erving,  Sen.,  Esquire ;  James  Russel,  Esquire ;  Timothy 
Ruggles,  Esquire  ;  Joseph  Lee,  Esquire ;  Isaac  Winslow,  Esquire  ; 
Israel  Williams,  Esquire ;  George  Watson,  Esquire ;  Nathaniel  Ray 
Thomas,  Esquire ;  Timothy  Woodhridge,  Esquire ;  William  Vassal, 
Esquire ;  Williarn  Brown,  Esquire ;  Joseph  Green,  Esquire ;  James 
Boutineau,  Esquire ;  Andrew  Oliver,  Esquire ;  Josiah  Edson,  Esquire ; 
Richard  Lechmere,  Esquire ;  Joshua  Loring,  Esquire ;  John  Worthing- 
ton.  Esquire ;  Timothy  Paine,  Esquire ;  William  Pepperell,  Esquire  ; 
Jeremiah  Powell,  Esquire  ;  Jonathan  Simpson,  Esquire  ;  John  Murray, 
Esquire ;  Daniel  Leonard,  Esquire ;  Thomas  Palmer,  Esquire  ;  Isaac 
Royall,  Esquire ;  Robert  Hooper,  Esquire ;  Abijah  Willard,  Esquire ; 
John  Erving,  Jun.,  Esquire. 

Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  Sai.f.m,  August  8,  1774. — His  Ma- 
jesty having  been  pleased  to  appoint  the  Honourable  Thomas  Oliver, 
Esquire,  to  be  Lieutenant  (Jovernour  of  this  Province,  his  Honour's 
commission  was  accordingly  this  day  published  in  tlie  Council  Cham- 
ber, and  the  several  oaths  administered  to  him  by  his  Excallency  tlie 
Governour  ;  after  which  the  following  gentlemen  took  the  oaths  ne- 
cessary to  qualify  themselves  for  a  seat  in  Council,  being  appointed  by 
mandaums  from  his  Majesty :  Honourable  Thomas  Oliver,  Esquire ; 
Lieutenant  Governour  ;  Thomas  Flucker,  Esquire  ;  Foster  Hutchinson, 
Esquire  ;  Harrison  Gray,  Esquire ;  Joseph  Lee,  Esquire  ;  Isaac  Wins- 
low,  Esquire;  William  Brown,  Esquire;  James  Boutineau,  Esquire; 
Joshua  Loring,  Esquire  ;  William  Pepperell,  Esquire ;  John  Erring, 
Jun.,  Esquire. 

Boston,  August  22. — Tuesday  last,  August  15,  the  following  gentle- 
men took  the  oaths  requisite  to  qualify  them  for  their  seats  at  the 
Council  Board,  viz :  Samuel  Danforth,  Peter  Oliver,  Richard  I^ch- 
viere,  Jonathan  Simpson,  Josiah  Edson,  Nathaniel  Ray  Thomas, 
Timothy  Ruggles,  Timothy  Paine,  Abijah  Willard,  Tho.  Hutchinson, 
Jun.,  John  Murray,  Daniel  Leonard,  and  George  Watson,  Esquires. 


a  proof  this,  that  the  Act  for  tarring  and  feathering  is  not 
repealed ! 

Confession  of  Colonel  Willard,  of  Lancaster: 

Whereas  I,  Abijah  Willard,  of  Lancaster,  have  been 
appointed,  by  mandamus,  a  Counsellor  for  this  Province, 
and  having  without  due  consideration  taken  the  oath,  do 
now  freely  and  solemnly  declare  that  I  am  heartily  sorry 
that  I  have  taken  tlie  said  oath,  and  do  hereby  solemnly 
and  in  good  faith  promise  and  engage  that  I  will  not  sit  or 
act  in  tlie  said  Council,  nor  in  any  other  that  .shall  be  ap- 
pointed in  such  manner  and  form,  but  that  I  will  as  much 
as  in  me  lies,  maintain  the  Charter  rights  and  liberties  of 
this  Province  ;  and  do  hereby  ask  the  forgiveness  of  all 
honest,  worthy  gentlemen  that  1  have  offended,  by  taking 
the  above  said  oath ;  and  desire  this  may  be  inserted  in  the 
publick  prints.  Witness  my  hand, 

Abijah  Willard. 

August  25th,  1774. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER  FROM  TAUNTON,  MASSACHU- 
SETTS, AUGUST  24,  1774. 

Last  Monday  afternoon  about  five  hundred  of  the  in- 
habitants of  this  and  the  adjacent  towns  assembled  on  the 
parade,  near  the  Court  House,  in  order  to  express  the 
disquietude  of  their  minds  on  hearing  the  alarming  news, 
that  Daniel  Leonard,  Esquire,  who  was  lately  in  an  un- 
constitutional manner  appointed  one  of  the  Council  of  this 
Province,  has  accepted  and  was  sworn  into  that  office  ;  but 
the  sudden  di.sappearance  of  that  gentleman  prevented  the 
friendly  cautions  intended  by  his  kind  and  honest,  though 
incensed  neighbours  ;  th^re  was  not  the  least  disorder  or 
appearance  of  violence  in  any  of  the  Assembly  ;  but  after 
a  modest  declaration  of  their  sentiments  relating  to  some 
late  Ministerial  manoeuvres,  and  having  received  some 
pacificatory  promises  from  certain  friends  of  the  said  Coun- 
sellor, they  all  withdrew. 

The  following  evening,  certain  sons  of  Belial  were  so 
daring  as  to  fire  several  balls  into  one  of  Mr.  Leonard's 
chamber  v.indows,  where  it  was  supposed  Captain  Wil- 
liams, the  Deputy  Sheriff  lodged ;  whether  this  was  done 
on  account  of  some  old  grudge  against  him,  or  on  account 
of  his  appearing  to  side  with  the  tory  party,  or  whether, 
(which  is  most  probable)  some  of  that  party  were  the  per- 
petrators of  a  black  crime,  in  order  to  bring  down  the 
vengeance  of  Government  upon  the  whigs,  is  not  yet 
known.  However,  it  is  natural  to  observe  here,  that  the 
authors  and  fautors  of  the  late  violent  Governmental  inea- 
sures,  may,  from  such  popular  measures,  calculate  (if  they 
have  any  knowledge  of  omens)  their  own  hidden  fate,  and 
that  of  all  their  cabal ;  while  the  hands  of  the  populace  are 
daily  strengthening,  having  their  souls  duly  touched  with  a 
sense  of  the  wrongs  already  offered  them,  as  well  as  of 
those  threatened. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  TAUNTON,  MASSACHUSETTS, 
DATED  AUGUST  25,  1774. 

We  hear  that  Brigadier  Ruggles,  one  of  the  new  made 
Counsellors,  being  at  Colonel  Toby's,  at  Dartmouth,  the 
people  assembled  there  one  day  this  week,  and  ordered 
him  to  depart  forthwith,  upon  which  the  Colonel  promised 
them  he  would  go  the  next  morning  by  sun  an  hour  high  ; 
but  before  that  time  the  Brigadier's  liorse  had  his  mane 
and  tail  cut  off,  and  his  body  painted  all  over ;  since  which 
he  took  refuge  at  Colonel  Gilbert's,  at  Freetown. 

This  morning  about  two  hundred  men  met  at  the  Ware 
Bridge  in  this  town,  and  after  chosing  a  Moderator,  ap- 
pointed a  Committee  to  warn  the  towns  of  Dighton, 
Swansey,  Rynham,  Norton,  Mansfield,  Attleborough,  and 
Easton,  to  meet  to-morrow  at  eight  o'clock,  when  it  is 
thought  two  or  three  thousand  men  will  be  assembled, 
from  whence  they  will  proceed  to  Freeioum  to  wait  on 
Colonel  Gilbert,  and  desire  of  him  not  to  accept  of  the 
oflice  of  the  Hi.;h  Sheriff,  under  the  present  administration 
of  the  new  law.?,  and  that  if  he  should,  he  must  abide  by 
the  consequences;  also  to  desire  Brigadier  Buggies  to 
depart  this  county  immediately.  Such  is  the  spirit  of  this 
countv.  They  seem  to  be  quite  awake,  and  to  have 
awoke'in  a  passion.  It  is  more  dangerous  being  a  tory 
here  than  at  Boston,  even  if  no  troops  were  there. 


733 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


734 


NORTH  CAROLINA  CONVENTION. 

The  Journal  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  first  Provincial 
Convention  o/Nguth  Carolina,  held  at  Newbern,  on 
the  twenty-fourth  day  of  August,  A.  D.  1774. 

North  Carolina,  ss. 

At  a  General  Meetinj;  of  Deputies  of  the  Inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  at  Newbern,  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  Augiist, 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-four:  Appeared,  for 

Anson  County. — Mr.  Samuel  Spencer,  Wm.  Thomas. 

Beaufort. — Roger  Ormond,  Thomas  Respess,  Jun. 

Blauen. —  William  Salter,  JValter  Gibson. 

Bute. —  William  Person,  Green  Hill. 

Brunswick. — Robert  Howe. 

Bertie. — John  Campbell. 

Craven. — James  Coor,  Lemuel  Hatch,  Joseph  Leech, 
Richard  Cogdell. 

Carteret. —  William  Thompson. 

Currituck. — Solo.  Perkins,  Nathan  Poyner,  Samuel 
Jarvis. 

Chowan. — Samuel  Johnston,  Thomas  Oldham,  TIio- 
mas  Benbiiry,  Thomas  Jones,  Thomas  Hunter. 

Cumberland. — Farquard  Campbell,  Thomas  Ruther- 
ford. 

Chatham. — (None.) 

DoBBs. — Richard  Casivell,  William  McKinnie,  George 
Miller,  Simon  Bright. 

Duplin. — Thomas  Gray,  Thomas  Hicks,  James  Kenan, 
William  Dickson. 

Edgecombe. — (None.) 

Granville. — 'Thomas  Person,  Memucan  Hunt. 

Guilford. — (None.) 

Hyde. — Rothias  Latham,  Samuel  Smith. 

Hertford. — (None.) 

Halifax. — Nicholas  Long,  Willie  Jones. 

Johnston. — Needham  Bryan,  Benjamin  Williams. 

Mecklenburgh. — Benjamin  Patton. 

Martin. — Edmund  Smythwick. 

New-Hanover. — John  Ashe,  William  Hooper. 

Northampton. — Allen  Jones. 

Orange. — Thomas  Hart. 

Onslow. —  William  Cray. 

Perq,uimans. — John  Harvey,  Benjamin  Harvey,  An- 
drew Knox,  Thomas  Harvey,  John  Whedbee  Jun. 

Pas(i.uotank. — Joseph  Jones,  Edward  Everigin,  Jo- 
seph Reading. 

Pitt. — John  Simpson,  Edward  Salter. 

Rowan. —  Wm.  Kennon,  Moses  Winslow,  Sam.  Young. 

Surry. — (None.) 

Tryon. — David  Jenkins,  Robert  Alexander. 

Tyrrel. — Joseph  Spruill,  Jeremiah  Eraser. 

Wake. — (None.) 

Newbern. — Abner  Nash,  Isaac  Edwards. 

Edenton. — Joseph  Hewes. 

Wilmington. — Francis  Clayton. 

For  the  Town  of  Bath. —  William  Brown. 
Halifax. — John  Geddy. 
Hillsborough. — (None.) 
Salisbury. — (None.) 
Brunswick. — (None.) 
Campbelton. — (None.) 

The  Deputies  then  proceeded  to  mal^e  choice  of  a  Mod- 
erator, wlien  Colonel  John  Harvey  was  unanimously 
chosen,  and  Mr.  Andrew  Knox  appointed  Clerk. 

The  Meeting  then  adjourned  till  eight  o'clock  to  morrow 
morning. 

Friday,  August  2G,  1774. 

The  Meeting  met  according  to  adjournment  : 
Mr.  Hewes,  one  of  the  members  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence,  presented  several  Letters  from  the  Com- 
mittees of  Correspondence  of  the  other  Colonies  in  Ame- 
rica, and  the  several  Answers  thereto ;  which,  on  motion, 
were  ordered  to  be  read. 

And  after  the  most  mature  deliberation  had  thereon : 
Resolved,  That  three  Delegates  be  appointed  to  attend 
the  general  Congress,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia  sometime 
in  Stptember  next. 

Tiie  Meeting  adjourned  till  eight  o'clock  to  morrow 
mornin';. 


Saturday,  August  27,  1774. 
The  Meeting  met  according  to  adjournment ;  and  came 
to  the  following  Resolutions,  to  wit : 

We,  iiis  Majesty's  most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the 
Deputies  from  the  several  Counties  and  Towns  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  North  Carolina,  impressed  with  the  most  sacred 
respect  for  the  British  Constitution,  and  resolved  to  main- 
tain the  succession  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  as  by  law 
established,  and  avowing  our  inviolable  and  unshaken  fideli- 
ty to  our  Sovereign,  and  entertaining  a  sincere  regard  for 
our  fellow-subjects  in  Great  Britain,  viewing  with  the 
utmost  abhorrence  every  attempt  which  may  tend  to  disturb 
the  peace  and  good  order  of  this  Colony,  or  to  shake  the 
fidelity  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  resident  here  ;  but,  at  the 
same  time  conceiving  it  a  duty  which  we  owe  to  ourselves 
and  posterity,  in  the  present  alarming  state  of  British 
America,  when  our  most  essential  rights  are  invaded  by 
powers  unwarrantably  assumed  by  the  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain,  to  declare  our  sentiments  in  the  most  publick  man- 
ner, least  silence  should  be  construed  as  acquiescence,  and 
that  we  patiently  submit  to  the  burthen  which  they  have 
thought  fit  to  impose  upon  us  : 

Resolved,  That  his  Majesty  George  the  Third  is  lawful 
and  rightful  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Dominions 
thereunto  belonging,  and  of  this  Province,  as  part  thereof, 
and  that  we  do  bear  faithful  and  true  allegiance  unto  him 
as  our  lawful  Sovereign ;  that  we  will  to  the  utmost  of  our 
power  maintain  and  defend  the  succession  of  the  House  of 
Hanover,  as  by  law  established,  against  the  open  or  private 
attempts  of  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever. 

Resolved,  That  we  claim  no  more  than  the  rights  of 
Englishmen  without  diminution  or  abridgment ;  that  it  is 
our  indispensable  duty  and  will  be  our  constant  endeavour, 
to  maintain  those  rights  to  the  utmost  of  our  power  consist- 
ently with  the  loyalty  which  we  owe  Sovereign,  and  a 
sacred  regard  for  the  British  Constitution. 

Resolved,  It  is  of  the  very  essence  of  the  British  Con- 
stitution, that  no  subject  should  be  taxed,  but  by  his  own 
consent,  freely  given  by  himself  in  person,  or  by  his  legal 
Re)iresentatives,  and  that  any  other  than  such  a  taxation  is 
highly  derogatory  to  the  rights  of  a  subject,  and  a  gross 
violation  of  the  Grand  Charter  of  our  liberties. 

Resolved,  That  as  the  British  subjects  resident  in 
North  America,  have  not,  nor  can  have,  any  representation 
in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  therefore  any  Act  of 
Parliament  imposing  a  tax  upon  them,  is  illegal  and  uncon- 
stitutional;  that  our  Provincial  Assemblies,  the  King  by 
his  Governours  constituting  one  branch  thereof,  solely  and 
exclusively  possess  that  right. 

Resolved,  That  the  duties  imposed  by  several  Acts  of 
the  British  Parliament  upon  tea  and  other  articles,  con- 
sumed in  America,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue, 
are  highly  illegal  and  oppressive,  and  that  the  late  exporta- 
tion of  tea  by  the  East  India  Company,  to  different  parts 
of  America,  was  intended  to  give  effect  to  one  of  the  said 
Acts,  and  thereby  establish  a  precedent  highly  dishonour- 
able to  America,  and  to  obtain  an  implied  assent  to  the 
powers  which  Great  Britain  had  unwarrantably  assumed, 
of  levying  a  tax  upon  us  without  our  consent. 

Resolved,  That  the  inhabitants  of  the  Massachusetts 
Province  have  distinguished  themselves  in  a  manly  sup- 
port of  the  rights  of  America  in  general,  and  that  the 
cause  in  which  they  now  suffer  is  the  cause  of  every  hon- 
est American  who  deserves  the  blessings  which  the  Con- 
stitution holds  forth  to  them.  That  the  grievances  under 
which  the  town  of  Boston  labours  at  present  are  the- 
effect  of  a  resentment  levelled  at  them  for  having  stood 
foremost  in  an  opposition  to  measures  which  must  even- 
tually have  involved  all  British  America  in  a  state  of 
abject  dependence  and  servitude. 

The  Act  of  Parliament,  commonly  called  the  Boston 
Port  Act,  as  it  tends  to  shut  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and 
thereby  effectually  destroy  its  trade,  and  deprive  the  mer- 
chants and  manufacturers  of  a  subsistence  which  they  have 
hitherto  procured  by  an  honest  industry ;  as  it  takes  away 
the  wharves,  quays,  and  other  property  of  many  indivi- 
duals by  rendering  it  useless  to  them  -,  and  as  the  duration 
of  this  Act  depends  upon  circumstances  founded  merely  in 
opinion,  and  in  their  nature  indeterminate,  and  thereby  may 
make  the  miseries  it  carries  with  it  even  perpetual. 

Resolved,  Therefore,  that  it  is  the  most  cruel  infringe- 


735 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Stc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


736 


ment  of  tlie  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people  of  Boston, 
both  as  men  and  members  of  the  British  Government. 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  for  regula- 
ting the  Police  of  that  Province,  is  an  infringement  of  the 
Charter  rigiit  granted  them  by  their  Majesties  King  IVil- 
liam  and  Queen  Mary,  and  tends  to  lessen  that  sacred 
confidence  which  ought  to  be  placed  in  the  acts  of  Kings. 

Resolved,  That  trial  by  Juries  of  the  vicinity  is  the  only 
lawful  inquest  that  can  pass  upon  the  life  of  a  British 
subject,  and  that  it  is  a  right  handed  down  to  us  from  the 
earliest  ages;  confirmed  and  sanctified  by  Magna  Charta 
itself,  that  no  freeman  shall  be  taken  and  imprisoned,  or 
dispossessed  of  his  free  tenement  and  liberties,  or  outlawed, 
or  banished,  on  any  wise  hurt  or  injured,  unless  by  the  legal 
judgment  of  his  peers,  or  by  the  law  of  the  land,  and  there- 
fore all  who  suffer  otherwise  are  not  victims  to  ])ublick 
justice,  but  fall  a  sacrifice  to  the  powers  of  tyranny  and 
high-handed  oppression. 

Resolved,  That  tiie  Bill  for  altering  the  administration 
of  justice,  in  certain  criminal  cases  within  the  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  as  it  empowers  the  Governours  thereof 
to  send  to  Great  Britain  for  trial  all  persons  who,  in 
aid  of  his  Majesty's  olficers,  shall  commit  any  cajiital 
offence,  is  fraught  with  the  highest  injustice  and  partiality, 
and  will  tend  to  produce  frequent  bloodshed  of  the  inhab- 
itants, as  this  Act  furnishes  an  opportunity  to  commit  the 
most  atrocious  crimes  with  the  greatest  probability  of  im- 
punity. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  directly  or  indirectly  after 
the  first  day  of  January  1775,  import  from  Great  Britain 
any  East  India  goods,  or  any  merchandise  whatever,  me- 
dicines excepted,  nor  will  we  after  that  day  import  from 
the  West  Indies,  or  elsewhere,  any  East  India  or  British 
goods  or  manufactures,  nor  will  we  purchase  any  such  arti- 
cles so  imported  of  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever, 
except  such  as  are  now  in  the  country,  or  may  arrive  on  or 
before  the  first  day  of  January,  1775. 

Resolved,  That  unless  American  grievances  are  redress- 
ed before  the  first  day  of  October,  1775,  we  will  not  after 
that  day,  directly  or  indirectly  export  tobacco,  pitch,  tar, 
turpentine,  or  any  other  article  whatever  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, nor  will  we  sell  any  such  articles  as  we  think  can  be 
exported  to  Great  Britain  with  a  prospect  of  gain,  to  any 
person  or  persons  whatever,  with  a  design  of  putting  it  in 
his  or  their  power  to  export  the  same  to  Great  Britain, 
either  on  our  own,  his  or  their  account. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  import  any  slave  or  slaves, 
or  purchase  any  slave  or  slaves,  imported  or  brought  into 
this  Province  by  others,  from  any  part  of  the  world,  after  the 
first  day  of  November  next. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  not  use,  nor  suffer  East  India 
tea  to  bo  used  in  our  families,  after  the  tenth  day  of  Sip- 
tember  next,  and  that  we  will  consider  all  persons  in  this 
Province,  not  complying  with  this  resolve,  to  be  enemies  to 
their  country. 

Resolved,  That  the  venders  of  merchandise  within  this 
Province  ought  not  take  advantage  of  the  resolves  relating 
to  non-importation  in  this  Province,  or  elsewhere,  but  ought 
to  sell  their  goods  and  merchandise,  which  they  have,  or 
may  hereafter  import,  at  the  same  rates  they  have  been 
accustomed  to  sell  them  within  three  months  last  )iast. 

Resolved,  That  the  people  of  this  Province,  will  break 
off  all  trade,  commerce  and  dealing,  and  will  not  maintain 
any  the  least  trade,  dealing  or  commercial  intercourse 
with  any  Colony  on  this  Continent,  or  with  any  city  or 
town,  or  with  any  individual  in  such  Colony,  city,  or  town, 
which  shall  refuse,  decline,  or  neglect  to  adopt  and  carry 
into  execution  such  general  plan  as  shall  be  agreed  to  in 
tlie  Continental  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  we  approve  of  the  proposal  of  a  gener- 
al Congress,  to  be  held  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  on 
the  20th  of  September  next,  then  and  there  to  deliberate 
upon  the  present  state  of  British  America,  and  to  take 
such  measures  as  they  may  deem  prudent  to  effect  the 
purpose  of  describing  with  certainty  the  rights  of  Ameri- 
cans; repairing  the  breaches  made  in  those  rights;  and  for 
guarding  them  for  the  future  from  any  such  violations  done 
under  the  sanction  of  publick  authority. 

Resolved,  That  lyUliam  Hooper,  Joseph  Hevics,  and 
Richard  Caswell,  Esquires,  and  every  of  them  be  Depu- 
ties to  attend  such  Congress  ;  and  they  are  hereby  invested 


with  such  powers  as  may  make  any  act  done  b)'  them,  or 
consent  given  in  behalf  of  this  Province,  obligatory  in 
honour  upon  every  inhabitant  thereof,  who  is  not  alien  to 
his  country's  good,  and  an  apostate  to  the  liberties  of  Ame- 
rica. 

Resolved,  That  they  view  the  attempts  made  by  the 
Minister  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  as  a  prelude  to  a  gen- 
eral attack  upon  the  rights  of  the  other  Colonies ;  and  that 
upon  the  success  of  this  depends  in  a  great  measure,  the 
happiness  of  America,  in  its  present  race,  and  in  posterity  ; 
and  that  therefore  it  becomes  our  duty  to  contribute  in  pro- 
portion to  our  abilities  to  ease  the  burthen  imposed  upon 
that  town  for  their  virtuous  opposition  to  the  Revenue  Acts, 
that  they  may  be  enabled  to  persist  in  a  prudent  and  manly 
opposition  to  the  schemes  of  Parliament,  and  render  its 
dangerous  designs  abortive. 

Resolved,  That  liberty  is  the  spirit  of  the  British  Con- 
stitution, and  that  it  is  the  duty,  and  will  be  the  endeavour 
of  us  as  British  Americans,  to  transmit  this  happy  Con- 
stitution to  our  posterity  in  a  state,  if  possible,  better  than 
we  found  it ;  and  that  to  suffer  it  to  undergo  a  change 
which  may  impair  that  invaluable  blessing,  would  be  to  dis- 
grace those  ancestors,  who,  at  the  expense  of  their  blood, 
purchased  those  privileges  which  their  degenerate  posterity 
are  too  weak  or  too  wicked  to  maintain  inviolate. 

Resolved,  That  at  every  future  Provincial  Meeting, 
when  any  division  shall  happen,  the  method  to  be  observ- 
ed, shall  be  to  vote  by  the  counties  and  towns  (having  a 
right  to  send  Members  to  Assembly)  that  shall  be  repre- 
sented at  every  such  meeting  ;  and  it  is  recommended  to 
the  Deputies  of  the  several  counties  that  a  Committee  of 
five  persons  be  chosen  in  each  county,  by  such  persons  as 
accede  to  this  Association,  to  take  effectual  care  that  these 
resolves  be  pro])erly  observed,  and  to  correspond  occa- 
sionally with  the  Provincial  Committee  of  Correspondence 
of  this  Province. 

Resolved,  That  each  and  every  county  in  this  Province 
raise,  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds, 
Proclamation  money,  and  pay  the  same  into  the  hands  of 
Richard  Casivelt,  Esquire,  to  be  by  him  equally  divided 
among  the  Deputies  appointed  to  attend  the  general  Con- 
gress at  Bhiladelphia,  as  a  recompense  for  their  trouble 
and  expense  in  attending  the  said  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  the  Moderator  of  this  meeting,  and 
in  case  of  his  death,  Samuel  Johnson.  Esquire,  be  empow- 
ered, on  any  future  occasion  that  may  in  his  opinion  re- 
quire it,  to  convene  the  several  Deputies  of  this  Province, 
which  now  are  or  hereafter  shall  be  chosen,  at  such  time 
and  place  as  he  shall  think  proper  ;  and  in  case  of  the 
death  or  absence  of  any  Deputy,  it  is  recommended  that 
another  be  chosen  in  his  stead. 

Resolved,  That  the  following  be  Instructions  for  the 
Deputies  appointed  to  meet  in  general  Congress  on  the 
part  of  this  Colony,  to  wit : 

That  they  express  our  sincere  attachment  to  our  niost 
gracious  Sovereign  King  George  the  Third,  and  our  de- 
termined resolution  to  support  his  lawful  authority  in  the 
Province  ;  at  the  same  time,  that  we  cannot  depart  from  a 
steady  adherence  to  the  first  law  of  nature  :  a  firm  and  reso- 
lute defence  of  our  persons  and  properties  against  all  un- 
con=.titutional  encroachments  whatsoever. 

That  they  assert  our  right  to  all  the  privileges  of  Bn/w/* 
subjects,  particularly  that  of  paying  no  taxes  or  diities  but 
with  our  own  consent ;  and  that  tlie  Legislature  of  this  Prov- 
ince have  tlie  exclusive  power  of  making  laws  to  regulate 
our  internal  polity,  subject  to  his  ]\Iajesty's  disallowance. 

That  should  the  British  Parliament  continue  to  exer- 
cise the  power  of  levying  taxes  and  duties  on  the  Colonies, 
and  making  laws  to  bind  them  in  all  eases  whatsoever ; 
such  laws  must  be  highly  unconstitutional  and  oppressive 
to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America,  wl;o  have  not,  and 
from  their  local  circumstances  cannot  have,  a  fair  and  equal 
re|)resentation  in  the  British  Parliament,  and  that  these 
disadvantages  must  be  greatly  enhanced  by  the  misrepre- 
sentation of  designing  men,  inimical  to  the  Colonies,  the 
influence  of  whose  reports  cannot  be  guarded  against,  by 
reason  of  the  distance  of  America  from  them,  or  as  has 
been  unhappily  experienced  in  the  case  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  when  the  ears  of  Administration  have  been  shut 
against  every  attempt  to  vindicate  a  people  who  claimed 
only  the  right  of  being  heard  in  their  own  defence. 


737 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


738 


That  therefore  until  we  obtain  an  expHcit  declaration 
and  acknowlednnient  of  our  rights,  we  agree  to  stop  all 
imports  from  Great  Britain  after  the  first  day  of  January, 
1775  ;  and  that  we  will  not  export  any  of  our  commodi- 
ties to  Great  Britain  after  the  first  day  of  October,  1775. 

That  they  concur  with  tJie  Deputies  or  Delegates  from 
the  other  Colonies,  in  such  Regulations,  Addresses,  or  Re- 
monstrances, as  may  he  deemed  most  probahle  to  restore 
a  lasting  harmony  and  good  understanding  with  Great 
Britain,  a  circumstance  we  most  sincerely  and  ardently 
desire ;  and  tiiat  tliey  agree  with  the  majority  of  them  in 
all  necessary  measures  for  promoting  a  redress  of  such 
grievances  as  may  come  under  their  consideration. 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  tiiis  meeting  be  given  to 
tlie  Honourable  John  Harvey,  Esquire,  Moderator,  for  his 
faithful  exercise  of  that  office,  and  the  services  he  has 
thereby  rendered  to  this  Province,  and  the  friends  of 
America  in  general.  John  Harvey,  Moderator. 

Richard  CogdoU,  Samuel  Spencsr,  Lemuel  Hatch, 

William  Thomson,  William  ThoniaB,  Thomas  Rutherford, 

Sol.  Perkins,  Roger  Ormond,  Rd.  Caswell, 

Nathan  Poyiier,  Thomas  Respsss,  Jr.,  Wm.  McKinnie, 

Samuel  Jarvis,  William  Salter,  George  Miller, 

Samuel  Johnston,  Walter  Gibson,  Simon  Bright, 

Thomas  Beubury,  William  Person,  Tho.  Gray, 

Tho.  Jones,  Green  Hill,  Thomas  Hicka, 

Thomas  Oldham,  R.  Howe,  James  Kenan, 

Thomas  Hunter,  Jno.  Campbell,  William  Dickson, 

Farqd.  Campbell,  James  Coor,  Thomas  Person, 

Memucan  Hunt,  Samuel  Smith,  Rothias  Latham, 

Nicholas  Long,  Willie  Jones,  Needham  Bryan, 

Benjamin  Williams,  Benjamin  Patton,  John  Ashe, 

Will.  Hooper,  Allen  Jones,  Thomas  Hart, 

William  Cray,  Ben.  Harvey,  Andrew  Knoz, 

Thomas  Harvey,  J.  Whedbeo,  Joseph  Jones, 

Edwaj-d  Evcrigin,  Joseph  Reading,  John  Simpson, 

Edward  Salter,  Will.  Kennon,  IMoses  Winslow, 

Samuel  Young,  David  Jenkins,  Robert  Alexander, 

Joseph  Spruill,  Abner  Nash,  J.  Edwards, 

Joseph  Hewes,  Francis  Clayton,  William  Brown, 

John  Geddy,  Edward  Smythwick,  Jeremiah  Eraser. 

Williamsburg,  August  25,  1774. 

Last  night  an  express  arrived  from  Pittsylvania  County, 
who  brings  the  melancholy  intelligence  that  several 
families  have  lately  been  cut  off  at  Sinking  Creek,  on  the 
line  between  this  Colony  and  North  Carolina,  by  parties  of 
Choctaw,  Shawancse,  and  Delaxvare  Indians;  and  that  it 
was  reported  there  were  ten  Nations  who  had  leagued  to 
go  to  war  against  the  settlements,  some  of  them  very  pow- 
erful. We  hear  the  express  was  sent  by  Colonel  Gordon, 
of  Pittsylvania,  requesting  a  supply  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion (of  which  it  seems  the  back  inhabitants  are  in  great 
want)  the  young  men  there  having  declared  their  readiness 
to  go  out  in  their  country's  defence,  and  for  the  protection 
of  their  properties  and  friends  from  the  cruelty  and  dep- 
redations of  the  savages. 

Lord  Dunmore,  we  hear,  with  about  fifteen  hundred 
men  under  his  command,  was  to  march  in  a  few  days  for 
the  mouth  of  JSleiv  River,  where  he  is  to  be  joined  by 
Colonel  Lewis  and  Colonel  Preston  with  a  body  of  twelve 
or  fifteen  hundred  more  ;  their  destination  is  said  to  be 
asainst  some  of  the  Indian  towns. 


Williamsburg,  August  25,  1774. 
Wednesday  evening  last  an  express  arrived  in  this  city, 
who  reports  tliat  many  families  have  very  lately  been  bar- 
barously murdered  on  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  and  that  his  Excellency  Lord  Dunmore  is  en- 
deavouring all  in  his  power  to  repel  those  hostile  and  in- 
human savages.  Colonel  Preston  and  Colonel  Lewis  it 
.seems  have  raised  a  thousand  men  each  ;  and  it  is  reported 
also,  tiiat  a  like  number  have  enlisted  under  his  Lordship's 
banner,  he,  as  well  as  them,  being  greatly  exasperated  at 
the  late  cruel  and  intolerable  treatment  of  the  Indians 
towards  the  white  people  residing  at  or  near  the  back  parts 
of  this  Colonv. 


LETTER  FROM  LORD  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Whitehall,  August  26,  1774. 

It  having  been  represented  to  tiie  King  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Pennsylvania  has  taken  a  resolution  to  extend 
its  jurisdiction  up  to  the  line  settled  by  Commissioners, 
between  that  Province  and  Maryland,  although  the  Guar- 

FouHTU  Series.  47 


dians  of  tiie  Heir  of  Lord  Baltimore  have  declared  their 
incapacity  in  point  of  law  to  concur  in  a  ratification  of  that 
line,  and  consequently  their  inability  to  take  the  like  step 
on  their  part;  and  it  being  apprehended  diat  such  a 
partial  extension  of  jurisdiction  may  have  the  effect  to  dis- 
turb the  peace  of  the  King's  subjects  settled  on  tiie  frontiers 
of  both  Provinces,  and  may  occasion  violence  and  blood- 
shed, I  am  commanded  by  the  King  to  signify  to  you  his 
Majesty's  pleasure,  that  you  do  desist  from  issuing  any 
orders  for  extending  the  jurisdiction  of  Pennsylvania 
beyond  those  places  where  it  has  been  hitherto  usually  ex- 
ercised, until  the  present  difiiculty  on  the  ])art  of  Maryland 
shall  be  removed,  or  until  his  Majesty's  further  pleasure  be 
known.     I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Dartmouth. 
Deputy  Governour  Penn. 


COVEKNOUR  PENN  TO  ROBERT  EDEN. 

Philadelphia,  May  16,  1774. 

Sir  ;  On  tlie  receipt  of  your  Excellency's  letter  of 
the  31st  of  January  last,  I  resolved,  in  comj)liance  with 
your  request,  to  delay  the  issuing  a  Proclamation  for  the 
exercise  of  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Province  up  to  the  lines 
run  and  marked  by  the  Commissioners  under  the  Propri- 
etary agreements  as  the  boundaries  between  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  three  Lower  Counties,  till  it  was 
known  whether  the  guardians  of  Mr.  Harford  would  sign 
the  Commissioners'  Return,  and  instruct  you  to  join  in  such 
Proclamation.  I  am  now  to  inform  you  sir,  that  tiiat  point 
is  reduced  to  a  certainty,  Mr.  WiJmot,  our  solicitor,  having 
lately  advised  me  that  the  guardians  have  expressly  refused 
an  application  made  to  them  for  that  purpose,  conceiving 
it  to  be  a  matter  in  which,  from  the  nature  of  their  trust, 
they  cannot  legally  intermeddle.  Although  I  have  always 
been  advised  that  the  running  and  marking  the  divisional 
lines  under  the  Proprietary  Agreements,  enforced  by  the 
decrees  in  chancery,  and  ratified  by  his  Majesty  in  Council, 
on  the  joint  petition  of  both  Proprietors,  is  of  itself  final 
and  conclusive  on  alt  parties,  and  that  nothing  is  essen- 
tially wanting  to  substantiate  these  proceedings,  yet  I  should 
have  been  glad  your  Excellency  could  have  tliought  your- 
self justified  in  joining  with  me  in  a  Proclamation  to  extend 
tlie  jurisdiction  of  both  Provinces,  according  to  the  lines  thus 
settled;  as  it  would  leave  without  excuse  those  who  might 
be  disposed  to  give  opposition  to  the  measure  on  either 
side.  But  as  it  is  now  evident  that  Mr  Harford's  guar- 
dians will  give  you  no  instructions  on  this  head,  I  cannot, 
consistent  with  the  justice  due  to  the  people  settled  on  our 
side  of  those  lines,  who  have  been,  and  yet  are,  in  a  great 
measure,  in  a  lawless  state,  any  longer  defer  affording  to 
them  that  protection  they  have  so  repeatedly  applied  for, 
and  which  they  have  a  right  to  claim  from  this  Government. 
1  have,  therefore,  come  to  a  resolution,  by  the  advice  of 
my  Council,  to  issue  the  Proclamation  ex-parte,  and  hope 
your  Excellency,  before  you  embark  for  England,  will 
take  such  measures  on  the  occasion  as  you  may  judge  most 
proper  to  prevent  the  peace  of  the  two  Provinces  from 
being  again  disturbed,  and  those  valuable  purposes  from 
being  defeated  that  induced  the  respective  Proprietaries 
to  enter  into  the  agreement  for  settling  their  boundaries, 
and  which,  in  their  execution,  have  been  attended  with  an 
immense  expense  to  them.  I  sincerely  wish  you  a  happy 
voyage,  and  am,  with  great  respect,  your  Excellency's 
obedient  humble  servant,  John  Penn. 

His  Excellency  Robert  Eden,  Esquire. 


ROBERT  EDEN  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Annapolis,  May  31,  1774. 

Sir  :  The  guardians  of  the  Proprietor  of  Maryland, 
appointed  by  the  Lord  Chancellor  of  England,  declined, 
I  presume,  signing  the  Return  of  the  Commissioners  in 
their  capacity  of  guardians  because  they  migiit  think  it 
improper  to  do  the  act  without  the  especial  direction  of  the 
Lord  Chancellor,  upon  an  application  bringing  the  matter 
before  iiis  Lordship  in  a  regular  course  of  proceeding,  their 
Ward  being  under  his  particular  protection  ;  but  whatever 
may  have  been  the  reason,  whether  that  which  I  have  sug- 
gested, or  any  other,  why  the  guardians  have  declined  the 
measure,  I  conceive  (and  the  Council  of  this  Province, 


739 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  AUGUST,  1774. 


740 


whom  I  have  consulted,  are  of  tlie  same  opinion)  that  it 
would  be  most  improper  for  mt',  in  my  station,  to  undertake, 
in  any  degree,  the  exercise  of  a  power  which  the  guardians 
have  refused,  upon  the  declared  principle,  that  it  is  a 
matter  in  which,  from  the  nature  of  their  trust,  they  cannot 
intermeddle. 

What  may  be  the  effect  in  respect  of  the  peace  of  the 
two  Provinces  of  an  cx-parte  Proclamation  issued  by  your 
Government,  I  do  not  undertake  lo  say,  nor  do  I  doubt  but 
that  the  tendency  of  such  a  measure  will  be  most  maturely 
considered  before  the  execution  of  it,  though  for  my  own 
part  1  am  not  without  apprehension  that  some  disagreeable 
disturbances  may  be  the  consequence  of  such  an  cx-parte 
Proclamation,  and  I  cannot  but  express  my  wish  that  it 
may  be  deferred. 

1  expect  to  take  my  departure  from  Maryland  in  a  few 
days,  and  will  embrace  a  very  early  opportunity,  after  my 
arrival  in  England,  to  communicate  your  letters  to  the 
guardians  ;  but  till  instructions  shall  be  sent  hither  to  direct 
the  conduct  of  the  Provincial  Government,  1  believe  I 
may  venture  to  assure  you,  no  steps  will  be  taken  here  to 
indicate  a  concurrence  with,  or  an  admission  of,  the  pro- 
priety of  the  measure  you  propose. 

I  am,  sir,  Sec,  Robert  Eden. 

The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Goveniour  of  Pc/m- 

»i/lvania. 

QOVERNOUR  PENN  TO  RICHARD  LEE. 

Philadelphia,  September  26,  1774. 

Sir:  In  consequence  of  letters  lately  received  from 
England  I  have  made  publick  notification  of  the  Provin- 
cial boundary  lines  run  by  Messrs.  Dixon  and  Mason, 
between  this  Province  and  the  Lower  Counties  on  Del- 
aware and  Maryland.  The  jurisdiction  of  tliis  Province 
will  be  exercised  accordingly  up  to  those  lines;  and, 
although  your  Government  has  not  thought  itself  at 
liberty  to  concur  in  that  most  just,  reasonable,  and  neces- 
sary measure,  for  want  of  proper  instructions,  I  am  per- 
suaded it  will  not  give  an  opposition  which  can  serve  no 
purpose  but  to  disturb  the  publick  peace. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  and 
most  humble  servant,  John  Penn. 

The  Honourable  Richard  Lee,  Esquire. 


GENERAL  BRATTLE  TO  GENERAL  GAGE. 

Cambridge,  August  2G,  1774. 

Mr.  Brattle  presents  his  duty  to  his  Excellency  Gov- 
emour  Gage,  he  apprehends  it  is  his  duty  to  acquaint  his 
Excellency,  from  time  to  time,  of  every  ti)ing  he  hears 
and  knows  to  be  true,  and  is  of  importance  in  these  trouble- 
some times,  which  is  the  apology  Mr.  Brattle  makes  for 
troubling  the  General  with  this  letter. 

Captain  Minot,  of  Concord,  a  very  worthy  man,  this 
minute  informed  Mr.  Brattle  that  there  had  been  repeatedly 
made  pressing  applications  to  him  to  warn  his  conipany  to 
meet  at  one  minute's  warning,  equipped  with  arms  and  am- 
munition, according  to  law  ;  he  had  constantly  denied  them, 
adding,  if  he  did  not  gratify  them  he  should  be  constrained 
to  quit  his  farms  and  town.  Mr.  Brattle  told  him  he  had 
better  do  that  than  lose  his  life  and  be  hanged  for  a  rebel. 
He  observed  that  many  Captains  had  done  it,  though  not 
in  the  regiment  to  which  he  belongs,  which  was  and  is 
under  Colonel  Elisha  Jones,  but  in  a  neighbouring  regi- 
ment. 

Mr.  Brattle  begs  leave  humbly  to  quere,  whether  it 
would  not  be  best  that  there  should  not  be  one  commis- 
sioned officer  of  the  militia  in  the  Province. 

This  morning  tlie  Selectmen  of  Medford  came  and 
received  their  town  stock  of  powder,  which  was  in  the 
Arsenal  on  Quarry  Hill,  so  that  there  is  now  tlierein  the 
King's  powder  only,  which  shall  remain  there  as  a  sacred 
depositum  till  ordered  out  by  the  Captain-General. 

To  his  Excellency  General  Gage,  &.C.,  &c. 


establish  a  lasting  peace  with  the  brave  Natives,  who,  in 
my  opinion,  would  behave  well  were  they  not  ))oisoned  by 
the  blackguard  traders  allowed  to  go  among  them  to  their 
different  towns.  This  prevents  my  attending  the  general 
Congress,  where  1  would  expect  to  see  the  spirit  of  the 
Amyhyctiom  shine  as  that  illustrious  Council  did  in  their 
purest  times,  before  debauched  with  the  Persian  gold. 

The  fate  of  America  depends  on  your  meeting,  and  tlie 
eyes  of  the  European  world  hang  upon  you,  waiting  the 
event.  Despotism  and  the  Roman  Catholick  religion  is 
established  in  Canada.  Can  we  be  said  to  enjoy  liberty,  if 
the  villain  who  ravishes  our  wives,  deflowers  our  daugliters, 
or  murders  our  sons,  can  evade  |)unishment  by  being  tried 
in  Britain,  where  no  evidence  can  pursue  him. 

A  Governour  to  suppose  me  guilty  of  a  crime,  and  tell 
me  there  can  be  no  fair  trial  in  America,  that  is,  there  are 
not  honest  men  to  be  found  in  my  country  to  try  me,  he 
must  send  me  home  to  rot  in  Newgate,  is  shocking  to 
human  nature.  Could  I  get  within  musket-shot  of  him,  I 
would  put  him  to  death  ;  he  should  never  attempt  to  send 
home  another.  In  the  mean  time  I  must  acquaint  you, 
that  the  situation  of  America,  that  is,  the  parts  of  it  1  am 
acquainted  with,  is  unhappy  in  not  being  provided  with 
arms  and  ammunition.  At  the  Congress  this  ought  to  be 
privately  taken  into  consideration;  a  plan  laid  for  encourage- 
ing  nunibers  of  gun-lock  smiths  to  come  in  ;  a  number  of 
locks  to  be  imported,  with  caution  to  prevent  suspicion; 
and  as  many  arms  as  could  be  got.  I  imagine  that  we 
want  one  hundred  thousand  stand  of  arms.  We  have 
great  difficulty  in  fitting  out  the  few  men  we  want  on  this 
occasion.  Contrive  a  supply  of  ammunition  ;  let  some  be 
brought  in  by  every  ship.  I  wish  the  united  wisdom  of 
America  may  prevent  it,  but  I  expect  from  their  determined 
system  of  arbitrary  power  at  honje,  that  matters  will  come 
to  extremity.  It  appears  to  me,  that  they  intend  to  irritate 
America  into  rebellion,  and  then  govern  us  like  a  conquer- 
ed people.  Try  all  fair  means  with  the  greatest  address 
to  avoid  it,  but  be  prepared  for  the  worst  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible ;  this  ought  not  to  escape  consideration  at  this  time, 
and  it  is  a  thing  that  requires  the  utmost  address.  Let 
us  be  provided  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  individuals 
may  suffer,  but  the  gates  of  hell  cannot  prevail  against 
America ;  our  greatest  enemies  would  be  the  despotick 
tools  of  Canada.  Before  provision  is  made  for  these 
things,  the  hand  of  power  will  prevail.  I  wish  the  happy 
issue  of  your  Councils,  and  am,  with  respect,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant,  Adam  Stephen. 

P.  S.  Pardon  this  scrawl,  I  am  on  the  march. 


AnAM  STEPHEN  TO    R.  H.  LEE. 

Berkley  Court  House,  August  27,  1774. 

Sir  :  Lord  Dunmore  orders  me  to  the  Ohio  with  his 
Lordship,  to   endeavour  to  put  matters  on  a  footing  to 


PALATINE  (tRYON  COUNTY,  N.  Y.)  RESOLUTIONS. 

Resolutions  adopted  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Palatine 
District,  Tryon  County,  Neiv-York,  at  a  Meeting  held 
August  27,  ITT'l. 

This  Meeting  looking  with  concern  and  heartfelt  sorrow 
on  the  alarming  and  calamitous  condition  which  the  in- 
habitants of  Boston  arc  in,  in  consequence  of  the  Act  of 
Parliament  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston,  and  consider- 
ing the  tendency  of  the  late  Acts  of  Paliament,  Ibr  the 
purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America,  has  to  abridging 
the  liberties  and  privileges  of  the  American  Colonies, 
do  Resolve  : 

1.  That  King  George  the  Third  is  lawful  and  rightful 
Lord  and  Sovereign  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Dominions 
thereunto  belonging  ;  and  that  as  part  of  his  Dominions 
we  hereby  testify  that  we  will  bear  true  faith  and  alle- 
giance unto  him,  and  that  we  will,  with  our  lives  and 
fortunes,  support  and  maintain  him  upon  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors,  and  the  just  dependence  of  these,  his  Colonies, 
uj)on  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain. 

2.  That  we  think  and  consider  it  as  our  greatest  happi- 
ness to  be  governed  by  the  laws  of  Great  Britain,  and 
that,  with  cheerfulness,  we  will  always  pay  submission 
thereunto,  as  far  as  we  consistently  can  with  the  security 
of  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberties  of  English  sulv 
jects,  which  are  so  sacred  that  we  cannot  permit  the  same 
to  be  violated. 

3.  That  we  think  it  is  our  undeniable  privilege  to  be 
taxed  only  with  our  own  consent,  given  by  ourselves  or 
our  Representatives.     That  taxes  otherwise  laid  and  ex- 


741 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


742 


acted  are  unjust  anil  unconstitutional.  That  the  late  Acts 
o(  Parliament,  declarative  of  their  right  of  laying  internal 
taxes  on  the  American  Colonies  are  obvious  encroach- 
ments on  the  rights  and  liherties  of  the  British  subjects  in 
America. 

4.  That  the  Act  for  blocking  up  the  port  of  Boston  is 
oppressive  and  arbitrary  ;  injurious  in  its  principles,  and 
particularly  oppressive  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  whom 
we  consider  brethren  suffering  in  the  common  cause. 

5.  That  we  will  unite  and  join  with  the  different  Dis- 
tricts of  this  county,  in  giving  whatever  relief  it  is  in  our 
power  to  the  poor  distressed  inhabitants  of  Boston;  and 
that  we  will  join  and  unite,  with  our  brethren  of  the  rest 
of  this  Colony,  in  any  thing  tending  to  support  and  defend 
our  rights  and  liberties. 

6.  That  we  think  the  sending  of  Delegates  from  the 
difl<?rent  Colonies,  to  a  general  Continental  Congress, 
is  a  salutary  measure,  and  absolutely  necessary  at  this 
alarming  crisis  ;  and  that  we  entirely  approve  of  the  five 
gentlemen  chosen  Delegates  for  this  Colony,  by  our 
brethren  of  New-  York,  hereby  adopting  and  choosing  the 
same  persons  to  represent  this  Colony  in  the  Congress. 

7.  That  we  hereby  engage  faithfully  to  abide  by,  and 
adhere  to,  such  regulations  as  shall  be  made  and  agreed 
upon  by  the  said  Congress. 

8.  That  we  consider  it  necessary  that  there  be  appointed 
a  Standing  Committee,  of  this  county,  to  correspond  with 
the  Committees  of  New-  York  and  Albany ;  and  we  do 
hereby  appoint  Christopher  P.  Yates,  Isaac  Paris,  John 
Frey,  and  Andrew  Fink,  who,  together  with  persons  to  be 
appointed  by  the  other  Districts  of  this  county,  are  to  com- 
pose a  Committee  of  Correspondence  to  convey  the  senti- 
ments of  this  county,  in  a  set  of  Resolves,  to  Neiv-York. 

9.  It  is  voted,  by  this  meeting,  that  copies  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  this  day,  certified  by  the  Chairman,  be  transmitted 
to  the  Supervisors  of  the  different  Districts  of  this  county, 
and  that  we  recommend  it  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said 
Districts  to  appoint  persons  to  compose  a  Committee  of 
Correspondence. 


GOVERNOUR  GAGE  TO  THE  KAKL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Salem,  August  27,  177't. 

My  Lord  ;  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  Lordship's 
separate  letter,  dated  3d  of  June,  on  the  6th  instant,  in 
which  came  enclosed  two  Acts  of  Parliament,  for  regu- 
lating the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and 
for  the  more  impartial  administration  of  justice  in  the 
said  Province  ;  together  with  an  additional  instruction  to 
the  Governour  ;  Mr.  Oliver's  appointment  of  Lieutenant 
(iovernour ;  and  a  printed  copy  of  an  amendment  to  the 
Meeting  Bill  for  America,  relating  to  the  clause  for  quarter- 
ing the  King's  troops. 

No  time  was  lost  in  forming  the  new  Council.  I  assem- 
bled all  the  Members  who  could  be  collected,  on  so  short 
a  notice,  on  the  8th  instant,  and  appointed  the  whole  to 
meet  on  the  16th  instant.  The  list  enclosed  will  inform 
your  Lordship  of  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  sworn  in  ;  of 
those  who  have  refused  to  accept  the  nomination,  or  are 
wavering,  absent,  or  dead. 

The  twenty-four  v.'ho  have  accepted  the  honour  the  King 
has  conferred  upon  them,  are  as  respectable  persons  as  any 
in  the  Province,  and  the  Lieutenant  Governour  is  gene- 
rally ap))roved  of  by  all  parties.  I  must  defer  sending  your 
Lordship  recommendations  to  the  vacancies,  to  another 
opportunity ;  for,  though  I  have  several  in  my  mind,  I  am 
first  to  be  assured  of  their  willingness  to  act ;  and  the  num- 
ber of  Counsellors  being  considerable,  gives  time  to  look 
out  for  othei-s.  Your  Lordship  judged  right,  that  art 
would  be  practised,  on  this  occasion,  to  intimidate  and  pre- 
judice ;  even  force  was  attempted  on  Mr.  Rua^gles,  by  a 
number  of  people  collected  on  the  road,  near  Worcester, 
with  intent  to  stop  him,  but  he  made  his  way  through 
them. 

My  former  letters  have  acquainted  your  Lordship  that 
the  Acts  in  question  harl  been  published  here,  and  people 
have  had  leisme  to  consider  means  to  elude  them  ;  in 
doing  which,  they  are  very  expert.  At  a  town  meeting 
held  at  Boston,  in  July,  in  order  to  avoid  the  calling  a 
meeting  afterwards,  they  adjourned  themselves  to  the  9th 
of  August,  and  adjourned  again  on  that  day,  to  some  time 


in  October.  1  assembled  the  Selectmen,  in  Boston  ;  had 
the  clause  read  respecting  town  meetings;  told  them  I 
expected  their  obedience  to  it ;  that  I  should  put  the  Act 
in  force;  and  that  they  would  be  answerable  for  any  bad 
consequences.  They  replied,  they  had  called  no  meeting  ; 
that  a  former  meeting  had  only  adjourned  themselves. 

I  laid  die  affair  of  adjournments  before  the  new  Council, 
and  found  some  of  opinion  that  the  clause  was  thereby 
clearly  evaded,  and  nearly  the  whole  unwilling  to  debate 
upon  it ;  terming  it  a  point  of  law  which  ought  to  be  refer- 
red to  the  Crown  lawyers,  whose  opinions  is  to  be  taken 
upon  it,  and  by  which  I  must  govern  myself. 

Another  clause  of  the  Act  is  likewise  referred  to  the 
lawyers,  concerning  the  removal  of  Sheriffs.  Upon  inti- 
mating to  the  Council  my  desire  to  remove  a  Sheriff,  some 
immediately  objected  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the  Council, 
for  that  the  Governour  was  alone  empowered  to  remove 
any  of  the  Sheriffs  now  in  office,  and  that  the  Act  only 
required  consent  of  Council  to  remove  such  Sheriff  as  the 
Governour  should  appoint,  by  his  own  authority,  and  want 
to  remove  afterwards. 

It  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  Council,  that  an 
Assembly  should  be  called  as  early  as  possible,  and  writs 
will  be  issued  for  their  meeting  by  the  latter  end  of 
October. 

The  state  of  the  Province  was,  at  the  same  time,  taken 
into  consideration,  and  a  letter  read  that  I  had  received 
from  Hampshire  County,  an  extract  of  which  I  transmit 
your  Lordship  ;  and  several  Members  gave  an  account 
of  the  state  of  their  respective  counties,  from  whence  it 
appeared  that  the  phrenzy  had  spread,  in  a  greater  or  less 
degree,  through  all ;  of  which  I  shall  write  more  fully 
before  closing  my  letter. 

Since  the  unwarrantable  impeachment  of  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice, I  understand  he  has  never  taken  his  seat  upon  the 
bench,  but  he  has  promised  me  to  attend  the  Superiour 
Court,  at  Boston,  towards  the  end  of  the  month  ;  and  I 
hope  he  will  preside  also  in  said  Court,  to  be  held  at  Wor- 
cester, in  September,  notwithstanding  the  threats  thrown 
out  against  him.  I  have  engaged  to  meet  him  at  Boston, 
to  prevent  violence,  which,  from  the  present  system,  I 
don't  expect  to  meet  with  there  ;  and  I  believe  that  I  must 
attend  him  also  at  Worcester,  where  I  am  to  expect  it. 

By  the  plan  lately  adopted,  forcible  opposition  and  vio- 
lence is  to  be  transferred  from  the  town  of  Boston  to  the 
country. 

The  copy  enclosed  of  a  letter  from  the  Boston  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  to  the  several  counties,  will  suf- 
ficiently evince  the  intention  of  those  leaders,  who,  by  said 
letter,  emissaries,  and  other  means,  hat'e  contrived,  while 
Boston  affects  quiet  and  tranquillity,  to  raise  a  flame,  not 
only  throughout  this  Province,  but  also  in  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut.  The  original  letter  is  signed  by  the  Town 
Clerk,  though,  from  a  caution  lately  observed,  they  omit 
his  name  in  the  newspaper,  from  whence  the  enclosed  is 
taken. 

In  consequence  of  the  new  plan  popular  rage  has  ap- 
peared at  the  extremity  of  the  Province,  abetted  by  Con- 
necticut, which  the  extract  of  the  letter  from  Hampshire, 
read  in  Council,  shews  ;  it  is  very  high,  also,  in  Berkshire 
County,  and  makes  way  rapidly  to  the  rest.  In  Worcester 
they  keep  no  terms  ;  openly  threaten  resistance  by  arms  ; 
have  been  purchasing  arms ;  preparing  them ;  casting  balls, 
and  providing  powder ;  and  threaten  to  attack  any  troops 
who  dare  to  oppose  them.  Mr.  Buggies,  of  the  new 
Council,  is  afraid  to  take  his  seat  as  Judge  of  the  Inferiour 
Court,  which  sets  at  Worcester,  on  the  7th  of  next  month  ; 
and  I  apprehend  that  I  shall  soon  be  obliged  to  march  a 
body  of  troops  into  that  township,  and  perhaps  into  others, 
as  occasions  happen,  to  preserve  tiie  peace. 

The  Delegates,  as  they  are  called,  from  this  Province, 
are  gone  to  Philailelphia  to  meet  the  rest,  who  are  to 
form  the  general  Congress ;  and  it  is  thought  it  will  be 
determined  there,  whether  the  town  of  Boston  is  to  com- 
ply with  the  terms  of  the  Port  Bill.  It  is  not  possible  to 
guess  what  a  bod}-,  composed  of  such  heterogeneous  matter, 
will  determino  ;  but  the  IMembers  from  hence,  I  am  as- 
sured, will  promote  the  most  haughty  and  insolent  Resolves, 
for  their  plan  has  ever  been,  by  threats  and  high-sounding 
sedition,  to  terrify  and  intimidate. 

Some  believe  that  the  Congress  has  been  consented  to 


743 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  AUGUST,  1T74. 


744 


in  otiier  Provinces  only  lo  amuso  those  among  themselves 
who  have  been  so  strani,'ely  violent  in  support  of  Boston, 
and  to  which  tlieirown  Provincial  factions  have  not  a  little 
contributed ;  others  fear  a  non-imjiortation,  and  I  hear  the 
merchants  are  sending  for  double  the  quantity  of  goods 
they  usually  import ;  and  in  order  to  get  credit  for  tiiem, 
are  sending  home  all  the  money  they  can  collect,  insomuch 
that  bills  have  risen  at  New-  York  above  five  per  cent. 
From  this  circumstance  your  Ivordship  may  judge  of  otliers; 
they  want  to  force  you  into  their  terms,  by  threatening 
ruin  to  your  merchants  and  manufacturers;  and  at  the 
same  time  are  procuring  all  the  merchandise  they  can  get 
from  them,  lest  they  should  be  in  want  of  it  themselves. 

The  Council  being  formed,  the  Assembly  must  act  with 
it,  or  anpiliilate  tlie  Legislature,  and  there  is  a  surmise  that 
will  be  the  case  ;  and  since  the  Boston  Committee  have 
applied  to  the  country,  they  have  in  some  counties,  1  un- 
dei-stand,  held  county  meetings,  and  intend  it  in  all ;  it 
has  not  transpired  what  has  been  done,  but  report  says  they 
mean  to  have  no  Courts  of  Justice,  unless  the  Judges  agree 
not  to  obey  the  new  Acts  ;  and  tiiat  the  Inferiour  Court 
has  been  stopped  in  Berkshire  County,  and  the  Judges 
mal-treated.  I  have  it  only  from  report,  but  fear  there  is 
some  foundation  for  it. 

I  transmit  your  Lordship  a  notification  posted  up  in 
Salem  for  the  choice  of  Deputies  for  a  County  Meeting, 
in  which  your  Lordship  will  observe  another  evasion  about 
town  meetings;  for  this  is  called  by  the  Coumiittee  of 
Correspondence,  and  not  by  the  Selectmen.  Being  on  the 
spot,  1  issued  a  Proclamation  on  the  morning  of  the  intend- 
ed meeting,  to  prevent  it,  and  the  Sheriff  with  other  Ma- 
gistrates attending  me,  1  told  the  Committee  to  tell  the 
people  assembled  and  assembling  to  disperse,  else  I  should 
proceed,  and  send  the  Sheriff  to  disperse  them  ;  and  they, 
the  Committee,  should  answer  for  any  bad  consecjuencgs. 
Tlie  people  behaved  with  great  decency,  and  retired  im- 
mediately, though  I  doubt  not,  as  the  Deputies  ever  pre- 
viouily  agreed  to,  that  they  did  their  business  as  effectually 
as  if  they  had  gone  into  tiieir  chamber  of  meeting.  Nothing 
but  a  general  phrenzy  can  make  the  Province  suffer  the 
inconveniences  that  must  arise  from  the  want  of  a  Legisla- 
ture and  Courts  of  Justice  ;  therefore,  hope  it  is  only  a  fit 
of  rage  that  will  cool  ;  besides,  the  Courts  can,  and  will  be 
protected  in  many  places. 

It  is  agreed  that  popular  fury  was  never  greater  in  thig 
Province  than  at  present,  and  it  has  taken  its  rise  from  the 
old  source  at  Boston,  though  it  has  appeared  first  at  a  dis- 
tance. Those  demagogues  trust  their  safety  in  the  long 
forbearance  of  Government,  and  an  assurance  that  they 
cannot  be  punished.  They  cliicane,  elude,  openly  vblate, 
or  passively  resist  the  laws,  as  opportunity  serves  ;  and  op- 
position to  authority  is  of  so  long  standing,  that  it  h;is 
become  habitual. 

In  this  situation  I  find  things,  and  must  do  the  best  I  can 
to  put  them  into  a  better  state.  Connecticut,  I  understand, 
is  alarmed  at  the  alteration  in  this  Charter,  which  occasions 
the  commotions  in  that  Province ;  and  if  the  leaders 
change  tlieir  plan  of  opposition,  which  has  hitherto  been  to 
menace  and  intimidate,  teaze  and  tire  out,  and  create  ideas 
of  greater  resistance  in  the  people,  and  drive  tiiem  to 
further  extravagances,  I  conceive  we  should  have  to  op- 
pose this  Province  and  Connecticut.  I  do  not  apprehend 
any  assistance  would  be  given  by  the  other  Colonies. 

Since  my  last  to  your  Lordship,  the  fiftieth  regiment 
landed  from  Halifax,  and  is  encamped  near  Salem ;  and 
General  Ha'dimand  has  sent  the  Welsh  Fusiliers  from 
New-  York,  and  replaced  them  by  the  forty -seventh  regi- 
ment, from  New-Jersey.  1  believe  your  Lordship,  con- 
sidering the  state  of  affairs  here,  will  not  think  it  advisable 
for  me  to  part  witii  any  of  the  regiments  ;  and  I  mean  to 
advise  with  the  Admiral  about  sending  back  the  trans- 
ports, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  greatest  regard,  re- 
spect, and  esteem,  my  Lord,  your  lx)rdship"s  most  obedi- 
ent and  humble  servant,  Thomas   Gage. 


Bonton,  August  39,  1774. 

A  report  having  been  industriously  propagated  in  Netc- 
York,  that  the  principal  inhabitants  of  this  town  are  con- 
verting the  donations  of  their  brethren  in  tlie  neighbouring 


Colonies,  which  were  intended  for  the  I'elief  of  the  suffering 
poor  of  this  place,  to  tlieirown  private  emolument,  contra- 
ry to  the  ciiaritable  intentions  of  the  benevolent  contri- 
butors ;  and  as  such  report  is  entirely  without  any  manner 
of  foundation,  the  ])ublick  are  desired  not  to  credit  it ;  the 
following  nan-alive  being  a  true  state  of  the  case: 

On  the  reception  of  the  Boston  Port  Act,  the  chief  con- 
cern of  the  principal  inhabitants  was  to  provide  relief  for 
all  such  whose  support  depended  on  their  daily  labour ; 
and,  in  the  next  place,  for  those  tradesmen,  whose  small 
funds,  though  sufficient  for  the  common  purposes  of  life, 
yet  would  soon  be  exhausted,  if  their  resources  were  cut 
off.  They  considered  the  employment  of  all  these,  espe- 
cially the  former,  as  a  much  more  prudent  measure  than 
feeding  tiiem  without  any  employment  at  all.  They 
therefore  adopted  such  plans  of  business  for  their  exercise, 
as  were  likely  to  be  the  most  useful  to  the  publick,  as  well 
as  most  conducive  to  the  health  and  good  order  of  the  em- 
ployed. Accordingly,  the  labourers  were  set  to  cleaning 
docks,  making  dykes,  new  laying  old  pavements  in  the 
publick  streets,  &;c.  These  were  all  publick  concems  and 
of  no  advantage  to  any  individual,  any  further  than  as  a 
member  of  the  community  to  which  he  or  she  belonged. 
Not  a  single  wharf,  dock,  dyke,  or  pavement,  belonging  to 
any  individual,  was  ordered  to  be  made  or  repaired;  but 
only  such  as  by  the  constant  usage  of  the  town,  had  always 
been  supported  at  the  expense  of  the  publick. 

The  principal  inhabitants  of  this  town  have  invariably 
considered  the  generous  benefactions  of  their  charitable 
and  patriotick  brethren  in  the  other  Colonies,  as  given  en- 
tirely for  the  relief  of  their  indigent  fellow-citizens.  But 
would  it  not  be  offering  the  greatest  insult  to  the  good 
sense  of  their  benevolent  neighbours,  to  suppose  that  tiiey 
intended  to  maintain  a  very  great  number  of  healthy,  able- 
bodied  people  in  idleness,  which  must  certainly  bo  attended 
with  great  prejudice  to  them,  as  well  as  to  the  town  in 
general,  both  now  and  hereafter?  or  that,  they  regret  to 
see  and  hear  that  our  poor  citizens  are  employed  in  works 
which  will  be  a  publick  benefit  ? 

Should  the  publick  interest  of  the  town  of  Boston  be 
finally  advanced  by  these  services,  in  saving  some  future 
taxes,*  (and  they  even  become  a  small  compensation  for 
the  inconceivable  damage  which  it  is  now  sustaining,  by  a 
suspension  of  all  its  principal  business,)  can  it  be  imagined 
that  there  is  a  single  person,  in  the  almost  endless  list  of 
contributors,  who  is  sorry  to  find,  that  which  he  voluntari- 
ly gave  is  like  to  be  productive  of  publick  advantage?  It 
is  much  more  candid,  as  well  as  ciiaritable,  to  think  that  it 
must  be  a  matter  of  the  greatest  satisfaction  to  every  benev- 
olent mind  to  bear,  that  what  was  only  intended  for  one 
good  purpose  had  answered  two. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  DATED  BOSTON,  AUGUST  29,  1774. 

Affairs  here  are  daily  becoming  more  and  more  serious. 
The  new  Counsellors  are  all  driven  into  this  town  by  force 
of  arms.  The  Judges  at  Great  Bnrrington  turned  off 
the  bench.  All  the  Protestors,  with  the  Addressers  to 
Mr.  Hutchinson,  are  obliged  to  fly  hither  for  refuge — even 
those  that  addressed  General  Clage.  To-morrow  will  be 
the  great,  the  important  day  here.  Chief  Justice  Oliver, 
impeached  by  the  Assembly  last  winter,  for  holding  that 
ofhce  under  his  Majesty's  appointment,  will  sit  on  the 
bench  at  the  Superiouv  Court ;  the  Discontents  vow  he 
shall  not ;  but  the  General  has  come  hither  from  Saletn  to 
sujiport  him,  so  we  shall  see  which  will  prove  the  strongest. 
The  Governour  has  apprehended  the  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence at  Salem,  for  holding  town  meetings  against  the 
new  Act  for  regulating  this  Government.  Some  interest- 
IB":  measures  will  shortly  be  adopted  of  which  you  will 
have  early  intelligence  from  my  brother,  whom  1  expect 
l»ere  to-morrow.  The  Scarborough  will  sail  on  Thursday 
will  the  Governour's  despatches  for  England,  in  whicti 
filaip  I  shall  take  my  passage. 

The  people  at  Snltm  and  Marhlehead  talked  in  very 
Mgh  terms  of  their  numbers,  and  of  opposing  the  King's 
tpoops  there.  Admiral  Graves  deciwed  if  they  stirred,  he 
would  remove  one  of  his  Majesty's  ships  thither,  and  re- 
duce both  towns  to  obedience.     1  am  of  opinion  that  few 

»  The  f  xpcnue  of  piiring  the  streets  in  the  town  of  Boston  is  always 
defrayed  by  a  publick  tax  on  all  the  inhabitants. 


745 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  AUGUST,  1774. 


746 


days  will  elapse  before  the  Province  is  declared  in  open 
rebellion,  by  hoisting  the  King's  Standard ;  to  which  all 
true  friends  of  King  George  the  Third  and  his  Gpyerninent 
will  repair.  Such  is  the  unfortunate  state  of  affairs  in  this 
part  of  the  Province  ;  you  may  justly  pronounce  them 
very  wild  indeed. 

Boston,  August  29,  1774. 

On  Saturday  morning,  the  27th  instant,  there  assembled 
on  the  Common  in  Worcester,  fifteen  hundred  j)eople,  and 
made  choice  of  five  of  their  number  as  a  Committee,  viz : 
Messrs.  Joseph  Gilbert,  John  (joulding,  Edivard  Raw- 
son,  Thomas  Dennie,  and  Joshua  Biglow,  to  wait  on  the 
Honourable  Timothy  Paine,  Esquire,  lately  appointed 
Counsellor,  by  mandamus,  from  his  Majesty,  to  demand  of 
him  satisfaction  to  the  people  for  having  qualified  himself 
for  said  office ;  and  having  waited  on  Mr.  Paine  accord- 
ingly, he  asked  them  what  satisfaction  they  wanted  ?  They 
answered,  a  total  resignation  of  his  office,  and  desired  him 
to  write  it,  upon  which  he  withdrew,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
returned  to  them  with  what  he  had  wrote,  which  was  a 
total  resignation  of  his  office,  and  a  promise  never  to  set 
again  as  Counsellor,  unless  agreeable  to  Charter  ;  he  then 
asked  if  that  was  satisfactory  ?  They  replied  he  must  wait 
on  the  people,  which  he  thought  unreasonable,  after  he 
had  complied  with  their  demand  ;  but  they  said  it  w"as  in 
vain,  unless  he  made  his  personal  appearance,  the  people 
would  not  be  satisfied  ;  and  after  their  promising  to  protect 
him  from  insult,  he  waited  on  them  to  the  body  of  the 
people,  where  Mr. Denri/e  read  his  resignation,  with  which 
numbers  were  dissatisfied,  requiring  that  Mr.  Paine  should 
read  it  himself,  and  that  with  his  hat  oft';  he  then  told  the 
Committee  that  he  had  complied  with  all  they  required, 
on  their  promising  him  protection,  and  that  he  then  called 
on  them  for  it ;  but  they  gave  him  to  understand  the  people 
would  not  be  satisfied  till  he  complied  with  their  demand, 
which  he  did,  and  was  then  conducted  near  to  his  own 
house  by  the  Committee,  and  dismissed.  The  people 
then  drew  off",  those  of  each  town  forming  a  company,  and 
marched  for  Rutland,  the  town  in  which  the  Honourable 
John  Murray,  Esquire,  (another  new  Counsellor)  resides. 

A  Proposal  from  different  parts  of  the  Country. — It 
is  proposed  that  an  estimate  should  be  formed  by  indiffer- 
ent people,  of  the  value  of  all  the  real  estates  in  Boston, 
that,  so  if  the  estates  in  it,  should  be  sunk  in  their  value 
by  the  Port  Bill's  continuing  to  be  enforced,  or  should 
otherwise  be  ruined  by  the  rage  of  our  common  enemies, 
the  country  might  be  able  to  form  a  judgment  of  the  retri- 
bution that  sho'jld  be  made  to  the  sufftjrers.  This  does 
honour  to  tlie  publick  virtue  of  our  country. 


because  it  succeeded  the  dissolution  ;  it  is  certain  they  had 
not  acted  nor  even  met  together  before  that.  I  think  this 
Province  is  much  more  moderate  than  any  other  to  the 
Southward,  although  the  spirit  of  enthusiasm  is  spread,  and 
requires  the  utmost  vigilance  and  prudence  to  restrain  it  from 
violent  excess ;  this  will  appear  by  the  enclosure.  No.  3, 
which  was  carried  nemine  contradicentc ,  in  this  town,  upon 
an  attempt  some  few  nights  preceding,  by  a  parcel  of  boys 
and  sailors,  to  insult  a  woman  who  sold  tea.  Since  this 
vote  the  town  has  been  perfectly  quiet,  those  who  had  tea 
have  sold  it  without  molestation.  The  inhabitants  have  now 
almost  universally  discontinued  the  use  of  Bohea  tea,  and 
1  apprehend  will  entirely  within  three  months  from  this 
date. 

The  Town  Clerk  of  Boston,  who  is  said  to  be  a  zealous 
leader  of  the  popular  opposition,  has  been  in  this  town 
about  a  week,  and  immediately  appears  a  publication  in  the 
New-Hampshire  Gazette,  recommending  donations  for 
Boston,  which  has  been  followed  with  a  notification  to  con- 
vene in  town  meeting  "  to  grant  relief  to  the  poor  of  the 
town  of  Boston,"  on  the  12th  of  September  next.  It  is 
probable  no  town  grant  will  be  made,  and  the  meeting  issue 
in  appointing  a  Committee  to  receive  and  transmit  volun- 
tary donations,  which,  I  believe,  will  not  afford  much  com- 
fort to  them,  or  greatly  credit  the  charitable  munificence  of 
these  town  meetings;  grants  are  always  and  ever  will  be 
greater  on  popular  pretences  than  private  subscriptions, 
because  those  that  vote  in  publick  pay  by  far  the  least  part 
of  ihe  grant;  as  is  ever  the  case  with  Selectmen,  who 
having  power  over  the  apportionment  of  rates,  probably  do 
not  exercise  it  to  their  own  detriment,  and  thence  more 
easily  join  in  facilitating  and  augmenting  such  gifts,  which, 
from  the  nature  of  the  office,  they  have  great  influence 
upon.  It  is  greatly  to  be  wished  that  gentlemen  of  pro- 
perty, experience,  and  education,  could  be  persuaded  to 
accept  the  office  of  Selectmen  ;  but  it  is  impracticable,  if 
they  are  disinterested,  and  without  other  views  than  the 
publick  good,  it  is  a  very  laborious  and  unprofitable  em- 
ployment ;  and  as  I  have  nothing  in  my  power  whereby  to 
reward  such  good  men,  they  all  decline,  and  the  interiour 
regulation  of  the  capital  falls  into  the  hands  of  those  who 
can  submit  to  make  it  worth  their  attention. 

I  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Lordship  of  my  most  faithful 
diligence  in  his  Majesty's  service  ;  and,  with  the  greatest 
deference,  to  hope  for  such  favourable  representation 
thereof,  I  am,  &.C.,  J.  Wentworth. 

P.  S.  The  enclosure.  No.  4,  met  with  very  little  en- 
couragement, and  obtained  but  few  signers,  (except  two  or 
three)  who  were  only  among  the  lower  order  of  people, 
who  signed  before  they  were  invited  to,  and  on  the  same 
invitation  would  sign  any  other  paper.  J.  W, 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUR  WENTWORTH  TO 
THE  EARL,  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 
AUGUST  29,  1774. 

Since  my  letter.  No.  64,  the  Convention  of  persons 
chosen  by  many  towns,  in  consequence  of  the  invitation  in 
that  letter  referred  to,  met  at  Exeter,  and  elected  Colonel 
Folsom  and  Major  Sullivan,  to  be  Delegates  for  this  Pro- 
vince, at  the  Congress  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia,  on  the 
first  day  o{  September  next.  The  paper,  No.  1,  herewith 
enclosed,  is  a  copy  of  the  instmctions  given  to  those  gen- 
tlemen, and  is  the  best  explanation  of  their  service  and 
employment  that  I  can  obtain.  I  am  informed  that  this 
Convention  collected  and  brought  from  their  respective 
towns,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  guineas,  which  was 
paid  into  the  hands  of  John  Giddinge,  Esquire,  (who 
they  elected  Treasurer,)  to  defray  the  expense  incurred  by 
the  Delegates  aforenamed,  who  set  off  on  their  journey  to 
Philadelphia,  on  the  10th  instant. 

The  Committee  of  Correspondence  elected  by  the  late 
Assembly,  and  of  course  dissolved  with  them,  wrote  cir- 
cular letters  to  all  the  towns  in  this  Province,  a  copy  of 
which,  and  printed  form  of  the  non-importation  and  non- 
consumption  agreement,  recommended  in  that  letter,  and 
accompanying  it,  is  herewith  transmitted.  No.  2.  Some 
few  towns  generally  subscribed,  many  others  totally  rejected 
it.  The  Committee  appear  conscious  that  their  powers 
(if  any  they  ever  had)  ceased  with  the  Assembly  that 
elected  them,  for  they  do  not  date  the  day  of  the  month, 


PROVIDENCE   (RHODE    ISLANd)   TOWN  MEETING. 

At  a  Town  Meeting  held  at  Providence,  on  the  last  Tues- 
day of  August,  1774, 

The  Honourable  Darius  Sessions,  Esq.,  Moderator: 

Whereas,  at  the  last  session  of  Assembly  an  order  was 
passed  that  John  Smith  would  receive  the  quota  of  the 
arms  belonging  to  the  County  of  Providence,  and  deliver 
them  to  his  Honour  the  Deputy  Governour.  Whereupon 
it  is  by  this  meeting  Voted,  that  John  Smith  be  appointed 
to  procure  the  said  small  arms  to  be  cleaned  and  made  fit 
for  use,  and  to  procure  proper  chests  for  the  same,  all  of 
which  expenses  to  be  paid  by  this  town  after  his  accounts 
have  passed  the  Town  Audit. 

It  is  resolved  by  this  meeting  that  this  town  ought  not  to 
be  made  the  asylum  of  any  person  or  persons  of  what- 
ever town,  place,  or  city,  within  the  British  Dominions, 
whose  principles  and  practices  being  inimical  to  the  liberties 
of  our  country  and  its  ha])py  Constitution,  have  rendered 
or  shall  render  them  obnoxious  to  the  inhabitants  of  such 
place  or  places  from  which  they  may  emigrate,  and  that  all 
such  ought  be  discouraged  by  every  prudent  and  legal 
measure.  And  the  honourable  Town  Council  are  hereby 
requested  to  exert  themselves  for  the  removal  and  ejection 
of  all  such  persons,  so  far  as  by  law  they  may  be  warranted, 
as  their  being  admitted  among  us  may  tend  greatly  to  en- 
danger tiie  peace,  order,  and  tranquillity  of  the  town,  as  by 
recent  instances  has  been  manifested. 


747 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &:c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


748 


At  a  Town  Meeting;  held  at  Providence,  on  the  3 1st 
day  of  August,  1774,  called  by  a  warrant, 

The  Honourable  Darius  Sessions,  chosen  Moderator: 

Whereas,  on  the  evening  of  the  30th  August,  instant,  a 
number  of  persons  imprudently  and  tunniltuously  assembled 
themselves  together  in  a  manner  that  did  disturb  the  peace 
and  order  of  the  town,  and  as  such  proceedings  are  of  evil 
example,  and  repugnant  to  tiie  good  and  wiiolesome  laws  of 
tliis  town  and  Colony,  which  if  executed  we  deem  sufficient 
to  support  the  quiet  and  tranquillity  thereof;  and  such  doings 
being  ever  derogatory  to  the  honour  of  the  town,  and  sub- 
versive of  our  rights  and  liberties  to  llieir  very  foundation, 
this  town  do  protest  against  such  proceedings,  and  desire 
tlie  Civil  Magistrates  therein  to  exert  themselves  to  their 
utmost  to  prevent  and  suppress  all  such  unhappy  disturban- 
ces in  future,  in  doing  which  tiiey  may  rely  upon  the  aid 
and  support  of  the  freemen  and  well-disposed  inhabitants  of 
this  town  at  all  times. 

Voted,  That  this  Vote  be  published  (together  with  the 
Resolve  of  yesterday)  in  the  next  Providence  Gazette. 

The  meeting  was  then  dissolved. 

JoxA.  Arnold,  Deputy  Clerk. 


Hartford,  September  1,  1774. 

Tuesday,  August  30,  being  the  day  the  County  Court 
was  to  sit  at  Springfield,  a  great  concourse  of  peojile, 
judged  to  be  about  three  thousand,  assembled  at  the  Court 
House  in  that  place,  and  appointed  a  Committee  to  wait 
on  the  Court  and  request  their  appearance  amongst  the 
people,  which  they  immediately  complied  with,  when  they 
very  willingly  signed  the  following  engagement,  viz  : 

"  We,  tlie  subscribers,  do  severally  promise,  and  solemnly 
"  engage  to  all  people  now  assembled  at  Springfield,  in  the 
"  County  of  Hampshire,  on  the  30th  day  of  August,  1774, 
"  that  we  never  will  take,  hold,  execute,  or  exercise  any  com- 
"  mission,  office,  or  employment  whatsoever,  under,  or  in 
"  virtue  of,  or  in  any  manner  derived  from  any  authority 
"  pretended  or  attempted  to  be  given  by  a  late  Act  of  Par- 
"  iiament,  entitled,  '  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  the 
"  Government  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
"  New  England.''  "  Signed  by  eighteen  persons. 

After  the  above  was  delivered  to  the  people  in  writing, 
they  all  dispersed. 


Boston,  September  1,  1774. 

Tuesday,  August  .30,  being  the  day  the  Superiour  Court 
was  to  be  holden  here,  the  Chief  Justice,  Peter  Oliver, 
Esquire,  and  the  other  Justices  of  the  said  Court,  together 
with  a  number  of  Gentlemen  of  the  Bar,  attended  by  the 
High  and  Deputy  Sheriffs,  walked  in  procession  from  the 
State  House  to  the  Court  House,  in  Queen  street.  When 
the  Court  were  seated  and  the  usual  proclamations  made, 
a  list  of  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  returned  to  serve  as 
Grand  Jurors,  was  presented  to  them,  and  the  Court  ap- 
pointed Mr.  Ebenezcr  Hancoclc  Forman,  but  he  refusing 
10  be  sworn,  and  the  question  being  put  to  them  all  sever- 
ally, whether  they  would  take  the  oath,  they  one  and  all 
refused ;  and  being  asked  whether  they  had  any  reasons  to 
offer  for  their  thus  refusing,  tliey  answered  they  had,  and 
tliat  they  were  committed  to  writing ;  the  Court  recjuested 
to  see  them,  but  the  Jurors  refused  giving  llie  Court  tlie 
original  paper,  unless  they  were  first  permitted  to  read  it 
in  Court,  or  after  reading,  the  Court  would  promise  to  return 
it  to  them  again. 

The  Petit  Jurors  were  then  called  for,  and  a  list  of  their 
names  being  handed  to  the  Court,  they  appointed  Mr. 
Bartholomew  Knecland  Foreman  of  the  first  Jury,  and 
Mr.  Nathan  Frazcr  of  the  second.  iMr.  Knecland  had 
the  oath  proposed  to  him,  which  he  declined  taking,  and 
being  asked  for  what  reasons,  referred  to  a  paper  which  he 
said  was  drawn  up  with  their  unanimous  consent,  and  beg- 
ged leave  to  read  it  to  the  Court.  The  Court  refused  to 
hear  the  ])aper  read,  and  the  oath  was  proposed  to  each 
Juror  in  order,  and  declined  as  by  the  Foreman.  Tiieir 
reasons  being  demanded,  they  generally  referred  to  the 
paper,  till  it  came  to  the  turn  of  Mr.  Thomas  Chase,  who 
begged  leave  to  read  the  paper  then  in  his  hand,  but  was 
told  by  the  Chief  Justice  that  he  miijht  give  his  own  rea- 


sons without  reading  the  paper,  to  which  he  agreed,  and 
said  that  one  of  his  reasons  was,  that  Peter  Oliver,  Esq., 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Court,  stood  impeached  by  the  late 
honourable  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province  in 
their  own  name,  and  in  the  name  of  this  Province,  of 
divers  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors.  Being  asked  by 
the  Chief  Justice  if  he  gave  that  as  a  reason  for  his  refus- 
ing to  be  sworn,  he  answered,  '"  yes,  that  is  one  reason." 
The  Court  then  called  upon  another  of  the  Petit  Jurors  to 
be  sworn,  but  he  refused,  and  referred  to  the  paper  for  his 
reasons  as  aforesaid. 

The  Chief  Justice  then  desired  the  Court  might  peruse 
the  paper,  which  should  be  returned  to  the  Jurors  again ; 
which  was  agreed  to,  read,  and  returned.  The  Court  then 
proposed  the  same  condition  to  the  Grand  Jury,  which  was 
complied  with,  and  the  contents  delivered. 


REASONS    OF    THE    GRAND    JURORS    FOR    REFUSING    TO    BE 
SWORN. 

The  Freemen  who  were  returned  to  serve  as  Grand 
Jurors  at  the  Superiour  Court,  for  this  term,  made  their 
appearance  in  the  Court  House  yesterday ;  and,  before  a 
numerous  assembly,  (Peter  Oliver,  Edmund  Trowbridge, 
Foster  Hutchinson,  William  Cushing,  and  JVm.  Brorvn, 
Enquires,  sitting  on  the  bench  as  Judges,)  they  all,  to  the 
number  of  twenty-two,  declined  acting  as  Jurors,  for  rea- 
sons which  they  had  previously  drawn  up  in  writing,  and 
signed,  and  appointed  to  be  read  there  by  their  Chairman  ; 
but  the  above  said  Judges,  refusing  to  hear  the  same  openly 
read,  desired  to  have  the  reading  of  it  to  themselves, 
which  being  complied  with,  the  Jurymen  withdrew  from 
the  Court  House  to  the  Exchange  Tavern,  where  they 
unanimously  voted  that,  in  order  to  justify  their  refusal  to 
the  world,  their  aforementioned  reasons  should  be  printed 
in  the  publick  papers. 

Boston,  August  30,  1774. 
County  o/ Suffolk  : 

We,  who  are  returned  by  the  several  towns  in  this 
county,  to  serve  as  Grand  Jurors  at  the  Superiour  Court, 
for  this  present  term,  being  actuated  by  a  zealous  regard 
for  peace  and  good  order,  and  a  sincere  desire  to  promote 
justice,  righteousness,  and  good  government,  as  being  es- 
sential to  the  happiness  of  the  community,  would  now 
most  gladly  proceed  to  the  discharge  of  the  important  duty 
required  in  that  department,  could  we  persuade  ourselves 
that  by  doing  thus  it  would  tend  to  our  reputation,  or  pro- 
mote ihe  welfare  of  our  country  ;  but  when  we  consider 
the  dangerous  inroads  that  have  been  made  upon  our  civil 
Constitution  ;  the  violent  attempts  now  making  to  alter  and 
annul  the  most  essential  part  of  our  Charter,  granted  by  the 
most  solemn  faith  of  Kings,  and  repeatedly  recognised  by 
British  Kings  and  Parliament ;  while  we  see  the  open  and 
avowed  design  of  establishing  the  most  complete  system  of 
despotism  in  this  Province,  and  thereby  reducing  the  free- 
bora  inhabitants  thereof  to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery 
and  bondage ;  we  feel  ourselves  necessarily  constrained  to 
decline  being  empannelled,  for  reasons  that  we  are  ready 
to  offer  to  the  Court,  if  permitted,  which  are  as  follows: 

First.  Because  Peter  Oliver,  Esquire,  who  sits  as 
Chief  Judge  of  this  Court,  has  been  charged  with  Jiigh 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,  by  the  late  honourable  House 
of  Representatives,  the  grand  inquest  of  this  Province,  of 
whicii  crimes  he  has  never  been  legally  acquitted,  but  has 
been  declared  by  that  House  to  be  unqualified  to  art  as 
Judge  of  that  Court. 

S  fondly.  Because,  by  a  late  Act  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, for  altering  the  Constitution  of  this  Province,  the 
continuance  of  the  present  Judges  of  this  Court,  as  well  as 
the  appointment  of  other-,  from  the  first  day  of  July  last, 
is  made  to  depend  solely  on  the  King's  pleasure,  vastly 
different  from  the  tenure  of  the  Brituh  Judges  ;  and  as 
we  a])prehend  they  now  hold  their  jjlaces,  only  in  conse- 
quence of  that  Act,  all  the  judicial  proceedings  of  the  Court 
will  be  taken  as  concessions  to  the  validity  of  the  same, 
to  which  we  dare  not  consent. 

Thirdly.  Because  three  of  the  Judges,  being  the  major 
part  of  the  Court,  namely  :  the  said  Pettr  Oliver,  Esquire, 
Foster  Hutchinson,  Esquire,  and  Wm.  Broivn,  Esquire,  by 
taking  the  oath  of  Counsellors,  under  the  authority  of  the 


749 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  AUGUST,  1774. 


750 


aforesaid  Act,  are  (as  we  are  informed)  sworn  to  carry  into 
execution  all  the  late  grievous  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment, among  the  last  of  which  is  one.  made  ostensibly  for 
the  impartial  administration  of  justice  in  this  Province,  but 
as  we  fear,  really  for  the  impunity  of  such  persons  as  shall, 
under  pretext  of  executing  those  acts,  murder  any  of  the 
inhabitants  thereof;  which  Acts  appear  to  us  to  be  utterly 
repugnant  to  every  idea  of  justice  and  common  humanity, 
and  are  justly  complained  of,  throughout  America ,  as  highly 
injuiious  and  oppressive  to  the  good  people  of  this  I'rov- 
ince,  and  manifestly  destructive  of  their  natural,  as  well 
as  constitutional  rights. 

Fourthly.  Because  we  believe,  in  our  consciences,  that 
our  acting  in  concert  with  a  Court  so  constituted,  and 
under  such  circumstances,  would  be  so  far  betraying  the 
just  and  sacred  rights  of  our  native  lands,  wliich  were  not 
tlie  gift  of  Kings,  but  were  purchased  solely  with  the  toil, 
the  blood  and  treasure  of  our  worthy  and  revered  ancestors; 
and  which  we  look  upon  ourselves  as  under  the  most  sa- 
cred and  inviolable  obligations,  to  maintain,  and  to  transmit, 
whole  and  entire,  to  our  posterity. 

Therefore  we,  the  subscribers,  unanimously  decline 
serving  as  Grand  Jurors  at  this  Court. 

Ebenezer  Hancock,  Boston,  Samuel  Hobart,  IJingham. 

Potar  Boyer,  Do.  Joseph  Poole,  Weymouth. 

Joseph  Hall,  Do.  William  tiuUard,  Dedham. 

Thomas  Craft,  Jun.,        Do.  Jonathan  Day,  Needhum. 

James  Ivers,  Do.  Abijah  Uiihani,  Stoughtou. 

Paul  Revere,  Do.  Moses  Richardson,  Medway. 

Robert  Williams,  Roxbury.  Henry  Plynipton,  Medjield. 

Wm.  Tlionipson,  Brookline.  Lemuel  Hallock,  Wrenthmn. 

Abraham  Wheeler,  Dorchester.  Joseph  Willet,  Walpole. 

Josepli  Jones,  Milton.  Thomas  Pratt,  Chelsea. 

Nathuniul  Belchor,  Braintree.  Nicholas  Book,  Bellingham. 


The  Reasons  of  the  Petit  Jurors  were  as  follows  : 

Boston,  August  30,  1774. 
Suffolk,  ss. 

To  the  Honourable  Justices  of  the  Superiour  Court  of 
Judicature,  Court  of  Assize,  &ic. : 

May  it  please  your  Honours  : 

We,  the  subscribers,  returned  by  this  County  to  serve  as 
Petit  Jurors  this  term,  beg  leave  to  acquaint  your  Honours 
that,  as  the  Honourable  Feter  Oliver,  Esquire,  stands  im- 
peached, by  the  late  honourable  House  of  Commons  of 
this  Province,  in  their  own  name,  and  in  the  name  of  the 
people  of  this  Province,  of  high  crimes  and  misdemea- 
nors, which  impeachment,  with  the  reasons  therefor,  as 
they  are  publick,  would  be  needless  for  us  to  repeat. 

We  would  also  beg  leave  to  acquaint  your  Honours  that, 
as,  by  a  late  Act  of  the  British  Parliament,  the  continu- 
ance of  the  Judges  of  the  Superiour  Court  is,  since  the  first 
of  July  last,  made  to  depend  upon  said  Act,  which  it  is 
apprehended  places  their  dependence  entirely  upon  the 
Crown,  and  which  is  esteemed  a  great  infringement  of  the 
Charter  rights  of  this  Province. 

Taking  the  above  premises  into  our  most  serious  con- 
sideration, we  beg  leave  to  acquaint  your  Honours  that  we 
cannot,  in  our  consciences,  from  a  sense  of  that  duty  we 
owe  to  our  country,  to  ourselves,  and  to  posterity,  act 
against  the  united  voice  of  this  people ;  therefore  beg 
your  Honours  will  excuse  us  when  we  say,  we  decline 
serving  as  Petit  Jurors  for  this  Court. 

Josiah  Waters,  Ebenezer  Swift,  Jonathan  Parker, 

Samuel  Ridgc-way,  Eliphalet  Sawyer,  Ebenezer  Kingsbury, 

Nathan  Frazer,  Thomas  White,  Samuel  Payton, 

Robert  Wire,  Thomas  Nash,  Joseph  Moore, 

B.irlhol.  Kneeland,  Nath'l  Holbrook,  Jr., Ralph  Day, 

Thomas  Chase,  Elijah  Jenning,  Nutlianiel  Lewis, 

John  Cunningham,  Elijah  Cushing,  Eliakim  Cook, 

Joseph  Brewer,  Ignatius  Orcult,  Joseph  Lovell, 

Jacob  Sharp,  Elijali  Monk,  Elias  Tliaver, 

Timothy  Tilestone,  Henry  Stone,  Th-odore  Mann, 

Samuel  Sprague,  William  Draper,  James  Blake. 

After  the  Court  had  read  the  papers,  the  Clerk  of  the 
Court,  by  order  of  the  Chief  Justice,  asked  them,  seriatim, 
if  they  would  be  sworn,  and  every  one  refused.  The 
Court  said  they  would  consider  of  their  reasons,  and  the 
Juries  withdrew.  The  Court  then  adjourned  to  ten  o'clock, 
next  day,  when  they  met,  exclusive  of  Mr.  Oliver;  and, 
to  the  inexpressible  grief  of  their  fellow-citizens,  went  on 
to  such  business  as  is  usually  transacted  without  Juries. 


MIDDLESEX  (MASSACHUSETTS)  RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Committees  from  every  town  and 
district,  in  the  County  of  Middlesex,  and  Province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  held  at  Concord,  in  the  said  county,  on 
the  30th  and  31st  of  August,  1774,  to  consult  upon  mea- 
sures proper  to  be  taken  at  the  present  very  important  day, 
The  Hon.  James  Prescott,  Esquire,  Chairman  : 
After  having  read  the  late  Act  of  the  British  Par- 
liament, entitled  "  An  Act  for  the  better  regulating  the 
"  Government  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
"  Neiv  England,"  and  debated  thereon  ;  voted  that  a  Com- 
mittee be  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  the  said 
Act,  and  report  to  this  meeting. 

Voted,  also,  that  Mr.  Jonathan  Williams  Austin,  of 
Chelmsford,  Captain  Thomas  Gardiner,  of  Cambridge, 
Doctor  Isaac  Foster,  of  Charlcstown,  Captain  Josiah 
Stone,  of  Farmingham,  Mr.  Richard  Deavens,  of  Charles- 
town,  Doctor  Oliver  Prescott,  of  Groton,  Henry  Gardi- 
ner, Esquire,  of  Stow,  Mr.  William  Brown,  of  Farming- 
ham,  and  Mr.  Ebenezer  Bridge,  Jun.,  of  Billerica,  be 
the  Committee  ;  who  reported  as  follows  : 

it  is  evident,  to  every  attentive  mind,  that  this  Prov- 
ince is  in  a  very  dangerous  and  alarming  situation.  We  are 
obliged  to  say,  however  painful  it  may  be  to  us,  that  the 
question  now  is,  whether,  by  a  submission  to  some  late  Acts 
of  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  we  are  contented  to 
be  the  most  abject  slaves,  and  entail  that  slavery  on  pos- 
terity after  us ;  or,  by  a  manly,  joint,  and  virtuous  oppo- 
sition, assert  and  support  oar  freedom. 

There  is  a  mode  of  conduct,  which,  in  our  very  critical 
circumstances,  we  would  wish  to  adopt ;  a  conduct,  on  the 
one  hand,  never  tamely  submissive  to  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion ;  on  the  other,  never  degenerating  into  rage,  passion, 
and  confusion.  This  is  a  spirit  which  we  revere,  as  we 
find  it  exhibited  in  former  ages,  and  will  command  ap- 
plause to  the  latest  posterity. 

The  late  Acts  of  Parliament  pervade  the  whole  system 
of  jurisprudence,  by  which  means  we  think  the  foimtains  ■ 
of  justice  are  fatally  corrupted.     Our  defence  must  there- 
fore be  immediate,  in  proportion  to  the  suddenness  of  the 
attack,  and  vigorous  in  proportion  to  the  danger. 

We  must  now  exert  ourselves,  or  all  those  efforts,  which 
for  ten  years  past  have  brightened  the  annals  of  this 
country,  will  be  totally  frustrated.  Life  and  death,  or, 
what  is  more,  freedom  and  slavery,  are,  in  a  peculiar  sense, 
now  before  us ;  and  the  choice  and  success,  under  God, 
depend  greatly  upon  ourselves.  We  are,  therefore,  bound, 
as  struggling,  not  only  for  ourselves,  but  future  generations, 
to  express  our  sentiments  in  the  following  Resolves ;  sen- 
timents which,  we  think,  are  founded  in  truth  and  justice, 
and,  therefore,  sentiments  we  are  determined  to  abide  by. 

Resolved,  That  as  tnie  and  loyal  subjects  of  our  gra- 
cious Sovereign  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, &.C.,  we,  by  no  means,  intend  to  witiidraw  our  alle- 
giance from  him ;  but,  while  permitted  the  free  exercise  of 
our  natural  and  Charier  rights,  are  resolved  to  expend 
life  and  treasure  in  his  service. 

Resolved,  That  when  our  ancestors  emigrated  from 
Great  Britain  Charters  and  solemn  stipulations  expressed 
the  conditions ;  and  what  particular  rights  they  yielded ; 
what  each  party  had  to  do  and  perform ;  and  which  each 
of  the  contracting  parties  were  equally  bound  by. 

Resolved,  That  we  know  of  no  instance  in  which  this 
Province  has  transgressed  the  rules  on  their  part,  or  any 
ways  for  feited  their  natural  and  Charter  rights  to  any  power 
on  earth. 

Resolved,  That  the  Pariiament  of  Great  Britain  have 
exercised  a  power  contrary  to  the  above  mentioned  Charter, 
by  passing  Acts  which  hold  up  their  absolute  supremacy 
over  the  Colonists  ;  by  another  Act  blocking  up  the  port 
of  Boston;  and  by  two  late  Acts,  the  one  entitled  "An 
"  Act  for  the  belter  regulating  the  Government  of  the 
"  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay;"  the  other  entitled  '•'  An 
"Act  for  the  more  impartial  administration  of  justice  in 
"  said  Province ;"  and  by  enforcing  all  these  iniquitous 
Acts  with  a  large  armed  force,  to  dragoon  and  enslave  us. 

Resolved,  Tliat  the  late  Act  of  Pariiament,  entitled  "  An 
"  Act  for  the  better  regulating  the  Government  of  the  Pro- 
"  vince  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in  New  England,"  ex- 
pressly acknowledges  the  authority  of  the  Charter  granted, 


751 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  AUGUST,  1774. 


752 


by  their  Majesties  King  IViUiam  and  Queen  Mary,  to  said 
Province ;  and  that  llie  only  reasons  suggested  in  the  pre- 
amble to  said  Act,  which  is  intended  to  deprive  us  of  the  pri- 
vileges confirmed  to  us  by  said  Charter,  are  the  inexpediency 
of  continuing  those  privileges,  and  a  charge  of  their  hav- 
ing been  forfeited,  to  which  charge  the  Provinces  have  had 
no  opportunity  of  answering. 

Resolved,  That  a  debtor  may  as  justly  refuse  to  pay  his 
debts,  because  it  is  expedient  for  him,  as  the  Parliament  of 
Great  Britain  deprive  us  of  our  Charter  privileges,  be- 
cause it  is  inexpedient  to  a  corrupt  Administration  for  us 
to  enjoy  them. 

Resolved,  That  in  all  free  states  there  must  be  an 
equilibrium  in  the  Legislative  body,  without  which  consti- 
tutional check  they  cannot  be  said  to  be  a  frce  people. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  Act,  which  ordains  a  Council 
to  be  appointed  by  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors, 
from  time  to  time,  by  warrant  under  his  or  their  signet 
or  sign  manual,  and  which  ordains  that  the  said  Counsel- 
lors shall  hold  their  offices,  respectively,  for  and  during 
the  pleasure  of  his  Majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors, 
effectually  altei-s  the  constitutional  equilibrium;  renders 
tlie  Council  absolute  tools  and  creatures,  and  entirely  de- 
stroys the  importance  of  the  Representative  body. 

Resolved,  That  no  state  can  long  exist  free  and  happy 
where  the  course  of  justice  is  obstructed  ;  and  that  when 
trials  by  Juries,  which  are  the  grand  bulwarks  of  life  and 
]iroperty,  are  destroyed  or  weakened,  a  people  fiill  imme- 
diately under  arbitrary  power. 

Resolved,  That  the  late  Act,  which  gives  the  Gover- 
nour  of  this  Province  a  power  of  appointing  Judges  of  the 
Superiour  and  Inferiour  Courts,  Commissioners  of  Oyer  and 
Terminer,  the  Attorney  Generals,  Provosts,  Marshals,  and 
Justices  of  the  Peace ;  and  to  remove  all  of  them,  (the 
Judges  of  the  Superiour  Court  excepted)  without  consent 
of  Council,  entirely  subverts  a  free  administration  of  justice  ; 
as  the  fatal  experience  of  mankind,  in  all  ages,  has  testified 
that  there  is  no  greater  species  of  corruption  than  when 
judicial  and  executive  officers  depend,  for  their  existence 
and  support,  on  a  power  independent  of  the  people. 

Resolved.  That  by  ordaining  Jurors  to  be  summoned  by 
the  Sheriff"  only,  which  Sheriff  is  to  be  appointed  by  the 
Governour  without  consent  of  Council ;  that  the  security 
which  results  from  a  trial  by  our  peers,  is  rendered  alto- 
gether precarious,  and  is  not  only  an  evident  infraction  upon 
our  Charter,  but  a  subversion  of  our  common  rights  as 
Englishmen. 

Resolved,  That  every  people  have  an  absolute  right  of 
meeting  together  to  consult  upon  common  grievances,  and 
to  petition,  remonstrate,  and  use  every  legal  method  for 
their  removal. 

Resolved,  That  the  Act  which  prohibits  these  constitu- 
tional meetings  cuts  away  the  scaffolding  of  English  free- 
dom, and  reduces  us  to  a  most  abject  state  of  vassalage  and 
slavery. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  our  opinion  these  late  Acts,  if 
quietly  submitted  to,  will  annihilate  the  last  vestiges  of 
liberty  in  this  Province,  and  therefore,  we  must  be  justified 
by  God  and  the  world  in  never  submitting  to  them. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  body,  that  the 
present  Act,  respecting  the  Government  of  the  Province  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay,  is  an  artful,  deep  laid  plan  of  op- 
pression and  despotism,  and  that  it  requires  great  skill  and 
wisdom  to  counteract  it.  This  wisdom  we  have  endea- 
voured to  collect  from  the  united  sentiments  of  the  country  ; 
and  although  we  are  grieved  that  we  are  obliged  to  mention 
any  thing  that  may  be  attended  with  such  very  important 
consequences  as  may  now  ensue,  yet  a  sense  of  our  duty 
as  men,  as  freemen,  as  Christian  freemen,  united  in  the 
firmest  bonds,  obliges  us  to  resolve  that  every  Civil  Officer 
now  in  commission  in  this  Province,  and  acting  in  conform- 
ity to  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  is  not  an  officer  agree- 
able to  our  Charter;  therefore,  unconstitutional,  and  ought 
to  be  opposed  in  the  manner  hereafter  recommended. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  obey  all  such  Civil  Officers  now 
in  commission,  whose  commissions  were  issued  before  the 
first  day  of  July,  1774,  and  support  them  in  the  execution 
of  their  offices,  according  to  the  manner  usual  before  tlie 
late  attempt  to  alter  the  Constitution  of  this  Province  ; 
nay,  even  although  the  Governour  should  attempt  to  re- 
Toke  their  commissions ;  but  that  il"  any  of  said  officers 


shall  accept  a  commission  under  the  present  plan  of  arbi- 
trary Government,  or  in  any  way  or  manner  whatever  assist 
the  Governour  or  Administration  in  the  assault  now  making 
on  our  rights  and  liberties,  we  will  consider  them  as  having 
forfeited  their  commissions,  and  yield  them  no  obedience. 

Resolved,  That  whereas  the  Honourable  Samuel  Dan- 
forth  and  Joseph  Lee,  Esquires,  two  of  the  Judges  of  the 
Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas  for  this  county,  have  ac- 
cepted commissions  under  the  new  Act,  by  being  sworn 
members  of  his  Majesty's  Council  appointed  by  said  Act, 
we  therefore  look  upon  them  as  utterly  incapable  of  hold- 
ing any  office  whatever. 

And  whereas  a  venire  on  the  late  Act  of  Parliament, 
has  issued  from  the  Court  of  Sessions,  signed  by  the  Clerk, 
we  think  they  come  under  a  preceding  resolve  of  acting  in 
conformity  to  the  new  Act  of  Parliament ;  we  therefore 
resolve,  that  a  submission  to  Courts  thus  acting,  and  under 
these  disqualifications,  is  a  submission  to  the  Act  itself,  and 
of  consequence,  as  we  are  resolved  never  to  submit  one 
iota  to  the  Act,  we  will  not  submit  to  Courts  thus  con- 
stituted, and  thus  acting  in  conformity  to  said  Act. 

Resolved,  That  as,  in  consequence  of  the  former  Re- 
solve, all  business  at  the  Inferiour  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
and  Court  of  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  next  to  be 
holden  at  Concord,  must  cease ;  to  prevent  the  many  in- 
conveniences that  may  arise  therefrom,  we  resolve,  that 
all  actions,  writs,  suits,  fee,  brought  to  said  Court  ought  to 
remain  in  the  same  condition  as  at  present  (iniless  settled 
by  consent  of  parties)  till  we  know  the  result  of  a  Provin- 
cial and  Continental  Congress.  And  we  resolve,  that  no 
Plaintiff'  in  any  cause,  action,  or  writ  aforesaid,  ought  to 
enter  said  action  in  said  Court  thus  declared  to  be  uncon- 
stitutional. And  we  resolve,  if  the  Court  shall  sit  in  defi- 
ance to  the  voice  of  the  county,  and  default  actions,  and 
issue  executions  accordingly,  no  officer  ought  to  serve  such 
process.  And  we  are  also  determined  to  support  all  Con- 
stables, Jurors,  and  other  officers,  who,  from  these  consti- 
tutional principles,  shall  refuse  obedience  to  Courts  which 
we  have  resolved,  are  founded  on  the  destruction  of  our 
Charter. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  body  of  Dele- 
gates, that  a  Provincial  Congress  is  absolutely  necessary  in 
our  present  unhappy  situation. 

These  are  sentiments  which  w^e  are  obliged  to  express, 
as  these  Acts  are  intended  immediately  to  take  place.  We 
must  now  either  oppose  them,  or  tamely  give  up  all  we 
have  been  struggling  for.  It  is  this  that  has  forced  us  so 
soon  on  these  very  important  resolves.  However,  we  do 
it  with  humble  deference  to  the  Provincial  and  Continental 
Congress,  by  whose  Resolutions  we  are  determined  to 
abide ;  to  whom,  and  the  world,  we  cheerfully  appeal  for 
the  uprightness  of  our  conduct. 

On  the  whole,  these  are  "  great  and  profound  questions." 
We  are  grieved  to  find  ourselves  reduced  to  the  necessity 
of  entering  into  the  discussion  of  them  ;  but  we  deprecate 
a  state  of  slavery  ;  our  fathers  left  a  fair  inheritance  to  us, 
purchased  by  a  waste  of  blood  and  treasure  ;  this  we  are 
resolved  to  transmit  equally  fair  to  our  children  after  us ;  no 
danger  shall  affright,  no  difficulties  intimidate  fis  ;  and  if  in 
support  of  our  rights,  we  are  called  to  encounter  even 
death,  we  are  yet  undaunted,  sensible  that  he  can  never  die 
too  soon,  who  lays  down  his  life  in  support  of  the  laws  and 
liberties  of  his  country. 

Which  Report  being  maturely  deliberated, 

Voted,  That  the  sense  of  the  whole  body  respecting  the 
same,  be  collected  by  yeas  and  nays,  which  being  done, 
there  were  one  hundred  and  forty-six  yeas,  and  four  nays. 

Voted,  That  it  be  recommended  to  tlie  several  towns 
and  districts  in  this  county,  that  each  appoint  one  or  more 
Delegates  to  attend  a  Provincial  meeting  to  be  holden  at 
Concord,  on  the  second  Tuesday  of  October  next. 

Voted,  That  a  fair  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  tliis  meet- 
ing be  made  out  and  forwarded  to  the  Grand  Continental 
Congress,  and  also  to  the  Town  Clerk  of  each  town  in  this 
county. 

Votcil,  That  the  thanks  of  this  meeting  be  given  to  the 
Honourable  James  Rrescot,  Esijuire,  for  his  faithful  services 
as  Chairman. 

Voted,  That  this  meeting  be  dissolved.  And  it  was  ac- 
cordingly dissolved.  Ebenezer  Bridge,   Clerk. 


753 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  AUGUST,  1774. 


754 


TO    THE    INHABITANTS    OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 

Pliiladelphiii,  August,  1774. 

All  vices  have  travelling  names.  Submission  to  the 
British  Parliament,  for  a  while,  assumed  the  name  of 
Moderation.  After  being  detected  and  exposed  under  the 
garb  of  that  necessary  virtue,  it  has  assumed  the  name  of 
Petition  and  Remonstrance.  It  shall  be  the  business  of 
tliis  Address  to  show  the  danger  of  relying  upon  those 
measures  alone  for  a  redress  of  American  Grievances. 

The  scheme  for  enslaving  the  Colonies  has  been  pursued 
with  a  subtlety  and  perseverance  which  indicate  a  determi- 
nation and  certainty  of  success.  Every  session  of  Parlia- 
ment, and  every  Council  Board  at  Whitehall,  since  the 
year  1762,  have  produced  some  new  exertions  of  arbitrary 
power  against  America. 

The  Colonies  began  their  opposition  to  the  British  Par- 
liament by  Petitions  and  Remonstrances,  in  their  legisla- 
tive capacities.  The  first  American  Congress  confined 
their  opposition  to  Petitions  and  Remonstrances  only. 
They  addressed  our  King,  as  a  father,  and  the  Parliament, 
as  brethren.  Their  Petitions  were  humble,  dutiful,  and 
respectful.  But  what  was  their  efi'ect?  They  were  re- 
jected with  contempt ;  and  to  show  that  they  had  no  hand 
in  obtaining  a  redress  of  our  grievances,  the  Stamp  and 
Revenue  Acts  were  repealed,  only  because  they  were 
found  to  be  hurtful  to  the  commercial  interests  of  Great 
Britain. 

The  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  Bay  lately  presented  a 
most  humble,  dutiful,  and  respectful  Petition  to  the  King, 
praying  that  Governour  Hutchinson  might  be  removed 
from  their  Province.  But  what  was  its  effect  ?  It  was 
pronounced  at  Whitehall  a  '•  seditious,  vexatious,  and 
scandalous  libel."  The  Governour,  it  is  true,  was  removed, 
but  it  was  only  to  be  rewarded  for  his  treachery. 

It  might  not  be  foreign  to  our  purpose  to  mention  the 
contempt  with  which  Petitions  have  been  treated,  when 
coming  even  from  the  citizens  of  Z/onf/o«,  in  order  to  show 
that  that  mode  of  obtaining  redress  of  grievances  has  now 
lost  its  influence. 

Petitions  and  Remonstrances  promise  less  at  the  present 
juncture  than  ever.  Our  King  has  been  inflamed  against 
us.  Both  Houses  of  Parliament  breathe  vengeance,  and 
are  impatient  to  seal  our  subjection  with  the  sword.  If 
Petitions  and  Remonstrances  from  our  Assemblies  did  no 
good,  in  the  infancy  of  our  dispute  with  Great  Britain, 
what  can  be  expected  from  them  when  they  come  from 
a  Congress  of  Deputies  of  all  the  Colonies  ?  To  pay  the 
least  regard  to  Petitions  or  Remonstrances  from  that  body, 
would  be  an  acknowledgement  of  its  usefulness  and  au- 
thority. 

Much  might  be  lost  by  a  delay  of  six  months.  The 
publick  spirit  will  subside.  JSosion  must  resist  or  yield. 
Bribery  will  stretch  her  cursed  hand  across  the  Ocean  ;  for 
we  have  too  much  reason  to  fear  that  in  the  present  strug- 
gle the  greatest  enemies  to  American  Liberty  will  be  found, 
or  created,  among  ourselves. 

I  could  name  the  persons  who  first  broached  the  scheme 
of  petitioning  and  remonstrating  only :  but  I  spare  them 
tlie  weight  of  popular  vengeance.  They  are  men  who 
prefer  one  more  cargo  of  British  Goods  to  the  salvation 
of  America.  They  are  men  who  have  friends  soliciting 
favours  at  Court,  or  who  expect  to  rise  into  importance 
upon  the  ruins  of -i^mcrican  Liberty.  There  are  men,  ho- 
nest men  too,  amongst  us,  who  have  adopted  this  scheme 
from  a  mistaken  zeal  for  unanimity,  with  persons  of  such 
principles  as  those  we  have  described. 

Great  Britain  stands  upon  her  commerce.  The  Ameri- 
can Colonies  are  the  pillars  of  that  commerce  While  this 
is  the  case,  let  us  not  barely  implore,  but  demand,  our 
liberty.  It  was  in  this  manner  the  Barons  obtained  the 
]\Iagna  Charta  from  King  John,  at  Runnij  Mead.  It  is  in 
this  manner  only  that  we  shall  act  like  freemen,  and  show 
that  we  feel  our  weight  in  the  scale  of  the  British  Empire. 
Posterity  would  blush  to  receive  their  liberty  from  our 
hands,  should  we  establish  it  upon  the  precarious  tenure  of 
a  Sovereign's  mercy. 

Awake,  my  countrymen,  to  a  sense  of  your  danger.  Let 
Pennsylvania  share  with  her  sister  Colonies  in  the  glory  of 
saving  America.  Let  no  obstacles  from  our  city  be  thrown 
in  the  way  of  an  immediate  Non-importation  Agreement. 
Let  the  foreign  Members  of  the  Congress  see  that  the 


Pennsylvanians  are  not  behind  their  native  Colonies  in 
publick  spirit ;  and  let  us  show  what  may  appear  paradoxi- 
cal, but  is  certainly  true,  that  the  Resolves  of  our  Provin- 
cial Committee,  for  petitioning  and  remonstrating  only,  do 
not  contain  the  sentiments  of  above  fifty  men  in  the  whole 
Province.  Sidney. 

TO  THE  HONOURABLE  DELEGATES  THAT  NOW  ARE,  OR 
SHORTLY  WILL  BE,  CONVENED  IN  GENERAL  CONGRESS. 

Connecticut,  August,  1774. 

Honourable  Sirs  :  Sometimes  a  gleam  of  licht  will 
appear  from  the  midst  of  darkness ;  and  the  Councils  of 
Kings  have  been  known  to  receive  benefit  from  persons  of 
the  greatest  obscurity ;  then  suffer  an  individual  to  ap- 
proach you,  nor  reject  him  with  disdain,  till  you  are  con- 
vinced his  presumption  deserves  your  neglect.  On  you, 
great  sirs,  and  your  important  decisions,  the  eyes  and 
expectations  of  millions  are  fixed  ;  on  your  present  resolu- 
tions depend  the  fate  of  this  great  Empire,  and  the  fate  of 
the  parent  Empire  also ;  death  or  life,  liberty  or  bondage, 
must  be  the  important  alternatives  of  your  firm  virtue,  or 
your  supine  relaxation ;  if  you  clothe  yourselves  with  the 
first,  you  will  shine  hke  fixed  stars  in  the  Heavens ;  but  if 
you  descend  to  the  latter,  infamy  and  dishonour,  shame 
and  disgrace,  nay,  perhaps  death  itself,  will  be  the  reward 
of  the  attempt  without  success. 

Then  ))ermit  me  to  ask,  what  are  you  met  for?  Is  it  to 
redress  the  wrongs  and  oppressions  of  this  injured  land  ? 
Is  this  solemn  purpose  strongly  impressed  on  every  one  of 
your  own  hearts ;  and  are  you  certain  it  is  the  ardent 
desire  of  your  constituents  also  ?  If  this  is  the  case,  what 
method  must  you,  or  will  you,  take  to  accomplish  the  im- 
portant end?  Must  it  be  by  Petition,  Remonstrance,  or  an 
abject  submission  to  power  ?  O  that  ye  knew  the  temper 
of  your  adversaries  !  I  trust  you  do,  and  then  you  will  shun 
these  modes,  as  so  many  rocks  and  shallows,  which  ever 
have,  and  ever  will,  fail  to  produce  any  thing  but  delusion, 
to  our  utter  destruction.  Or  shall  negotiation  take  place  ? 
This  will  be  branded  as  the  highest  presumption  and  inso- 
lence, and  will  be  punished  with  ten-fold  rigour.  No,  ye 
patriots,  all  these  attempts  will  be  as  fruitless  in  experiment, 
as  they  are  idle  in  contemplation.  But  Heaven  and  nature 
are  still  your  guardians,  and  have  pointed  out  the  only 
path.  A  Non-importation,  if  firmly  adhered  to,  will  do 
much,  but  alone  will  not  answer  the  intended  end ;  the 
design  of  its  operation  can  be  artfully  evaded  by  our  ene- 
mies, and  lengthened  out  for  a  long  season,  till,  by  our  own 
impatience,  we  are  spht  into  divisions,  and  prove  (as  one  of 
them  has  emphatically  expressed  it)  only  a  rope  of  sand. 
But  a  Non-exportation  is  entirely  in  our  own  power,  and 
by  adopting  it  in  the  fullest  latitude,  we  can  most  certainly 
preserve  ourselves,  and  at  the  same  time  absolutely  defeat 
our  enemies,  without  being  either  insolent  or  mean.  This, 
indeed,  will  be  striking  the  axe  to  the  root  of  the  tree,  and 
here  only  will  be  found  our  own  importance.  I  know  it 
will  be  urged,  that  this  will  be  a  present  grievance  to  our- 
selves, and  the  utmost  cruelty  to  the  West  Indies,  Ireland, 
and  other  places ;  but  the  injury  to  us  will  be  only  tempo- 
rary and  trifling,  for  it  must  be  very  short,  and  will  ensure 
success ;  and  with  respect  to  our  neighbours,  when  two 
houses  are  equally  in  flames,  whose  shall  we  endeavour  to 
extinguish  first,  our  own  or  that  of  our  friend  ? 

I  know  many  objections  to  a  plan  of  this  kind  will  be 
started  by  self-interested  men ;  but  is  this  a  time  for  us  to 
think  of  accumulating  fortunes,  or  even  adding  to  our 
estates  ?  If  we  can  subsist,  'tis  all  we  ought  to  expect. 
This  land  is  blessed  with  plenty,  and  can  furnish  food  and 
employment  for  all  its  inhabitants  for  a  long  time,  without 
any  foreign  trade  at  all.  Then  let  not  the  bounties  of 
Heaven,  which  have  crowned  this  present  year  with  joy 
and  gladness,  become  a  snare  for  us,  in  the  hands  of  the 
tempter,  and  prompt  us  to  say,  now  our  stores  and  grane- 
ries  are  full,  and  our  oxen  and  fallings  are  ready,  let  us 
fear  nothing,  but  commit  them  to  the  seas  and  the  winds; 
we  will  have  present  profit  though  we  pay  for  it  with  future 
ages  of  misery  and  pain.  O !  ye  noble  guardians  of  our 
rights,  think  on  these  things  ;  do  something  that  will  prove 
effectual,  or  do  nothing.  To  you  we  all  look  up ;  your 
country,  virtue,  honour,  fame,  life,  and  liberty,  or  all  their 
woful  contrasts  are  before  you ;  and,  as  you  shall  conduct 


Fourth  Series. 


48 


"--«'. 


755 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &ic.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


756 


the  ardous  task,  unborn  millions  will  either  bless  or  exe- 
crate your  names.  Juba. 


QUERIES  PROPOSED  TO  AMERICA. 

Philadelphia,  September,  1774. 
1st.  Whether  the  restraint  laid  by  the  Pcojile  of  Vir- 
ginia on  their  Delegates,  with  respect  to  the  article  of 
Non-exportation,  does  not  tend  to  render  the  Congress  total- 
ly ineffectual ;  as  every  other  Province  must  have  an  equal 
right  to  restrict  their  respective  Delegates  in  any  partic- 
ular article  which  they  may  suppose  will  affect  them  :  for 
instance,  Pennsylvania  might  restrain  them  in  the  article 
of  non-importation  of  Cloth  ;  New-York  of  Hals  and  Tea  ; 
New  England  of  Flannels  and  Calicoes ;  in  short,  each  Pro- 
vince making  its  particular  exceptions,  they  leave  a  door 
open  to  the  admittance  of  every  article  of  commerce  which 
Great  Britain  or  the  India  Company  has  to  export. 

2d.  Whether  there  is  not  the  strongest  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  Ministry  have  taken  precaution  to  counteract,  or 
at  least  to  weaken,  the  operation  of  simple  Non-importa- 
tion, consequently  that  a  Non-hnportation  Resolve,  simply, 
will  answer  no  purpose  ? 

3d.  Whether  it  is  not  almost  universally  allowed,  and 
whether  all  accounts  from  England  do  not  agree,  that  a 
Non-exportation  to  the  West  India  Islands  would  be  the 
most  certain  and  rapid  means  of  obtaining  redress? 

4th.  Whether  (this  being  granted)  there  is  any  reason 
to  believe  that  the  people  are  so  wanting  in  publick  spirit 
as  not  to  abide  by  this  Resolve  if  the  Congress  enters  into 
it  ?  or,  whether  this  notion,  of  the  people's  want  of  publick 
spirit  to  abide  by  it,  is  not  endeavoured  to  be  propagated  by 
Merchants  interested  in  the  commerce,  in  order  to  divert 
the  Congress  from  this  most  effectual  Resolve? 

5lh.  Whether  the  manifest,  and,  indeed,  the  avowed  in- 
tention of  the  (Quebec  Bill,  is  not  to  make  use  of  the  Can- 
adians  as  instruments  for  the  enslavement  of  the  British 
Colonies  ? 

6th.  Whether  General  Carleton  will  not  embody  and 
discipline  a  formidable  number  for  this  purpose,  and  imme- 
diately ? 

7th.  Whether  it  is  not  necessary  that  some  force  should, 
without  loss  of  time,  be  prepared  to  resist  them  ? 

8th.  Whether  the  Militia,  on  its  present  footing,  can  be 
depended  upon  ? 

9th.  Whether  if  the  Militia  (established  as  it  is)  can- 
not be  depended  upon,  some  other  mode  should  not  be 
adopted  ? 

10th.  Whether,  from  the  apparent  spirit  prevalent  in  the 
commonalty  of  this  Continent,  there  is  not  the  strongest 
reason  to  believe  that  they  would  submit  themselves  to  a 
temporary  Meeting  Act ;  that  is,  that  each  man  would,  for 
a  time,  cede  a  portion  of  his  individual  liberty  for  the  secu- 
rity of  the  rest? 

1 1th.  Whether,  if  this  spirit  really  exists  in  the  people, 
it  would  not  be  wise  to  avail  ourselves  of  it,  and  obtain 
their  assent  to  laws  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of 
that  order  and  discipline  without  which  no  defence  can  be 
made  ? 

r3th.  Whether,  as  it  is  most  certain  the  consent  of 
the  Governours  of  the  respective  Provinces  will  not  be 
obtained  to  such  laws,  the  people  may  not,  antecedent  to 
all  written  Statutes,  that  is,  a  law  of  God,  nature,  and  self- 
defence,  enact  them  by  their  own  authority. 

13th.  Whether  a  fund  necessary  for  tiie  support  of  a 
body  of  Troops,  sufficient  to  repel  an  invasion  from  Cana- 
da, should  not  be  immediately  prepared  ? 

14th.  Whether  the  apprehension  of  further  irritating  the 
Ministry,  by  such  a  measure,  is  not  childish  and  absurd,  as 
it  is  manifest  they  cannot  be  more  hostile  to  America  than 
they  are  at  present? 

I5th.  Whether  it  is  not  more  rational  to  work  on  the 
fears  of  such  a  Ministry,  than  to  dread  an  increase  of  their 
animosity  ? 

16th.  Whether  a  conduct  so  becoming  men,  struggling 
in  the  cause  of  liberty,  would  not  make  an  impression  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Americans  on  the  minds  of  die  people 
of  England,  who  (however  they  may  be  deluded  for  a 
time)  are  undoubtedly  an  honest,  generous,  brave  people, 
and  enthusiastick  admirers  of  those  who  vigorously  defend 
their  rights  and  liberties  ? 


17th.  Whether  the  obtaining  the  good  opinion  of  the 
people  of  England  does  not  promise  more  solid  advanta- 
ges to  the  cause  of  America  than  she  can  possibly  flatter 
herself  with  from  a  Petition  and  Address  to  the  Kinir  and 
Parliament — one  of  which  is  inveterately  obstinate  in  the 
pursuit  of  despotisni,  the  other  notoriously  abandoned,  by 
corruption,  to  all  virtue,  feeling,  and  shame? 

18ih.  AVhether,  therefore,  a  sensible,  manly,  brave  Re- 
monstrance from  the  People  of  America  to  the  People  of 
England,  setting  forth  their  rights,  as  men  and  fellow-sub- 
jects, and  asserting  their  resolution  to  defend  them,  would 
not  be  productive  of  better  effects  than  any  Petition  or 
Address  to  such  a  King,  and  sucii  a  Parliament  ? 


TO    THE    PEOPLE    OF    AMERICA. 

Boston,  Septembi^r,  1774. 
As  every  individual  of  British  America  must  be  vastly 
interested  in  the  Resolutions  of  the  approaching  Congress, 
it  cannot  be  thought  foreign  to  any  person's  own  concerns, 
if  he  communicates  his  sentiments  to  them.  Numbers  of 
persons  have  given  their  opinions  on  this  occasion,  and  the 
Congress  doubtless  have  a  right  to  expect  the  best  thoughts 
of  every  one  on  the  subject.  Among  the  various  opinions 
delivered  on  this  occasion,  the  following  seem  to  be  tiie 
most  worthy  of  notice : 

I.  A  Petition  or  Remonstrance  to  Parliament  against 
their  late  Acts,  with  a  decent  and  firm  declaration  of  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  Americans. 

II.  A  suspension  of  Trade  with  Great  Britain  till  the 
said  Acts  be  repealed. 

III.  A  suspension  of  all  our  Trade  with  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies,  till  said  Acts  be  repealed. 

I  design  to  consider  each  of  these,  with  their  probable 
effects;  premising  these  three  things:  1.  That  the  said 
Acts  sap,  to  the  very  foundation,  every  principle  of  Ame- 
rican  liberty.  2.  That  all  England  are  united  in  enforc- 
ing those  Acts  ;  and,  3.  That,  therefore,  the  Americana 
ought  to  adopt  such  measures  as  will  most  effectually  pre- 
vent their  operation,  and  effect  their  repeal,  in  the  speedi- 
est manner  that  can  be  devised  ? 

I.  As  to  the  first,  I  have  the  following  objections  to  pre- 
senting any  Petitions  or  Remonstrances  to  the  British  Par- 
liament : 

1.  They  will  not  acknowledge  the  Congress  to  be  any 
legal  body  or  proper  representative  of  America ;  and,  there- 
fore, any  Petition  will  be  loss  of  labour,  and  loss  of  time, 
without  effecting  our  deliverance. 

2.  The  substance  of  the  Petition  will  be  highly  disgust- 
ing to  them  ;  for,  couch  it  in  the  softest  terms  possible,  yet 
the  plain  English  of  it  must  be,  that  they  have  made  the 
said  Acts  without  any  right  or  authority,  and  if  their  au- 
thority had  been  good,  yet  the  said  Acts  are  in  their  nature 
unjust  and  wicked,  and  the  Americans  will  plague  and  dis- 
tress Great  Britain,  in  every  way  possible,  till  they  are 
repealed,  which  is  so  extremely  contrary  to  the  present 
sentiments  of  Great  Britai7i,  that  litde  advantage  is  to  be 
expected  therefrom. 

3.  Any  kind  of  declaration  of  our  rights  and  liberties, 
will  bring  the  question  of  American  rights  into  view,  and 
make  it  the  yest  of  a  dispute,  which  can  never  be  deter- 
mined ;  for,  it  is  certain,  the  Americans  never  will  ac- 
knowledge the  legislative  and  taxing  power  of  the  British 
Parliament,  nor  will  the  British  Parliament  ever  relinquish 
that  claim.  All  we  can  expect  is,  that  the  British  Parlia- 
ment will,  on  some  prudential  considerations,  suspend  the 
exercise  of  it;  not  that  they  will  give  up  the  principle. 
This  question,  therefore,  ought,  by  all  means,  to  be  kept 
out  of  sight,  because  there  is  no  hopes  of  its  being  ever 
settled,  and  any  discussions  of  it  will  certainly  widen  the 
breach. 

4.  If  the  British  Parliament  should  consent  to  enter 
into  treaty  with  us  on  the  subject  of  American  rights, 
(which  I  think  not  at  all  probable,)  yot  we  have  by  no 
means  an  equal  chance  with  them  in  the  treaty,  for  they 
will  plead  at  ease,  but  we  must  plead  in  pain.  Whilst  w© 
are  in  treaty  with  them,  we  feel  the  pain  of  our  Ports  shut ; 
our  right  and  property  in  wharves,  landings,  bills  of  lading, 
charter  parties,  Stc,  vacated  ;  our  Charter  grossly  violated  ; 
and  liberties  lost;  they,  on  the  other  hand,  are  at  ease, 
and  in  full  triumph  over  our  fortunes,  liberties,  and  lives. 


757 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


758 


A  person  in  distress  has  not  an  equal  command  of  his  best 
faculties,  or  an  equal  courage  to  exert  them,  with  one  at 
ease  and  out  of  danger.  'Tis  said  that  Cortes,  liie  con- 
queror of  Mexico,  demanded  of  Montezuma,  tlie  Emperor, 
a  surrender  of  his  cash ;  the  Emperor  made  some  objec- 
tions, and  desired  a  treaty  on  the  reasonableness  of  the  de- 
mand, on  whicl)  Cortes  heated  a  gridiron  red  hot  and  seated 
foor  Montezuma  with  his  bare  backside  on  it,  and  consented 
to  treat  with  him  as  long  as  he  pleased.  I  don't  know  that 
Great  Britain  would  consent  to  Ireat  with  us  on  the  sub- 
ject of  our  rights,  even  in  our  excrutiating  distress;  but  if 
they  should  be  so  condescending,  there  would  be  so  much 
of  duress  in  the  whole  treaty,  that  I  doubt  much  if  the 
Americans  would  admit  of  its  validity,  if  the  conclusion 
should  not  be  favourable  to  them.  I  am  indeed  utterly 
averse  to  such  an  unequal  treaty.  Either  let  us  be  first 
put  out  of  pain,  or  let  them  be  put  into  equal  pain,  and 
then  equal  conclusions,  if  any,  may  be  expected. 

5.  The  British  Parliament  are  not  supposed  to  yield 
any  thing  to  the  ardours  and  passions  of  a  petition,  but  their 
decisions  are  ever  governed  by  facts  and  the  reasons  of 
them.  But  we  cannot,  in  any  petition,  suggest  any  new 
matter  with  which  the  British  Parliament  were  not  per- 
fectly acquainted  when  the)'  passed  the  Acts  ;  the  whole 
subject  has  been  long  since  exhausted,  and  every  argument 
against  all  the  Bills  were  set  in  the  strongest  light,  by  many 
very  able  speakers,  when  the  Bills  were  debated.  It  will, 
tlierefore,  be  vain  and  ridiculous,  and  may  perhaps  be 
deemed  disrespectful,  for  our  Congress  to  offer  a  petition 
filled  with  old,  trite,  threadbare  matters  and  arguments, 
which  had  a  full  discussion  when  the  Acts  passed. 

6.  Any  petition,  memorial,  remonstrance,  or  by  whatever 
other  name  it  may  be  called,  will  be  deemed  to  imply  a 
confession  of  the  right  of  the  British  Parliament  to  make 
tlie  laws  against  which  we  remonstrate,  which  the  Americans 
most  certainly  do  not  intend  to  acknowledge. 

7.  But  what  will  be  as  fatal  perhaps  as  any  of  the  rest, 
if  the  Congress  present  a  petition  to  Parliament,  it  may  be 
received  and  depend  a  year  or  two  there  for  consideration 
and  answer,  during  all  which  time  it  may  be  thought  very 
improper  and  indecent  for  us  to  adopt  and  pursue  any  other 
means  of  deliverance,  and  it  will  be  strongly  urged  that  we 
ought  at  least  to  susjjend  any  other  methods  of  redress,  till 
we  know  the  result  of  Parliament  on  our  petition. 

II.  After  all  this,  if  it  should  be  deemed  expedient  to 
present  a  petition,  and  lest  words  alone,  however  forcible, 
siiould  not  have  sufficient  weight,  further  active  measures 
should  be  thought  necessary  to  give  energy  to  the  same,  it 
remains  to  be  considered  what  these  further  measures  ought 
to  be ;  arms  certainly  ought  to  be  the  last  thing  in  view. 
A  suspension  of  our  trade  is,  by  most  people,  thought  suf- 
ficient to  effect  our  deliverance ;  and  some  think  that  a 
suspension  of  our  trade  with  Great  Britain  only  will  effect 
the  great  end  desired.     On  which  I  would  observe, 

1.  However  effectual  this  measure  may  be,  it  will  be  a 
slow  one.  Great  Britain  has  great  resources  of  raw  mate- 
rials besides  her  importations  from  us;  she  has  many  great 
vents  for  her  merchandise  besides  her  exports  to  us ;  the 
matter  in  dispute  they  look  on  of  great  importance,  and 
they  will  suffer  long  before  they  will  yield  it;  they  will 
feel  a  suspension  of  our  trade  heavily,  but  not  ruinously  ; 
tJie  inconveniences  to  them  will  not  be  felt  so  immediately 
as  will  be  necessary  to  force  an  immediate  deliverance  for 
us,  and  any  long  delay  may  prove  fatal  to  us ;  for, 

2.  The  success  of  our  resolutions  depends  on  the  con- 
tinued and  united  practice  of  millions ;  the  minds  of  all 
ranks  and  conditions  of  people  are  now  filled  with  a  sense 
of  our  danger,  and  willing  to  unite  in  adopting  and  pursu- 
ing any  practicable  means  of  deliverance,  but  time  may 
wear  this  high  sense  out  of  their  minds.  'Tis  madness  to 
lose  the  universal  warmth  and  zeal  of  all  America  by 
needless  delays ;  such  stupid,  sleepy,  dreaming  conduct 
will  cost  our  poor  posterity  hungry  bellies,  aching  hearts, 
and  tears  of  blood. 

3.  Yet  there  is  one  advantage  arising  naturally  from  a 
suspension  of  trade  with  Great  Britain  only ;  however 
slow  its  operations  may  be,  it  will  give  America  time  to 
complete  their  own  manufactures,  to  correct  their  infatua- 
tion for  British  luxuries,  and  teach  their  merchants  that 
they  will  grow  rich  faster  by  supplying  raw  materials  than 
by  importing  finished  goods. 


III.  I  am  now  to  consider  what  will  be  the  probable  con- 
sequences of  a  suspension  of  our  trade  with  Great  Britain, 
Ireland,  and  the  West  Indies. 

1.  All  the  wisdom  and  wealth  of  England  and  Ireland 
united  cannot  sow  Ireland  with  flax  without  the  American 
seed;  thirty-four  thousand  hogsheads  of  which  is  annu- 
ally exported  to  Ireland  from  the  Provinces  of  New-York 
and  Philadelphia  only.  If  the  flax  is  not  sown  there  can 
be  no  crop,  and  consequently  no  material  to  employ  the 
linen  manufacturers,  and  thus  three  hundred  thousand 
people  must  be  thrown  out  of  business,  and  of  course  out 
of  bread ;  and  the  linen  merchants  be  disenabled  from  sup- 
plying their  customers,  and  so  must  lose  their  custom,  and 
suffer  that  branch  of  trade  to  slide  into  the  hands  of  other 
Nations,  from  whom  it  will  be  difficult  to  recover  it.  All 
the  wisdom  and  power  of  Great  Britain  cannot  prevent  or 
remedy  these  evils,  otherwise  than  by  repeahng  the  offen- 
sive Acts,  and  thereby  opening  the  ports  of  America  time 
enough  for  shipping  seed  in  season  for  sowing  Ireland 
next  spring ;  the  subject  will  not  admit  of  dilatory  deliber- 
ations ;  to  delay  will  be  to  be  ruined  ;  if  the  seed  time  is 
suffered  to  pass  without  seed,  no  wisdom  can  prevent  the 
ruin  of  the  Irish  linen  manufacture,  or  the  insurrection  of 
millions  of  starving,  unemployed  people.  The  inconveni- 
ence of  this  suspension  of  trade  is  very  little  to  America ; 
no  farmer  depends  upon  his  flaxseed  for  the  supplies  of  the 
year;  'tis  a  rich  farmer  who  raises  half  a  dozen  bushels, 
and  he  can  keep  it  over  the  year  without  sensible  incon- 
venience. 

2.  Suspending  our  trade  with  the  West  Indies  will  ruin 
every  plantation  there.  They  can  neither  feed  their  ne- 
groes without  our  corn,  nor  save  their  crops  without  our 
lumber.  A  stoppage  of  North  American  supplies  will 
bring  on  a  famine,  and  scarcity  too  ruinous  to  be  risked 
without  the  most  stupid  madness.  It  will  instantly  lie  with 
the  British  Parliament  to  determine  whether  the  West 
Indies  shall  be  starved  and  ruined  or  not,  and  it  will  be 
necessary  for  them  to  determine  quick,  or  the  damages  of 
delay  will  soon  become  irreparable.  The  damage  of  this 
suspension  of  trade  would  not  be  much  to  America;  we 
cut  our  choicest  timber  for  lumber  too  freely  ;  our  lumber 
cutters  would  serve  themselves  and  country  better  were 
they  employed  in  clearing  and  cultivating  land.  We  can 
fill  the  West  Indies  with  provisions  this  fall,  and  I  dare 
say  the  British  Parliament  will  remove  all  obstructions  to 
our  shipping  more  next  spring.  That  the  suspension  will 
probably  last  only  through  the  winter,  which  is  not  a  season 
for  much  business.  Besides,  all  the  ports  in  Europe  are 
open  for  our  provisions,  and  if  we  lose  a  little  in  the  price, 
we  may  afford  it,  inasmuch  as  we  shall  make  great  savings 
in  the  article  of  rum,  and  other  West  India  luxuries.  If  it 
is  objected  that  England  alone  has  offended  us,  why  should 
we  smite  Ireland  and  the  West  Indies'!  I  answer,  the 
funds  which  support  the  Irish  linen  manufacture  and  the 
West  India  plantations  lie  very  much  in  London;  the  linen 
of  Ireland  and  the  produce  of  the  West  Indies  are  mostly 
due  to  London  before  they  are  made  ;  and,  therefore,  ruin- 
ing the  Irish  linen  manufacture  and  the  produce  of  the 
West  India  plantations,  would  greatly  affect  the  Irish  and 
West  India  merchants  in  London ;  it  would  break  not  sin- 
gle and  principal  houses  only,  but  would  oblige  whole  streets 
of  them  to  shut  up  at  once,  and  hasten  to  Parliament  with 
such  tales  of  woe  as  the  stubborn  omnipotence  of  that 
haughty  House  could  not  refuse  to  hear,  or  be  able  to  reme- 
dy otherwise  than  by  a  repeal  of  the  offensive  Acts.  But 
if  the  British  Parliament  should  be  mad  enough  to  risk  all 
these  evils,  and  continue  the  Acts,  America  might  live  very 
well  a  number  of  years  without  them.  'Tis  likely  our  pro- 
visions would  be  plenty  and  cheap,  so  that  our  poor  might 
be  supplied  easily ;  we  should  save  the  annual  millions  we 
now  pay  for  East  India,  West  India,  and  British  super- 
fluities ;  our  own  manufactures  would  thrive  ;  the  cultiva- 
tion of  our  country  would  be  greatly  increased  ;  we  should 
be  gradually  recovered  from  our  ridiculous  imitations  of 
British  Aishions  and  extravagances  ;  and,  for  any  thing  I 
can  see,  may  soon  be  as  happy  as  the  ancient  shepherds  of 
Arcadia;  we  have  a  finer  country  than  they  ever  had,  and 
a  Heaven  equally  propitious. 

3.  How  far  a  suspension  of  our  trade  with  Great  Bri- 
tain may  affect  them  is  not  certain,  but  no  doubt  that 
blow,  in  conjunction  with  the  other  before  mentioned  par- 


759 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


760 


ticulars,  would  operate  strongly ;  it  would  reduce  the  em- 
ployment of  many  thousands  of  people ;  would  lessen  the 
sales  of  the  East  India  Company,  and  would  diminish  the 
publick  revenue  near  a  million  sterling  per  annum,  about 
half  of  which  sum  arises  yearly  from  the  single  article  of 
tobacco. 

These  are  effects  which  no  wisdom  can  prevent  or  avoid  ; 
they  will  leave  the  British  Parliament  lime  to  deliberate, 
however  mortifying  it  may  be  to  them  to  apply  the  only 
remedy  which  can  relieve  their  distress ;  but  should  they 
be  disposed  to  spin  out  delays,  in  full  sight  of  the  ghastly 
irresistible  approaches  of  such  ruinous  and  coini)licated 
misery,  we  should  at  least  have  the  advantage  of  being  on 
a  footing  with  them,  they  would  be  in  pain  as  well  as  we, 
and  would  at  least  have  equal  inducement  to  put  a  speedy 
end  to  it.  Their  interest  would  soon  conquer  their  pride, 
and  their  revenge  must  be  speedily  sacrificed  to  their  ease. 

I  look  on  the  dignity  of  the  American  Congress  equal  to 
any  Assembly  on  earth,  and  their  deliberations  and  reso- 
lutions more  important  in  their  nature  and  consequences 
than  any  which  were  ever  before  agitated  in  council.  The 
value  and  character  of  America  will  be  fixed,  merely  as 
the  Congress  shall  estimate  them,  and  if  they  assert  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  America  with  that  precision  and 
effect,  which  is  universally  expected  from  them,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  but  their  resolves  and  advices  will  be  honoured 
with  universal  approbation  and  obedience,  and  I  hope  and 
trust  they  will  tliink  it  below  their  dignity,  as  well  as 
inconsistent  with  their  prudence,  to  degrade  their  import- 
ance and  waste  their  time  in  humiliating  and  fruitless  mea- 
sures, when  they  have  it  in  their  power  to  assert  the  rights 
of  their  country  with  a  force  and  effect  which  the  united 
wisdom  and  strength  of  all  their  enemies  can  by  no  means 
withstand. 

I  don't  apprehend  that  all  we  can  do  will  be  too  much. 
Our  all  is  at  stake ;  our  enemies  are  powerful  and  deter- 
mined ;  trifling  expedients  will  be  ridiculous  ;  delays  will 
ruin  us;  every  moment  is  a  moment  of  the  utmost  import- 
ance ;  all  the  world  are  now  viewing,  and  all  posterity  will 
look  back,  on  the  doings  of  this  Congress. 


A  LETTER  FROM  A  VIRGINIAN  TO  THE  MEMBERS  OF  THE 
CONGRESS,  TO  BE  HELD  AT  PHILADELPHIA,  ON  THE 
FIRST  OF  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 

Let  us  no  longer  deceive  ourselves  with  the  vain  hopes 
of  a  speedy  repeal  of  the  Tea  Act,  because  we  triumphed 
in  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act;  the  Acts  themselves  are 
totally  different  in  their  principles  and  their  operations  ;  the 
occasion  by  no  means  similar.  We  have  advanced  from  one 
extravagant  claim  to  another,  made  such  sudden  turnings  and 
windings,  taken  such  wild  and  rapid  flights,  that  the  boldest 
of  our  followers  can  follow  us  no  longer ;  our  most  zealous 
advocates  are  ashamed  to  plead  a  cause  which  all  men, 
but  ourselves,  condemn.  Can  we  any  longer  doubt  that 
our  friends,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  as  well  as 
our  enemies,  although  they  differ  in  the  mode  of  exercising 
the  authority  of  Parliament  over  us,  are  almost  universally 
agreed  in  the  principle?  Are  we  not  convinced  from  a 
thousand  testimonies,  that  the  clamour  against  us  is  univer- 
sal and  loud?  Is  diis,  gentlemen,  a  season  to  frighten  the 
parent  country  into  a  repeal  ?  No  man  of  spirit  in  private 
life,  even  on  the  slightest  quarrel,  will  submit  to  be  bullied 
and  exposed  to  the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  little  circle 
he  lives  in.  Can  we  seriously  hope  that  a  great  Nation, 
a  proud  Nation,  will  be  insulted  and  degraded  with  impuni- 
ty by  her  Colonies,  in  the  face  of  every  rival  Kingdom  in 
Europe!  Let  us  then,  gentlemen,  relinquish  forever  a 
project  fraught  with  absunlity  and  ruin.  Let  your  consti- 
tuents hope  that  the  occasion  of  such  an  important  Assem- 
bly will  not  be  wantonly  squandered  in  opprobrious  re- 
proaches, in  bidding  defiance  to  the  mother  country,  but 
in  digesting  and  proposing  some  new  plan  of  accommoda- 
tion worthy  her  notice  and  exceptance.  Disputes  are 
generally  vain  and  endless  where  there  are  no  arbitrators 
to  award,  no  judges  to  decree.  Where  arguments,  suspect- 
ed to  be  drawn  from  interest  and  passion  are  addressed  to 
interest  and  passion,  they  produce  no  conviction.  We  may 
ring  eternal  changes  on  taxation  and  representation,  upon 
actual,  virtual,  and  non-representation.  We  may  end  as 
we  began,  and  disagree  eternally ;  but  there  is  one  propo- 


sition, a  self-evident  proposition,  to  which  all  the  world 
give  their  assent,  and  from  which  we  cannot  withold  ours : 
that  whatever  taxation  and  representation  may  be,  taxation 
and  Government  are  inseparable. 

On  the  subject  of  taxation  the  authority  of  Mr.  LocJce 
is  generally  (juoted  by  our  advocates,  as  paramount  to  all 
other  authority  whatever.  His  Treatise  on  Government,  as 
far  as  his  ideas  are  practicable  with  the  corrupt  materials 
of  all  Governments,  is  undoubtedly  a  most  beautiful  theory, 
the  noblest  assertion  of  the  unalienable  rights  of  mankind. 
Let  us  respect  it  as  the  opinion  of  a  wise  and  virtuous 
philosopher  and  patriot,  but  let  us  likewise,  as  good  sub- 
jects, revere  the  laws  of  the  land,  the  collected  wisdom 
of  ages,  and  make  them  the  sole  nde  of  our  political  con- 
duct. Let  not  Mr.  Locke  be  quoted  partially  by  those  who 
have  read  him,  to  mislead  thousands  who  never  read  him. 
When  he  is  brought  as  an  authority  that  no  subject  can  be 
justly  taxed  without  his  own  consent,  why  do  not  they  add 
his  own  explanation  of  that  consent  ?  i.  e.  "  the  consent 
"  of  the  majority,  giving  it  cither  by  themselves  or  their 
"  Representatives  chosen  by  them."  Do  we  compose  the 
majority  of  the  British  community  ?  Are  we,  or  are  we 
not,  of  that  community  ?  If  we  are  of  that  community,  but 
are  not  represented,  are  we  not  in  the  same  situation  with 
the  numerous  body  of  copy-holders,  with  the  inhabitants  of 
many  wealthy  and  populous  towns ;  in  short,  with  a  very 
great  number  of  our  fellow-subjects,  who  have  no  votes  in 
elections  ?  Shall  we  affirm  that  these  are  all  virtually  rep- 
resented, but  deny  that  we  are  so  ;  and  at  the  same  time  be 
too  proud  to  solicit  a  representation  ?  Or,  under  the  trite 
and  popular  pretences  of  venality  and  corruption,  laugh  at 
it  as  impracticable  ?  Shall  we  plunge  at  once  into  anarchy, 
and  reject  all  accommodation  with  a  Goverinnent  (by  the 
confession  of  the  wisest  men  in  Europe,  the  freest  and  the 
noblest  Government  on  the  records  of  history,)  because 
there  are  imperfections  in  it,  as  there  are  in  all  things,  and 
in  all  men  ?  Are  we  confederates,  or  allies,  or  subjects  of 
Great  Britain  1  In  what  code  of  laws  are  we  to  search 
for  taxation,  under  the  title  and  condition  of  requisition,  as 
we  understand  the  word  ?  In  what  theory  of  Government, 
ancient,  or  modern  ?  Is  it  to  be  found  any  where  on  earth, 
but  in  modern  harangues,  modern  pamphlets  ?  And  in  these 
only  as  temporary  expedients.  The  supply  of  Govern- 
ment must  be  constant,  certain,  and  proportioned  to  the 
protection  it  affords ;  the  moment  the  one  is  precarious, 
the  other  is  so  too ;  the  moment  it  fails,  civil  society 
expires.  We  boast  much  of  oiu-  bountiful  compliance 
with  the  requisitions  made  during  the  last  war,  and  in 
many  instances  with  reason ;  but  let  us  remember  and 
acknowledge  that  there  was  even  then  more  than  one  rich 
Province  that  refused  to  comply,  although  the  war  was  in 
the  very  bowels  of  the  country.  Can  Great  Britain  then 
depend  upon  her  requisitions  in  some  future  war  a  thou- 
sand leagues  distant  from  North  America,  on  which,  as  we 
may  have  no  immediate  local  interest,  we  may  look  per- 
haps with  little  concern. 

From  the  infancy  of  our  Colonies  to  this  very  hour  we 
have  grown  up  and  flourished  under  the  mildness  and  wis- 
dom of  her  excellent  laws ;  our  trade,  our  possessions,  our 
persons,  have  been  constantly  defended  against  the  whole 
world,  by  the  fame  of  her  power,  or  by  the  exertion  of  it. 
We  have  been  very  lately  rescued  by  her  from  enemies 
who  threatened  us  with  slavery  iind  destruction,  at  the 
expense  of  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  established  after 
a  long  war  (waged  on  our  accounts,  at  our  most  earnest 
prayers)  in  a  state  of  security,  of  which  there  is  scarce  an 
example  in  history.  She  is  ever  ready  to  avenge  the  cause 
of  the  meanest  individual  among  us,  with  a  power  respected 
by  die  whole  world.  Let  us  then  no  longer  disgrace  our- 
selves by  illiberal,  ungrateful  reproaches,  by  meanly  ascrib- 
ing the  most  generous  conduct  to  the  most  sordid  motives ; 
we  owe  our  birth,  our  progress,  our  delivery,  to  her;  we 
still  depend  on  her  for  protection ;  we  are  surely  able  to 
bear  some  part  of  the  expense  of  it ;  let  us  be  willing  to 
bear  it.  Employ  then,  gentlemen,  your  united  zeal  and 
abilities  in  substituting  some  adequate,  permanent,  and 
effectual  supply  (by  some  mode  of  actual  representation,) 
in  the  place  of  uncertain,  ineffectual  requisitions,  or  in  de- 
vising some  means  of  reconciling  taxation,  the  indispens- 
able obligation  of  every  subject,  with  your  ideas  of  the 
peculiar  and  inestimable  rights  of  an  Englishman. 


76 1 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


762 


These  are  objects  woitliy  a  Congress ;  measures  that 
will  confer  lasting  benefits  on  your  country,  and  immortal 
honour  on  yourselves. 

If,  on  the  contrary,  like  independent  states,  you  arrogate 
to  yourselves  the  sole  right  of  judging  and  deciding  in 
your  own  cause ;  if  you  pei-sist  in  denying  the  supreme 
power  of  Parliament,  which  no  Parliament  will  ever 
renounce,  like  independent  states,  we  have  no  appeal  but 
to  the  God  of  Batdes.  Shall  we  dare  lift  up  our  eyes  to 
that  God,  the  source  of  Truth  and  Justice,  and  implore 
his  assistance  in  such  a  cause  ?  There  are  causes,  where, 
in  spite  of  the  ridiculous  tenets  of  pious,  deluded  enthusi- 
asts, or  of  the  wicked  and  monstrous  doctrines  of  slaves 
and  tyrants,  the  very  principles,  the  original  principles 
on  which  civil  society  depends,  require,  where  (jod  and 
nature  call  aloud  for  resistance.  Such  causes  existed  in 
the  horrid  catalogue  of  oppressions  and  crimes  under  a 
Fhiiip  the  Second,  a  Catharine  of  Medicis,  and  in  the  list 
of  grievances  during  one  period  at  least,  of  the  reign  of 
the  ill  educated,  the  ill  advised,  the  unhappy  Charles.  On 
such  melancholy  occasions,  men  of  sentiment,  spirit,  and 
virtue,  the  only  genuine  sons  of  liberty,  engage  in  the 
honourable  cause  of  freedom,  with  God  on  their  side,  and 
indignantly  sacrifice  every  advantage  of  fortune,  every 
endearment  of  life,  and  life  itself.  Do  such  causes  exist 
now  among  us  ?  Did  they  ever  exist  ?  Are  they  likely  to 
exist  ? 

Open,  if  it  be  not  too  late,  the  eyes  of  our  infatuated 
countrymen  ;  teach  them  to  compare  their  happy  situation 
with  the  wretchedness  of  nine-tenths  of  the  globe ;  shew 
them  the  general  diffusion  of  the  necessaries,  the  conve- 
niences and  pleasures  of  life,  among  all  orders  of  people 
here ;  the  certain  rewards  of  industry,  the  innumerable 
avenues  to  wealth,  the  native  unsubdued  freedom  of  their 
manners  and  conversation  ;  the  spirit  of  equality,  so  flatter- 
ing to  all  generous  minds,  and  so  essential  to  the  enjoyment 
of  private  society ;  the  entire  security  of  their  fortunes, 
liberty  and  lives;  the  equity  and  lenity  of  their  civil  and 
criminal  justice,  the  toleration  of  their  religious  opinions 
and  worsliip. 

Teach  them  to  compare  these  invaluable  privileges  and 
enjoyments  with  the  abject  and  miserable  state  of  men 
debased  by  artificial  manners,  lost  to  all  generous  and 
manly  sentiment ;  alternately  crouching  and  insulting,  from 
the  vain  and  humiliating  distinctions  of  birth,  place,  and 
precedence  ;  trembling  every  moment  for  their  liberty,  their 
property,  their  consciences,  and  their  lives ;  millions  toil- 
ing, not  for  themselves,  but  to  pamper  the  luxury  and  riot 
of  a  few  worthless,  domineering  individuals,  and  pining  in 
indigence  and  wretchedness  ;  save  them  from  the  madness 
of  hazarding  such  inestimable  blessings,  in  the  uncertain 
events  of  a  war,  against  all  odds,  against  invasions  from 
Canada,  incursions  of  savages,  revolt  of  slaves,  multiplied 
fleets  and  armies ;  a  war  which  must  begin  where  wars 
commonly  end,  in  the  ruin  of  our  trade,  in  the  surrender 
of  our  ports  and  capitals,  in  the  misery  of  thousands. 
Teach  them  in  mercy,  to  beware  how  they  wantonly  draw 
their  swords  in  defence  of  political  problems,  distinctions, 
refinements ;  about  which  the  best  and  the  wisest  men,  the 
friends  as  well  as  the  enemies  of  America,  differ  in  their 
opinions,  lest  while  we  deny  the  mother  country  every 
mode,  every  right  of  taxation,  we  give  her  the  right  of 
conquest. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUR  MARTIN  TO 
THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  NEWBERN,  NORTH 
CAROLINA,    SEPTEMBER    1,    1774. 

Your  Lordship  will  not  be  surprised  to  hear  that  the 
people  of  this  Colony  have  followed  the  example  of  the  rest 
of  tiie  Continent,  in  caballing  and  forming  resolutions  upon 
the  late  measures  of  Government,  with  regard  to  the  divis- 
ions in  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  The  readiness 
witii  which  the  intemperate  declarations  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly  were  adopted  and  re-echoed  here,  will  have 
shown  your  Ijordship,  that  this  people  are  of  but  too  con- 
genial disposition.  What  system  the  other  Continental 
Assemblies  have  formed  by  their  Committees  of  Corres- 
pondence, which  your  Lordship  must  know  have  been 
appointed,  I  cannot  tell,  having  never  understood  that  their 
proceedings  have  transpired  more  than  those  of  the  Com- 


mittee here,  of  which  nothing  appears  upon  the  Assembly's 
Journal,  but  the  resolves  entered  into  on  the  first  estab- 
lishment of  that  Committee,  and  that  letters  had  been  re- 
ceived from  the  Committees  in  the  other  Colonies,  the 
contents  of  which  are  held  secret.  Whatever  measures 
may  have  been  taken,  the  combination  is  assuredly  at  least 
indecent  and  inglorious. 

The  first  intimation  that  I  received,  except  from  vague 
rumour,  of  the  measures  lately  taken  here,  was  from  the 
enclosed  letter  of  a  Committee  at  Wilmington,  to  the  free- 
holders of  Craven  County,  where  my  residence  is  fixed. 
Whereupon  1  immediately  ordered  the  Coimcil  to  be  sum- 
moned, that  I  might  advise  with  them  on  the  measures 
proper  to  be  taken  to  discourage  and  prevent  such  unlaw- 
ful and  indecent  proceedings.  Your  Lordship  will  see,  by 
the  minutes  of  that  Board,  herewith  transmitted,  that  on 
the  12th  of  last  month,  I  laid  the  letter  before  them,  and 
that  I  issued  with  their  advice,  a  Proclamation  the  next 
day  ;  apprehending  however,  that  under  the  total  inability 
of  Government  to  enforce  even  what  common  decorum  re- 
quired, the  proposed  meeting  of  Deputies  at  Newhern,  the 
seat  of  Government,  that  was  ultimately  agreed  to  be  the 
place  of  rendezvous,  would  be  accordingly  held,  and  con- 
sidering it  would  be  my  duty  to  be  at  hand,  to  discourage 
their  proceedings  as  much  as  lay  in  my  power,  and  to  take 
such  measures  as  circumstances  should  require,  for  the 
maintenance  of  order  and  government,  I  resolved  there  to 
wait,  until  the  time  of  meeting  was  past,  although  the  very 
impaired  state  of  my  health  made  it  highly  expedient  to 
remove,  at  that  season  from  so  unwholesome  a  situation  ; 
whence,  at  the  very  time,  1  was  compelled  to  send  my 
family  to  New-York,  as  the  only  chance  of  preserving  it 
from  destruction. 


Boston,  September  5,  1774. 

On  Thursday  morning,  September  1st,  half  past  four, 
about  two  hundred  and  sixty  troops  commanded  by  Lieu- 
tenant Colonel  Maddison,  embarked  on  board  thirteen 
boats  at  the  Long  Wharf,  and  proceeded  up  Mystic  River  to 
Temple's  farm,  where  they  landed,  and  went  to  the  powder 
house  on  (Quarry  Hill,  in  Charlestown  bounds,  whence 
they  have  taken  two  hundred  and  fifty  half  barrels  of 
powder,  the  whole  store  there,  and  carried  it  to  the  Castle. 

A  detachment  from  this  corps  went  to  Cambridge,  and 
brought  off  two  field  pieces,  which  had  been  lately  sent 
there  for  Colonel  Brattle's  regiment.  The  preparation 
for  this  scandalous  expedition  caused  much  speculation,  as 
some  who  were  near  the  Governour  gave  out  that  he  had 
sworn  the  Committee  of  Salem  should  recognise  or  be  im- 
prisoned ;  nay,  some  said  be  put  on  board  the  Scarbo- 
rough, and  sent  to  England  forthwith. 

The  Committee  o{  Boston  sent  off  an  express  after  ten, 
on  Wednesday  evening,  to  advise  their  brethren  of  Salem 
of  what  they  apprehended  was  coming  against  them,  who 
received  their  message  with  great  politeness,  and  returned 
an  answer  purporting  their  readiness  to  receive  any  attacks 
they  might  be  exposed  to  for  acting  in  pursuance  to  the 
lawo  and  interest  of  their  country  as  became  men  and 
Christians. 

From  these  several  hostile  appearances  the  County  of 
Middlesex  took  the  alarm,  and  on  Thursday  evening 
began  to  collect  in  large  bodies,  with  their  arms,  provisions, 
and  ammunition,  determining  by  some  means  to  give  a 
check  to  a  power  which  so  openly  threatened  their  destruc- 
tion, and  in  such  a  clandestine  manner  rob  them  of  the 
means  of  their  defence.  And  on  Friday  morning  some 
thousands  of  them  had  advanced  to  Cambridge,  armed  only 
with  sticks,  as  they  had  left  their  fire-arms,  &;c.,  at  some 
distance  behind  them.  Some  indeed,  had  collected  on 
Thursday  evening,  and  surrounded  the  Attorney  General's 
house,  wlio  is  also  Judge  of  Admiralty  on  the  new  plan  of 
Nova  Scotia ;  and  being  provoked  by  the  firing  of  a  gun 
from  a  window,  they  broke  some  glass,  but  did  no  more 
mischief.  The  company,  however,  concerned  in  this  were 
mostly  boys  and  negroes,  who  soon  dispersed. 

On  perceiving  the  concourse  on  Friday  morning,  the 
Committee  of  Cambridge  sent  an  express  to  Charlestown, 
who  communicated  the  intelligence  to  Boston,  and  their 
respective  Committee  proceeded  to  Cambridge  without 
delay.     When  the  first  of  the  Boston  Committee  came  up, 


76» 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


764 


they  found  some  thousands  of  people  assembled  round  the 
Court  House  steps,  and  Judge  Uanforth  standing  upon 
them,  speaking  to  the  body,  declaring,  in  substance,  that 
having  now  arrived  at  a  very  advanced  age,  and  spent  the 
greater  part  in  the  service  of  the  publick,  it  was  a  great 
mortification  to  him  to  find  a  step  lately  taken  by  him  so 
disagreeable  to  his  country,  in  which  he  conscientiously  had 
meaned  to  serve  them ;  but  finding  their  general  sense 
against  his  holding  a  seat  at  the  Council  Board  on  the  new 
establishment,  he  assured  them  that  he  had  resigned  the 
said  office,  and  would  never  henceforth  accept  or  act  in  any 
office  inconsistent  with  the  Charter  rights  of  his  country  ; 
and  in  confirmation  of  said  declaration,  he  delivered  the 
following  certificate  drawn  up  by  himself,  and  signed  with 
his  own  hand,  viz  : 

"  Although  I  have  this  day  made  an  open  declaration  to 
a  great  concourse  of  people,  who  assembled  at  Cambridge, 
that  I  had  resigned  my  seat  at  the  Council  Board  ;  yet,  for 
the  further  satisfaction  of  all,  I  do  hereby  declare,  under 
my  hand,  that  such  resignation  has  actually  been  made, 
and  that  it  is  my  full  purpose  not  to  be  any  way  concerned 
as  a  member  of  the  Council  at  any  time  hereafter. 

*'  S.  Danforth. 

"  September  2,  1774." 

Judge  Lee  was  also  on  the  Court  House  steps,  and  de- 
livered his  mind  to  the  body  in  terms  similar  to  those  used 
by  Judge  Danforth ;  and  delivered  the  following  declara- 
tion also  drawn  up  and  signed  by  him,  viz : 

*'  Cambridge,  September  2,  1774. 

"  As  great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  county  are 
come  into  this  town  since  my  satisfying  those  who  were  met, 
not  only  by  declaration,  but  by  reading  to  them  what  I 
wrote  to  the  Governour  at  my  resignation,  and  being  desir- 
ous to  give  the  whole  county  and  Province  full  satisfaction 
in  this  matter,  I  hereby  declare  my  resignation  of  a  seat  in 
the  new  constituted  Council,  and  my  determination  to  give 
no  further  attendance.  Jos.  Lee." 

Upon  this  a  vote  was  called  for,  to  see  if  the  body  was 
satisfied  with  the  declarations  and  resignations  abovesaid, 
and  passed  in  the  affirmative,  nem.  con. 

It  was  then  moved  to  know  whether  that  body  would 
signify  their  abhorrence  of  mobs,  riots,  and  the  destruction 
of  private  property,  and  passed  in  the  affirmative,  nem.  con. 

Colonel  Phips,  the  High  SherifF  of  the  county,  then 
came  before  the  Committee  of  the  body,  and  complained 
that  he  had  been  hardly  spoken  of  for  the  part  he  had 
acted  in  delivering  the  powder  in  Charlestojvn  Magazine  to 
the  soldiery ;  which  the  Committee  candidly  considered 
and  reported  to  the  body,  that  it  was  their  opinion  the 
High  Sheriff  was  excusable,  as  he  had  acted  in  conformity 
to  his  order  from  the  Commander-in-chief.  Colonel 
Phips  also  delivered  the  following  declaration  by  him  sub- 
scribed, viz : 

"  Colonel  Phips' a  Answer  to  the  Honourable  body  now 
in  meeting  on  the  Common,  viz : 

"  That  I  will  not  execute  any  precept  that  shall  be  sent 
me  under  the  new  Acts  of  Parliament  for  altering  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Province  of  tiie  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and 
that  I  will  recall  all  the  venires  that  I  have  sent  out  under 
tlie  new  establishment.  David  Phips. 

"Cambridge,  September  2,  1774." 

Which  was  accepted  as  satisfactory. 

About  eight  o'clock  his  Honour  Lieutenant  Governour 
Oliver  set  off  from  Cambridge  to  Boston,  and  informed 
Governour  Gage  of  the  true  state  of  matters,  and  the  busi- 
ness of  the  people  ;  which,  as  his  Honour  told  the  Admiral, 
was  not  a  mad  mob,  but  the  freeholders  of  the  county, 
promising  to  return  in  two  hours  and  confer  further  with 
them  on  his  own  circumstance  as  President  of  the  Council. 

On  Mr.  Oliver's  return,  he  came  to  tiie  Committee  and 
signified  what  he  had  delivered  to  the  body  in  the  morning, 
viz :  that  as  the  commissions  of  Lieutenant  Governour 
and  President  of  the  Council  seemed  tacked  together,  he 
should  undoubtedly  incur  his  Majesty's  displeasure  if  he 
resigned  the  latter  and  pretended  to  hold  the  former  ;  and 
no  body  appeared  to  have  any  objection  to  his  enjoying  tiie 
place  he  held  constitutionally ;  lie  begged  he  might  not  be 


pressed  to  incur  that  displeasure,  at  the  instance  of  a  single 
county,  while  any  other  Counsellor  held  in  the  new  estab- 
lishment ;  assuring  them  however,  tiiat  in  case  the  mind 
of  the  whole  Province,  collected  in  Congress,  or  otherwise, 
appeared  for  his  resignation,  he  would  by  no  means  act  in 
opposition  to  it.  1'his  seemed  satisfactory  to  the  Com- 
mittee, and  they  were  preparing  to  deliver  it  to  the  body, 
when  Mr.  Commissioner  Hallowell  came  through  the  town 
on  his  way  to  Boston.  The  sight  of  that  obnoxious  person 
so  inflamed  the  people,  that  in  a  few  minutes  about  one 
hundred  and  sixty  horsemen  were  drawn  up,  and  proceeded 
in  pursuit  of  him  on  the  full  gallop.  Captain  Gardner,  of 
Cambridge,  first  began  a  parley  with  one  of  the  foremost, 
which  caused  them  to  halt  while  he  delivered  his  mind  very 
fully  in  dissuasion  of  the  pursuit,  and  was  seconded  by  Mr. 
Deavens,  of  Charlcstown,  and  Dr.  Young,  of  Boston. 
They  generally  observed  tiiat  the  object  of  the  body's  at- 
tention that  day  seemed  to  be  the  resignation  of  the  un- 
constitutional Counsellors ;  and  that  it  might  introduce 
confusion  into  the  proceedings  of  the  day,  if  any  thing  else 
was  brought  upon  the  carpet  till  that  important  business 
was  finished  ;  and  in  a  little  time  the  gentlemen  dismounted 
their  horses  and  returned  to  the  body. 

But  Mr.  Hallowell  did  not  entirely  escape,  as  one  gen- 
tleman of  small  stature  pushed  on  before  the  general  body, 
and  followed  Halloivell,  who  had  made  the  best  of  his  way 
till  he  got  into  Roibury.  where  Mr.  Bradshatv  overtook  and 
stopped  him  in  his  cliaise.  Mr.  Halloivell  snapped  his 
pistols  at  him,  but  could  not  disengage  himself  from  him 
till  he  quitted  the  chaise  and  mounted  his  servant's  horse, 
on  which  he  drove  into  Boston  with  all  the  speed  he  could 
make ;  till  the  horse  failing  within  the  gate,  he  ran  on  foot 
to  the  camp,  through  which  he  spread  consternation, 
telling  them  he  was  pursued  by  some  thousands,  who  would 
be  in  town  at  his  heels,  and  destroy  all  friends  of  Govern- 
ment before  them. 

A  gentleman  in  Boston  observing  the  motion  in  tlie 
camp,  and  concluding  they  were  on  the  point  of  marching 
to  Cambridge,  from  both  ends  of  the  town,  communicated 
the  alarm  to  Dr.  Roberts,  then  at  Charlesiown  Ferry,  who 
having  a  very  fleet  horse,  brought  the  news  in  a  very  few 
minutes  to  the  Committee,  then  at  dinner.  The  intelli- 
gence was  instantly  difllised,  and  the  people  whose  arms 
were  nearest,  sent  persons  to  bring  them,  while  horeemen 
were  despatched  both  ways  to  gain  more  certain  advice  of 
the  true  state  of  the  soldiery.  A  greater  fervour  and  reso- 
lution probably  never  appeared  among  any  troops. 

The  despatches  soon  returning,  and  assuring  the  body 
that  the  soldiers  still  remained  and  were  likely  to  remain  in 
their  camp,  they  resumed  their  business  with  spirit,  and 
resolved  to  leave  no  unconstitutional  officer  within  their 
reach  in  possession  of  his  place.  On  this  the  Committee 
assembled  again,  and  drew  up  the  paper,  of  which  the  fol- 
lowing is  a  copy,  and  at  the  head  of  the  body  delivered  it 
to  Lieutenant  Governour  Oliver  to  sign,  with  vviiich  he 
complied,  after  obtaining  their  consent  to  add  the  latter 
clause,  implying  the  force  by  which  he  was  compelled  to 
do  it.  Mr.  Mason,  Clerk  of  the  County  of  Middlesex, 
also  engaged,  in  his  office,  to  do  no  one  thins;  in  obedience 
to  the  new  Acts  of  Parliament  impairing  our  Charter. 

"  Cambridge,  September  2,  1774. 

"  I,  Thomas  Oliver,  being  appointed  by  his  Majesty  to  a 
seat  at  the  Council  Boai'd,  upon,  and  in  conformity  to  the 
late  Act  of  Parliament,  entitled,  '  An  Act  for  the  better 
regulation  of  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,'  which 
being  a  manifest  infringement  of  the  Charter  riglits  and 
privileges  of  this  people,  I  do  hereby  in  conformity  to  the 
commands  of  the  body  of  this  county  now  convened,  most 
solemnly  renounce  and  resign  my  seat  at  said  unconstitu- 
tional Board,  and  hereby  firmly  promise  and  engage,  as  a 
man  of  honour  and  a  Christian,  that  1  never  will  hereafter, 
upon  any  terms  whatsoever,  accept  a  seat  at  said  Board  on 
the  present  novel  and  oppressive  plan  of  Government. 

"  My  house  at  Cambridge  being  surrounded  by  about 
four  thousand  people,  in  compliance  with  their  commands, 
I  sign  my  name,  T.  Oliver.'' 

TO  THE  PRINTER  OF  THE    MASSACHUSETTS   GAZETTE. 

In  the  publications  of  last  Monday,  the  transactions  at 
Cambridge,  on  Friday,  the  2d  of  September,  having  been  so 


765 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


766 


generally  related,  I  am  constrained,  in  support  of  my 
ciiaracter,  to  give  the  publick  a  more  particular  account  of 
those  parts  in  which  I  was  so  unhappily  involved. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  that  day  a  number  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Charlestoivn  called  at  my  house,  to  acquaint 
me  that  a  large  body  of  people  from  several  towns  in  the 
county  were  on  their  way  coming  down  to   Cambridge ; 
that  they  were  afraid  some  bad  consequences  might  ensue, 
and  begged  I  would  go  out  to  meet  them,  and  endeavour 
to  prevail  on  them  to  return.     In  a  very  short  time,  before 
I  could  prepare  myself  to  go,  they  appeared  in  sight.     I 
went  out  to  them,  and  asked  the  reasons  of  their  appear- 
ance in   that  manner;    they  respectfully  answered,  they 
"  came  peaceably  to  inquire  into  their  grievances,  not  witli 
design  to  hurt  any  man."    I  perceived  they  were  the  land- 
holders of  the  neighbouring  towns,  and  was  thoroughly 
j>ersuaded  they  would  do  no  harm.    I  was  desired  to  speak 
to  them  ;  I  accordingly  did,  in  such  a  manner  as  I  thought 
best  calculated  to  quiet  their  minds.     They  thanked  me 
for  my  advice,  said  they  were  no  mob,  but  sober,  orderly 
l)eople,  who  would  commit  no  disorders ;  and  then  pro- 
ceeded on   their  way.     1  returned  to  my  hoMse.     Soon 
after  they  had  arrived  on   the  Common  at  Cambridge,  a 
report  arose  that  the  troops  were  on  their  march  from  Bos- 
ton ;  I  was  desired  to  go  and  intercede  with  his  Excellen- 
cy to  prevent  their  coming.    From  principles  of  humanity 
to  the  country,  from  a  general  love  of  mankind,  and  from 
persuasions  that  they  were  this  orderly  people,  1  readily 
undertook  it ;  and  is  there  a  man  on  earth,  who,  placed  in 
my  circumstances,  could  have  refused  it?     I  am  informed 
I  am  censured  for  having  advised  the  General  to  a  measure 
which  may  reflect  on  the  troops,  as  being  too  inactive  upon 
such  a  general  disturbance  ;  but  surely  such  a  reflection  on 
tlie  military  can  never  arise  but  in  the  minds  of  such  as  are 
entirely  ignorant  of  these  circumstances.     Wherever  this 
aifair  is  known,  it  must  also  be  known  it  was  my  request 
tiie  troops  should  not  be  sent,  but  to  return  ;  as  I  passed 
tlie  people  I  told  them,  of  my  own  accord,  I  would  return 
and  let  them  know  the  event  of  my  application,  (not,  as 
was  related  in  the  papers,  to  confer  with  them  on  my  own 
circumstances  as  President  of  the  Council.)     On  my  re- 
turn I  went  to  the  Committee,  I  told  them  no  troops  had 
been  ordered,  and  from  the  account  I  had  given  his  Excel- 
lency, none  would  be  ordered.     I  was  then  thanked  for  the 
trouble  1  had  taken  in  the  affair,  and  was  just  about  to  leave 
tJiem  to  their  own  business,  when  one  of  the  Committee 
observed,  that  as  I  was  present,  it  might  be  proper  to  men- 
tion a  matter  they  had  to  propose  to  me.     It  was,  that 
although  they  had  a  respect  for  me  as  Lieutenant  Govern- 
our  of  the  Province,  they  could  wish  I  would  resign  my 
seat.     I  told  them  I  took  it  very  unkind  that  they  should 
mention  any  tiling  on  that  subject ;  and,  among  other  rea- 
sons, I  urged,  that,  as  Lieutenant  Governour,  I  stood  in  a 
particular  relation  to  the  Province  in  general,  and,  there- 
fore, could  not  hear  any  thing  upon  that  matter  from  a  par- 
ticular county.     I  was  then   pushed  to  know,  if  I  would 
resign  when  it  appeared  to  be  the  sense  of  the  Province 
in  general ;  I  answered,  that  when  all  the  other  Counsellors 
had  resigned,  if  it  appeared  to  be  the  sense  of  the  Prov- 
ince I  should  resign,  I  would  submit. 

They  then  called  for  a  vote  upon  the  subject,  and,  by  a 
very  great  majority,  voted  my  reasons  satisfactory,  I  in- 
quired whether  they  had  full  power  to  act  for  the  people, 
and  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  I  desired  they  would 
take  care  to  acquaint  them  of  their  votes,  that  I  should  have 
no  further  application  made  to  me  on  that  head,  I  was 
promised  by  the  Chairman,  and  a  general  assent,  it  should 
be  so.  This  left  me  entirely  clear  and  free  from  any  ap- 
prehensions of  a  further  application  upon  this  matter,  and 
perhaps  will  account  for  that  confidence  which  I  had  in 
tlie  people,  and  for  which  I  may  be  censured.  Indeed,  it 
is  true,  the  event  proves  1  had  too  much,  but  reasoning 
from  events  yet  to  come,  is  a  kind  of  reasoning  I  have  not 
been  used  to. 

In  the  afternoon  I  observed  large  companies  pouring  in 
from  different  parts ;  I  then  began  to  apprehend  they  would 
become  unmanageable,  and  that  it  was  expedient  to  go 
out  of  their  way.  I  was  just  going  into  my  carriage  when 
a  great  crowd  advanced,  and,  in  a  short  time,  my  house  was 
surrounded  by  three  or  four  thousand  people,  and  one 


quarter  part  in  arms.  I  went  to  the  front  door,  where  I 
was  met  by  five  persons,  who  acquainted  me  they  were  a 
Committee  from  the  people  to  demand  a  resignation  of  my 
seat  at  the  Board.  I  was  shocked  at  their  ingratitude  and 
false  dealings,  and  reproached  them  with  it.  They  excused 
themselves  by  saying  the  people  were  dissatisfied  with  the 
vote  of  the  Committee,  and  insisted  on  my  signing  a  paper 
they  had  prepared  for  that  purpose.  I  found  1  had  been 
ensnared,  and  endeavoured  to  reason  them  out  of  such  un- 
grateful behaviour.  They  gave  such  answers  that  I  found 
it  was  in  vain  to  reason  longer  with  them  ;  I  told  them  my 
first  considerations  were  my  honour,  the  next  my  life ;  tliat 
they  might  put  me  to  death  or  destroy  my  property,  but  I 
would  not  submit.  They  began  then  to  reason  in  their 
turn,  urging  the  power  of  the  people,  and  the  danger  of 
opposing  them.  All  this  occasioned  a  delay,  which  enraged 
part  of  the  multitude,  who,  pressing  into  my  back  yard, 
denounced  vengeance  to  the  foes  of  their  liberties.  They 
endeavoured  to  moderate  them,  and  desired  them  to  keep 
back,  for  they  pressed  up  to  my  windows,  which  then  were 
open ;  I  could  ffom  thence  hear  them  at  a  distance  calling 
out  for  a  determination,  and,  with  their  arms  in  their  hands, 
swearing  they  would  have  my  blood  if  I  refused.  The 
Committee  appeared  to  be  anxious  for  me,  still  I  refused  to 
sign  ;  part  of  the  populace  growing  furious,  and  the  distress 
of  my  family,  who  heard  their  threats,  and  supposed  them 
just  about  to  be  executed,  called  up  feelings  which  I  could 
not  suppress ;  and  nature,  ready  to  find  new  excuses,  sug- 
gested a  thought  of  the  calamities  I  should  occasion,  if  I 
did  not  comply;  I  found  myself  giving  way,  and  began  to 
cast  about  to  contrive  means  to  come  off  with  honour.  I 
proposed  they  should  call  in  the  people  to  take  me  out  by 
force,  but  they  said  the  people  were  enraged,  and  they 
would  not  answer  for  the  consequences ;  I  told  the.ii  I 
would  take  the  risk,  but  they  refused  to  do  it.  Reduced 
to  this  extremity,  I  cast  my  eyes  over  the  paper,  with  a 
hurry  of  mind  and  conflict  of  passion  which  rendered  me 
unable  to  remark  the  contents,  and  wrote  underneath  the 
following  words :  "  My  house  at  Cambridge  being  sur- 
"  rounded  by  four  thousand  people,  in  compliance  with 
"  their  commands,  I  sign  my  name,  Thomas  Oliver.'^ 
The  five  persons  took  it,  carried  it  to  the  people,  and,  I 
believe,  used  their  endeavours  to  get  it  accepted.  I  had 
several  messages  that  the  people  would  not  accept  it  with 
these  additions,  upon  which  I  walked  into  the  court  yard, 
and  declared  I  would  do  no  more,  though  they  should  put 
me  to  death. 

I  perceived  that  those  persons  who  formed  the  first 
body  which  came  down  in  the  morning,  consisting  of 
the  land-holders  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  used  their  ut- 
most endeavours  to  get  the  paper  received  with  my  addi- 
tions ;  and  I  must,  in  justice  to  them,  observe,  that,  during 
the  whole  transaction,  they  had  never  invaded  my  enclo- 
sures, but  still  were  not  able  to  protect  me  from  the  insults 
which  I  received  from  those  who  were  in  arms.  From  this 
consideration  I  am  induced  to  quit  the  country,  and  seek 
protection  in  the  town.  Thomas  Oliver. 

Boston,  September  7,  1774. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  ST.  JOHN'S  PARISH,  IN  GEOR- 
GIA, DATED  SEPTEMBER  2,  1774. 

The  struggle  in  the  cause  of  liberty  in  the  Province  of 
Georgia  has  been  very  considerable.  At  a  General  Conven- 
tion at  Savannah,  on  the  10th  day  o{  August,  a  number 
of  spirited  Resolutions  were  entered  into,  and  unanimous- 
ly agreed  upon,  as  you  may  see  published  in  the  Georgia 
Gazette;  but  a  difference  of  opinion  arising  on  this  pro- 
position, viz :  "  Whether  Deputies  should  be  sent  to  join 
"  with  the  Deputies  of  the  other  Colonies  at  the  General 
"  Congress,"  it  was  over-ruled  in  the  negative ;  but  this 
negative  was  maintained  by  a  majority  of  numbers  of  gen- 
tlemen of  Savannah,  who  were  not  properly  constituted, 
and  had  no  right  to  vote  in  the  case.  The  other  Parishes 
immediately  expressed  their  dissatisfaction,  and  made  a 
second  attempt,  in  which  the  Parish  of  St.  John  took  the 
lead,  and  came  to  this  further  Resolution  :  "  That  if  the 
"  majority  of  the  other  Parishes  would  join  with  them,  they 
"  would  send  Deputies  to  join  the  General  Congress,  and 
"  faithfully  and  religiously  abide  by,  and  conform  to,  such 


767 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


768 


"  determinations  and  resolutions  as  should  be  there  enter- 
"  ed  into,  and  come  from  thence  recommended."  Their 
meeting  was  on  the  30th  of  August,  at  wiiicii  time  there 
appeared  Representatives  from  two  Parislies,  viz :  St. 
George's  and  St.  David's,  to  join  with  tiie  Parish  of  St. 
John,  (and  \vc  since  learn  tliat  the  Parisli  of  .S'^  Andrew 
liave  acceded  to  the  same  resolution)  and  those  Parishes 
went  so  far  as  even  to  nominate  one  Deputy,  who  will,  if 
tiie  other  Parishes  agree,  finally  attend  at  the  General  Con- 
gress. 

The  Parish  of  St.  John  have  been  remarkably  unani- 
mous and  spirited  in  this  important  affair ;  have  opened  a 
subscription  for  the  relief  of  the  unhappy  sufferers  at  Bos- 
ton; and  in  this  single  Parish  have  already  subscribed  to 
the  amount  of  two  hundred  barrels  of  rice,  which  is  to  be 
forwarded  by  the  Committee  of  Correspondence ;  and 
they,  with  the  other  Parishes  that  join  them,  express  the 
slroncest  desire  to  be  united  with  the  other  Colonies,  in 
every  constitutional  measure,  for  the  removal  of  publick 
grievances,  and  are  willing,  in  this  noble  struggle,  to  exert 
themselves  to  the  utmost ;  to  make  every  sacrifice  that  men, 
impressed  with  the  strongest  sense  of  their  rights  and  liber- 
ties, and  warm  with  the  most  benevolent  feelings  for  their 
oppressed  brethren,  can  make,  to  stand  firmly,  or  fall  glori- 
ously, in  the  common  cause. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOV- 
ERN0I:R  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED 
BOSTON,    SEPTEMBER    2,    1774. 

Your  Lordship's  despatch,  No.  6,  is  duly  received. 
Your  Lordship  will  know  that  the  state,  not  of  this  Prov- 
ince only,  but  of  the  rest,  is  greatly  changed  since  Mr. 
Hutchinson  left  America. 

Though  I  saw  things  were  bad  when  1  wrote  from  Salem, 
I  found  them  much  worse  than  I  expected  when  I  arrived 
here.  Several  of  the  new  Counsellors  who  dwell  at  a  dis- 
tance, have  fled  from  their  houses,  and  been  obliged  to  seek 
protection  among  the  troops  at  Boston ;  in  that  number 
were  Messrs.  Riiggles,  Edson,  Leonard,  and  Murray ;  and 
Messrs.  Loring  and  Peppered  are  lately  come  into  town. 
The  object  of  the  people  was  to  force  tliem  to  give  up  their 
seats  in  Council,  which  has  taken  effect  with  Mr.  Paine, 
who  was  seized  and  rouglily  treated.  There  are  bad  re- 
poits  of  Mr.  JVatson,  though  I  have  no  news  from  him ;  but 
Mr.  Willard  was  grievously  mal-treated,  first  in  Connecti- 
cut, where  he  went  on  business ;  and  every  township  he 
passed  through  on  his  way  home,  in  this  Province,  had  pre- 
vious notice  of  his  approach,  and  ready  to  insult  him  ;  arms 
were  put  to  his  breast,  with  threats  of  instant  death,  unless 
he  signed  a  paper,  the  contents  of  which  he  did  not  know 
or  regard.  He  went  home,  after  making  me  that  report ; 
but  the  news  is,  that  a  large  body  was  marching  to  his 
house,  in  Lancaster,  to  force  him  to  some  other  concessions. 

Upon  the,  first  rumour  of  disturbance  Mr.  Andrew 
Oliver  resigned  his  seat  in  Council,  as  have  also,  since, 
Mr.  Isaac  W'lnslow,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Lee,  of  Cam- 
bridge, Danforlh,  and,  this  moment,  Mr.  Watson. 

With  regard  to  the  clause  in  the  new  Acts,  relative  to 
town  meetings,  so  many  elusions  are  discovered,  under 
various  pretensions,  of  adjournments ;  electing  to  vacant 
ofiices  ;  people  assembling  peaceably,  without  notification, 
upon  their  own  affaii-s ;  and,  withal,  no  penalty,  that  no  per- 
sons I  have  advised  with  can  tell  what  to  do  with  it ;  at  a 
distance  they  go  on  as  usual ;  but  worse  transactions  make 
that  matter  of  little  consequence  in  the  present  moment. 

I  came  here  to  attend  the  Superiour  Court,  and  in  the 
intention  to  send  a  body  of  troojis  to  Worcester,  to  protect 
the  Court  there ;  and,  if  wanted,  to  send  parties  to  the 
houses  of  some  of  the  Counsellors,  who  dwell  in  that 
county;  but  finding  from  undoubted  authority,  that  the 
flames  of  sedition  had  spread  universally  throughout  the 
country,  beyond  conception  ;  the  Counsellors  already  drove 
away,  and  that  no  Court  could  proceed  on  business,  1 
waited  the  event  of  the  sitting  of  the  Superiour  Court  here, 
on  the  30th  ultimo ;  the  Judges  met,  but  could  get  neither 
Grand  nor  Petit  Jury. 

I  ordered  a  Council  to  assemble ;  but  upon  the  represent- 
ation that  they  should  be  watched,  stopped,  and  insuhed 


on  the  road  to  Salem,  and  desiring  to  be  assembled  here,  I 
hope  his  Majesty  will  approve  of  my  consenting  to  their 
request. 

The  Council  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  very  improper 
to  weaken  the  troops  here,  by  any  detachments  whatever, 
as  they  could  not  be  of  any  use  to  the  Courts,  as  no  jurors 
would  appear,  and  by  that  means  defeat  their  proceedings  ; 
and  that  disturbance  being  so  general,  and  not  confined  to 
any  particular  spot,  there  was  no  knowing  where  to  send 
tiiem  to  be  of  use ;  and  would  terminate  only  in  dividing 
them  in  small  detachments,  and  tempt  numbers  to  fall  upon 
them,  which  was  reported  to  be  the  scheme  of  the  direc- 
tors of  these  operations. 

It  was  considered  that  the  whole  was  at  stake.  Con- 
necticut and  (they  add)  Rhode  Island  as  furious  as  they 
are  in  this  Province ;  and  that  the  first,  and  only  step  now 
to  take,  was  to  secure  the  friends  of  Government  in  Bos- 
ton, and  reinforce  the  troops  here  with  as  many  more  as 
could  possibly  be  collected,  and  to  act  as  opportunities  and 
exigencies  shall  offer. 

I  have  for  some  time  consulted  with  General  Haldimand 
about  securing  the  magazines  at  New-York,  part  of  which 
is  in  Castle  William;  though,  by  all  accounts,  every  thing 
there  is  quiet;  the  people,  in  general,  moderate  and  well 
affected  to  all  measures  but  taxations ;  and  as  I  don't  see 
that  the  regiment  there,  or  the  part  of  the  eighteenth  at 
Philadelphia,  can  in  any  case,  be  of  any  use  where  they 
are,  I  propose  to  order  Major  General  Haldimand,  with 
those  corps,  to  this  place.  I  have  thoughts,  also,  of  send- 
ing transports  to  Quebec  for  the  tenth  and  fifty-second 
regiments,  who  were  to  have  been  relieved  this  year,  if 
the  internal  circumstances  of  that  Province  admit  it.  I 
think  there  can  be  no  danger  from  without,  as  the  river 
will  be  impracticable  soon  after  they  come  down  it,  and  we 
may  be  ready,  in  the  spring,  to  reinforce  the  garrison.  I 
am  unwiUing  to  weaken  Quebec,  and  nothing  but  extrem- 
ity of  affairs  could  make  me  think  of  it. 

This  state  of  affairs,  I  give  your  Lordship,  is  from  num- 
berless accounts  from  gentlemen  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  country,  and  who  know  the  pitch  of  enthusiasm 
to  which  the  people  are  now  raised; — gentlemen,  who  are 
sensible,  remaikably  firm,  and  not  to  be  intimidated ; 
among  others,  Messrs.  Ruggles,  Murray,  Leonard,  and 
Edson,  who  have  abandoned  their  dwellings  to  the  mercy 
of  the  people,  as  have  lately  Messrs.  Loring  and  Pep- 
perell. 

Civil  Government  is  near  its  end ;  the  Courts  of  Jus- 
tice expiring  one  after  another;  and  where  there  is  no 
other  reason  for  not  suffering  them,  it  is,  that  the  Judges 
of  the  Inferiour  Courts,  as  well  as  the  Justices,  are  under 
the  Governour"s  influence  by  the  new  Acts,  though  the 
said  Acts  don't  take  place,  as  to  juries,  till  next  month ; 
but  he  may  now  turn  them,  the  Judges,  and  Justices,  out 
at  pleasure,  though  he  has  as  yet  made  no  change  in  them. 
Precepts  are  issued  for  the  calling  an  Assembly  in  the 
beginning  of  next  month,  though  uncertain  whether  the 
people  will  choose  Representatives ;  but  we  may  be  as- 
sured, if  chosen,  that  they  will  not  act  with  the  new 
Council ;  and,  it  is  supposed,  the  project  has  been  to  anni- 
hilate the  said  Council,  before  meeting,  to  throw  the  refusal 
upon  the  Governour  to  act  with  the  old  Council,  elected 
last  sessions ;  so  that  we  shall  shortly  be  without  law  or 
Legislative  powers. 

The  Judges  of  the  Superiour  Court  have  been  with  me, 
in  a  body,  to  represent  the  impossibility  of  carrying  on  the 
business  of  their  Court,  in  any  part  of  the  Province ;  that 
the  force  there  was  by  far  too  small  to  protect  them  every 
where,  and,  after  all,  no  Jurors  would  swear  in  ;  diat  it  was 
needless  laying  fines,  which  they  could  not  do  on  Grand 
Juries,  there  being  no  law  for  it  in  the  Province ;  and, 
withal,  it  would  be  in  vain,  il'.e  refusal  being  universal. 

I  mean,  my  Lord,  to  secure  all  I  can  by  degrees; 
to  avoid  any  bloody  crisis  as  long  as  possible,  unless 
forced  into  it  by  themselves,  which  may  happen.  His 
Majesty  will,  in  the  mean  time,  judge  what  is  best  to  be 
done ;  but  your  Lordship  will  permit  me  to  mention,  that 
as  it  is  judged  here  that  it  will  be  resolved  to  stem  the 
torrent,  and  not  yield  to  it,  that  a  very  respectable  force 
should  take  the  field.  The  regiments  are  now  composed 
of  small  numbers  ;  and  irregulars  will  be  very  necessary  in 


769 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


fl^ 


this  country,  many  of  which,  of  one  sort  or  other,  I  con- 
ceive, may  be  raised  here.  Nothing  that  is  said  at  present 
can  ;palHate  ;  conciliation,  moderation,  reasoning,  is  over ; 
nothing  can  be  done  but  by  forcible  means. 

I  transmit  your  Lordship  a  minute  of  Council,  and  copies 
of  attested  papers  and  letters. 

A  vast  concourse  of  people  assembled  this  day,  from 
various  parts,  about  eight  miles  from  this;  they  have 
frightened  and  pursued  many  obnoxious  people,  as  they 
term  them ;  nobody  has  asked  assistance,  and  I  have  just 
received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Oliver,  the  Lieutenant  Govern- 
our,  to  beg  1  would,  on  no  account,  send  any  troops  there, 
for  that  it  would  prove  fatal  to  him. 
,    Mr  Simpson,  another  Counsellor,  has  just  resigned. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOV- 
ERNOUR  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED 
BOSTON,    SEPTEMBER    3,     1774. 

In  my  letter  of  yesterday  I  just  made  mention  of  a 
letter  in  the  moment  received  from  Lieutenant  Governour 
Oliver.  That  gentleman  came  to  me  yesterday  about 
noon,  and  acquainted  me  that  a  number  of  people  had 
passed  his  house  in  Cambridge,  going  into  that  town,  which 
is  about  eight  miles  from  this ;  but  that  he  had  talked  to 
them,  and  they  listened  to  liis  advice,  to  be  quiet  and  re- 
turn peaceably  home,  which  they  promised  to  do  without 
making  any  disturbance.  It  was  supposed  they  assembled 
in  order  to  force  Messrs.  Danforth  and  Lee  to  resign  their 
seats  in  Council,  which  they  had  done  the  day  before,  and 
on  account  of  some  ammunition  belonging  to  the  Province, 
in  the  Arsenal  in  Cambridge,  which  I  had  before  sent  a 
detachment  to  secure,  and  lodged  it  in  Castle  William. 
It  was  therefore  concluded,  that  all  objects  being  removed, 
for  that  they  were  satisfied  of  his  being  in  the  Council,  as 
he  was  at  the  same  time  Lieutenant  Governour,  the  people 
would  immediately  go  away ;  and  he  therefore  begged  I 
would  not  think  of  ordering  any  troops  there,  as  there 
would  be  no  occasion  for  it,  and  it  could  only  be  produc- 
tive of  mischief.  Some  hours  afterwards,  three  of  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Customs  passed  through  Cambridge ; 
saw  great  numbers  of  people  assembled,  but  no  noise,  and 
no  great  insult  offered  them  ;  but  one  of  them,  viz :  Mr. 
Hallowell,  against  whom  some  of  the  chiefs  of  this  place  are 
piqued,  sent  people  after  him,  and  he  was  pursued  almost 
to  this  town  ;  persons  were  sent  out,  and  returned  with  the 
report  that  all  was  quiet  near  the  town,  and  no  numbers 
seen.  I  expected  to  hear  from  the  Sheriff,  Mr.  Phips,  if 
any  thing  extraordinary  happened  at  Cambridge,  but  re- 
ceived no  further  advice,  till  near  six  in  the  evening,  when 
the  letter  which  I  have  mentioned,  and  enclose,  was  brought 
me  from  the  Lieutenant  Governour,  about  which  time  the 
insurgents  had  finished  their  business,  and  went  off,  after 
forcing  him  to  resign  his  seat  in  Council.  I  have  found 
since,  that  when  Mr.  Oliver  came  first  to  me,  it  was  in 
consequence  of  the  people's  desire,  and  of  their  assurances 
that  no  disturbance  or  violence  would  happen  ;  and  he  was 
so  confident  in  their  promises,  and  of  his  own  influence  over 
them,  as  to  go  back  to  Cambridge,  and  in  his  way  met  the 
Sheriff,  whom  he  persuaded  to  go  with  him.  They  thus 
both  fell  into  the  snare  ;  for  they  obliged  the  Sheriff  to 
sign  a  paper,  as  well  as  Mr.  Oliver. 


LETTER    FROM     A    MEMBER    OF     PARLIAMENT    TO    COLONEL 
CHARLES  LEE,  DATED    LONDON,   SEPTEMBER  3,   1774. 

I  received  your  long  letter  with  great  pleasure,  and 
will  answer  it  as  fully  as  I  am  able.  You  must  have 
misunderstood  me,  in  what  I  said  of  the  Bill  to  alter  the 
Massachusetts  Government,  if  you  imagined  1  had  either 
concurred  in,  or  even  forborne  to  express  my  fullest  dis- 
approbation of  it,  when  it  was  depending  in  the  House. 
The  fact  is  so  much  otherwise,  that  I  fought  it  through 
every  stage,  almost  alone,  when  most  of  the  Opposition 
were  attending  the  New-Market  meeting  or  other  occupa- 
tions, equally  entitled  to  be  preferred  to  that  duty.  I  may 
have  said  indeed,  that  I  prefer  the  form  of  the  English  Gov- 
ernment to  that  of  any  other  country  upon  earth,  because 
it  appears  to  me  most  calculated  to  reconcile  necessary 
restraint  and  natural  liberty,  and  to  draw  the  line  between 
them.     It   is  the  Government  1  was  born  under,  I  am 


happy  to  live  under,  and  would  willingly  die  to  preserve 
and  transmit  entire ;  but  I  look  upon  the  first  principle  of 
that  Constitution  to  be,  that  the  whole  must  be  governed 
by  the  will  of  the  whole  ;  and  that  any  Government  where 
the  authority  residing  with  the  few  is  supported  by  any 
other  power  than  that  of  the  many,  in  consequence  of  their 
free  concurrence  and  full  approbation,  is  the  woret  of  tyranny. 
Judge  then,  my  dear  friend,  whether  I  could  approve  of 
tearing  from  a  free  and  happy  people  that  form  of  Govern- 
ment which  had  been  purchased  with  the  blood,  and  estab- 
lished by  the  wisdom  of  their  ancestors  ;  and  of  subverting 
that  excellent  polity,  endeared  to  them  by  their  prosperity, 
and  sanctified  by  the  most  laudable  of  human  predilections, 
a  veneration  for  their  ancestors,  and  an  enthusiasm  for  tlie 
permanence  of  their  liberties.  Nolumus  Leges  AnglicB 
mutari,  was  the  noblest  expression  that  ever  bore  testimony 
to  the  spirit  of  a  free  Legislature.  I  think  it  as  laudable  at 
Boston  now,  as  it  was  in  London  some  centuries  ago.  So 
far  I  stand  upon  the  ground  of  natural  right  and  manly 
feeling — thus  much  I  say  because — Homo  sum — but  to  de- 
scend to  the  humbler  ground  of  policy,  nothing  can  be  so 
absurd  orimpolitick,  as  to  shake  a  frame  sanctified  by  long 
possession,  for  the  caprice  of  a  moment,  or  the  fancies  of  a 
few ;  to  sacrifice  the  wisdom  of  ages  to  the  presumption  of 
an  hour ;  and  to  divert  the  stream  of  Government,  which 
has  fertilized  the  country,  and  enriched  the  people,  by 
channels  which  it  has  gradually  formed  for  itself,  by  sur- 
mounting or  eluding  all  the  obstacles  it  has  met  with  in  its 
course,  from  those  channels,  by  dams  raised  by  strange 
hands  unacquainted  with  the  country,  which  if  they  are  not 
borne  down  by  the  torrent,  must  deluge  the  country,  and 
destroy  the  ancient  land-marks.  If,  therefore,  1  prefer  in 
speculation  the  Government  of  Virginia  to  that  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay,  it  is  not  from  thinking  that  what  appears 
best  in  the  abstract,  should  be  imposed  on  all ;  on  the  con- 
trary, I  am  convinced  that  the  minds  of  individuals  and  the 
manners  of  a  people  form  and  adapt  themselves  naturally 
and  imperceptibly  to  the  mode  of  Government  under  which 
they  are  born.  The  modifications  of  municipal  institutions 
are  in  themselves  indifferent,  provided  they  are  approved 
by  the  people;  but  it  is  of  the  essence  of  freedom,  and 
common  to  all  free  Governments,  that  the  people  should 
be  convinced  the  laws  they  live  under  are  of  their  own 
choosing,  and  that  there  is  no  power  on  earth  that  can  pro- 
long their  existence,  or  give  force  to  their  injunctions  one 
hour  after  the  disapprobation  of  the  mass  of  the  people  is 
signified. 

I  have  been  the  more  full  upon  this  subject,  because  I 
would  not  willingly  be  mistaken  in  my  principles  in  so 
material  a  point.  Now  I  am  upon  the  subject  of  Massa- 
chusetts, I  cannot  help  expressing  my  surprise  that  you 
should  have  been  so  far  misinformed,  as  to  have  believed 
that  I,  amongst  the  rest,  could  speak  with  "  approbation  of 
that  scoundrel  Hutchinson ;"  so  far  from  it,  that  I  agree  with 
you  in  the  epithet,  and  was  the  only  person  in  the  House 
that  declared  my  detestation  of  his  character,  and  my  con- 
viction that  his  whole  conduct  had  been  that  of  a  parricide, 
who  had  attempted  to  ruin  his  country,  to  serve  his  own 
little  narrow  selfish  purposes.  This  I  did  in  such  pointed 
terms,  that  I  was  informed  he  had  afterwards  waited  upon 
a  friend  of  mine,  who  did  not  see  his  character  in  so  just  a 
light,  to  thank  him  for  what  he  was  pleased  to  call  defend- 
ing him  against  me.  Be  assured  I  shall  never  speak  well 
of  a  man  who  recommends  an  abridgment  of  English 
liberties  in  any  part  of  the  globe  where  one  spark  re- 
mains unsmothered  by  corruption,  and  unextinguished  by 
violence. 

As  to  the  Quebec  Bill,  I  can  with  pleasure,  assure 
you,  that  I  opposed  it  with  activity  throughout ;  and  though 
I  could  not  overset  it,  I  was  at  least  fortunate  enough  to 
set  a  defined  bound  to  despotism ;  and  say,  so  far  shalt 
thou  go,  and  no  further,  by  drawing  the  line  which  pro- 
tected iSfew-  York  and  Pennsylvania ;  though  I  have  since 
been  told  that  Burke  takes  the  merit  to  himself,  but  upon 
what  grounds  I  know  not,  as  I  proposed  the  line  without 
any  communication  with  him. 

As  to  myself  I  am  out  of  Parliament,  without  any  pros- 
pect of  being  in  ;  and  though  I  should  have  thought  it  in- 
famous to  have  deserted  my  post  and  not  endeavoured  to 
get  in,  yet  I  hardly  can  say  that  1  much  regret  being  out, 
there  is  so  little  prospect  of  doing  good.     Yours,  Sic. 


FouuTH  Series. 


49 


771 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


772 


London,  September  3,  1774. 

By  tlie  general  concord  and  union  of  our  fellow-subjects 
in  America,  and  by  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  they 
have  entered  into,  to  defend,  support,  and  maintain  their 
Charters,  rights,  and  liberties,  it  is  very  plain  that  their 
publick  virtue  is  not  vitiated,  nor  their  morals  and  principles 
corrupted  and  debauched ;  and  therefore  it  may  be  clearly 
foreseen,  that  the  attack  now  made  upon  them  will  fail, 
and  will  redound  to  their  honour,  and  to  the  disgrace,  if  not 
punishment,  of  those  who  planned  it.  It  is  absolutely  im- 
possible to  enslave  milhons  of  people  possessing  such  im- 
mense territories,  who  are  resolved  at  all  risks  and  hazards 
to  defend  their  rights  and  freedom ;  for  while  they  retain 
such  a  virtuous  publick  spirit  they  will  be  invincible.  Our 
arbitrary  Minister  having  fully  experienced  the  infamous 
corruption  and  total  defect  of  all  publick  spirit  in  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Representatives  of  Old  England,  was  proba- 
bly led  to  imagine  that  the  people  were  as  corrupt  and 
void  of  all  publick  virtue  in  the  New;  but  in  this  he  hatii 
found  himself  egregiously  mistaken.  It  now  appears  that 
our  American  brethren  have  a  just  value  for  their  freedom, 
and  are  determined  to  support  it ;  far  from  submitting  to 
the  attempt  upon  it,  they  have  set  us  a  glorious  example 
for  uniting  in  defence  of  our  rights  and  liberties  at  home, 
and  not  to  suffer  them  either  to  be  taken  from  us  by  force, 
or  stolen  from  us  by  fraud  ;  and  surely  the  people  of  Eng- 
land are  not  yet  so  totally  sunk  in  dissipation,  so  debilitated 
by  luxury,  or  vitiated  by  corruption,  as  not  to  perceive  the 
indispensable  duty  and  moral  rectitude  of  their  conduct, 
and  to  strive  to  imitate  their  illustrious  precedent.  It  is 
therefore  to  be  hoped  that  all  iionest  Englishmen,  all  un- 
corrupted  freemen  and  lovers  of  their  country,  will  join 
hand  and  heart  together,  and  enter  into  one  common  asso- 
ciation to  defend  and  support  at  the  ensuing  general  election, 
that  great  right  of  the  people,  the  making  of  their  own 
laws,  and  which  can  no  ways  be  maintained  but  by  a  free 
and  uncorrupt  choice  of  persons  to  represent  them  in  Par- 
liament. All  the  evils  of  the  Nation,  and  all  the  griev- 
ances which  the  people  now  groan  under,  arise  from  cor- 
rupt and  dishonest  Representatives  in  Parliament ;  from 
having  such  persons  therein,  as  have  no  kind  of  regard  for 
the  rights  and  interest  of  the  people ;  as  takes  away  every 
idea  of  a  national  representation,  and  turns  such  an  Assem- 
bly into  a  meeting  of  the  creatures  of  the  Crown,  wherein 
the  people  of  England  are  no  more  essentially  represented 
than  the  people  of  America, 


EXTR.\CT  OF  A  LETTEK  FROM  LONDON,  TO  A  CORRESPOND- 
ENT IN  NEW-YORK,  DATED  SEPTEMBER  3,  1774. 

The  tools  of  Administration  are  at  present  more  than 
usually  calm ;  a  calm  that  perhaps  may  be  only  a  prelude 
to  a  storm.  They  are  anxiously  waiting  to  hear  the  result 
of  the  Congress,  and,  judging  the  Americans  by  tliem- 
selves,  were  so  sanguine  in  their  expectations  that  the  ter- 
rour  of  their  armaments  would  frighten  you  into  submission 
to  their  edicts,  that  they  cannot  yet  erase  the  idea,  but  still 
expect  you  to  beg  mercy,  cap  in  hand.  An  express  was 
sent  to  General  Amherst,  who  had  a  private  conference, 
but  the  result  is  not  known.  It  is  said  that  it  was  proposed 
to  him  to  go  with  one  thousand  Hanoverians  to  America, 
or  the  third  regiment  of  the  Guards,  &,c.,and  that  Sir  Wil- 
liam Draper  is  appointed  a  Governour,  and  is  going  with 
troops  (it  is  supposed)  to  New-  York.  Mansfield  is  gone 
to  France,  many  think  to  concert  measures  with  the  French 
Court  against  America,  or  to  bring  in  the  Pretender.  It 
is  whispered  that  the  friends  at  Court  will  themselves  in- 
vite him,  and  lay  the  blame  on  the  Americans.  A  similar 
conduct  has  been  pursued  with  regard  to  the  Indians,  and 
with  some  of  your  Colony  disputes  about  patents  and 
boundaries. 

Many  of  your  friends  here  are  horribly  afraid  that 
some  of  the  baits  laid  by  the  Ministry  to  enslave  you  will 
succeed.  It  is  said  many  of  your  leading  men  will  be 
tempted  by  lucrative  places,  as  agents  or  contractors  for 
Government,  in  tlie  purchase  of  wiieat  and  other  necessary 
articles  ;  which,  besides  raising  domestick  enemies  (the 
most  dangerous  of  any)  among  yourselves,  will  answer  the 
ik)uble  purpose  of  reducing  you  to  poverty,  (in  the  midst  of 
plenty)  and  then  to  slavery.  Besides,  it  is  proposed  to  lay 
many  tempting  advantages  in  the  way  of  tliose  who  join 


in  the  scheme  from  which  all  others  are  to  be  excluded  ;  in 
short,  your  virtue  will  be  tried  to  the  utmost,  by  those 
whose  long  practice  and  experience  in  all  the  arts  of  cor- 
ru|)tion  will  be  but  too  likely  to  ensure  them  success,  and 
will  make  it  necessary  to  exert  your  utmost  vigilance  to 
guard  against  deception,  and  especially  that  you  be  not 
betrayed  by  those  in  whom  you  may  confide  amoung  your- 
selves. 

Your  Committee  disputes  have  been  pubhshed  in  all 
the  papei-s,  over  and  over,  and  have  been  disadvantageous 
to  your  cause.  Lord  Chatham,  and  all  your  friends,  are 
anxiously  concerned  at  your  critical  situation  ;  but  your 
unanimity,  and  the  spirit  and  propriety  of  your  resolutions, 
rejoiced  the  heart  of  every  friend  to  constitutional  freedom, 
and  has  done  the  highest  honour  to  America.  Maintain 
your  firmness  and  unanimity,  and  depend  upon  Heaven  for 
success ;  hope  nothing  from  the  people  here — but  if  you 
jjereevere,  we  shall  soon  join  you  by  thousands  ;  more  and 
more  daily  espouse  your  cause,  and,  I  believe  it  will  shortly 
be  as  much  ours  as  yours.  It  will  not  be  worth  while  to 
send  here  any  Deputies  from  the  Congress — they  would 
only  be  insulted  and  treated  with  contempt ;  but  at  home 
they  may  do  all  the  business  effectually.  I  expect  fifteen 
hundred  respectable  people,  of  considerable  property,  will 
shortly  remove  to  reside  in  America;  but  the  Ministry,  in 
order  to  discourage  emigration,  are  endeavouring  to  make 
living  there  as  uneasy  as  it  is  here. 


EXTRACT  OF  A   LETTER  FROM  LONDON,  DATED  SEPTEMBER 
4,  1774. 

The  unanimity  of  the  Colonies  is  an  honour  to  your 
cause,  and  will  make  even  your  enemies  respect  you. 
The  most  embittered  advocates  for  tyranny  cannot  help 
approving  a  love  of  liberty,  and  an  undaunted  sacrifice  of 
every  subordinate  advantage  for  its  support  and  preservation. 
Be  as  a  body  animated  with  one  soul.  Be  firm  and  steady 
in  all  your  operations  ;  but,  as  you  love  liberty,  as  you  wish 
success  to  its  cause,  as  you  desire  to  have  your  present 
struggle  applauded  through  Europe,  let  your  measures  be 
concerted  in  a  calm,  open,  and  temperate  manner.  Riot 
and  tumult  will  be  construed  as  marks  that  your  opposition 
proceeds  from  licentiousness,  and  of  consequence  that  your 
cause  is  only  supported  by  the  multitude.  Zeal  and  tem- 
per blended  will  discover  a  fixed  and  stationary  love  of 
freedom,  not  the  mad  impulses  and  ragings  of  passions. 
Let  not  any  of  your  resolves,  and  if  possible  none  of  your 
productions,  contain  harsh  reflections  against  Great  Britain. 
Such  heated  publications  alienate  from  you  the  affections 
of  the  people  in  England,  and  lead  them  to  think  you 
enemies  to  the  name  of  Briton;  whereas  by  mild  and 
distinguishing  measures  you  may  gain  them  to  your  favour. 

Petition  and  remonstrance  seem  to  me  the  most  proba- 
ble mode  of  succeeding.  Administration  will  be  willing 
to  come  to  an  amicable  settlement  and  adjustment  of  the 
bounds  of  your  privileges,  and  the  authority  of  Parliament, 
provided  it  might  be  done  with  safety  to  the  dignity  of 
Government.  Is  it  not  more  reasonable,  as  well  as  more 
prudent,  to  attempt  a  settlement  of  your  contradictory 
claims  by  treaty  than  by  violence  ?  Violence,  if  attended 
with  success  on  either  side  will  be  injurious  to  both.  An 
Englishman  will  reason  that,  though  an  American  could 
not  be  justly  taxed  without  the  consent  of  the  Represent- 
ative, yet  such  a  plea  will  not  excuse  him  in  destroying 
the  property  of  any  individual  or  body  of  Englishmen ;  that 
the  India  Company  should,  therefore,  be  indemnified  by 
the  Bostonians,  and  submission  made  for  the  insult  offered 
to  Government.  To  assert  that  this  would  be  giving  up 
the  point  in  dispute,  is  the  most  ridiculous  position  that  ever 
dropped  from  the  pen  of  a  raving  politician.  Is  the  making 
restitution  for  another's  properly  destroyed,  a  concession  of 
right  in  the  injured  party  to  tax  you  without  your  consent? 
Is  the  making  a  due  submission  and  acknowledgment,  when 
you  have  done  wrong,  to  give  Government  a  precedent  of 
taxation  without  representation  ?  These  ideas  have  no 
more  agreement  than  the  paying  a  lawful  debt  has  to  that 
of  being  a  slave,  or  a  French  horn  to  a  hasty  pudding. 

Such  pretences  as  these  disgrace  your  cause,  and  give 
your  enemies  ground  of  triumph.  While  you  contend 
against  the  injustice  of  others  give  a  noble  instance  of  your 
readiness  to  do  justice,  even  to  your  enemies. 


773 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


774 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  DEPUTY  GOVERNOUR  PENN 
TO  THE  EARI,  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  PHILADELPHIA, 
SEPTEMBER  5,   1774. 

In  my  several  letters  of  the  31st  May,  and  the  4th  July, 
I  gave  your  Lordship  an  account  of  the  temper  and  dispo- 
sition of  the  people  of  America  with  respect  to  the  several 
Boston  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  of  ti.e  measures  which 
I  then  understood  were  intended  to  be  pursued.  And  I 
am  now  to  inform  your  Lordship  that  Deputies  from  the 
Colonies  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  New-Hampshire,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New-York,  New- Jersey,  Pennsylva- 
nia, the  three  Lower  Counties,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and 
South  Carolina,  have  met,  by  appointment,  in  tliis  city, 
as  the  most  central  place,  and  assembled  this  morning, 
for  the  first  time,  in  general  Congress,  as  it  is  called,  to 
consult  on  the  proper  means  of  obtaining  relief  from  hard- 
ships which  they  suppose  to  be  entailed  on  the  Colonies 
by  those  Acts  of  Parliament.  It  is  said  that  Deputies  are 
also  expected  f  om  the  Colonies  of  North  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  but  they  have  not  yet  made  their  appearance. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  the  result  of  their  delibera- 
tions may  be,  but  I  shall  not  fail  to  inform  your  Lordship  of 
them  by  the  ver)'  first  opportunity  that  offers  after  they  are 
known.  I  think  it,  however,  my  indispensable  duty  to  his 
Majesty  to  acquaint  your  Lordship  that,  from  the  best  in- 
telligence I  have  been  able  to  procure,  the  resolution  of 
opposing  the  Boston  Acts,  and  the  Parliamentary  power  of 
raising  taxes  in  America  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  rev- 
enue, is.  in  a  great  measure,  universal  throughout  the  Col- 
onies, and  possesses  all  ranks  and  conditions  of  people. 
They  persuade  themselves  there  is  a  formed  design  to  en- 
slave America,  and  although  the  Act  for  regulating  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Canada  does  not  immediately  affect  the  other 
Provinces,  it  is  nevertheless  held  up  as  an  irrefragable 
argument  of  that  intention.  General,  however,  as  the 
resolution  is  to  oppose,  there  is  great  diversity  of  opinions 
as  to  the  proper  modes  of  opposition.  Some  are  said  to  be 
for  remonstrance  alone  upon  a  state  of  grievances  and 
claims.  Others  are  for  a  general,  and  otiiers  again  for  a 
partial  non-exportation  and  non-importation,  without  any 
remonstrance.  This  perhaps  may  be  the  source  of  divi- 
sions which  will  not  be  easily  got  over. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GEORGIA,  TO  A  GENTLEMAN 
IN  NEW-YORK,  DATED  SEPTEMBER  7,  1774. 

Some  people  here  would  suddenly  enter  into  a  non-im- 
portation agreement,  but  they  are  by  far  the  minority ;  and 
indeed  it  would  be  highly  imprudent  and  ungenerous  for 
us  to  meddle  at  any  rate  with  the  disputes  in  which  the 
rest  of  the  Colonies  are  engaged,  considering  the  pecuniary 
aid  of  Parliament  we  annually  have,  and  do  continue  to 
receive ;  also  our  present  situation  with  the  Creek  In- 
dians, who  refusing  to  give  satisfaction  for  the  depredations 
already  committed  on  the  back  settlements,  daily  threaten 
us  with  fresh  hostilities  to  the  center,  which  we  are  by  no 
means  able  to  resist,  as  they  can  muster  four  thousand 
gun-men. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LIEUTENANT  GOVERNOUR 
COLDEN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  NEW- 
YORK,    SEPTEMBER    7,    1774. 

The  destruction  of  Captain  Chambers's  tea,  was  so  un- 
expected and  sudden  that  no  measures  could  be  previously 
thought  of  to  prevent  it. 

Afterwards  the  gentlemen  of  property  and  principal 
merchants  attended  the  meetings  of  the  populace,  when 
called  together  by  their  former  demagogues,  who  thereby 
have  lost  their  influence,  and  are  neglected.  The  popu- 
lace are  now  directed  by  men  of  different  principles,  and 
who  have  much  at  stake.  Many  papers  have  been  publish- 
ed in  this  city  to  expose  the  measures  which  had  been 
proposed  by  tiie  former  demagogues  in  opposition  to  Gov- 
ernment. Men  now  speak  and  publish  sentiments  in 
favour  of  Government,  and  argue  upon  the  political  sub- 
jects of  the  times,  with  much  greater  freedom  and  security 
than  has  been  known  here  for  some  years  past,  which  I 
hope  is  a  sign  that  the  licentious  spirit  which  has  governed 
the  people  to  their  great  disgrace  is  checked.   We  have  no 


more  burning  of  effigies  or  putting  cut-throat  papers  under 
people's  doors. 

I  hope  I  am  not  deceived  in  thinking  that  the  people  of 
this  Province  will  cautiously  avoid  giving  any  new  offence 
to  the  Parliament,  but  great  numbers  are  so  fluctuating, 
that  some  unexpected  incident  may  produce  bad  effects. 

The  five  gentlemen  whom  I  formerly  informed  your 
Lordship  were  appointed  by  this  city  to  be  their  Delegates 
at  the  general  Congress,  went  to  Philadelphia,  the  place 
of  meetin"',  last  week.  Seven  counties  of  this  Province 
neither  appointed  Delegates  for  themselves,  nor  concurred 
in  the  choice  made  by  the  city ;  and  two  counties  have 
sent  Delegates  of  their  own.  1  found  the  city  Delegates 
were  embarrassed  by  this  dissension  of  the  people. 


EARL  or  DARTMOUTH  TO  GOVERNOUR  PENN. 

Whitehall,  September  7,  1774. 

Sir  :  I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  5th  and  30th 
of  July,  and  am  very  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  early 
intelligence  they  contain  of  publlck  occurrences  within 
your  Province ;  upon  which  I  have  only  to  observe  that  it 
has  given  the  King  great  concern  to  find  that  his  subjects 
in  the  different  Colonies  in  North  America  have  been 
induced,  upon  the  grounds  stated  in  their  different  Resolu- 
tions, to  nominate  Deputies  to  meet  in  general  Congress  at 
Philadelphia. 

If  the  object  of  this  Congress  be  humbly  to  represent 
to  the  King  any  grievances  they  may  have  to  complain 
of,  or  any  propositions  they  may  have  to  make  on  the 
present  state  of  America,  such  representation  would  cer- 
tainly have  come  from  each  Colony  with  greater  weight  in 
its  separate  capacity,  than  in  a  channel  of  the  propriety 
and  legality  of  which  there  may  be  much  doubt. 

I  fear  however  the  measure  is  gone  too  far  to  encourage 
any  hope  that  it  has  been  retracted,  and  I  can  only  express 
my  wishes  that  the  result  of  their  proceedings  may  be  such 
as  not  to  cut  off  all  hope  of  that  union  with  the  mother 
country  which  is  so  essential  to  the  happiness  of  both. 

The  enclosed  copy  of  my  letter  of  this  day's  date  to 
Lord  Dunmore,  (which  I  send  you  for  your  information) 
will  inform  you  of  the  light  in  which  the  conduct  of  the 
people  of  Virginia  towards  the  Indians  upon  the  Ohio  is 
considered  by  the  King. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Dartmouth. 
Deputy  Governour  Penn, 


EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DUNMORE. 

Whitehall,  September  8,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  The  Deputy  Governour  of  Pennsylvania 
in  his  message  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the 
18th  of  July  last,  asserts  that  the  hostility  of  the  Indians 
upon  the  River  Ohio,  which  has  spread  such  general  alarm 
and  distress  throughout  the  back  settlements,  was  occasion- 
ed by  the  unprovoked  ill  treatment  of  those  Indians  by  the 
people  of  Virginia,  who  had  barbarously  murdered  about 
eleven  of  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese  tribes,  and  that 
many  friendly  Indians,  who  had  generously  afforded  protec- 
tion to  the  persons  and  goods  of  Indian  traders  from  the 
violence  of  some  of  their  young  warriors,  and  who  were,  at 
the  risk  of  their  own  lives,  escorting  those  traders  to  their 
friends  near  Pittsburgh,  were,  contrary  to  all  faith,  attack- 
ed, and  some  of  them  wounded  by  a  party  of  Virginians 
sent  out  for  the  purpose  by  one  Conolly,  a  militia  captain, 
having  a  commission  from  the  Government  of  Virginia. 

My  intelligence  through  a  variety  of  other  channels 
confirms  these  facts,  and  adds  further  that  this  Conolly, 
using  your  Lordship's  name,  and  pleading  your  authority, 
has  presumed  to  re-establish  the  Fort  at  Pittsburgh,  which 
was  demolished  by  the  King's  express  orders ;  that  he 
has  destroyed  the  King's  boats,  which  were  kept  there  for 
the  purpose  of  a  communication  witii  the  Illinois  country  ; 
and  that  parties  were  sent  out  by  his  authority,  or  under 
his  direction,  for  the  purpose  of  building  forts  lower  down 
the  River  Ohio. 

The  duty  I  owe  the  King,  and  the  regard  I  entertain  for 
your  Lordship,  induce  me  to  take  the  earilest  opportunity 
of  acquainting  your  Lordship  with  this  Information,  to  the 
end  that  the  facts  asserted,  if  not  true,  may  be  contradicted 


fl7« 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


776 


by  your  Lordship's  authority ;  but,  if  otlierwise,  wiiich  I 
cannot  suppose  to  be  the  case,  such  steps  may  be  taken  as 
tlie  King's  dignity  and  justice  shall  dictate. 

I  am,  &c.,  Dartmouth. 

Eslt]  of  Dunmore. 


Williamsburg,  Virginia,  September  8,  1774. 
The  Delegates  from  the  counties,  at  the  late  Conven- 
tion, having  signified  their  opinion  that  the  officers  fees, 
since  the  expiration  of  the  Act  for  regulating  and  collect- 
ing them,  cannot  be  legally  taxed,  it  seems  none  of  the 
County  Courts  will  proceed  to  do  business  until  there  bo 
a  session  of  the  General  Assembly  ;  and  tiie  gentlemen  of 
the  General  Court  Bar,  doubting  the  return  of  two  of  their 
body,  who  are  appointed  as  Deputies  for  this  Colony  at 
the  Congress,  time  enough  to  prepare  for  the  approaching 
General  Court,  and  convinced,  if  that  honourahle  Court 
should  then  proceed  to  business,  it  would  add  much  to  tiie 
uneasiness  of  the  present  times,  have  thought  it  most  ad- 
advisable  (all  these  circumstances  considered)  now  to 
countermand  the  attendance  of  such  witnesses  as  may  have 
been  summoned,  in  order  to  save  a  great,  and,  probably,  a 
fruitless  expense  to  tlieir  clients.  It  is,  therefore,  presum- 
able there  will  be  no  trial  at  the  next  General  Court, 
except  in  criminal  cases ;  in  which  all  the  Justices  in  the 
Colony  are  determined  to  proceed,  for  preserving  that 
good  order  so  necessary  at  this  critical  period. 

Boston,  September  8,  1774. 
Last  Monday,  the  5th  instant,  the  Selectmen  of  this 
town  waited  on  his  Excellency  Governour  Gage,  to  ac- 
quaint him  that  the  inhabitants  were  much  alarmed  to  find 
that  he  had  ordered  the  breaking  up  the  ground  near  the 
fortification  on  the  Neck  ;  and  requested  of  his  Excellency 
that  he  would  explain  to  them  his  design  in  that  extraor- 
dinary movement,  that  they  might,  thereby,  have  it  in  their 
power  to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people  ;  when  his  Excel- 
lency replied  to  the  following  purpose :  That  he  had  no 
intention  of  stopping  up  the  avenue  to  the  town,  or  of  ob- 
structing the  inhabitants,  or  any  of  the  country  people, 
coming  in  or  going  out  of  town  as  usual ;  that  he  had 
taken  his  measures,  and  that  he  was  to  protect  his  Ma- 
jesty's subjects,  and  his  Majesty's  troops  in  this  town  ; 
and  that  he  had  no  intention  of  any  tiling  hostile  against 
the  inhabitants. 


Boston,  September  9,  1774. 

This  day,  the  Selectmen  of  Boston,  waited  on  his  Ex- 
cellency General  Gage,  with  the  following  Address : 

May  it  please  your  Excellency : 

The  Selectmen  of  Boston,  at  the  earnest  desire  of  a 
number  of  gentlemen  of  the  town  and  country,  again  wait 
on  your  Excellency  to  acquaint  you  that  since  our  late 
application,  the  apprehensions  of  the  people,  not  only  of 
this,  but  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  are  greatly  increased  by 
observing  the  designs  of  erecting  a  fortress  at  the  entrance 
of  the  town ;  and  of  reducing  the  metropolis,  in  other 
respects,  to  the  state  of  a  garrison.  This,  with  complaints 
lately  made  of  abuse  from  some  of  the  guards,  posted  in 
that  quarter,  assaulting  and  forcibly  detaining  several  per- 
sons who  were  peaceably  passing  in  and  out  of  the  town, 
may  discourage  the  market  people  from  coming  in  with 
their  provisions,  as  usual,  and  oblige  the  inhabitants  to 
abandon  the  town.  This  event  we  greatly  deprecate,  as 
it  will  produce  miseries  which  may  hurry  the  Province 
into  acts  of  desperation.  We  should,  therefore,  think 
ourselves  happy  if  we  could  satisfy  the  people  that  your 
Excellency  would  suspend  your  present  design,  and  not 
add  to  the  distresses  of  the  inhabitants,  occasioned  by  the 
Port  Bill,  that  of  garrisoning  the  town. 

John  Scolly,  Chairman  of  the  Committee. 

TO    WHICH    HIS    EXCELLENCY    WAS    PLEASED    TO    RETURN 
THE    FOLLOWING    ANSWER: 

Gentlemen  :  When  you  lately  applied  to  me  respect- 
ing my  ordering  some  cannon  to  be  placed  at  the  entrance 
of  this  town,  which  you  term  the  erecting  a  fortress,  I  so 
fully  expressed  my  sentiments,  that  I  thought  you  were 
satisfied  the  people  had  nothing  to  fear  from  that  measure, 


as  no  use  would  be  made  thereof  unless  their  hostile  pro- 
ceedings should  make  it  necessary;  but  as  you  have  this  day 
acquainted  me  tliat  their  fears  are  rather  increased,  1  have 
thought  proper  to  assure  .  you  that  I  have  no  intention  to 
j)revent  the  free  egress  and  ingress  of  any  person  to  and 
from  the  town,  or  reducing  it  to  the  state  of  a  garrison ; 
neither  shall  I  suffer  any  under  my  command  to  injure 
tiie  person  or  property  of  any  of  his  Majesty's  subjects ; 
but  as  it  is  my  duty,  so  it  shall  be  my  endeavour,  to  pre- 
serve the  peace  and  promote  the  happiness  of  every 
individual ;  and  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you,  and  every 
iniiabitant,  to  cultivate  the  same  spirit ;  and  I  heartily  wish 
they  may  live  quietly  and  happily  in  the  town. 

Thomas  Gage. 
To  the  Gentlemen  Selectmen  of  the  town  of  Boston. 


SUFFOLK    COUNTY    (MASSACHUSETTS)    RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Delegates  of  every  Town  and  Dis- 
trict of  the  County  of  Suffolk,  on  Tuesday,  the  6th  of  Sep- 
tember, at  the  house  of  Mr.  Richard  Woodimrd,  of  Ded- 
ham ;  and  by  adjournment  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Vose,  of 
Milton,  on  Friday,  the  9th  instant, 

Joseph  Palmer,  Esquire,  being  chosen  Moderator,  and 
William  Thompson,  Esquire,  Clerk, 

A  Committee  was  chosen  to  bring  in  a  Report  to  the 
Convention  ;  and  the  following,  being  several  times  read, 
and  put,  paragraph  by  paragraph,  was  unanimously  voted, 
viz  : 

Whereas  the  power,  but  not  the  justice,  the  vengeance, 
but  not  the  wisdom,  of  Great  Britain,  which  of  old  perse- 
cuted, scourged,  and  excited  our  fugitive  parents  from  their 
native  shores,  now  pursues  us,  their  guiltless  children,  with 
unrelenting  severity.  And  w'hereas,  this  then  savage  and 
uncultivated  desert,  was  purchased  by  the  toil  and  trea- 
sure, or  acquired  by  the  blood  and  valour  of  those  our 
venerable  progenitors ;  to  us  they  bequeathed  the  dear- 
bought  inheritance ;  to  our  care  and  protection  they  con- 
signed it ;  and  the  most  sacred  obligations  are  upon  us  to 
transmit  the  glorious  purchase,  unfettered  by  power,  un- 
clogged  with  shackles,  to  our  innocent  and  beloved  ofT- 
spring.  On  the  fortitude,  on  the  wisdom,  and  on  the 
exertions  of  this  important  day,  is  suspended  the  fate  of 
this  new  world,  and  of  unborn  millions.  If  a  boundless 
extent  of  Continent,  swarming  with  millions,  will  tamely 
submit  to  live,  move,  and  have  their  being  at  the  arbitrary 
will  of  a  licentious  Minister,  they  basely  yield  to  voluntary 
slavery,  and  future  generations  will  load  their  memories 
with  incessant  execrations.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  ar- 
rest the  hand  which  would  ransack  our  pockets  ;  if  we 
disarm  the  parricide  which  points  the  dagger  to  our 
bosoms ;  if  we  nobly  defeat  that  fatal  edict  which  pro- 
claims a  power  lo  frame  laws  for  us  in  all  cases  whatsoever, 
thereby  entailing  the  endless  and  numberless  curses  of 
slavery  upon  us,  our  heirs,  and  their  heirs  forever ;  if  we 
successfully  resist  that  unparalleled  usurpation  of  unconsti- 
tutional power,  whereby  our  capital  is  robbed  of  the  means 
of  life ;  whereby  the  streets  of  Boston  are  thronged  with 
military  executioners  ;  whereby  our  costs  are  lined  and 
harbours  crow^ded  with  ships  of  war  ;  whereby  the  Charter 
of  the  Colony,  that  sacred  barrier  against  the  encroach- 
ments of  tyranny  is  mutilated,  and,  in  effect,  annihilated ; 
whereby  a  murderous  law  is  framed  to  shelter  villians  from 
the  hand  of  justice  ;  whereby  that  unalienable  and  inesti- 
mable inheritance  which  we  derived  from  nature,  the  Con- 
stitution of  Britain,  and  the  privileges  v/arranted  to  us  in 
the  Charter  of  the  Province,  is  totally  wrecked,  annulled, 
and  vacated,  posterity  will  acknowledge  that  virtue  which 
preserved  tliem  free  and  happy ;  and  while  we  enjoy  the 
rewards  and  blessings  of  the  faithful,  the  torrents  of  pane- 
gyrists will  roll  our  reputations  to  the  latest  period,  when 
tlie  streams  of  time  shall  be  absorbed  in  the  abyss  of  eter- 
nity.— Therefore  we  have  resolved,  and  do  resolve, 

1.  That  whereas  his  Majesty  King  George  the  Third, 
is  the  rightful  successor  to  the  Throne  of  Great  Britain, 
and  justly  entitled  to  the  allegiance  of  the  British  Realm, 
and  agreeahle  to  compact  of  the  English  Colonies  in  Ame- 
rica; therefore,  we  the  heirs  and  successoi-s  of  the  first 
planters  of  this  Colony  do  cheerfully  acknowledge  the  said 
George  the  Third  to  be  our  rightful  Sovereign ;  and  that 


77T 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


778 


said  covenant  is  the  tenure  and  claim  on  which  are  founded 
our  allegiance  and  submission. 

2.  That  it  is  an  indispensable  duty  which  we  owe  to 
God,  our  country,  ourselves,  and  posterity,  by  all  lawful 
ways  and  means  in  our  power,  to  maintain,  defend,  and 
preserve  those  civil  and  religious  rights  and  liberties  for 
which  many  of  our  fathers  fought,  bled,  and  died,  and  to 
hand  them  down  entire  to  future  generations. 

3.  That  the  late  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  for 
blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston ;  for  altering  the  estab- 
lished form  of  Government  in  this  Colony  ;  and  for  screen- 
ing the  most  flagitious  violators  of  the  laws  of  the  Prov- 
ince from  a  legal  trial,  are  gross  infractions  of  those  rights 
to  which  we  are  justly  entitled  by  the  laws  of  nature,  the 
British  Constitution,  and  the  Charter  of  the  Province. 

4.  That  no  obedience  is  due  from  this  Province  to  either 
or  any  part  of  the  Acts  above  mentioned ;  but  that  they 
be  rejected  as  the  attempts  of  a  wicked  Administration  to 
enslave  America. 

5.  That  so  long  as  the  Justices  of  our  Superiour  Court 
of  Judicature,  Court  of  Assize,  &tc.,  and  Inferiour  Court 
of  Common  Pleas  in  this  county,  are  appointed,  or  hold 
their  places  by  any  other  tenure  than  that  which  the  Char- 
ter and  the  laws  of  the  Province  direct,  they  must  be  con- 
sidered as  under  undue  influence,  and  are  therefore  uncon- 
stitutional officers,  and  as  such,  no  regard  ought  to  be  paid 
to  tliem  by  the  people  of  this  county. 

6.  That  if  the  Justices  of  the  Superiour  Court  of  Judi- 
cature, Assize,  Sic,  Justices  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas,  or  of  the  General  Sessions  of  the  Peace,  shall  sit 
and  act  during  the  present  disqualified  state,  this  county 
will  support  and  bear  harmless  all  Sheriffs  and  other  Depu- 
ties, Constables,  Jurors,  and  other  Officers,  who  shall  re- 
fuse to  carry  into  execution  the  orders  of  said  Court ;  and 
as  far  as  possible  to  prevent  the  many  inconveniences  which 
must  be  occasioned  by  a  suspension  of  the  Courts  of  Jus- 
tice, we  do  most  earnestly  recommend  it  to  all  creditors 
that  they  show  all  reasonable  and  every  generous  forbear- 
ance to  their  debtors,  and  to  all  debtors  to  pay  their  just 
demands  with  all  possible  speed ;  and  if  any  disputes  rela- 
tive to  debts  or  trespasses,  shall  arise  which  cannot  be  set- 
tled by  the  parties,  we  recommend  it  to  them  to  submit  all 
such  cases  to  arbitration ;  and  it  is  our  opinion  that  the  con- 
tending parties,  or  either  of  them,  who  shall  refuse  so  to 
do,  ought  to  be  considered  as  co-operating  with  the  ene- 
mies of  this  country. 

7.  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  Collectors  of  Taxes, 
Constables,  and  all  other  Officers,  who  have  publick  mo- 
neys in  their  hands,  to  retain  the  same,  and  not  to  make 
any  payment  thereof  to  the  Provincial  County  Treasurer, 
until  the  Civil  Government  of  the  Province  is  placed  upon 
a  constitutional  foundation,  or  until  it  shall  otherwise  be  or- 
dered by  the  proposed  Provincial  Congress. 

8.  That  the  persons  who  have  accepted  seats  at  the 
Council  Board,  by  virtue  of  a  mandamus  from  the  King, 
in  conformity  to  the  late  Act  of  the  British  Parliament, 
entitled  '•  An  Act  for  the  regulating  the  Government  of  the 
Massachisctts  Bay,"  have  acted  in  direct  violation  of  the 
duty  they  owe  to  their  country,  and  have  thereby  given  great 
and  just  ofi:ence  to  this  people ;  therefore,  resolved,  that 
this  county  do  recommend  it  to  all  persons  who  have  so 
highly  offended  by  accepting  said  departments,  and  have 
not  already  publickly  resigned  their  seats  at  the  Council 
Board,  to  make  publick  resignation  of  their  places  at  said 
Board,  on  or  before  the  20th  day  of  this  instant  September; 
and  that  all  persons  refusing  so  to  do,  shall,  from  and  after 
that  day,  be  considered  by  this  county  as  obstinate  and  in- 
corrigible enemies  to  this  country. 

9.  That  the  fortifications  begun  and  now  carrying  on 
upon  Boston  Neck,  are  justly  alarming  to  this  county,  and 
give  us  reason  to  apprehend  some  hostile  intention  against 
that  town  ;  more  especially  as  the  Commander-in-chief  has, 
in  a  very  extraordinary  manner,  removed  the  pov/der  from 
the  Magazine  at  Charlestown,  and  has  also  forbidden  the 
keeper  of  the  Magazine  at  Boston  to  deliver  out  to  the 
owners  the  powder  which  they  had  lodged  in  said  Maga- 
zine. 

10.  That  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for  establishing  the 
Roman  Calholick  religion  and  tiie  French  laws  in  that  ex- 
tensive country  now  called  Canada,  is  dangerous  in  an 
extreme  degree  to  the  Protestant  religion,  and  to  the  civil 


rights  and  liberties  of  all  America ;  and  therefore,  as  men 
and  Protestant  Christians,  we  are  indispensably  obliged  to 
take  all  proper  measures  for  our  own  security. 

11.  That  whereas  our  enemies  have  flattered  themselves 
that  they  will  make  an  easy  prey  of  this  numerous,  brave, 
and  hardy  people,  from  an  apprehension  that  they  are  un- 
acquainted with  military  discipline;  we,  therefore,  for  the 
honour,  defence,  and  security  of  this  county  and  Province, 
advise,  as  it  has  been  recommended  to  take  away  all  com- 
missions from  the  officers  of  the  militia,  that  those  who  now 
hold  commissions,  or  such  other  persons  be  elected  in  each 
town  as  officers  of  the  militia,  as  shall  be  judged  of  suffi- 
cient capacity  for  that  purpose,  and  who  have  evidenced 
themselves  the  inflexible  friends  to  the  rights  of  the  people  ; 
and  that  the  inhabitants  of  these  towns  and  districts  who 
are  qualified,  to  use  their  utmost  diligence  to  acquaint  them- 
selves with  the  art  of  war  as  soon  as  possible,  and  do,  for 
that  purpose,  appear  under  arms  at  least  once  every  week. 

12.  That,  during  the  present  hostile  appearances  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  the  many  insults 
and  oppressions  which  we  most  sensibly  resent,  yet,  never- 
theless, from  our  affection  to  his  Majesty,  which  we  have 
at  all  times  evinced,  we  are  determined  to  act  merely  upon 
the  defensive,  so  long  as  such  conduct  may  be  vindicated 
by  reason  and  the  principles  of  self-preservation,  but  no 
longer. 

13.  That,  as  we  understand  it  has  been  in  contempla- 
tion to  apprehend  sundry  persons  of  this  county,  who  have 
rendered  themselves  conspicuous  in  contending  for  the 
violated  rights  and  liberties  of  their  countrymen,  we  do  re- 
commend, should  such  an  audacious  measure  be  put  in 
practice,  to  seize  and  keep  in  safe  custody  every  servant  of 
the  present  tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  Government, 
throughout  the  county  and  Province,  until  the  persons  so 
apprehended  be  liberated  from  the  hands  of  our  adversa- 
ries, and  restored  safe  and  uninjured  to  their  respective 
friends  and  families. 

14.  That  until  our  rights  are  fully  restored  unto  us,  we 
will,  to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  and  recommend  the  same 
to  the  other  counties,  withhold  all  commercial  intercourse 
with  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  H''est  Indies,  and  ab- 
stain from  the  consumption  of  British  merchandise  and 
manufactures,  and  especially  of  East  India  teas  and  piece 
goods,  with  such  additions,  alterations,  and  exceptions  only, 
as  the  Grand  Congress  of  the  Colonies  may  agree  to. 

15.  That,  under  our  present  circumstances,  it  is  incum- 
bent on  us  to  encourage  arts  and  manufactures  among  us 
by  all  means  in  our  power ;  and  that  •»»»»»»••*• 
be  and  hereby  are  appointed  a  Committee  to  consider  of 
the  best  ways  and  means  to  promote  and  establish  the  same, 
and  to  report  to  this  Convention  as  soon  as  may  be. 

16.  That  the  exigencies  of  our  publick  affairs  demand 
that  a  Provincial  Congress  be  called  to  concert  such  mea- 
sures as  may  be  adopted  and  vigorously  executed  by  the 
whole  people ;  and  we  do  recommend  it  to  the  several 
towns  in  this  county  to  choose  members  for  such  a  Provin- 
cial Congress,  to  be  holden  at  Concord,  on  the  second 
Tuesday  of  October  next  ensuing. 

17.  That  this  county,  confiding  in  the  wisdom  and  in- 
tegrity of  the  Continental  Congress,  now  sitting  at  Phila- 
delphia, will  pay  all  due  respect  and  submission  to  such  mea- 
sures as  may  be  recommended  by  them  to  the  Colonies,  for 
the  restoration  and  establishment  of  our  just  rights,  civil 
and  religious,  and  for  renewing  that  harmony  and  union  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  so  wished  for  by 
all  good  men. 

18.  That  whereas,  the  universal  uneasiness  which  pre- 
vails among  all  orders  of  men,  arising  from  the  vi'icked  and 
oppressive  measures  of  the  present  Administration,  may  in- 
fluence some  unthinking  persons  to  commit  outrage  upon 
private  property,  we  would  heartily  recommend  to  all  per- 
sons of  this  community  not  to  engage  in  any  routs,  riots,  or 
licentious  attacks  upon  the  properties  of  any  person  what- 
soever, as  being  subversive  of  all  order  and  government ; 
but,  by  a  steady,  manly,  uniform,  and  persevering  opposi- 
tion, to  convince  our  enemies  that  in  a  contest  so  impor- 
tant— in  a  cause  so  solemn,our  conduct  shall  be  such  as  to 
merit  the  approbation  of  the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of 
the  brave  and  free  of  every  age  and  of  every  country. 

19.  That,  should  our  enemies,  by  any  sudden  manoeu- 
vres, render  it  necessary  to  ask  the  aid  and  assistance  of 


779 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


780 


our  bretliren  in  the  country,  some  one  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence,  or  a  Selectman  of  each  town,  or  the  town 
adjoining  where  such  hostiUlies  shall  commence,  or  shall 
be  expected  to  commence,  shall  despatch  couriers  wiih 
written  messages  to  the  Selectmen  or  Committees  of  Cor- 
respondence of  the  several  towns  in  the  vicinity,  with  a 
written  account  of  such  matter,  who  shall  despatch  others 
to  Committees  more  remote,  until  proper  and  sufficient  as- 
sistance be  obtained  ;  and  that  the  expense  of  said  couriers 
be  defrayed  by  the  county,  until  it  shall  be  otherwise  or- 
dered by  the  Provincial  Congress. 


At  a  Meeting  of  Delegates  from  several  Towns  and  Dis- 
tricts in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  held  at  Milton,  on  Friday 
the  9th  of  September,  1774, 

Voted,  That  Doctor  Joseph  Warren  and  Doctor  Ben- 
jamin Church,  oi  Boston;  Deacon  Joseph  Palmer,  Ger- 
mantown;  Cupu'm  Lemuel  Robinson,  Dorchester;  Captain 
fVilliam  Heath,  Roxbury ;  Colonel  E'/enezer  Thayer, 
Braintrce ;  IVilliam  Holclen,  Esq.,  Dorchester ;  Colonel 
William  Taylor,  Milton ;  Captain  John  Homans,  Dorches- 
ter; Isaac  Gardiner,  Esq.,  Brookline ;  Mr.  Richard  Wood- 
ward, Dcdham;  Captnin  Benjamin  White,  Brookline; 
Doctor  Samuel  Gardiner,  Milton;  Nathaniel  Summer, 
Esq.,  Dcdham,  and  Captain  Thomas  Aspitnvall,  Brook- 
line,he  a  Committee  to  wait  upon  his  Excellency  the  Gov- 
ernour,  to  inform  him  that  the  people  of  this  county  are 
alarmed  at  the  fortifications  making  on  Boston  Neck,  and 
to  remonstrate  against  the  same  ;  and  the  repeated  insults 
offered  by  the  soldiery  to  persons  passing  and  repassing 
into  that  town,  and  to  confer  with  him  upon  these  subjects. 
Attest,  William  Thomson,   Clerk. 

To  his  Excellency  the  Honourable  Thomas  Gage,  Cap- 
tain-General and  Commander-in-chief  of  his  Majesty's 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

The  County  of  Suffolk  being  greatly,  and  in  their  opin- 
ion justly  alarmed  at  the  formidable  appearance  of  hostility 
now  threatening  his  Majesty's  good  subjects  of  this  coun- 
ty, and  more  particularly  of  the  town  of  Boston,  the  loyal 
and  faithful  capital  of  this  Province  ;  beg  leave  to  address 
your  Excellency,  and  represent  that  the  apprehensions  of 
the  people  are  more  especially  increased  by  the  dangerous 
design  now  carrying  into  execution,  of  repairing  and  man- 
ning the  fortifications  at  the  south  entrance  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  which  when  completed,  may  at  any  time  be  im- 
proved to  aggravate  the  miseries  of  that  already  impover- 
ished and  distressed  city,  by  intercepting  the  wonted  and 
necessary  intercourse  between  the  town  and  country,  and 
compel  the  wretched  inhabitants  to  the  most  ignominious 
state  of  humiliation  and  vassalage,  by  depriving  them  of 
the  necessary  supplies  of  provisions  for  which  they  are 
chiefly  dependent  on  that  communication :  we  have  been 
informed  that  your  Excellency,  in  consequence  of  the 
application  of  the  Selectmen  of  Boston,  has  indeed  disa- 
vowed any  intention  to  injure  the  town,  in  your  present 
maneeuvres,  and  expressed  your  purpose  to  be  for  the 
security  of  the  troops  and  his  Majesty's  subjects  in  the 
town ;  we  are  at  a  loss  to  guess,  may  it  please  your  Excel- 
lency, from  whence  your  want  of  confidence  in  the  loyal 
and  orderly  people  of  tliis  county  could  originate ;  a  mea- 
sure so  foimidable,  carried  into  execution  from  a  pre-con- 
celved,  though  causeless  jealousy  of  the  insincerity  of  his 
Majesty's  troops  and  subjects  in  the  town,  deeply  wounds 
the  loyalty,  and  is  an  additional  injury  to  the  faithful  sub- 
jects of  this  county,  and  affords  them  a  strong  motive  for 
this  application. 

We  therefore  entreat  your  Excellency  to  desist  from 
your  design,  assuring  your  Excellency  that  the  people  of 
this  county  are  by  no  means  disposed  to  injure  his  Majes- 
ty's troops;  they  think  themselves  aggrieved  and  oppressed 
by  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  and  are  resolved,  by 
divine  assistance,  never  to  submit  to  them,  but  have  no 
inclination  to  commence  a  war  with  his  Majesty's  troops, 
and  beg  leave  to  observe  to  your  Excellency,  that  the 
ferment  now  excited  in  the  minds  of  the  people  is  occa- 
sioned by  some  late  transactions,  by  seizing  the  powder  in 
ihe  Arsenal  at  Charlestown,  by  withholding  the  powder 


lodged  in  the  Magazine  of  the  town  of  Boston  from  the 

legal  proprietors,  insulting,  beating,  and  abusing  passengers 
to  and  from  the  town  by  the  soldiery,  in  which  they  have 
been  encouraged  by  some  of  their  officers,  putting  the 
people  in  fear,  and  menacing  them  in  their  nightly  patrole 
into  the  neighbouring  town,  and  more  particularly  by  the 
fortifying  the  sole  avenue  by  land  into  the  town  of  Boston. 
In  duty  therefore  to  his  Majesty,  and  to  your  Excellen- 
cy, and  for  the  restoration  of  order  and  security  to  this 
county,  we,  the  Delegates  from  the  several  towns  in  this 
county,  being  commissioned  for  this  purpose,  beg  your 
Excellency's  attention  to  this  our  humble  and  faithful 
address,  assuring  you  that  nothing  less  than  an  immediate 
removal  of  the  ordnance  and  restoring  the  entrance  into 
that  town  to  its  former  state,  and  an  effectual  stop  of  all 
insults  and  abuses  in  future,  can  place  the  inhabitants  of 
this  county  in  that  peace  and  tranquillity  in  which  every 
free  subject  ought  to  live. 

His  Excellency  was  waited  on  to  know  if  l;e  would 
receive  the  Committee  with  the  above  written  Address,  but 
desiring  he  might  have  a  copy  of  it  in  a  private  way, 
that  so  when  he  received  it  from  the  Conmiiitee  he  might 
have  an  answer  prepared  for  them,  he  was  accordingly 
furnished  with  a  copy.  His  Excellency  then  declared 
that  he  would  receive  the  Committee  on  Monday  at  twelve 
o'clock. 

Saturday,  September  10,  1774. 

GOVERNOUR  gage's  ANSWER. 

Gentlemen  :  I  hoped  the  assurances  I  gave  the  Se- 
lectmen of  Boston  on  the  subject  you  now  address  me, 
had  been  satisfactory  to  every  body.  I  cannot  possibly 
intercept  the  intercourse  between  the  town  and  the  coun- 
try ;  it  is  my  duty  and  intent  to  encourage  it ;  and  it  is  as 
much  inconsistent  with  my  duty  and  intent  to  foirn  the 
strange  scheme  you  are  pleased  to  suggest  of  reducing  the 
inhabitants  to  a  state  of  humiliation  and  vassalage,  by 
stopping  their  supplies ;  nor  have  I  made  it  easier  to  effect 
this  than  what  nature  has  made  it.  You  mention  the  sol- 
diers insulting,  beating,  and  abusing  passengers  as  a  com- 
mon thing ;  an  instance,  perhaps,  may  be  given  of  the  bad 
behaviour  of  some  disorderly  soldiers  ;  but  I  must  appeal 
to  the  inhabitants  of  both  town  and  country  for  their  gen- 
eral good  behaviour,  from  their  first  arrival  to  this  town. 

I  would  ask  what  occasion  there  is  for  such  numbers 
going  armed  in  and  out  of  the  town,  and  through  the  coun- 
try, in  an  hostile  manner  ?  Or  why  were  the  guns  removed 
privately  in  the  night  from  the  battery  at  Charlestown  ? 

The  refusing  submission  to  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament 
I  find  general  throughout  the  Province,  and  I  shall  lay  the 
same  before  his  Majesty.  Thomas  Gage. 

Boston,  September  12,  1774. 

The  Committee  of  the  Delegates  from  the  several  towns 
in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  who  presented  the  Address  to 
the  Governour,  on  receiving  his  Answer  met  together,  and 
having  carefully  perused  the  same,  were  unanimously  of 
opinion  that  his  Excellency's  answer  could  not  be  deemed 
satisfactory  to  the  county.  And  further,  that  his  Excel- 
lency in  his  reply  had  been  pleased  to  propose  several 
questions,  which,  if  unansv.ered  by  the  Committee,  would 
leave  on  the  minds  of  persons,  not  fully  acquainted- with  the 
state  of  facts,  some  \ery  disagreeable  impressions  concern- 
ing the  conduct  and  behaviour  of  the  people  in  this  county 
and  Province.  And  the  following  Address  was  unani- 
mously voted  to  his  Excellency  : 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

The  answer  you  have  been  pleased  to  favour  us  with 
to  the  address  of  this  day  presented  to  you,  gives  us  satis- 
faction, so  far  as  it  relates  to  your  intentions  ;  and  we  thank 
your  Excellency  for  the  declaration  which  you  have  made, 
that  it  is  your  duty  and  interest  to  encourage  an  intercourse 
between  town  and  country  ;  and  we  entreat  your  indul- 
gence while  we  modestly  reply  to  the  questions  proposed 
in  your  answer.  Your  Excellency  is  too  well  acquainted 
with  the  human  heart,  not  to  be  sensible  that  it  is  natural 
for  the  people  to  be  soured  by  oppression,  and  jealous  for 
their  personal  security,  when  their  exertions  for  the  preser- 
vation of  their  rights  are  construed  into  treason  and  rebel- 
lion.    Our  liberties  are  invaded  by  Acts  of  the  British 


781 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,   SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


782 


Parliament ;  troops  are  sent  to  enforce  those  Acts.  They 
are  now  erecting  fortifications  at  tlie  entrance  of  the  town 
of  Boston  ;  upon  the  completing  these  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston  will  be  in  the  power  of  a  soldiery  who 
must  implicitly  obey  the  orders  of  an  Administration  who 
have  hitherto  evinced  no  singular  regard  to  the  liberties  of 
America.  The  town  is  already  greatly  impoverished  and 
distressed  by  the  operation  of  the  barbarous  Port  Bill. 
Your  Excellency,  we  are  persuaded,  from  principles  of 
humanity,  would  refuse  to  be  an  actor  in  the  tragical 
scene  that  must  ensue  upon  shutting  up  the  avenues  to 
the  town,  and  reducing  the  inhabitants,  by  distress  and 
famine,  to  a  disgraceful  and  slavish  submission  ;  but  that 
cruel  work  may  possibly  be  reserved  for  a  successor,  dis- 
posed and  instructed  thereto.  Daily  supplies  of  provisions 
are  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town.  The  country  disgusted  and  jealous  at  the  formida- 
ble operations  now  carrying  on,  survey  with  honour  a  plan 
concerted — whereby  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston 
may  be  imprisoned,  and  starved  at  the  will  of  a  military 
commander.  They  kindly  invite  them  to  abandon  the 
town,  and  earnestly  solicit  them  to  share  the  homely  ban- 
quet of  peace  in  the  country.  Should  their  refusal  in- 
volve them  in  miseries  hitherto  unheard  of,  and  hardly 
conceived  of,  the  country  must  stand  acquitted,  and  will 
not  hold  their  liberties  so  loosely  as  to  sacrifice  them  to  the 
obstinacy  of  their  brethren  in  Boston. 

Your  Excellency  has  been  pleased  to  order  the  powder 
from  the  Magazine  in  Charlestown ;  to  forbid  the  delivery 
of  the  powder  in  the  Magazine  of  Boston  to  the  legal  pro- 
prietor ;  to  seize  the  cannon  at  Cambridge,  and  bring  a 
formidable  number  from  Castle  William,  which  are  now 
placed  at  the  entrance  of  the  town  of  Boston ;  and  have 
likewise,  in  addition  to  the  troops  now  here,  been  pleased 
to  send  for  reinforcements  to  Quebec  and  other  parts  of 
the  Continent.  These  things,  sir,  together  with  the  dis- 
position of  the  ships  of  war,  we  humbly  think,  sufficiently 
justify  the  proceedings  for  which  your  Excellency  seems 
to  be  at  a  loss  to  account. 

Your  Excellency  has  suggested  that  nature  has  made  it 
easy  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  town  and  coun- 
try. Our  only  request  is,  that  the  entrance  into  the  town 
may  remain  as  nature  has  formed  it. 

If  security  to  his  Majesty's  troops  is  the  only  design  in 
tlie  late  manoeuvre,  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellen- 
cy that  the  most  certain,  and  by  far  the  most  honourable 
method  of  making  them  secure  and  safe  will  be  to  give  the 
people  of  the  Province  the  strongest  proof  that  no  design 
is  forming  against  their  liberties.  And  we  again  solicit 
your  Excellency,  with  that  earnestness  which  becomes  us 
on  this  important  occasion,  to  desist  from  every  thing 
which  has  a  tendency  to  alarm  them,  and  particularly  from 
fortifying  the  entrance  into  the  town  of  Boston. 

We  rely  on  your  Excellency's  wisdom  and  candour, 
that,  in  your  proposed  representation  to  our  common  Sov- 
ereign, you  will  endeavour  to  redeem  us  from  the  distresses 
which  we  apprehend  were  occasioned  by  the  grossest  mis- 
information ;  and  that  you  will  assure  his  Majesty  that  no 
wish  of  independency — no  adverse  sentiments  or  designs 
towards  his  Majesty  or  his  troops  now  here,  actuate  his 
good  subjects  in  this  Colony,  but  that  their  sole  intention 
is  to  preserve  pure  and  inviolate  those  rights  to  which,  as 
men  and  as  English  Americans,  they  are  justly  entitled, 
and  which  have  been  guarantied  to  them  by  his  Majesty's 
royal  predecessors. 

A  copy  of  the  aforegoing  was  delivered  to  Mr.  Secretary 
Fluckcr,  by  the  Chairman,  with  a  desire  that  he  would,  as 
soon  as  was  convenient,  present  it  to  the  Governour,  and 
request  his  Excellency  to  appoint  a  time  for  receiving  it  in 
form.  The  Secretary  informed  the  Chairman  the  ensuing 
day,  that  he  had  seen  the  Governour,  and  had  given  liim 
the  copy  of  the  Address,  but  that  he  declined  receiving  it 
in  form.  The  Chairman  mentioned  to  him  the  importance 
of  the  business,  declaring  his  belief  that  the  troops  were  not 
in  any  danger  ;  and  that  no  person  has,  so  far  as  he  had 
been  informed,  taken  any  steps  which  indicated  any  hostile 
intention,  until  the  seizing  and  carrying  off  the  powder 
from  the  Magazine  in  the  County  of  Middlesex ;  and  that 
if  any  ill  consequences  should  arise,  that  should  affect  the 
interest  of  Great  Britain,  the  most  candid  and  judicious, 


both  in  Europe  and  America,  would  consider  tlie  author  of 
the  ferment  now  raised  in  the  minds  of  the  people  as  ac- 
countable for  whatever  consequences  might  follow  from  it. 
He  therefore  desired  the  Secretary  once  more  to  make  ap- 
plication to  his  Excellency,  and  to  state  the  affair  to  him 
in  that  serious  manner  which  the  case  seemed  to  require. 
The  Secretary  accordingly  made  a  second  application  to 
die  Governour  ;  but  received  for  answer,  that  he  had  given 
all  the  satisfaction  in  his  power,  and  he  could  not  see  that 
any  further  argumentation  upon  the  subject  would  be  to 
any  purpose. 

Upon  this  the  Committee  were  again  convened,  and  it 
was  unanimously  resolved,  that  they  had  executed  the 
commission  entrusted  to  them  by  the  county,  to  the  utmost 
of  their  ability.  And  after  voting  the  Reply  to  his  Excel- 
lency's Answer,  should  be  inserted  in  the  publick  papers 
as  soon  as  possible,  they  adjourned  without  day. 

It  is  observable,  that  every  vote  passed  by  the  Delegates 
of  the  county,  and  by  the  Committee  appointed  to  wait  on 
the  Governour,  was  unanimous.  ^ 


New.York,  September  15,  1774. 

On  Friday  last  numbers  of  the  following  Card  were  dis- 
tributed about  this  city : 

New.York,  September  9,  1774. 

A  Card. — The  thanks  of  the  publick  are  presented  to 
those  worthy  citizens,  who  have,  to  their  immortal  honour, 
nobly  refused  to  let  their  Vessels  for  the  base  purpose  of 
transporting  troops,  ammunition,  he,  to  oppress  the  brave 
defenders  oi  American  liberty,  who  are  already  suffering  in 
the  common  cause.  Such  patriotick  conduct  merits  ap- 
plause, as  much  as  a  contrary  one  would  the  contempt  and 
indignation  of  every  generous  mind. 

Yesterday  evening  numbers  of  the  following  Handbill 
were  distributed  about  this  city  :  ' 

To  the  Publick. — As  the  Merchants  of  this  city  have 
nobly  refused  letting  their  vessels  to  the  tools  of  Govern- 
ment for  the  base  purpose  of  transporting  troops  and  mili- 
tary stores  to  Boston,  for  enforcing  the  cruel  and  arbitrary 
edicts  of  a  corrupt  Ministry,  on  that  virtuous  people,  now 
suffering  in  the  glorious  cause  of  American  freedom,  it  is 
therefore  hoped  that  no  Pilot  will  be  found  so  lost  to  all 
sense  of  duty  to  his  country,  as  to  assist  in  that  detestable 
work.  Mr.  Francis  Post  inadvertently  engaged  to  make 
some  chests  for  the  transportation  of  arms  ;  and  Mr.  Jona- 
than Hampton,  in  like  manner,  undertook  to  contract  with 
house  carpenters,  for  the  purpose  (as  is  supposed)  of  build- 
ing barracks  at  Boston;  but  when  their  fellow-citizens 
represented  to  them  the  tendency  of  their  conduct,  they 
immediately  declined  the  abominable  service.  After  these 
laudable  examples  of  the  merchants  and  tradesmen  of  this 
city,  there  is  no  doubt  but  their  patriotick  conduct  will  be 
followed  by  all  their  fellow-citizens.  But  notwithstanding, 
should  any  sordid  miscreant  be  found  amongst  us,  who  will 
aid  the  enemies  of  this  country  to  subvert  her  liberties,  he 
must  not  be  surprised  if  that  vengeance  overtakes  h'lm, 
which  is  the  reward  justly  due  to  parricides. 

The  Fkee  Citizens. 

New.York,  September  14,  1774. 


EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH  TO  LIEUT.  GOVERNOUR  COLDEN. 

Whitehall,  September  10,  1774.    ' 

Sir  :  I  have  received  your  letters  of  the  6th  July, 
and  2d  August,  Nos.  3  and  4,  and  have  laid  them  before 
the  King. 

You  certainly  are  right  in  thinking  that  it  is  your  duty 
to  transmit  a  particular  account  of  all  publick  occurrences 
in  the  Province  under  your  Government  and  will  not  fail  to 
embrace  every  opportunity  that  offers  of  writing  to  me. 

The  King  has  seen  with  concern  that  his  subjects  in  the 
different  Colonies  in  A'oriA  America,  have  been  induced 
upon  the  grounds  stated  in  their  different  Resolutions,  to 
nominate  Deputies  to  meet  in  general  Congress  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

If  the  object  of  this  Congress  be  humbly  to  represent  to 
the  King  any  grievances  they  may  have  to  complain  of,  or 
any  propositions  they  may  have  to  make  on  the  present 
state  of  America,  such  representations  would  certainly  have 


789 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


784 


come  from  each  Colony  with  greater  weight,  in  its  separate 
capacity,  than  in  a  cliannel  of  the  propriety  and  legality  of 
which  there  may  be  much  doubt. 

I  fear,  however,  the  measure  has  gone  too  far  to  encour- 
age any  hope  lliat  it  has  been  retracted  :  and  I  can  only 
express  my  wish  tliat  the  result  of  their  proceedings  may 
be  such  as  may  not  cut  ofi'all  hope  of  that  union  with  the 
mother  country  which  is  so  essential  to  the  happiness  of 
both. 

Among  tiie  many  objects  that  will  deserve  your  atten- 
tion in  the  present  state  of  Amcricn,  the  contraband  trade 
carried  on  between  Nerv-York  and  Holland  is  not  the 
least  important.  Tiie  number  of  vessels  that  continually 
load  in  Holland  for  that  Province  is  a  melancholy  evidence 
of  the  extent  of  that  illicit  commerce  ;  and  it  is  more  par- 
ticularly alarming  now,  from  the  intelligence  received  of 
very  large  quantities  of  gunpowder  shipped  there  for  iVew- 
Torfc. 

My  information  says  that  the  Polhj,  Captain  Benjamin 
Broadhelp,  bound  fiom  Amsterdam  to  Nantucket  has, 
among  other  articles,  received  on  board  no  less  a  quantity 
than  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  weight  of  gunpowder ; 
and  I  have  great  reason  to  believe  that  considerable  quan- 
tities of  that  commodity,  as  well  as  other  military  stores, 
are  introduced  into  the  Colonies  from  Holland,  through  the 
channel  of  St.  Eustatia. 

You  will  therefore,  sir,  with  as  much  secrecy  and  pni- 
dence  as  possible,  endeavour  to  inform  yourself  of  the 
nature  and  extent  of  this  contraband  trade  in  general ; 
and  to  attend  particularly  to  the  intelligence  I  now  send 
you  with  respect  to  the  ship  Polly,  Captain  Benjamin 
Broadhelp. 

'  It  is  most  probable,  that  the  object  of  her  voyage  will  be 
completed  before  this  reaches  you ;  but  if  any  measures 
can  be  fallen  upon  that  may  lead  to  a  discovery  of  the 
circumstances  above  stated,  it  will  be  of  great  use,  and  may 
possibly  suggest  a  means  of  putting  a  stop  to  so  dangerous 
a  correspondence.  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  Dartmouth. 

Lieutenant  Governour  Colden. 


ISRAEL    PUTNAM    TO    CAPTAIN    TRUMBULL. 

Pomfret,  September  11,  1774. 

Dear  Sir  :  As  you  were  chosen  by  the  Congress  at 
Norwich  to  attend  the  Congress  at  Hartford,  I  thought  it 
my  indispensable  duty  to  send  you  the  copy  of  a  letter  I 
received  from  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  at  Boston. 
And  also  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Dr.  Young  to  me, 
which  is  as  follows : 

"  Tuesday,  arrived  at  Salem,  Captain  Fea,  in  seven  weeks 
from  London;  brought  thirty-three  chests  of  tea  with  her, 
consigned  to  Smith  and  Atkinson.  They  both  waited  on 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  and  assured  them  that 
they  would  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  return  it,  or 
dispose  of  it  in  any  manner  that  would  be  agreeable  to  the 
people.  Smith  went  early  this  morning  to  Salem  to  see 
about  it,  and  this  evening  I  am  informed  there  are  one  hun- 
dred soldiers  put  on  board  the  ship  that  brought  the  tea. 
Another  great  cargo  is  coming  for  Portsmouth,  so  that  you 
see  we  are  to  be  plagued  with  that  detested  weed.  And 
nothing  but  a  non-consumption  agreement  can  save  Ame- 
rica." 

The  above  extract,  and  the  letter  enclosed,   may  be 
very  proper  to  be  laid  before  the  Congress  at  Hartford. 
1  am,  &IC.,  Israel  Putnam. 


WILLIAM    COOPER   TO    ISRAEL    PUTNAM. 

Boston,  September  7,  1774. 
Gentlemen  :  Your  kind  letters  of  the  4th  current, 
came  yesterday  to  hand  by  your  envoys.  We  immedi- 
ately transmitted  them  to  a  Congress  of  our  county,  then 
to  sit,  where  they  had  their  effect.  Nothing  can  alleviate 
the  distresses  of  our  brethren  in  this  State  prison,  more 
than  the  countenance  and  assislence  which  on  all  occasions 
we  receive  from  our  generous  fellow-countrymen.  How 
soon  we  may  need  their  most  effectual  support,  we  cannot 
determine  ;  but  agreeable  to  your  wise  proposal,  shall  give 
you  authentick  intelligence  by  express  on  such  emer- 
gency. 


Our  military  enemies  in  this  place,  by  the  request  of  the 
civil  destroyers  of  our  Constitution,  are  now  with  all  dili- 
gence erecting  a  fortification  at  the  south  entrance  of  the 
town,  whicii  is  the  only  avenue  to  it  by  land.  Application 
has  been  made  to  the  General  to  know  his  design,  and  to 
urge  him  to  desist ;  informing  him  the  people  were  greatly 
alarmed  at  being  made  prisoners  within  the  walls  of  the 
town,  and  the  comnumication  of  the  country  cut  off"  by 
means  of  this  fortress  ;  he  replied,  that  his  design  was  for 
the  protection  of  his  Majesty's  troops,  and  his  good  sub- 
jects, from  the  peojile  who  were  rising  in  the  county  ;  and 
as  he  thought  such  defence  necessary,  he  should  not  desist 
upon  their  application,  but  was  determined  to  prosecute  his 
intention.  Tiiis,  as  it  reasonably  may,  has  produced  a 
great  ferment  and  uneasiness  here ;  insomuch  that  a  num- 
ber of  the  most  timorous  seemed  inclined  to  desert  the 
town,  while  the  unconstitutional  Counsellors,  Officers  of 
the  Customs,  addressers,  sycophants,  and  betrayers  of  all 
denominations,  are  flocking  in. 

We  wait  with  impatience  for  the  decision  of  the  Con- 
gress. Another  application  will  speedily  be  made  to  his 
Excellency  concerning  this  formidable  preparation,  the 
result  of  which  you  will  speedily  be  advised.  We  learn 
by  private  letters  from  England,  that  prodigious  quantities 
of  goods  are  now  shipping  for  the  Colony  of  Rhode  Island, 
New-York,  and  Philadelphia.  Can  there  be  such  base 
deserters  of  their  country  in  America  1  Your  non-con- 
sumption agreement  must  be  diligently  prosecuted  and 
rigidly  adhered  to.  Thus  shall  we  defeat  the  selfish  and 
ruinous  designs  of  a  detested  cabal  of  traitors. 

Thirteen  transports  set  sail  this  morning  for  Qtiebec,  to 
bring  the  troops  from  thence  to  Boston,  and  others  are 
said  to  be  gone  to  New-York  to  bring  two  regiments 
more  fi'om  thence,  and  the  Jerseys.  Still  more  and  more 
menace. 

We  are  last  evening  informed  that  Governour  Gage  told 
a  person  embarking  for  England  that  he  seized  the  powder 
in  Charlestown  Magazine  on  purpose  to  bring  the  people 
to  an  insurrection.  It  is  more  tlian  probable  he  may  repent 
the  hasty  experiment,  as  the  late  insurrection  may  eventu- 
ally produce  a  glorious  revolution. 

We  cannot  but  admire  at  the  generous,  brave,  and  patri- 
otick  spirit  which  actuated  our  noble  friends  in  Connecticut 
on  this  occasion.  The  hour  of  vengeance  comes  lovverinii 
on ;  repress  your  ardour,  but  let  us  adjure  you  do  not 
smother  it.  We  wait  with  equal  impatience  to  make  a 
serious  demand  of  right  and  justice,  which  if  obtained  in 
no  other  way  must  be  thundered  from  the  tongue  of  Mars, 
which  shall  penetrate  the  ears  of  Monarchs. 

We  are  with  due  affection  and  esteem,  your  friends,  &ic. 

Signed  by  order,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  for  Boston, 

William  Cooper,   Clerk. 

To  Colonel  Israel  Putnam,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of 
Correspondence  for  Brooklyn,  in  the  town  of  Pomfret. 


A    letter    from   WILLIAM    COOPER  TO    A    GENTLEMAN   IN 
NEW-YORK. 

Boston,  September  12,  1774. 

Sir:  Last  week  I  received  your  favour  of  the  26th 
ultimo,  and  showed  your  letter  to  some  of  the  Committee 
appointed  to  receive  donations  and  employ  the  poor. 

I  have  to  observe  that  our  streets  are  supported  by  a 
common  tax,  and  that  the  town  did  not  pass  any  vote  di- 
recting the  Committee  to  lay  out  their  money  upon  the 
streets,  but  left  it  entirely  to  their  best  judgment. 

Enclosed  you  have  a  list  of  the  names  of  the  gentlemen 
appointed  by  the  town  for  this  important  trust,  who  meet 
every  day,  Saturday  and  Sunday  excepted. 

I  am  directed  by  them  to  give  you  the  following  account 
of  their  proceedings.  The  Conunittee,  after  several  con- 
.sultations,  notified  the  inhabitants  that  they  should  attend 
at  Fancuil  Hall,  every  afternoon  for  ten  days,  (Lord's  day 
excepted)  for  all  classes  of  people,  suffisring  by  the  Port 
Bill,  to  lay  their  circumstances  before  them,  that  they  might 
be  employed,  if  possible,  in  their  several  departments ; 
accordingly  a  great  number  appeared,  of  all  classes  of  me- 
chanicks  and  labourers,  but  of  the  latter  a  much  greater 
number,  whose  circumstances  called  for  immediate  relief. 


785 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


7e6 


Several  plans  were  proposed,  but  none  that  could  be  put 
into  immediate  execution  and  employ  the  mere  labourer  so 
effectually,  as  mending  the  pavements,  upon  which  it  was 
proposed  to  the  Selectmen,  wlio  are  overseers  of  the  streets, 
that  if  they  would  undertake  to  mend  the  streets,  the  Com- 
mittee would  assist  them  in  paying  part  of  the  labour,  out 
of  the  donations  collected  .for  the  employment  of  the  poor; 
which  was  agreed  to,  and  a  great  number  of  our  most  indi- 
gent inhabitants  enabled  to  cam  their  bread  ;  but  being  sen- 
sible that  the  money  thus  laid  out  could  not  make  any 
returns  for  future  use,  they  have  for  some  time  desisted. 
The  Committee  procured  leave  from  the  town  to  lay  out 
a  brick-yard  upon  the  Neck,  in  which  they  employ  up- 
wards of  eighty  men  a  day  in  making  bricks,  which  they  are 
in  hopes  to  sell  for  their  cost.  The  Committee  have  agreed 
to  build  a  house  for  sale,  as  soon  as  materials  can  be  col- 
lected, and  several  vessels  will  be  set  up  as  soon  as  the 
ship-builders  are  out  of  some  present  employ,  given  them 
by  private  gentlemen,  and  the  stocks  shall  be  sufRcieiU 
to  undertake  them;  but,  that  the  employment  may  be 
as  universal  as  possible,  the  Committee  have  purchased  a 
stock  of  wool,  flax,  and  cotton,  to  be  distributed  to  all  the 
spinners,  and  are  erecting  looms  for  weaving  them  into 
baizes  and  shirt-cloth ;  they  also  distribute  leather  to  the 
shoemakers  and  take  their  manufacture  in  pay,  and  with 
them,  in  part,  pay  labourers.  The  Committee  are  in  daily 
expectation  of  a  quantity  of  nail-rods,  with  which  they  hope 
to  employ  most  of  the  blacksmiths  through  the  winter ;  and 
they  have  reason  to  expect  a  quantity  of  hemp,  which 
will  enable  the  ropemakers  to  recall  their  journeymen. 

It  is  hoped  this  short  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Committee  of  Donations  will  meet  with  the  approbation  of 
the  donors. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  the  Committee  are  charged 
with  an  important  and  laborious  trust,  it  is,  therefore 
requested  that  the  most  charitable  construction  may  be 
put  upon  their  conduct  by  those  abroad,  as  it  is  impossible 
that  any  stranger  can  be  acquainted  with  the  various  diffi- 
culties that  attend  this  business.  As  the  Committee  have 
no  interest  but  that  of  the  publick  to  serve,  they  earnestly 
request  the  advice  of  all  friends  respecting  the  discharge  of 
their  commission,  and  engage  that  every  plan  proposed  shall 
have  a  serious  attention.  It  may  not  be  improper  to  ob- 
serve that  the  Committee  have  opened  a  regular  set  of 
books,  in  which  they  record  all  their  proceedings,  and  give 
credit  to  the  several  Provinces,  towns,  and  particular  per- 
sons from  whom  they  receive  any  donations. 

The  town  of  Charhstoicnhemg  in  the  same  predicament 
with  this  town,  it  has  been  mutually  agreed,  that  seven 
per  cent,  of  all  the  donations  should  be  delivered  to  the 
town  of  Charlestown. 

The  number  of  persons,  of  all  ranks,  thrown  out  of  em- 
ployment, by  the  sudden  and  universal  stagnation  of  busi- 
ness is  very  great.  The  Committee  confine  their  employ 
to  such  as  are  immediately  affected  by  the  Port  Bill,  while 
the  regular  overseers  take  the  usual  care  of  the  town's 
poor.  1  am,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  William  Coopek. 

P.  S.  The  Committee  are  about  publishing  to  the 
world  an  account  of  their  proceedings  thus  far.  If  some 
part  of  your  collections  should  be  invested  in  iron-rods  for 
nails,  it  would  be  agreeable  to  the  Committee.  Your  care 
in  collecting  subscriptions  for  this  distressed  town  will  be 
gratefully  noticed  and  acknowledged. 

A  list  of  the  names  of  the  gentlemen  appointed  by  the 
town  of  Boston  to  receive  the  donations,  and  for  employ- 
ing^ the  poor  sufierers  by  the  Port  Bill:  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams,  John  Roive,  Esquire,  Thomas  Boylston,  Esquire, 
William  Phillips,  Esquire,  Doctor  Joseph  Warren,  Hon- 
ourable John  Adams,  Esquire,  Josiah  (^uincij.  Esquire, 
Honourable  Thomas  Cashing,  Esquire,  Mr.  Thomas 
Inches,  Mr.  William  Mollineaux,  Mr.  Natha7nel  Apple- 
ton,  Captain  Fortesquc  Vernon,  Captain  Edward  Proctor, 
Mr.  John  IVhitc,  Captain  Gibbons  Sharp,  Captain  Wil- 
liam Mackey,  Mr.  Thomas  Greenovgh,  Captain  Samuel 
Partridge,  Honourable  Benjamin  Austin,  Esquire,  Mr. 
Jonathan  Mason,  Mr.  John  Brown,  Mr.  James  Richard- 
son, Mr.  Thomas  Crnffts,  Junior,  Mr.  Henri/  Hill,  Mr. 
Joshua  Henshaw,  David  Jeffries,  Esquire,  Treasurer  of 
the  town  of  Boston  and  of  this  Committee. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  GOVERNOUR  WENTWORTH  TO 
THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 
SEPTEMBER  13,   1774. 

On  the  8th  instant,  about  sunset,  arrived  in  the  port  of 
Piscataqua,  the  Fox,  mast-ship,  having  on  board  thirty 
chests  of  Bohea  tea,  consigned  to  Mr.  Edivard  Parry,  of 
this  town.  Previous  to  this  arrival  it  had  been  reported 
that  such  an  event  was  exjiected.  1  therefore  early  in- 
structed Captain  Cochran,  of  his  Majesty's  Castle  William 
and  Mary,  in  this  Province,  to  render  all  the  aid  and  assist- 
ance in  his  power,  upon  the  first  application,  as  by  the 
copy.  No.  1,  which  I  beg  leave  to  enclose  to  your  Lordshi[) 
herewith.  Accordingly  Captain  Cochran,  always  indefati- 
gable in  his  duty,  went  off  to  the  ship  while  at  sea  and 
proffered  his  service.  Some  few  days  before  this  arrival 
letters  were  received  from  London,  mentioning  the  ship- 
ping of  the  tea  to  sundry  persons,  whence  it  became  very 
publick. 

A  ship  last  week  arrived  at  Salem  with  a  quantity  of 
tea  on  board,  also  confirmed  the  expectation  of  the  like 
here.  These  things,  added  to  a  report  from  Salem,  that 
the  people  would  not  admit  the  tea  to  be  landed,  entered, 
or  pay  the  duty  there,  and  the  enthusiastick  spirit  of  that 
Province  daily  gaining  ground  both  there  and  here,  not- 
withstanding my  utmost  efforts  and  vigilance,  rendered  the 
event  of  this  importation  more  precarious  than  the  former, 
and  raised  almost  insurmountable  obstacles  against  its  pre- 
servation. 

As  soon  as  it  was  generally  known  that  the  tea  was  ar- 
rived here,  the  disquiet  broke  forth  among  the  populace,  and 
at  a  quarter  past  ten  at  night  I  received  a  letter.  No.  2, 
from  Mr.  Parry,  infonning  me  of  his  windows  being 
broken  by  a  mob,  and  desiring  protection.  At  half  past 
ten  I  sent  Mr.  McDonah,  my  Private  Secretary,  and  my 
brother,  who  happened  to  be  at  my  house,  to  inquire  of 
Mr.  Parry  what  was  necessary,  and,  if  any  danger,  to  offer 
him  the  protection  of  my  house,  which  they  did ;  but  the 
attempted  mob  having  subsided,  he  saw  there  was  no  dan- 
ger, and  remained  quietly  and  safely  in  his  own  lodgings. 
At  three-quarters  past  nine,  A.  M.,  of  the  ninth  instant, 
Mr.  Parry  brought  me  a  petition  to  the  Governour  and 
Council,  praying  the  protection  of  the  Government,  as  in 
the  enclosed  copy.  No.  3,  w^iereupon  I  convened  the 
Council  within  an  hour,  and  received  advice  from  them  to 
call  in  the  Justitfes  that  were  in  town,  and  require  their  ex- 
ecution of  their  duty,  which  they  with  laudable  prudence 
and  firmness  immediately  proceeded  upon,  and  with  desir- 
able success. 

Mr.  Parry  and  Captain  Norman  were  informed  of  these 
proceedings,  and  by  me  told  at  the  Council  Board,  that  the 
Governour,  Council,  and  Magistrates,  would,  upon  the  least 
notice,  support  and  protect  them  and  their  property,  and 
that  we  should  all  be  in  readiness.  At  six  P.  M.,  I  ad- 
journed till  nine  o'clock  next  morning,  and  sent  for  the 
Chief  Justice,  Sheriff,  and  Attorney  General,  from  Exeter, 
where  the  Superiour  Court  was  and  is  yet  sitting ;  also 
Mr.  Gildman  and  Waldron,  from  Exeter  and  Hover,  to 
make  a  full  Council.  That  nothing  might  be  wanting  to 
execute  the  law  and  preserve  the  publick  peace,  the  Coun- 
cil sat  till  two  o'clock;  and  no  further  application  made, 
nor  any  appearance  of  riot  or  violence  whatever,  I  pro- 
posed to  the  Council  to  consider  and  advise  me  what 
further  was  needful  to  be  done  upon  the  petition ;  this  was 
referred  to  a  Committee  to  report  upon,  and  I  adjourned 
them  till  Monday,  the  twelfth  instant,  at  ten  o'clock, 
A.  M. 

During  this  period,  viz :  the  ninth  and  tenth  instant,  the 
town  meetings  were  agitated.  At  length  a  Committee 
were  chosen  to  consult  with  Mr.  Parry  and  the  Captain, 
who  agreed  to  export  the  tea  to  Halifax,  after  being  duly 
entered,  and  paying  the  duty.  About  five  o'clock,  P.  M., 
of  tenth,  Mr.  Parry  and  Captain  Norman  came  to  me  and 
informed  me  of  this  agreement,  and  that  they  were  obliged 
to  the  Government  for  their  protection,  which  they  imagined 
was  no  longer  necessary  on  this  occasion.  However,  I 
judged  it  prudent  to  meet  the  Council  on  the  adjournment, 
and  to  have  the  Council  convened  in  the  afternoon,  as  there 
was  a  town  meeting  sitting,  and  1  could  not  be  certain  of 
established  quiet  till  that  was  over.  The  vessel  with  the 
tea  sailed  on  the  eleventh  instant,  with  a  fair  wind,  for 
Halifax,  and  the  town  is  in  peace.     The  whole  proceed-; 


Fourth  Series. 


50 


787 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


788 


ings  in  Council,  on  tliis  affair,  I  beg  leave   herewith  to 
transmit  to  your  Lordship  in  the  papers,  No.  4. 

Notwitlistandinif,  1  can  still  have  the  pleasure  to  repre- 
sent to  your  Lordship  that  this  Province  continues  more 
moderate  than  any  to  the  Southward  ;  yet,  at  the  same 
time,  truth  requires  me  to  suggest,  that  the  union  of  the 
Colonies  in  sentiment  is  not  divided  or  lost  in  Ncw-Hump- 
shire,  although  they  have  hitiierto  heen  prevailed  upon  to 
abstain  from  acts  of  general  violence  and  outrage,  and  the 
laws  have  their  course.  How  long  it  will  remain  so  is  im- 
possible to  foresee.  1  confess  much  good  may  not  reason- 
ably be  counted  upon,  while  the  unhappy  distractions  in 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  gain  ground,  and  spread  with  such 
violence  as  cannot  but  be  extremely  deplored  by  every 
considerate  man. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  FREDERICKSBURG,  VIRGINIA, 
SEPTEMBER    14,    1774. 

Since  Colonel  Preston's  letter  to  you,  we  have  advice, 
by  one  Bell,  who  is  just  arrived  in  this  town  from  Ken- 
iucky,  that  Hancock  Taylor  and  James  Strother  were  botii 
killed  as  they  were  returning  from  the  mouth  of  that  river, 
where  they  had  been  to  survey  some  lands.  Hcmpenstall, 
who  was  missing  when  Colonel  Preston  wrote  to  you,  is 
since  come  in  ;  he  was  with  l^aylor  and  Strother  when  they 
were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians.  Taylor  lived  several 
days  after  he  received  his  wounds,  and  came  with  Memp- 
enstall  and  Bell  at  least  a  hundred  miles  towards  the  set- 
tlements. John  Willis,  John  Ashby,  and  several  others, 
are  still  missing,  but  they  are  gone  down  the  river  it  is 
believed. 

Very  liberal  contributions  have  been  made,  in  this 
place,  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  in  Boston.  Mr.  Mann 
Page,  Junior,  one  of  our  Representatives,  has  taken  un- 
common pains  to  promote  the  subscri))tions,  and  I  dare  say 
his  most  sanguine  expectations  are  fully  answered. 


JOSEPH  SPENCEB  TO  GOVERNOUR  TRUMBULL. 

East  tiaddam,  September  14,  1774. 

Honoured  Sir;  Doctor  Beebe,  who  will  deliver  tliis, 
will  wait  on  your  Honour  in  hopes  of  the  favour  of  your 
Honour's  advice  with  respect  to  an  unhappy  affair  that 
concerns  himself.  The  zeal  of  people  here,  in  genera), 
runs  very  high  for  what  is  called  Liberty ;  and  tliere  being 
a  few  amongst  us  that  don't  agree  with  the  rest,  who  are 
are  called  Tories,  many  people  here  have  thought  proper  to 
visit  tlie  Tories  and  demand  some  satisfaction  with  relation 
to  their  principles  and  practices ;  and  they  have  accordingly 
visited  several  in  this  society,  and  I  think  they  have,  ex- 
cept Doctor  Beebe,  given  them  satisfaction.  They  have, 
a  large  number  of  them,  visited  the  Doctor  this  week,  and 
he  refused  to  say  any  thing  that  gave  satisfaction,  and  the 
people  have  been  so  rough  with  him  as  to  give  him  the 
new  fashion  drees  of  tar  and  feathers ;  and  he  thinks  hin>- 
eelf  extremely  abused,  and  has  been  desirous  that  I  would 
grant  surety  of  the  peace  against  a  few  of  them,  but  I  de- 
clined ;  he  seems  to  think  he  is  obliged,  in  duty,  to  prose- 
cute some  of  them ;  but,  however,  has  finally  applied  to 
your  Honour  for  advice  as  to  the  necessity  or  expediency 
of  his  prosecuting  in  this  case.  1  hope,  also  myself,  to 
liave  your  Honour's  advice  as  to  my  duty  with  respect  to 
signing  a  precept  for  the  Doctor  in  this  case.  I  believe 
if  one  should  be  granted,  it  will  not  be  executed  to  any 
advantage,  without  force  from  abroad  to  govern  our  people ; 
for  although  these  rough  measures,  lately  taken  place  with 
us,  are  contrary  to  my  mind,  yet  1  am  not  able  to  prevent 
it  at  present. 

1  am,  honoured  sir,  your  Honour's  most  obedient  and 
humble  servant,  Joseph  Spencer. 

To  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Governour. 


Norwich,  Connecticut,  September  15,  1774. 

A  correspondent  of  the  Packet  begs  leave  to  propose  to 
the  consideration  of  the  publick,  since  the  grand  American 
controvery  grows,  and  daily  appears  more  serious,  whether 
it  is  not  expedient,  very  important  and  necessary,  for  the 
Colonies,  forthwith,  to  raise  an  Army  of  Observation, 
and  send  it  near  the  expected  scene  of  action ;  and  let 


them  be  increased,  from  time  to  time,  as  our  enemies  in- 
crease, and  kept  in  constant  exercise  and  discipline.  A 
preparation  and  readiness  for  the  defensive  or  offensive 
operations  may,  and  often  has,  prevented  the  necessity  of 
execution ;  but,  if  necessity  does  take  place,  as  there  is  a 
great  probability  it  will,  should  we  not,  in  such  a  case,  be 
in  an  infinitely  better  situation  than  to  have  our  scattered 
forces,  though  almost  innumerable,  to  collect  from  all 
parts  of  the  Continent,  after  our  antagonists  are  well  forti- 
fied ;  their  numbers  full ;  and  have  struck  some  important 
and  fatal  blow. 


At  a  Meeting  of  Delegates,  from  the  Towns  in  the 
Counties  of  Hartford,  New-London,  and  IVindham,  and  a 
part  of  the  County  of  Litchfield,  held  at  Hartford,  in 
Connecticut,  on  the  15th  o{  September,  1774, 

William  Wolcott,  Esquire,  Chairman, 
Captain  Samuel  Wyllys,  Clerk. 

This  Meeting  taking  into  their  serious  consideration  the 
absolute  necessity  of  a  non-consun)ption  agreement,  as 
shall  be  recommended  by  the  geneial  Congress  of  Dele- 
gates from  all  the  free  British  Colonies  in  America,  now 
convened  at  Philadelphia,  and  also  that  their  opinion  and 
resolution  thereon  hath  not  been  yet  fully  made  known  to 
the  Delegates  from  this  Colony  in  said  Congress, 

Do  Declare  and  Resolve,  That,  in  case  the  said  gene- 
ral Congress  shall  recommend  a  non-importation  of  Bri- 
tish goods  only,  or  of  British  and  JVcst  India  goods,  we 
will  enter  into  a  solemn  contract  and  agreement  not  to 
purchase  or  consume  any  articles  that  shall  be  prohibited 
by  such  non-importation  agreement,  and  use  our  utmost 
endeavours  to  render  the  same  general  and  effectual ;  and 
we  do  hereby  make  known  that  we  have,  in  general,  been 
assured,  by  the  towns  we  represent,  that  they  will  readiiy 
accede  to,  adopt,  and  religiously  observe  such  non-con- 
sumption agreement,  as  aforesaid. 

And  whereas  this  meeting  is  informed  that  great  quanti- 
ties of  English  and  India  goods  are  ordered  by  sundry 
sordid  and  avaricious  men,  in  our  neighbouring  Colonies, 
to  be  purchased  in  England,  and  imjwrted  this  fall,  to 
give  them  an  unreasonable  advantage,  and  prevent  the 
salutary  effects  of  a  non-importation  agreement. 

Resolved,  That  such  mercenary  wretches,  whose  ava- 
rice can  seek  for  gratification  in  the  distress  and  ruin  of 
their  country,  are  wholly  unworthy  of  our  confidence, 
friendship,  or  support ;  and,  that  our  non-consumption 
agreement  may  be  useful  to  any  good  purpose,  we  will  not 
purchase  any  merchandise  of  them,  or  transact  any  bua- 
ness  for  them,  or  suffer  them  to  transact  any  for  us,  but 
will  wholly  withdraw  from  them,  and  leave  them  to  the 
consolation  of  possessing  and  contemplating  the  curious 
moments  of  British  industry  and  American  slavery, 
which  they  would  so  greedily  amass  to  themselves  for 
such  sordid  and  wicked  purposes  ;  and  shall  consider  in 
the  same  light,  and  treat  in  the  same  manner,  every  per- 
son that  shall  purchase  any  such  goods  of  them,  or  do 
business  for  them,  or  employ  them  in  their  business. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  for 
the  several  towns  we  represent  be  desired  to  make  diligent 
inquiry  after  the  persons  who  have  ordered  goods,  as  afore- 
said, and  inform  the  next  County  and  Colony  Meeting  of 
what  they  shall  discover,  that  their  names  may  be  publish- 
ed, their  conduct  exposed,  and  their  persons  avoided. 

Resolved,  That  if  any  merchant  or  trader  in  the  towns 
aforesaid,  shall  attempt  to  engross  any  great  or  unusual 
quantity  of  goods,  with  design  to  forestall  and  elude  a  non- 
importation agreement,  we  will  find  ways  and  means,  with- 
out violating  his  private  rights,  to  defeat  his  views,  and 
make  him  sensible  that  virtue  and  publick  spirit  will  be 
more  for  his  interest,  than  low  selfishness  and  avarice 
can  be. 

These  measures,  dictated  by  necessity,  we  enter  upon 
for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties,  which  we  have  receiv- 
ed from  our  Creator,  and  may  not  resign  or  suffer  to  be 
ravished  from  us  ;  at  the  same  time,  it  is  the  warmest  wish 
of  our  hearts,  that  the  wistlom  and  equity  of  the  British 
Pailiament  may  relieve  us  from  our  fears  and  danger,  and 
that  we  may  once  more,  and  forever,  look  up  to  our  parent 
country  with  confidence  and  pleasure  ;  and,  secure  of  our 
own  ri'dits,  contribute  all  in  our  power  to  promote  the 


789 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &tc.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


790 


honour,  interest,  and  happiness  of  our  elder  brethren  in 

Great  Britain;  and, 

Wliereas  we  cannot  yet  be  advised  what  measures  the 
general  Congress  will  recommend,  and  therefore  are  un- 
able at  present  to  adjust  the  particulars  of  a  non-consump- 
tion agreement,  we  think  it  may  be  of  use  to  the  mer- 
chants and  traders  in  the  aforesaid  towns,  to  be  made 
acquainted  with  our  resolutions  aforesaid,  and  that  we  de- 
termine in  proper  time  to  carry  them  into  execution. 

Resnlved,  That  die  thanks  of  this  meeting  be  given  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  town  of  Hartford, 
for  their  care  and  attention  to  the  interest  of  the  publick, 
in  callina;  this  meeting  ;  and  that  tliey  be  desired  to  call  a 
Colony  Meeting,  at  a  suitable  time  and  place,  to  finish  the 
business  now  begun  and  entered  upon,  taking  the  advice 
of  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  for  the  towns  of 
Windsor,  Wethersjicld,  and  Middletown  therein. 

The  foregoing  resolutions  and  resolves,  voted  and  passed 
nemine  conlradicente. 

Samuel  Wyllys,  Clerli  of  the  Meeting. 


PENNSYLVANIA  COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Tliursday,  15th 
September,  1774, 

Present :  The  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Gov- 
crnour,  William  Logan,  Richard  Peters,  James  Tilgh- 
man,  Edward  Shippcn,  Junior,  and  Benjamin  Chew, 
Esquires. 

The  Council  having  some  time  since  represented  to  the 
Governour  the  absolute  necessity  of  establishing,  by  an 
ex-parte  Proclamation,  the  lines  of  jurisdiction  between  the 
Province  of  Maryland  and  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Counties  of  New- Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on  Dela- 
ware, according  to  the  lines  and  boundaries  agreed  upon, 
run  and  marked  by  the  Commissioners  appointed  for  that 
purpose  by  the  Proprietaries  of  the  said  respective  Prov- 
inces, and  the  Governour  having,  with  the  consent  and 
concurrence  of  the  Honourable  Thomas  Penn,  Esquire,  in 
England,  approved  of  the  said  measure,  a  draught  of  a 
Proclamation  had  been  accordingly  prepared,  and  is  now 
laid  before  the  Board,  which,  being  read  and  duly  con- 
sidered, was  agreed  to  be  issued,  and  ordered  to  be  pub- 
lished in  the  several  newspapers  of  this  Province,  and  a 
number  of  printed  copies  thereof  made  and  dispersed 
through  the  Province  and  the  lower  counties  on  Delaware. 
The  Proclamation  follows  in  these  words,  viz : 

By  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  o/Pennsylvania, 
and  Counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex, 
on  Delaware  ; 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas,  in  pursuance  of  certain  Articles  of  Agreement 
made  the  tenth  day  of  May,  Anno  Domini  1732,  between 
Charles  Lord  Baltimore,  Proprietor  of  the  Province  of 
Maryland,  and  the  honourable  the  Proprietaries  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania  and  Counties  of  New-  Castle, 
Kent,  and  Siisser,  on  Delaware,  and  of  the  Decree  of  the 
Lord  High  Chancellor  of  England,  bearing  date  the  fif- 
teenth day  of  March,  Anno  Domini  1750,  for  the  specifick 
performance  and  execution  of  the  said  Articles ;  and  also 
in  pursuance  of  certain  other  Articles  of  Agreement  made 
the  fourth  day  of  July,  Anno  Domini  1760,  between  the 
Right  Honourable  Frederick  Lord  Baltimore,  son  and  heir 
of  the  said  Charles  I^rd  Baltimore,  and  the  honourable 
the  Proprietaries  of  the  said  Province  and  counties ;  and 
of  one  other  Decree  of  tiie  Lord  High  Chancellor  of  Eng- 
land, bearing  date  the  sixth  day  of  March,  1762,  for  the 
specifick  perlbrmance  of  the  said  last  mentioned  Articles ; 
the  several  lines  mentioned  and  described  in  the  said 
Articles,  and  thereby  finally  agreed  upon  and  settled  by 
the  said  parties  to  be  and  forever  remain  the  boundaries 
and  division  lines  between  the  said  Provinces  and  Coun- 
ties ;  have  been  run  by  Commissioners,  for  that  purpose 
appointed  and  authorized  by  the  said  respective  Proprie- 
tors, and  marked  out  in  exact  conformity  to  the  said 
Articles,  with  visible  stones,  pillars,  and  other  land  marks, 
as  by  the  said  Articles  and  Decrees,  and  the  return  of  the 
said  Commissioners,  under  their  hands  and  seals,  and  an 


exact  plan  or  map  of  the  lines,  so  as  aforesaid  by  them 
run  and  marked  may  at  large  appear.  And  whereas,  in 
the  year  1767,  a  joint  petition  was  referred  to  his  present 
most  gracious  Majesty  by  the  said  Frederick  Lord  Balti- 
more, and  the  Proprietaries  of  the  said  Province  and  Coun- 
ties, reciting  the  above  mentioned  Articles  and  Decrees, 
and  setting  forth  that  their  Commissioners  were  then  pro- 
ceeding in  the  work ;  that  they,  the  said  Proprietors,  were 
desirous,  as  much  as  in  them  lay,  to  quiet  the  minds  of  all 
his  Majesty's  subjects  inhabiting  in  the  lately  disputed 
parts  of  the  said  Provinces,  and  three  Lower  Counties,  and 
to  promote  the  peace  and  welfare  of  those  parts.  And  in 
order  to  give  a  further  testimony  of  their  firm  agreement, 
and  that  a  final  end  and  period  had  been  put  to  all  their 
contests  and  litigations  by  the  said  Agreement  of  1760, 
they,  by  their  said  petition,  most  humbly  prayed  his  Ma- 
jesty that  he  would  be  most  graciously  pleased  to  give  his 
royal  allowance,  ratification,  and  confirmation  of  the  several 
and  respective  Articles  of  Agreement  and  enrolled  Decrees 
above  mentioned,  and  every  article,  clause,  matter,  and 
thing  in  them,  and  each  of  them  contained,  and  that  the 
same  might  be  forever  established  between  them.  Where- 
upon his  Majesty,  by  his  Order  in  Council,  dated  the 
eleventh  day  of  January,  1769,  was  pleased  to  signify  his 
royal  approbation  of  the  said  agreements  and  proceedings 
mentioned  in  the  petition  of  the  said  Proprietaries.  Where- 
of as  well  the  Proprietaries  of  the  said  Provinces,  as  all 
others  whom  it  might  concern,  were  ordered  to  take  notice 
and  govern  themselves  accordingly,  as  by  the  said  petition 
and  royal  order  may  more  at  large  appear.  I  have,  there- 
fore thought  fit,  by  the  advice  of  the  Council,  to  issue  this 
my  Proclamation,  to  publish  and  make  known  all  and  singu- 
lar the  premises  to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  hereby  requir- 
ing all  persons  dwelling  and  residing  to  the  northward  and 
eastward  of  the  lines  and  boundaries  so  as  aforesaid  run 
and  marked  between  the  Provinces  of  Maryland  and 
Pennsylvania,  as  far  to  the  westward  as  the  Province  of 
Maryland  extends,  to  yield  obedience  to  the  laws  of  the 
said  Province  and  Counties,  and  govern  themselves  accord- 
ing thereto.  And  I  do  also  require  all  Magistrates,  Sheriffs, 
and  other  officers  of  justice  appointed,  or  to  be  appointed, 
in  the  said  Province  and  Counties,  to  put  in  execution 
the  respective  laws  thereof,  against  all  offenders  within 
the  hnes  and  limits  aforesaid,  as  they  will  answer  the 
contrary  at  their  peril. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  tlie  great  seal  of  the  said 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  at  Philadelphia,  the  fifteenth 
day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-four,  and  in  the  fourteenth 
year  of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  George  the  Third, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ire- 
land, King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  so  forth. 

John  Penn. 

By  his  Honour's  command, 

Joseph  Shippen,  Jan.,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 

N.  B.  The  Land  Office  is  not  yet  open  for  taking 
up  vacant  lands  in  the  Lower  Counties,  or  receiving  ap))li- 
cations  for  the  same.  Whenever  it  is  thought  proper  to 
open  the  office  for  that  purpose,  publick  notice  thereof  will 
be  given. 


By  his  Excellency  John,  Earl  of  Dunmoke,  Lieutenant 
and  Govcrnour-G eneral  in  and  over  his  Majesty's  Colo- 
ny and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  and  Vice  Admiral  of 
the  same  : 

A  Proclamation. 
Whereas,  the  rapid  settlement  made  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Alleghany  Mountains,  by  his  Majesty's  subjects,  within 
the  course  of  these  few  yeare,  has  become  an  object  of  real 
concern  to  his  Majesty's  interest  in  this  quarter.  And 
whereas,  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  have  unduly  laid 
claim  to  a  very  valuable  and  extensive  quantity  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's territory ;  and  the  Executive  part  of  that  Govern- 
ment, in  consequence  thereof,  has  most  arbitrarily  and  un- 
warrantably proceeded  to  abuse  the  laudable  advancements 
in  this  part  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions,  by  many  oppres- 
sive and  illegal  methods,  in  the  discharge  of  this  imaginary 
authority.     An^  whereas,  the  ancient  claim  laid  to  this 


791 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


792 


country  by  the  Colony  of  Virginia,  founded  in  reason 
upon  pre-occupancy,  and  the  general  acquiescence  of  all 
persons,  together  with  the  instmctions  1  have  lately  re- 
ceived from  iiis  Majesty's  servants,  ordering  nic  to  take  this 
country  under  my  administration  ;  and  as  the  evident  in- 
justice manifestly  oflcred  to  his  Majesty  by  the  immediate 
strides  taken  by  the  Proprietoi-s  of  I'cniisi/lvariia,  in  prose- 
cution of  their  wild  claim  to  this  country,  demand  an  im- 
mediate remedy,  I  do  hereby,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  re- 
Juire  and  command  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  west  of  the 
Murel  Hill,  to  pay  a  due  respect  to  this  my  Proclamation, 
strictly  prohibiting  the  execution  of  any  act  of  autiiority  on 
behalf  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  at  their  peril,  in 
this  country ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  a  due  regard  and 
entire  obedience  to  the  laws  of  his  Majesty's  Colony  of 
Virginia  under  my  administration,  be  observed,  to  the  end 
that  regularity  may  ensue,  and  a  just  regard  to  the  interest 
of  his  Majesty  in  this  quarter,  as  well  as  to  the  subjects  in 
general,  may  be  the  consequence. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  seal,  at  Fort  Dunmore,  Sep- 
tember 17th,  1774.  Dunmore. 
By  his  Excellency's  command. 

God  save  the  King, 


Quebec,  September  22,  1774. 

On  Sunday  afternoon,  September  17,  about  five  o'clock, 
arrived  in  the  basin  before  this  city,  the  ship  Canadian, 
Captain  William  Abbott,  in  sixty  days  from  Cowes,  having 
on  board  his  Excellency  Major  General  Carleton,  Captain- 
General,  Governour,  and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  (Quebec,  Lady  Maria  Carleton,  with  her  two  chil- 
dren, and  Lord  Viscount  Pitt,  son  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham. 
They  landed  on  the  beach  about  six,  under  a  discharge  of 
cannon,  where  they  were  received  by  the  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernour, the  citizens,  and  a  numerous  concourse  of  people, 
who  expressed  their  joy  on  the  occasion,  by  repeated  accla- 
mations of  long  live  the  King.  The  regiments  in  garrison 
under  arms,  lined  the  streets  on  both  sides,  from  the  land- 
ing place  to  the  Castle  of  St.  Louis,  the  several  officers 
paying  military  honours  to  the  General  as  he  passed  ;  and 
in  the  evening,  the  religious  houses  and  many  of  those  of 
the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  upper  town,  were  hand- 
somely illuminated. 

On  his  Excellency's  landing,  he  was  complimented  with 
the  following  Address,  by  the  Chevalier  De  Lanaudiere : 

"  Sir  :  The  arrival  of  your  Excellency  in  this  Province 
has  filled  the  minds  of  the  citizens  with  joy  and  gratitude, 
on  account  of  your  known  good  disposition  towards  them. 
May  Heaven  grant  a  long  and  happy  life  to  so  illustrious  a 
hero,  for  which  our  prayers  are  daily  offered,  and  for  the 
health  of  your  amiable  consort,  whom  we  shall  ever  hold 
in  the  most  respectful  remembrance." 


TRANSLATION    OF    THE    ADDRESS    OF    THE    CLERGY. 

To  his  Excellency  Gut  Carleton,  Esq.,  Major  General 
and  Commander-in-chief  over  the  Province  q/"  Quebec. 
Sir  :  Permit  us,  when  we  congratulate  your  Excellency 
on  your  happy  return,  likewise  to  felicitate  ourselves  and 
the  Province,  on  having  you  for  the  protector  of  our  laws 
and  religious  liberties.  History  will  rank  your  name  among 
the  bravest  of  warriors  and  the  wuest  of  politicians  ;  but  gra- 
titude is  already  imprinted  in  the  heart  of  every  Canadian. 
We  know  with  what  firmness  you  have  supported  our  in- 
terests, and  the  testimony  you  bore  of  our  fidelity  to  his 
most  gracious  Majesty  and  the  Parliament.  We  want 
words  to  express  our  sincere  gratitude ;  but  the  universal 
joy,  and  the  fervent  expressions  of  allegiance,  those  publick 
demonstrations  on  the  moment  of  your  Excellency's  arrival 
with  your  worthy  family,  are  proofs  too  convincing  to  need 
any  arguments  to  support  them. 

Your  name  will  be  ever  held  in  the  highest  esteem  in 
Canada,  and  you  will  always  find  the  Clergy  to  be  good 
and  faithful  subjects. 

John  Oliver,  Bishop  of  Quebec, 

H.  F.  Grave,  Superiour  of  the  Seminary. 

Louis  Aug.  De  Glafion,  Superiour  General 
of  the  Jesuits. 

Emanuel  Crespel,  Superiour  of  the  Recolleta. 


To  his  Excellency  Gur  Carleton,  Esq.,  Captain-General 
and  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Quebec, 
^c,  fyc. 

May  it  please  your  Excellency : 

Vfef  his  Majesty's  Canadian  subjects  in  the  city  of 
Quebec,  are  deeply  impressed  with  the  most  lively  grati- 
tude for  the  protection  your  Excellency  has  afforded  us; 
and  the  care  and  solicuude  you  have  taken  to  render  us 
happy  and  easy,  call  upon  us  to  congratulate  you  on  your 
happy  arrival  in  this  Metropolis. 

Suffer  us  to  express  the  satisfaction  we  feel  for  the  fa- 
vour which  his  most  excellent  Majesty  our  Sovereign  Lord 
has  conferred  on  us,  by  placing  you,  sir,  (who  are  very 
justly  styled  our  protector  and  father,)  at  our  head,  to  rule 
over  us;  to  guide  and  establish  the  Government  of  this 
Province  upon  a  haj)py,  firm,  and  lasting  foundation,  by 
putting  in  force  the  Act  which  his  most  gracious  Majesty 
and  his  Parliament  have  been  pleased  to  pass  for  this  Prov- 
ince. We  know  what  we  owe  to  your  Excellency  alone ; 
the  gracious  treatment  of  his  most  sacred  Majesty  and  the 
Parliament  are  obligations  we  never  shall  forget,  but  always 
acknowledge  with  the  most  respectful  gratitude. 

We  desire,  through  you,  to  offer  at  the  foot  of  the 
Throne  of  our  most  gracious  and  beloved  Sovereign,  our 
assurances  of  the  most  profound  respect,  our  attachment 
and  inviolable  fidelity,  (confirmed  by  an  oath.)  and  to  as- 
sure him  that  he  has  no  subjects  more  faithful  or  dutiful 
than  the  Canadians;  and  that  we  will  be,  at  all  times  and 
on  all  occasions,  ready  to  sacrifice  our  lives  and  fortunes  in 
the  defence  of  his  sacred  person,  his  Crown,  his  Parlia- 
ment, and  his  arms.  Knowing  your  prudence,  modera- 
tion, equity,  the  uprightness  and  goodness  of  your  heart, 
we  flatter  ourselves  your  administration  will  prove  propi- 
tious to  our  wishes;  and  that  your  Excellency  will  be 
pleased,  according  to  the  tenour  of  the  Act  you  have  ob- 
tained in  our  favour,  to  suffer  us  to  participate  in  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  English  citizens. 

We  shall  never  cease  to  offer  up  our  prayers  to  Heaven 
for  the  prosperity  and  preservation  of  your  Excellency,  her 
Ladyship,  your  illustrious  consort,  and  your  family,  who 
will  forever  be  held  dear  in  the  remembrance  of  the  Ca- 
nadians, 


CiESAR   RODNEY    TO    CAPTAIN    THOMAS    RODNEY. 

Philadelpliia,  Saturday,  September  17,  1774. 

Sir:  By  express  which  arrived  here  yesterday  from 
the  Committee  of  the  town  of  Boston  to  the  Continental 
Congress,  we  are  informed  the  County  of  Suffollc,  of 
which  the  town  of  Boston  is  the  capital,  had  entered  into 
certain  resolutions,  a  copy  of  which  was  enclosed  us,  gen- 
erally to  the  purport  of  not  suffering  the  Commander-in- 
chief  to  execute  the  Act  of  Parliament  changing  their  Gov- 
ernment,  by  persuading,  protecting,  and  compelling  officers 
under  the  new  regulation  to  resign,  and  by  a  refusal  in  ju- 
rymen to  serve,  &c.  That  they  have  ordered  all  those 
able  to  bear  arras,  to  keep  in  readiness  to  defend  their  in- 
herent rights,  even  with  loss  of  blood  and  treasure ;  that 
they  are  determined  not  to  injure  the  General,  or  any  of 
the  King's  troops,  unless  compelled  thereto  by  an  attack 
made  by  the  troops  on  them.  They  complain  of  the  Gen- 
eral seizing  of  the  powder  at  Cambridge,  which  they  say  was 
private  property ;  and  also,  that  he  is  now  fortifying  the 
only  pass  that  leads  from  the  town  of  Boston  into  the 
country,  from  whence  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  are  daily 
supplied.  This  pass  is  a  narrow  neck  of  land  about  one 
hundred  and  twenty  yards  wide,  at  which  he  has  placed  a 
number  of  troops  and  twenty-eight  cannon  ;  that  the  country 
people  passing  and  repassing  this  place,  are  suffered  to  be 
insulted  by  the  soldiery;  and  that  the  inhabitants  feared, 
(from  those  movements  of  the  General,)  he  had  designs  of 
appreliending  and  sending  to  England  those  persons  who 
have  stood  foremost  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty  ;  that,  in 
consequence  of  his  conduct,  and  those  their  suspicions,  the 
inhabitants  of  Suffolk  sent,  (by  a  Committee  appointed  for 
that  purpose,)  an  address  to  the  General,  inquiring  the 
cause  of  his  stopping  up  and  fortifying  the  pass,  seizing  and 
securing  the  magazines,  &.C.,  and  their  disapprobation  of 
his  conduct,  and  that  they  had  no  intention  to  assault  either 
him  or  his  soldiers ;  but  that,  if  he  continued  to  block  up 


793 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


794 


the  pass,  and  thereby  prevent  them  of  the  only  means  of 
supplying  the  town  with  necessaries,  they  should  look  upon 
it  as  a  commencement  of  hostilities.  Upon  the  whole, 
they  sent  an  express  to  the  general  Congress  here,  for  their 
instructions  as  to  their  future  conduct.  The  Congress  met 
on  that  business  this  day,  and  have  resolved  thereon,  which 
you  will  see  in  the  "  Packet"  of  Monday,  being  ordered 
immediately  to  be  printed,  as  well  that  the  General  as  the 
people  might  know  what  they  thought  of  the  matter. 

I  am  yours,  &ic.,  Cjesar  Rodney. 

Captain  Thomas  Rodney. 


SAMUEL  ADAMS  TO  DOCTOR  CHAUNCY. 

PliilaJelphia,  Septumber  19,  1774. 

Revrkend  Sir  :  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  a 
letter  from  you  since  my  arrival  in  this  city.  Our  friend, 
Mr.  (putney,  informed  me  before  I  left  Boston,  of  his  in- 
tention to  take  a  passage  for  England.  I  am  persuaded 
he  may  do  great  service  to  our  country  there.  Agreeably 
to  his  and  your  requests,  I  have  desired  gentlemen  here  to 
make  him  known  to  their  friends  and  correspondents. 

Last  Friday  Mr.  Revere  brought  us  the  spirited  and 
patriotick  Resolves  of  our  County  of  Suffolk.  We  laid 
them  before  the  Congress.  They  were  read  with  great  ap- 
plause, and  the  enclosed  Resolutions  were  unanimously 
passed,  which  give  you  a  feint  idea  of  the  spirit  of  the 
Congress.  I  think  I  may  assure  you  that  America  will 
make  a  point  of  supporting  Boston  to  the  utmost.  I  have 
not  time  to  enlarge,  and  must  therefore  conclude  with  as- 
jnsing  you  that  I  am,  with  great  regard,  your  affectionate 
and  humble  servant,  Samuel  Adams. 


CJESAR    RODNEY    TO    MR.    THOMAS    RODNEY. 

Philadelphia,  Monday,  September  19,  1774. 

Sir  :  Sometime  ago  I  do  not  doubt  but  you  were  all 
much  alarmed,  on  a  report  that  the  King's  ships  were  firing 
on  the  town  of  Boston.  When  that  news  came  to  this 
city  the  bells  were  muffled,  and  kept  ringing  all  that  day  ; 
however,  in  a  few  days  after,  that  news  was  contradicted 
liere,  and  hope  by  this  time  it  is  so  with  you.  By  some 
late  very  authentick  accounts  from  Boston  Government  to 
the  gendemen  of  that  place  now  at  the  Congress,  we  are 
informed  that  there  was  about  three  days  between  this  re- 
port's passing  through  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
Governments,  and  its  being  contradicted ;  that  when  the 
expresses  went  to  contradict  this  false  report,  they  found  in 
those  two  Governments,  in  different  parties,  upwards  of 
fifty  thousand  men,  well  armed,  actually  on  their  march  to 
Boston,  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  that  every 
farmer  who  had  a  cart  or  wagon,  (and  not  able  to  bear 
arms,)  was  with  them,  loaded  with  provisions,  ammunition, 
&c.,  all  headed  by  experienced  officers,  who  had  served  in 
the  late  American  war ;  and  that  vast  numbers  more  were 
preparing  to  march.  Upon  the  news  being  contradicted, 
they  returned  peaceably  to  their  several  places  of  abode  ; 
but  not  till  they  had  sent  some  of  their  officers,  from  the 
different  parties,  to  Boston  to  know  the  real  situation  of 
affairs  there,  and  to  direct  them  what  principal  officers  in 
the  different  parts  of  the  country  they  should  hereafter  send 
expresses  to,  in  case  they  should  stand  in  need  of  their  as- 
sistance. It  is  supposed  by  some  of  the  friends  of  liberty 
at  Boston,  that  the  alarm  was  set  on  foot  by  some  of  the 
friends  to  the  Ministerial  plan,  in  order  to  try  whether  there 
was  that  true  valour  in  the  people.  If  this  was  the  case, 
I  suppose  you  will  think  with  me,  that,  by  this  time,  they 
can  have  no  doubts  remaining.  Indeed,  I  think  it  is  proved 
by  the  General's  own  conduct ;  for,  ever  since  that,  he  has 
been  fortifying  himself,  which,  I  imagine,  is  more  for  his 
own  security  than  to  attack  the  inhabitants. 

I  am  yours,  Stc,  Cjesar  Rodney. 

Mr.  Thomas  Rodney,  Dover. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  CJESAR  RODNEY  TO  MR. 
THOMAS  RODNEY. 

Philadelphia,  September  24,  1774. 

Sir:  Mr.  R.  Penn  is  a  great  friend  of  liberty,  and  has 
treated  the  gentlemen  Delegates  with  the  greatest  respect. 
More  or  less  of  them  dine  v.ith  him  every  day ;  and  his 


brother  wishes  his  station  would  admit  of  his  acting  the 
same  part.  All  these  matters  are  for  your  own  private 
speculation,  and  not  for  publick  view.  By  this  you  may  see 
that  some  people  with  you  are  mistaken  in  their  politicks, 
and  you  may  also  take  for  granted  every  body  here  is  not 
well  pleased  with  the  coalition  of  the  two  brothers. 
I  am,  as  usual,  your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

Cjesar  Rodney. 
Mr.  Thomas  Rodney. 

PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

Monday,  September  19, 1774. — Mr.  Speaker,  with  nine- 
teen Members  met,  pursuant  to  adjournment ;  and  a  quorum 
not  appearing,  they  adjourned  to  four  o'clock  to-morrow 
afternoon. 

Tuesday,  September  20. —  Ordered,  That  Mr.  Miles 
and  Mr.  Humphreys  wait  on  the  Governour,  and  acquaint 
him,  that  the  House  having  met,  in  pursuance  of  their  ad- 
journment, they  are  ready  to  receive  any  business  he  may 
be  pleased  to  lay  before  them. 

Mr.  Rhoads  delivered  at  the  table  a  Letter  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence  from  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq., 
dated  London,  the  seventh  of  May  last,  acquainting  them 
with  the  result  of  the  Board  of  Trade  on  sundry  Acts  of 
the  General  Assembly  of  this  Province,  passed  February 
the  26th,  1773,  and  that  two  other  Acts  of  the  same  sit- 
ting will  probably  be  repealed,  for  certain  reasons  mentioned 
in  the  said  Letter. 

Wednesday,  September  21. — The  Members  appointed  to 
wait  on  the  Governour  with  the  Message  of  yesterday, 
reported  that  they  had  delivered  the  same  according  to 
order,  and  that  his  Honour  was  pleased  to  say,  he  had  no 
business  at  present  to  lay  before  the  House. 

September  26. — The  Governour,  by  Mr.  Secretary,  sent 
down  a  written  Message  to  the  House,  which  was  read,  by 
order,  and  follows  in  these  words,  viz : 

Gentlemen:  As  it  does  not  appear  to  me  that  the 
causes  of  the  unhappy  Indian  disturbances  are  yet  at  an 
end,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  Governour  of  Virginia 
is  still  prosecuting  an  expedition  against  the  Shawanese,  I 
cannot  avoid  recommending  to  your  consideration  the  ex- 
pediency of  keeping  the  troops  employed  by  this  Govern- 
ment, or  at  least  a  part  of  them,  in  pay  till  our  affairs  upon 
the  frontiers  may  happily  have  a  more  favourable  aspect. 

John  Penn. 

September  28. — A  Remonstrance  from  die  Overseers  of 
the  Poor  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia  was  presented  to 
the  House,  setting  forth  that  the  sum  of  money  granted 
last  year  by  the  Legislature  for  the  relief  and  support  of 
such  aged,  sick,  and  infirm  Neutrals  as  are  yet  residents  in 
the  said  city,  is  wholly  laid  out  for  the  purpose  for  which  it 
was  granted,  as  by  the  accounts  herewith  laid  before  the 
House  will  appear ;  that  the  Remonstrants  therefore  think  it 
their  duty  to  inform  the  honourable  House,  that  there  is  at 
present  a  considerable  number  of  the  said  Neutrals,  who, 
from  their  age,  sickness,  or  infirmities,  are  incapable  of 
supporting  themselves,  and  must  suffer  greatly,  unless 
speedy  and  constant  supplies  are  afforded  them  in  such 
manner  as  their  particular  circumstances  may  from  time  to 
time  require.  That  the  Remonstrants  therefore  request 
the  House  will  be  pleased  to  take  the  premises  into  con- 
sideration, and  grant  such  relief  therein  as  shall  appear 
necessary. 

Ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

The  House  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Govern- 
our's  Message  of  the  26th  instant,  and,  after  some  debate 
thereon,  the  question  being  put  by  the  Speaker,  whether 
one  hundred  men  (officers  included)  of  the  rangers,  now 
employed  on  the  frontiers,  shall  be  kept  up,  and  continued 
in  pay  till  the  meeting  of  the  next  Assembly  ? 

Carried  in  the  affirmative. 

Resolved,  That  it  be,  and  is  hereby  recommended  to 
the  succeeding  Assembly  to  make  provision  tor  paying  and 
victualling  the  said  one  hundred  rangers  until  the  14th  of 
October  next. 

An  Answer  to  his  Honour's  Message  being  then  drawn 
at  the  table,  and  agreed  to,  it  was  ordered  to  be  trans- 
cribed. 


795 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


796 


September  29. — The  Answer  of  ihe  House  to  the  Gov- 
emour's  Message  being  transcribed  according  to  order,  was 
signed  by  the  Spealier,  and  is  as  follows,  viz ; 

May  it  please  your  Honour : 

The  House  taking  into  their  consideration  your  Message 
of  the  26th  instant,  recommending  the  expediency  of  keep- 
ing up  the  troops  employed  by  this  Government,  '•  or  a 
part  of  them,"  have  agreed  to  continue  one  hundred  men 
(officers  included)  until  the  meeting  of  the  next  Assembly, 
and  have  recommended  it  over  to  that  Assembly  to  make 
provision  for  their  support  and  maintenance. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  House, 

Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker. 
September  29,  1774. 

Upon  motion,  the  Petition  from  the  Overseers  of  the 
Poor  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  behalf  of  the  French 
Neutrals,  was  again  read,  and,  after  some  debate  thereon. 

Ordered,  That  the  Provincial  Treasurer  do  pay  into 
the  hands  of  the  Overseers  of  the  Poor  of  the  City  of 
Philadelphia,  the  sum  of  one  hundred  pounds,  for  the 
relief  and  support  of  the  said  French  Neutrals. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOVERN- 
OUR  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  BOSTON, 
SEPTEMBER  20,    1774. 

Since  my  letters  by  the  Scarborough,  ship  of  war,  I 
have  received  some  letters  and  papers,  which  I  transmit 
your  Lordship,  relative  to  the  proceedings  in  the  distant 
counties  against  the  Courts  of  Justice,  and  Resolves  of  a 
County  Meeting. 

It  is  needless  to  trouble  your  Lordship  with  daily  publi- 
cations of  determined  resolutions  not  to  obey  the  late  Acts 
of  Parliament,  or  to  allow  any  civil  officer  acting  under 
them,  from  the  Governour  to  the  Justice,  to  be  constitu- 
tional officers. 

They  talk  of  fixing  a  plan  of  Government  of  their  own, 
and  it  is  somewhat  surprising,  that  so  many  of  the  other 
Provinces  interest  themselves  so  much  in  the  behalf  of  this. 
I  find  they  have  some  warm  friends  in  New-  York  and 
Philadelphia,  and  1  learn  by  an  officer  that  left  Carolina, 
the  latter  end  of  August,  that  the  people  of  Charlestown 
are  as  mad  as  they  are  here. 

The  country  people  are  exercising  in  arms,  in  this  Prov- 
ince, Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island,  and  getting  maga- 
zines of  arms  and  ammunition  in  the  country,  and  such 
aitillery  as  they  can  procure,  good  and  bad. 

They  threaten  to  attack  the  troops  in  Boston,  and  are 
very  angry  at  a  work  throwing  up  at  the  entrance  of  the 
town ;  on  which  account  I  have  had  two  messages  from 
the  Selectmen,  and  a  third  from  the  County  of  Suffolk. 

People  are  daily  resorting  to  this  town  for  protection  ; 
for  their  is  no  security  for  any  person  deemed  a  friend  to 
Government,  in  any  part  of  the  country.  Even  places 
always  esteemed  well  affected  have  caught  the  infection. 
The  Commissioners  of  the  Customs  have  thought  it  no 
longer  safe  or  pnident  to  remain  at  Salem,  considering  the 
present  distracted  state  of  every  part  of  the  Province,  and 
are  amongst  others  come  into  the  town,  where  I  am  obliged 
likewise  now  to  reside  on  many  accounts. 

Mr.  Willard  has  been  obliged  to  resign  his  seat  in 
Council  since  my  last.  The  rest  remain  firm,  notwith- 
standing daily  threats  of  plunder,  devastation,  and  ruin,  and 
even  of  assassination. 


WORCESTER  COUNTY  (MASSACHUSETTS)   RESOLUTIONS. 

At  a  Convention  of  Committees  for  the  County  of  Wor- 
cester, held  by  adjournment  at  the  Court  House,  on  the 
29th  of  August,  1774,  and  continued  by  adjournments  to 
the  21st  of  September,  the  following  Votes  and  Resolves 
passed,  viz : 

Voted,  That  if  there  bo  an  invasion,  or  danger  of  an 
invasion,  in  any  town  in  this  county,  then,  such  town  shall, 
by  their  Committee  of  Correspondence,  or  some  other 
proper  persons,  send  letters  by  |)ost  immediately  to  the 
Committees  of  the  adjoining  towns,  who  shall  send  to  the 
other  Committees  in  the  towns  adjoining  them,  that  they 
all  come  properly  armed  and  accoutred  to  protect  and  de- 
fend the  place  invaded. 


Voted,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  military  officers 
in  this  county  that  they  i^esign  their  offices  to  their  respec- 
tive Colonels. 

Voted,  That  the  field  officers  in  this  county  resign  their 
offices,  and  publish  such  resignation  in  all  the  Boston 
newspapers. 

Voted,  That  it  be  recoinmended  to  the  several  towns 
in  this  county  to  choose  proper  and  a  sufficient  number  of 
military  officers  for  each  of  their  towns. 

Voted,  To  accept  the  Report  of  the  Committee  respect- 
ing the  civil  officers  of  this  county,  which  is  as  follows  : 

Whereas  the  late  Act  of  Parliament,  entitled  "  An  Act 
for  the  better  regulating  his  Majesty's  Government  of  the 
Massachusetts  Boy,"  is  evidently  designed  to  prevent  any 
civil  officers  from  holding  their  places  by  virtue  of  the 
Charter  thereof;  and  as  it  is  necessary  to  have  officers 
till  further  provision  may  be  made  ;  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  this 
county,  who  were  in  said  office  the  last  day  of  June  past, 
except  Timothy  Buggies,  John  Murray,  and  James  Put- 
nam, Esquires,  be  hereby  directed  to  act  in  said  office  as 
single  Justices,  except  in  judicial  proceedings  merely  civil ; 
also,  that  the  Judges  of  Probate,  Sheriff",  and  Coroners  who 
were  in  said  offices  on  the  last  day  of  June  past,  exercise 
their  respective  offices  till  the  Provincial  Congress,  pro- 
posed to  sit  at  Concord,  on  the  second  Ihesday  of  October 
next,  notwithstanding  any  pretended  supersedeas  that  may 
be  sent  them,  or  any  of  them,  or  any  Proclamation  de- 
signed to  prevent  them  from  holding  and  exercising  their 
said  offices ;  and  we  hereby  also  recommend  to  the  people 
in  this  county  that  they  consider  and  treat  them  as  being 
in  their  said  offices,  and  support  and  defend  them  in 
the  execution  thereof,  according  to  the  laws  of  this  Prov- 
ince. 

Voted,  As  the  opinion  of  this  body,  that  the  Sheriff  do 
not  adjourn  the  Superiour  Court,  appointed  by  law  to  be 
held  this  day,  and  that  he  retain  such  as  are  or  may  be 
committed  as  criminals  in  his  custody  until  they  have  a 
trial. 

Resolved,  That  as  the  ordinary  Courts  of  Justice  will 
be  stayed  in  consequence  of  the  late  arbitrary  and  oppres- 
sive Act  of  the  British  Pailiament,  we  would  earnestly 
recommend  it  to  every  inhabitant  of  this  county  to  pay  his 
just  debts  as  soon  as  possible,  without  any  disputes  or  liti- 
gations ;  "  and  if  any  disjuite  concerning  debts  or  tres- 
passes should  arise,  which  cannot  be  settled  by  the  parties, 
we  recommend  it  to  them  to  submit  all  such  cases  to  arbi- 
tration ;  and  if  the  parties,  or  either  of  them,  shall  refuse 
so  to  do,  they  ought  to  be  considered  as  co-operating  with 
the  enemies  of  this  country." 

Voted,  To  accept  the  Report  of  the  Committee  rela- 
tive to  the  instructing  the  Representatives  for  this  county, 
which  is  as  follows : 

That  it  be  recommended  to  the  several  towns  and  dis- 
tricts, that  they  instruct  their  Representatives  who  may  be 
chosen  to  meet  at  Salem,  in  October  next,  absolutely  to 
refuse  to  be  sworn  by  any  officer  or  officers  but  such  as 
are  or  may  be  appointed  according  to  the  Constitution,  or 
to  act  as  one  branch  of  the  Legislature  in  concert  with  the 
other,  except  such  as  are  or  may  be  appointed  and  sup- 
ported according  to  the  Charter  of  this  Province ;  and  they 
refuse  to  give  their  attendance  at  Boston  while  the  town  is 
invested  with  troops  and  ships  of  war ;  and  should  their 
be  any  thing  to  prevent  their  acting  with  such  a  Governour 
and  Council,  as  is  expressly  set  forth  in  the  Charter,  that 
then  they  immediately  repair  to  the  town  of  Concord,  and 
there  join  in  a  Provincial  Congress  with  such  other  Mem- 
bers as  are  or  may  be  chosen  for  that  purpose,  to  act  and 
determine  on  such  measures  as  they  shall  judge  proper  to 
extricate  this  Colony  out  of  their  present  unhappy  circum- 
stances. 

Voted,  That  it  be  recominendcd  to  the  several  towns 
and  districts  in  this  county  that  they  provide  themselves 
immediately  with  one  or  more  field  pieces,  iiounted  and 
fitted  for  use  ;  and  also  a  sufficient  quantity  of  annnunition 
for  the  same  ;  and  that  the  officers  appoint  a  suitable  num- 
ber of  men  out  of  their  respective  companies,  to  manage 
said  field  ))ieces. 

Whereas  the  people  of  this  county  are  under  solemn 
obligations  not  to  purchase  any  goods  that  shall  be  import- 
ed from  Great  Britain  after  the  last  day  oi  August,  1774, 


797 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


798 


which  they  determine  most  sacredly  to  adhere  to  until  our 
many  grievances  be  redressed  ;  therefore, 

Foted,  Tiiat  it  be  recommended,  and  we  do  earnestly 
recommend  it  to  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  or 
Selectmen  in  the  several  sea-port  towns  in  this  Province  to 
appoint,  or  cause  to  be  appointed,  Committees  to  inspect 
the  imports  that  have  been  or  shall  be  made  since  the  last 
day  of  August  aforesaid,  and  publish  all  such  in  the  Bos- 
ton newspapers,  with  the  names  of  the  importers,  that  so 
we  may  carefully  avoid  all  such  in  our  dealings  for  the 
future. 

Voted,  To  choose  a  Standing  Committee  for  the  county, 
to  correspond  with  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  for 
the  several  counties,  and  elsewhere,  as  they  shall  think 
proper  ;  also,  to  prepare  matters  jiroper  to  lay  before  this 
body  at  their  several  meetings  ;  to  give  the  earliest  intelli- 
gence to  the  several  Conmiittees  in  this  county  of  any  new 
attack  upon  the  liberties  of  tliis  people,  and  call  a  County 
Convention  at  any  time,  as  occasion  may  require. — Tliere- 
fore, 

Voted,  That  the  Committees  of  Correspondence  for  the 
towns  of  Worcester  and  Leicester,  be  a  Committee  for  the 
purposes  aforesaid ;  and  that  Messrs.  Thomas  Denny, 
Joseph  Henshaiv,  and  Joshua  Bigelow,  be  added  to  the 
above  Committee. 

Voted,  To  take  notice  of  Mr.  Sheriff  Chandler,  for  car- 
rying an  Address  to  Governour  Gage. 

Voted,  That  a  Committee  wait  on  the  Sheriff,  and  re- 
quire his  attendance  before  this  body,  for  presenting,  (with 
others,  the  Justices  of  the  County  of  Worcester,)  the  Ad- 
dress to  Governour  Gage. 

Voted,  That  the  following  Declaration,  signed  by  the 
Sheriff,  should  be  accepted  : 

"  Whereas  the  Convention  of  Committees  have  expressed 
their  uneasiness  to  the  Sheriff  of  this  county,  now  present 
before  the  Convention,  for  presenting,  with  others,  an  Ad- 
dress to  Governour  Gage,  which  he  frankly  declares  was 
precipitately  done  by  him ;  though  he  is  sorry  for  it,  and 
disclaims  any  intention  to  do  any  thing  against  the  minds 
of  the  inhabitants  of  this  county ;  and  had  he  known  it 
would  have  given  offence,  he  would  not  have  presented 
said  Address.  G.  Chandler." 

As  the  several  Regiments  in  this  county  are  large  and  in- 
convenient, by  the  increase  of  its  inhabitants  since  the  first 
settlement  of  said  regiments — Tiierefore, 

Voted,  That  they  be  divided  into  seven  distinct  Regi- 
ments,   in  the    following   manner,   viz : 

1st,  Worcester,  Leicester,  Holden,  Spencer,  and  Par- 
ton. 

2d.  Sutton,  Oxford,  Sturbridge,  Charlton,  and  Dud- 
ley. 

3d.  Lancaster,  Bolton,  Harvard,  Lunenburgh,  Leo- 
minster, Fitchburgh,  Ashburnham,  and   Westminster. 

4th.  Brookfield,  Western,  Braintree,  Hardwick,  and 
Oakham. 

5th.  Rutland,  Hutchinson,  Petersham,  Athol,  Temple- 
ton,  Winchendon,  Royalston,  Hubbardstown,  and  Prince- 
ton. 

6th.  Southboro',  Westboro',  Northboro',  Shrewsbury, 
and  Grafton. 

7th.  Mendon,  Uxbridge,  JSorthhridge,  Upton,  and 
Douglass. 

Voted,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  several  towns 
in  this  county  to  choose  proper,  and  a  sufficient  number  of 
military  officers  for  each  of  their  towns  ;  and  that  the  Cap- 
tains, Lieutenants,  and  Ensigns  in  each  regiment,  who  are 
chosen  by  the  people,  do  convene  on  or  before  the  tenth 
day  of  October  next,  at  some  convenient  place  in  each 
regiment,  and  choose  their  field  officers,  to  command  the 
militia,  until  they  be  constitutionally  appointed  ;  and  that  it 
be  recommended  to  the  officers  in  eacli  town  in  this  county, 
to  enlist  one-third  of  the  men  in  their  respective  towns, 
between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age,  to  be  at  a  minute's 
warning ;  and  tliat  it  be  recommended  to  each  town  in  this 
county  to  choose  a  sufficient  number  of  men  as  a  Com- 
mittee to  supply  and  support  those  troops  that  shall  move 
upon  any  emergency. 

Voted,  That  this  meeting  be  adjourned  to  the  first 
Tuesday  in  December  next. 

WjLLlAM    HeNSHAW,   Clurlc. 


Boston,  September  26,  1774. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Freeholders  of  this  town,  on  Wed- 
nesday, the  21st  instant,  at  Faneuil  Hall,  the  following 
gentlemen  were  chosen  to  represent  them  in  the  General 
Assembly,  to  be  held  on  the  5th  of  next  month,  viz  : 
the  Honourable  TTiomas  Gushing,  Esquire,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams,  the  Honourable  John  Hancock.  Esquire,  and  M'l.l- 
liam  Phillips,  Esquire  ;  and  on  Friday,  the  town  made 
choice  of  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  Dr.  Benjamin  Church,  and 
Mr.  Nathaniel  Appleton,  to  serve  as  Delegates  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Congress,  to  be  held  at  Concord,  on  the  second 
Tuesday  in  October  next,  in  addition  to  the  four  Repre- 
sentatives of  this  town  ;  and  the  following  Instructions  for 
our  Representatives  were  voted,  viz  : 

Gentlemen  :  As  we  have  chosen  you  to  represent  us 
in  the  Great  and  General  Court,  to  be  holden  at  Salem,  on 
Wednesday,  the  5th  of  October  next  ensuing,  we  do  here- 
by instruct  you,  that  in  all  your  doings,  as  members  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  you  adhere  firmly  to  the  Charter 
of  this  Province,  granted  by  their  Majesties  King  William 
and  Queen  Mary,  and  that  you  do  no  act  which  can  possi- 
bly be  construed  into  an  acknowledgment  of  the  validity  of 
the  Act  of  the  British  Parliament  for  altering  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  more  especi- 
ally that  you  acknowledge  the  Honourable  Board  of  Coun- 
sellors elected  by  the  General  Court,  at  their  session  in 
last  May,  as  the  only  rightful  and  constitutional  Council  of 
this  Province.  And  we  have  reason  to  believe,  that  a  con- 
scientious discharge  of  your  duty  will  produce  your  dissolu- 
tion as  an  House  of  Representatives  ;  we  do  hereby  em- 
power and  instruct  you  to  join  with  tlie  members,  who  may 
be  sent  from  this  and  the  other  towns  in  the  Province,  and 
to  meet  with  them  at  a  time  to  be  agreed  on  in  a  General 
Provincial  Congress,  to  act  upon  such  matters  as  may  come 
before  you,  in  such  a  manner  as  shall  appear  to  you  most 
conducive  to  the  true  interest  of  this  town  and  Province, 
and  most  likely  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  all  America. 


CUMBERLAND    COUNTY    (MASSACHUSETTS)    RESOLVES. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  following  gentlemen  chosen  by  the 
several  towns  in  the  County  of  Cumberland,  held  at  .F«/- 
mouth,  in  said  county,  on  the  21st  day  of  September,  1774, 
at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Greele,  viz:  from 

Falmouth,  The  Honourable  Enoch  Freeman,  Esquire, 
Stephen  Longfellow,  Esquire,  Mr.  Richard  Codman, 
Captain  John  Waite,  Mr.  Enoch  llsley,  Mr.  Samuel 
Freeman. 

Scarborough,  Captain  Timothy  McDaniel,  Captain 
Reuben  Fogg,  Mr.  Joshua  Fabyan. 

North  Yarmouth,  Mr.  John  Letvis,  David  Mitchell, 
Esquire,  Messrs.  Jonathan  Mitchell,  John  Gray,  William 
Cutter. 

Gorham,  Sohmon  Lombard,  Esquire,  William  Gor- 
ham.  Esquire,  Captain  Edmund  Phiney,  Captain  Briant 
Morton,  Mr.  Joseph  Davis. 

Capk  Elizabeth,  Dr.  Clement  Jordan,  Messrs.  Peter 
Woodbury,  Samuel  Dunn,  Captain  Judah  Dyer,  Dr.  Na- 
thaniel Jones,  Mr.  Gtorge  Strout. 

Brunswick,  Messrs.  Samuel  Thompson,  Samuel  Stan- 
wood,  Captain  Thomas  Moulton. 

Harpswell,  Mr.  Joseph  Ewing,  Captain  John  Stover, 
Mr.  Andrew  Dunning. 

Windham,  Messrs.  Zerubabel  Honyxoell,  Thomas 
Trott,  David  Barker. 

New-Gloucester,  Messrs.  William  Harris,  Isaac 
Parsons. 

The  Hon.  Enoch  Freeman,  Esq.,  was  chosen  Chairman, 

Mr.  Samuel  Freeman,  Clerk. 

A  Committee  from  the  body  of  people,  who  were 
assembled  at  the  entrance  of  the  town,  waited  on  this  Con- 
vention to  see  if  they  would  choose  a  Committee  of  one 
member  out  of  each  town  to  join  them,  to  wait  upon  Mr. 
Sheriff  Tyng  to  see  whetlier  he  would  act  in  his  office, 
under  the  late  act  of  Parliament  for  regulating  the  Govern- 
ment. 

On  a  motion  made.  Voted,  that  a  messenger  be  sent  to 
the  said  Sheriff  Tyng,  to  desire  his  attendance  at  this  Con- 
vention. A  messenger  then  waited  upon  Mr.  lyng,  with 
the  following  Billet,  viz : 


790 


CORRESPONDEIVCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


800 


"  Mr.  Sheriff  Ti/ng^s  company  is  desired  at  tlie  Con- 
"  vention  of  the  County,  now  silting  at  Mrs.  Greek's. 

"  Samuel  Freemam,  Clerk. 
"Wednesday,  September  21st,  1774,  11  o'clock,  A.  M." 

JMr.  Tyng  accordingly  attended,  and  after  some  interro- 
gations, subscribed  to  the  following  Declaration,  viz : 

County  of  Cumberland,  Falmouth,  September  21,  1774. 

"  Whereas,  great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
county  are  now  assembled  near  my  house,  in  consequence 
of  the  false  representations  of  some  evil-minded  persons, 
who  have  reported  that  I  have  endeavoured  all  in  my 
power  to  enforce  the  late  Acts  of  Parliament,  relating  to 
tills  Province  :  I  do  hereby  solemnly  declare,  that  1  have 
not  In  any  way  whatever  acted  or  endeavoured  to  act  in 
conformity  to  said  Acts  of  Parliament ;  and  in  compliance 
with  the  commands  of  the  inhabitants  so  assembled,  and  by 
the  advice  of  a  Committee  from  the  several  towns  of  this 
countv  now  assembled  in  Congress,  I  further  declare  I 
will  not  as  Sheriff  of  said  county,  or  otherwise,  act  m  con- 
formity to,  or  by  virtue  of  said  Acts,  unless  by  the  general 
consent  of  the  said  county.  I  further  declare,  I  have  not 
received  any  commission  inconsistent  with  the  Charter  of 
this  Province,  nor  any  commission  whntever,  since  the  first 
day  of  J»/y  last.  William  Tyng." 

"  County  of  Cumberland  : 

"  At  the  Convention  of  Committees  from  the  several 
towns  in  the  said  county,  held  at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Greek, 
in  Falmouth,  in  said  county,  September  21,  1774,  voted 
that  the  foregoing,  by  William  Tyng,  Esq.,  subscribed,  is 
satisfactory  to  this  Convention. 

Attest,  Samuel  Freeman." 

Tlie  Convention  then  formed  themselves  into  a  Com- 
mittee, to  accompany  Mr.  Tyng  to  the  body  of  the  people, 
to  present  the  above  Declaration,  and  adjourned  to  the  old 
Town  House,  at  3  o'clock,  P.  M. — the  deliberation  to  be 
in  publick. 

The  Committee  accordingly  went  with  Mr.  Tyng,  who 
read  the  Declaration  to  the  people,  which  they  voted  to 
be  satisfactory,  and  after  refreshing  themselves,  returned 
peaceably  to  their  several  homes. 

Three  o'clocli,  P.  M.     Met  according  to  adjournment. 

Voted,  That  Mr.  Samuel  Freeman,  Solomon  Lombard, 
Esq.,  Stephen  Longfellow,  Esq.,  David  Mitchell,  Esq., 
John  Lewis,  Captain  John  JVaite,  Samuel  Thompson, 
Captain  Timothy  McDaniel,  Doctor  Nathaniel  Jones, 
Isaac  Parsons,  Enoch  Freeman,  Esq.,  David  Barker,  and 
Captain  John  Stover,  be  a  Committee  to  draw  up  the  sen- 
timents of  this  Convention,  and  report  the  same  at  the  ad- 
joumment. 

Then  adjourned  to  Thursday  morning  at  eight  o'clock. 

September  22d.  Met  according  to  adjournment,  when 
the  Committee  presented  the  following  Report,  which,  af- 
ter being  read  paragraph  by  paragraph,  was  unanimously 
accepted,  viz : 

The  great  concern  with  which  the  people  of  this  county 
view  the  increasing  differences  which  now  subsist  between 
the  mother  country  and  the  Colonies,  and  the  dark  pros- 
pect which  some  late  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  have 
in  particular  opened  to  them,  has  occasioned  the  several 
towns  herein  represented,  to  choose  Committees  for  this 
"  Convention,  to  consider  w^hat  measures  it  would  be 
"  thought  expedient  to  adopt  for  the  general  interest  of 
"  the  bounty,  in  the  present  alarming  situation  of  our  pub- 
lick  affairs  ;"  we,  therefore,  the  said  Committees,  pursuant 
to  the  request  of  our  respective  towns,  guided  by  a  strong 
attachment  to  the  interests  of  our  oppressed  country,  think 
it  proper,  with  respect  and  deference  to  our  brethren  in 
other  counties,  to  make  known  our  minds,  as  follows : 

We  think  it  the  Indispensable  duty  of  every  subject  of  the 
English  Constitution,  for  our  own  sakes,  as  well  as  that  of 
future  generations,  to  use  his  utmost  care  and  endeavour, 
according  to  the  station  he  is  in,  to  preserve  the  same  in- 
violate and  unimpaired;  for  we  regard  it  not  only  as  the 
foundation  of  all  our  civil  rights  and  liberties,  but  as  a  sys- 
tem of  Government  the  best  calculated  to  promote  the 
people's  peace  and  happiness.  And  we  lament,  that  in  the 
present  Administration  there  are  men  so  lost  to  all  the 


principles  of  honour,  equity,  and  justice,  as  to  attempt  a 
violation  of  the  rights  which  we  have  long  enjoyed,  and 
which  while  we  profess  ourselves,  as  wq  now  declare  we 
do,  alleglant  subjects  to  George  the  Third,  our  rightful 
Sovereign,  we  have  a  right  still  to  enjoy  entire  and  unmo- 
lested ;  and  it  is  a  melancholy  consideration,  that  the  ac- 
knowledged head  of  this  respected  State,  should  be  induced 
to  pass  his  sanction  to  such  laws  as  tend  to  the  subversion 
of  that  glorious  freedom  which  preserves  the  greatness  of 
the  British  Empire,  and  gives  it  reputation  throughout  all 
the  Nations  of  the  civil  world.  It  is  too  apparent  that  the 
British  Ministry  have  long  been  hatching  monstrous  Acts 
to  break  our  Constitution,  and  some  they  have  at  length 
brought  forth.  We  think  the  Colonies  deserve  a  better 
treatment  from  his  Majesty,  than  this  which  he  assents  to. 
We  are  his  loyal  sidijects  and  merit  his  regard  ;  and  cannot 
help  thinking  that,  if  he  would  pursue  his  own  unbiassed 
judgment,  and  lay  aside  the  selfish  counsel  of  wicked  and 
designing  men,  he  and  his  subjects  would  be  mutually  hap- 
py, and  provocations  on  both  sides  cease.  But  since  the 
iMlnlstry  have  borne  their  tyranny  to  such  a  length  as  to 
endeavour  to  execute  their  wicked  designs  by  military  force 
in  our  Metropolis,  we  fear  it  is  their  aim  to  introduce  des- 
potlck  monarchy.  But  though  their  tyranny  and  oppres- 
sion seems  now  with  hasty  strides  to  threaten  all  the  Colo- 
nies with  ruin  and  destruction,  we  hope  no  vengeance  will 
afright,  no  wiles  allure  us,  to  give  up  our  dear-bought  liberty, 
that  choisest  boon  of  Heaven,  which  our  fathers  came  into 
these  regions  to  enjoy,  and  which  we,  therefore,  will  retain 
while  life  enables  us  to  straggle  for  its  blessings. 

We  believe  our  enemies  supposed  we  must  submit,  and 
tamely  give  up  all  our  rights.  It  is  true  a  vigorous  oppo- 
sition will  subject  us  to  many  inconveniences ;  but  how 
much  greater  will  our  misery  be  if  we  relinquish  all  we  now 
enjoy,  and  lay  our  future  earnings  at  the  mercy  of  despotick 
men  ?  VVc  cannot  bear  the  thought ;  distant  posterity  would 
have  cause  to  curse  our  folly,  and  the  rising  generation 
would  justly  execrate  our  memory.  We  therefore  recom- 
mend a  manly  opposition  to  those  cruel  Acts,  and  every 
measure  w  hich  despotism  can  invent  to  "  abridge  our  En- 
glish liberties  ;"  and  we  hope  that  patience  will  possess  our 
souls  till  Providence  shall  dissipate  the  gloomy  cloud,  and 
restore  to  us  our  former  happy  state. 

The  late  Act  for  regulating  the  Government  of  this  Prov- 
ince, we  consider,  in  particidar,  as  big  with  mischief  and 
destruction ;  tending  to  the  subversion  of  our  Charter  and 
our  Province  laws ;  and,  in  its  dire  example,  alarming  to 
all  the  Colonies.  This,  through  the  conduct  of  some  ene- 
mies among  ourselves,  will  soon  bring  us  Into  difficulties, 
which  will  require  some  able  council  to  remove.  We  there- 
fore recommend  to  each  town  In  this  county  to  instruct  their 
several  Representatives  to  resolve  themselves,  with  the 
other  Members  of  the  House,  at  their  approaching  session, 
into  a  Provincial  Congress  for  this  purpose. 

To  this  Congress  we  shall  submit  the  general  interests  of 
the  Province  ;  but  for  the  particular  benefit  of  this  county, 
we  do  advise  and  recommend — 

1 .  That  the  Justices  of  the  Sessions  and  Court  of  Com- 
mon Pleas,  and  every  civil  officer  in  this  county,  whom  no 
authority  can  remove,  but  that  which  constituted  them 
agreeable  to  Charter  and  our  own  Provincial  laws,  would 
religiously  officiate  in  their  several  departments,  as  if  the 
aforesaid  Act  had  never  been  Invented  ;  and  that  every  pri- 
vate person  would  pay  a  strict  obedience  to  such  officers ; 
be  always  ready  to  protect  and  support  them,  and  promote 
a  due  observance  of  our  own  established  laws.  And  if  any 
person  whatsoever  shall  henceforth,  in  any  manner,  dare  to 
aid  the  operation  of  the  said  tyrannick  Act,  they  should  be 
considered  as  malignant  enemies  to  our  Charter  rights,  unfit 
for  civil  society,  and  undeserving  of  the  least  regard  or  fa- 
vour from  their  fellow-countrymen. 

2.  That  every  one  would  do  his  utmost  to  discourage 
law  suits,  and  likewise  compromise  disputes  as  much  as 
possible. 

3.  Tliat  it  be  recommended  to  the  Honourable  Jeremiah 
Poicell.  Esq.,  and  Jcdrdiah  Preble,  Esq.,  constitutional 
Counsellors  of  this  Province,  residing  in  tills  county,  that 
they  would  take  their  places  at  the  Board  the  ensuing  ses- 
sion as  usual. 

4.  We  cannot  but  approve  of  the  recommendation  given 
by  the  Convention  of  Suffolk  County,  to  the  several  Col- 


801 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


802 


lectors  of  Province  taxes,  not  to  pay  one  farthing  more  into 
the  Province  treasury,  until  the  Government  of  the  Prov- 
ince is  placed  on  a  constitutional  foundation ;  or  until  the 
Provincial  Congress  shall  order  otherwise ;  and  we  recom- 
mend the  same  to  the  several  Collectors  of  this  county. 
But  we  think  it  the  duty  of  the  several  Collectors  of  county, 
town,  and  district  taxes,  to  perfect  their  collections,  and  pay 
the  same  into  their  several  treasuries  as  soon  as  possible. 
And  here  we  think  it  proper  to  observe,  that  though  we  do 
not  coincide  in  every  instance  with  our  Suffolk  brethren, 
which  may  be  owing  to  a  want  of  knowing  all  the  circum- 
stances of  affairs,  yet  we  highly  applaud  their  virtuous  zeal 
and  determined  resolutions. 

5.  We  recommend  to  every  town  in  this  county  charita- 
bly to  contribute  to  the  relief  of  our  suffering  brethren  in 
our  distressed  Metropolis. 

6.  Lest  oppression,  which  maketh  even  wise  men  mad, 
should  hurry  some  people  into  tumults  and  disorders,  we 
would  recommend  that  every  individual  in  the  county  use 
his  best  endeavours  to  suppress,  at  all  times,  riots,  mobs, 
and  all  licentiousness ;  and  that  our  fellow-subjects  would 
consider  themselves,  as  they  always  are,  in  the  presence  of 
the  great  God,  who  loveth  order,  and  not  confusion. 

7.  That  when  a  general  non-importation  agreement  takes 
place,  we  shall  look  upon  it  to  be  the  duty  of  every  vender 
of  merchandise  to  sell  his  goods  at  the  present  rates ;  and 
if  any  person  shall  exorbitantly  enhance  the  prices  of  his 
goods,  we  shall  look  upon  him  as  an  oppressor  of  his 
country ;  and,  in  order  to  prevent  imposition  in  this  respect, 
we  recommend  that  a  Committee  be  chosen  in  each  town 
to  receive  complaints  against  any  who  may  be  to  blame 
herein ;  and  if  he  shall  refuse  to  wait  on  such  Committee, 
on  notice  given,  or  be  found  culpable  in  this  respect,  his 
name  shall  be  published  in  the  several  towns  in  the  county, 
as  undeserving  of  the  future  custom  of  his  countrymen. 

8.  That  every  one  who  has  it  in  his  power  would  im- 
prove our  breed  of  sheep,  and,  as  far  as  possible,  increase 
their  number;  and  also  encouiage  the  raising  of  flax,  and 
promote  the  manufactures  of  the  country. 

9.  As  the  very  extraordinary  and  alarming  Act  for  es- 
tablishing the  Roman  Catholick  religion  and  French  laws 
in  Canada,  may  introduce  the  French  or  Indians  into  our 
frontier  towns,  we  recommend  that  every  town  and  indi- 
vidual in  this  county  should  be  provided  with  a  proper  stock 
of  military  stores,  according  to  our  Province  law ;  and  that 
some  patriotick  military  officers  be  chosen  in  each  town  to 
exercise  their  several  companies,  and  make  thera  perfect 
in  the  military  art. 

10.  Our  general  grievances  being  the  subject  of  deliber- 
ation before  the  Continental  Congress,  renders  it  inexpe- 
dient to  consider  them  particularly.  On  their  wisdom  we 
have  a  great  dependence,  and  we  think  it  will  be  our  duty 
to  lay  aside  every  measure  to  which  we  have  advised,  that 
may  be  variant  from  theirs,  and  pay  a  due  regard  to  their 
result. 

And  now  we  think  it  proper  to  declare,  that  as  we  have 
been  recounting  the  hardships  we  endure  by  the  machina- 
tions of  our  enemies  at  home,  we  cannot  but  gratefully  ac- 
knowledge our  obligations  to  those  illustrious  worthies,  our 
friends  of  the  minority,  who  constantly  opposed  this  wicked 
measure,  and  would  heartily  wish  that  some  great  and  good 
tnen  would  invent  and  mark  out  some  plan  that  will  unite 
the  parent  state  to  these  its  Colonies,  and  thereby  prevent 
the  effusion  of  Christian  blood.     Then, 

Voted,  That  every  Member  of  this  Convention  be  sev- 
erally interrogated  whether  he  now  has,  or  will  hereafter 
take  any  commission  under  the  pTesent  Act  of  Parliament 
for  regulating  the  Government  of  tliis  Province. 

The  Members  were  accordingly  interrogated,  and  each 
and  every  of  them  answered  in  the  negative. 

Voted,  That  the  several  Committees  which  compose 
this  Convention,  or  the  major  part  of  each,  be  and  hereby 
are  desired  to  interrogate  the  civil  officers  and  other  persons 
whom  they  may  think  fit,  in  their  respective  towns,  whether 
they  now  have  or  will  hereafter  take  any  commission  under 
the  aforesaid  Act. 

Voted,  That  the  whole  proceedings  of  this  Convention 
be  by  tiie  Clerk  transmitted  to  the  press,  and  also  to  the 
Town  Clerks  in  the  respective  towns  in  this  county,  as  soon 
as  may  be. 

Voted,  That  this  Convention  lie  continued,  and  that  the 

Fourth  Series.  51 


Committee  of  Falmouth,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  be  and 
hereby  are  empowered,  on  any  occasion  that  in  their  opin- 
ion requires  it,  to  notify  a  meeting  of  the  Delegates  there- 
of, at  such  time  and  place  as  they  may  think  proper,  set- 
ting forth  the  occasion  thereof 

Voted,  That  the  thanks  of  this  Convention  be  given  to 
the  Honourable  Enoch  Freeman,  Esq.,  for  his  faithful  ser- 
vices as  Chairman. 

Samuel  Freeman,   Clerk. 


Boston,  September  24,  1774. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Selectmen  and  Committee  of  Cor- 
respondence of  Boston,  September  24,  1774: 

Our  friends  in  the  neighbouring  towns  and  country  in 
general,  having  expressed  their  uneasiness  lest  the  work- 
men in  this  town,  by  assisting  the  army  in  building  barracks, 
would  give  occasion  of  umbrage  to  their  friends  who  dwell 
more  remote,  whether  in  this  or  the  neighbouring  Colonies, 
particularly  to  our  brethren  oi  New- York,  who  have  nobly 
rejected  the  application  of  the  Barrack-master  for  mechan- 
ics and  other  assistants  from  that  place ;  therefore,  having 
debated  this  matter,  in  compliance  with  the  applications  of 
our  friends  in  the  country,  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Joint 
Committee,  that  should  the  mechanicks  or  other  inhabitants 
of  this  town  assist  the  troops,  by  furnishing  them  with  ar- 
tificers, labourers,  or  materials  of  any  kind,  to  build  bar- 
racks or  other  places  of  accommodation  for  the  troops,  they 
will  probably  incur  the  displeasure  of  their  brethren,  who 
may  withhold  their  contributions  for  the  relief  of  the  town, 
and  deem  them  as  enemies  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
America,  by  furnishing  the  troops  with  conveniences  for 
their  residence  and  accommodation  in  this  town. 


TO  THE  PRINTERS  OF  THE  BOSTON  GAZETTE. 

Boston,  September  24,  1774. 

As  I  have  been  informed  that  the  conduct  of  some  few 
persons  of  the  Episcopal  denomination,  in  maintaining 
principles  inconsistent  with  the  rights  and  liberties  of  man- 
kind, has  given  offence  to  some  of  the  zealous  friends  of 
this  country,  I  think  myself  obliged  to  publish  the  following 
extract  of  a  letter,  dated  September  9,  1774,  which  I  re- 
ceived from  my  worthy  and  patriotick  friend,  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams,  a  Member  of  the  Congress  now  sitting  in  Phila- 
delphia, by  which  it  appears,  that  however  injudicious  some 
individuals  may  have  been,  the  gentlemen  of  the  establish- 
ed Church  of  England  are  men  of  the  most  just  and  liberal 
sentiments,  and  are  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  most  sensible 
and  resolute  defenders  of  the  rights  of  the  people  of  this 
Continent ;  and  I  earnestly  request  my  countrymen  to  avoid 
every  thing  which  our  enemies  may  make  use  of  to  preju- 
dice our  Episcopal  brethren  against  us,  by  representing 
us  as  disposed  to  disturb  them  in  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religious  privileges,  to  which  we  know  they  have  the  most 
undoubted  claim ;  and  which,  from  a  real  regard  to  the 
honour  and  interest  of  my  country,  and  the  rights  of  man- 
kind, I  hope  they  will  enjoy  as  long  as  the  name  of  Ame- 
rica is  known  in  jhe  world.  J.  Warren. 

"  After  settling  the  mode  of  voting,  which  is  by  giving 
each  Colony  an  equal  voice,  it  was  agreed  to  open  the  busi- 
ness with  prayer.  As  many  of  our  warmest  friends  are 
members  of  the  Church  of  England,  I  thought  it  prudent, 
as  well  on  that  as  some  other  accounts,  to  move  that  the 
service  should  be  performed  by  a  clergyman  of  that  de- 
nomination. Accordingly,  tiie  lessons  of  the  day  and 
prayer  were  read  by  the  Reverend  Doctor  Duche,  who  af- 
ter^vards  made  a  most  excellent  extemporary  prayer,  by 
which  he  discovered  himself  to  be  a  gcntlen)an  of  sense 
and  piety,  and  a  warm  advocate  for  the  religious  and  civil 
rijihts  of  America." 


Rye,  New. York,  September  24,  1774. 

We  die  subscribers.  Freeholders  and  Inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Rye,  in  the  County  of  Westchester,  being  much 
concerned  with  die  unhappy  situation  of  publick  affairs, 
think  it  our  duty  to  our  King  and  country,  to  declare  that 
we  have  not  been  concerned  in  any  resolutions  entered  into, 
or  measures  taken,  with  regard  to  the  disputes  at  present 
subsisting  with  the  mother  country.     We  also  testify  our 


803 


CORRESPO^'DE^CE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


804 


dislike  to  many  hot  and  furious  proceedings  in  consequence 
of  said  disputes,  which  we  think  are  more  likely  to  ruin 
this  once  hapj)y  country,  than  remove  grievances,  if  any 
there  are. 

We  also  declare  our  great  desire  and  full  resolution  to 
live  and  die  peaceable  subjects  to  our  gracious  Sovereign 
King  George  the  Third,  and  his  laws. 


Isaac  Gidncy, 
Daniel  Irwin, 
Silenion  llulsted, 
Abraham  Wctmore, 
Roger  Park, 
James  Budd, 
Jolin  Colliim, 
Roger  KnitVoii, 
Thomas  KniflTon, 
Henry  Bird, 
John  Hawkins, 
Gilbert  Merrit,  Esq., 
Robert  Merrit, 
Andrew  Merrit, 
Jolm  Oarliart, 
Roger  Merrit, 
Archibald  Tilford, 
Israel  Seaman, 
Isiac  Anderson, 
Adam  Seaman, 
William  llall, 
John  Willi.s, 
Rievers  Morrel, 
Capt.  Abrm.  Bush, 
Nehem'h  Sherwood, 
Abraham  Miller, 
Andrew  Lyon, 
William  Crooker, 


Jonathan  KuiDcn, 
James  Jameson, 
Andrew  Carhart, 
John  Buflot, 
Thomas  Brown, 
Seth  Purdy, 
Gilbert  Thaell, 
Gilbert  Thaell,  Jun., 
Disbury  Park, 
Isaac  Brown, 
Joseph  Merrit,  Jun., 
Major  James  Hortou, 
Peter  Florence, 
Jonatlian  Godney, 
Nathaniel  Sniffin, 
William  Armstrong, 
John  Guion, 
Sol.  Gidnoy, 
James  Ilains, 
Elijah  Ilains, 
Bartholomew^  Hains, 
Thomas  Thaell, 
John  Affrey, 
Gilbert  Hains, 
Dennis  Lary, 
Hack.  Purdy, 
Joshua  Purdy, 
Roger  Purdy, 


Charles  Thaell,  Esq., 
James  Wetmorc, 
Gilbert  Brundigo, 
John  Knili'en, 
William  Brown, 
Joseph  Clark, 
John  Park, 
Joseph  Purdy, 
James  Gedney, 
Joshua  Gedney, 
Jonathan  Budd, 
Jaines  Purdy, 
Ebenezer  Brown, 
Ebenezer  Brown,  Jr., 
John  Adeo, 
John  Slater, 
Henry  Slater, 
Nathaniel  Purdy, 
Benjamin  KnitTen, 
Andrew  Kniften, 
Joseph  Wilson, 
Nehemiah  Wilson, 
Thomas  Wilson, 
Benjamin  Wilson, 
Gilbert  Morris,  Jr., 
*Tim.  Wetmore,  Esq., 
James  Hart. 


Rye,  October  17,  1774. 
We  the  subscribers,  having  been  suddenly  and  unwarily 
drawn  in  to  sign  a  certain  paper  published  in  Mr.  Riving- 
torCs  Gazetteer,  of  the  13tli  instant;  and  being  now,  after 
mature  deliberation,  fully  convinced  that  we  acted  prepos- 
terously, and  without  adverting  properly  to  the  matter  in 
dispute  between  the  mother  country  and  her  Colonies,  are 
therefore  sorry  that  we  e\'er  had  any  concern  in  said  paper, 
and  we  do  by  these  presents  utterly  disclaim  every  part 
thereof,  except  our  expressions  of  loyalty  to  the  King,  and 
obedience  to  the  constitutional  laws  of  the  Realm. 


Abraham  Miller, 
William  Crooker, 
James  Jameson, 
Andrew  Carehart, 
John  Buflot, 


William  Brown, 
Gilbert  Brunidge, 
Israel  Seaman, 
John  Willis, 
Adam  Seaman, 


Andrew  Lyon, 
Gilbert  Merrit, 
John  Carehart, 
John  Slater, 
Isaac  Anderson. 


New-York,  September  2i,  1774. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  of  this 
city,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  David  Philips,  a  Letter  to  them 
was  received  from  the  Mechanicks  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
which  being  read,  it  was  resolved  unanimously  that  the  same 
be  printed,  and  is  as  follows: 

Boston,  September  8,  1774. 

Gentlemen:  General  Gage  being  determined  to  cut  off 
the  communication  of  this  town  with  the  country,  by  forti- 
fying the  sole  pass  between  them,  by  land,  has  applied  to 
several  tradesmen  in  this  town,  and  found  none  base  enough 
to  engage  in  so  villainous  an  enterprise.  And  it  is  now 
said  he  intends  to  apply  to  Ncit-Yorlc  for  workmen  to 
complete  his  designs.  Our  tradesmen,  therefore,  appre- 
hending that  your  zeal  for  the  common  safety  is  not  less  to 
be  depended  upon  than  their  own,  requested  us  to  give  you 
the  earliest  intimation  of  the  matter,  that  you  might  take 
your  measures  accordingly. 

We  cannot  entertain  a  doubt  hut  the  tradesmen  of  iVcic- 
York  will  treat  an  application  of  this  kind  as  it  deserves. 
The  subject  is  of  the  last  importance ;  and  for  any  one 
part  of  America  to  shew  a  readiness  to  comply  with'mea- 

•  The  above  paper,  like  many  others,  being  liable  to  misconstrue, 
tion,  and  having  been  understood  by  many  to  import  a  recognition  of 
a  right  in  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  bind  America  in  all  cases 
whatsoever,  and  to  signify  that  the  Colonies  labour  under  no  griev- 
ances, which  is  not  the  sense  I  meant  to  convey,  1  think  it  my  duty 
to  explain  my  sentiments  upon  the  subject,  and  thereby  prevent  future 
mistakes.  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  Parliament  have  no  right  to  tax 
America,  though  they  have  a  right  to  regulato  the  trade  of  the  Empire. 
I  am  further  of  opinio.!,  that  several  Acts  of  Parliament  are  griev. 
ances,  and  that  the  execution  of  them  ought  to  be  opposed  in  such 
manner  as  may  be  consistent  with  tlie  duty  of  a  subject  to  our  Sover- 
eign ;  though  I  cannot  help  expressing  my  disapprobation  of  many 
violent  proceedings  in  some  of  the  Colonies. 

November  3,  1774.  TiMOTUr  Wetmork. 


sures  destructive  of  any  other  part,  will  inevitably  destroy 
that  confidence  so  necessary  to  the  common  salvation. 

We  are,  gentlemen,  your  friends  and  fellow-countrymen, 
By  order  of  the  Committee, 

John  Warren,   Chairman. 
To  the  Committee  of  Mechanicks  of  the  City  of  Netc- 

York. 

Upon  which  it  was  unamimously  ResoIved,That  the  thanks 
of  this  Committee  be  returned  to  those  worthy  Mechanicks 
of  this  city,  who  have  declined  to  aid  or  assist  in  the 
erecting  of  fortifications  on  Boston  Neck,  which,  when 
completed,  would  probably  be  improved  to  spill  the  blood 
of  their  fellow-subjects  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay ;  cut  off 
the  communication  with  the  country,  whereby  the  soldiery 
might  be  enabled  to  inflict  on  that  town  all  the  distresses 
of  famine,  and  reduce  those  brave  and  loyal  people  to  terms 
degrading  to  human  nature,  repugnant  to  Christianity,  and 
which,  perhaps,  might  prove  destructive  of  British  and 
American  liberty. 

Resolved,  Likewise,  tiiat  the  thanks  of  this  Committee  be 
returned  to  those  merchants  of  this  place,  for  their  truly 
worthy  and  patiiotick  conduct,  who  have  virtuously  refused 
to  let  their  vessels  to  transport  the  army  and  the  horrid  en- 
gines of  war,  for  the  detestable  purpose  of  destroying  his 
Majesty's  faithful  subjects  in  the  Massachiuetts  Bay ;  who 
are  a  people  well  known  to  have  been  constant  in  support- 
ing, and  firm  in  defending,  the  Protestant  succession,  as 
settled  in  the  illustrious  House  of  Hanover. 

Signed  by  order,  and  in  behalf  of  the  Committee  of 
Mechanicks, 

Abel.  Hardenbrook,  Jun.,  Chairman. 


COPY  OK  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOTERNOCR 
GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  BO?TON, 
SEPTEMBER  25,  1774. 

Mt  Lord  :  The  enclosed  extract  of  a  letter  from  Gene- 
ral Haldimand,  with  a  printed  bill  posted  at  New-York, 
serve  to  shew  a  had  disposition  of  too  many  in  that  place ; 
but  I  hope  the  General  will  find  means  to  secure  the 
stores,  and  that  the  transports  will  get  up  to  the  town  to 
receive  them.  It  was  found  impossible  to  put  the  troops 
under  cover  here  without  erecting  some  temporary  lodge- 
ments ;  and  on  the  supposition  that  workmen  could  not 
be  procured  here,  it  was  thought  expedient  to  send  to 
New- York ;  but  the  printed  bill  deterred  the  carpenters 
of  that  place  from  coming  here,  whilst,  contrary  to  what 
was  imagined,  the  Boston  artificers  have  undertaken  our 
work. 

The  messages  and  addresses  delivered  by  me  to  the 
Selectmen  of  Boston,  and  the  Delegates  of  the  County  of 
Suffolk,  concerning  a  work  at  tiie  entrance  of  the  town, 
where  1  propose  to  lodge  a  regiment,  was  mentioned  to 
your  Lordship  in  a  former  letter,  and  I  now  transmit 
printed  copies  of  them.  Your  Lordship  will  observe  that 
the  Delegates  complain  of  misinformation,  and  deny  a 
wish  of  independency. 

]\Iany  members  are  chosen  for  the  General  Court  that 
was  appointed  to  meet  at  Salem,  on  the  fifth  of  next 
month,  and  I  have  information  that  the  old  Council  has 
been  summoned  to  attend  there.  The  new  Council,  ap- 
pointed by  the  King,  who  have  taken  refuge  in  this  town, 
dare  not  attend  at  Salem,  unless  escorted  there  and  back 
again  by  a  large  force,  which  as  affairs  are  circumstanced 
will  answer  no  end.  The  Assembly  will  not  act  with 
them,  and  I  cannot  act  with  the  old  Council,  so  that 
nothing  but  confusion  can  arise  from  a  meeting  of  the 
General  Court,  on  which  account  I  mean  to  fall  on  mea- 
sures to  postpone  the  sessions. 

We  hear  of  nothino  but  extravagances  in  some  part  or 
other,  and  of  military  preparations  from  this  place  to  the 
Province  of  New-York,  in  which  the  whole  seems  to  be 
united.  Upon  a  rumour,  propagated  with  uncommon  de- 
spatch through  the  country,  that  the  soldiers  had  killed  six 
people,  and  that  the  ships  and  troops  were  firing  upon 
Boston,  the  whole  country  was  in  arms  and  in  motion,  and 
numerous  bodies  of  the  Connecticut  people  had  made 
some  marches  before  the  report  was  contradicted. 

Your  Lordship  will  know,  from  various  accounts,  the 
extremities  to  which  affairs  are  brought,  and  how  this 


805 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Uc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


806 


Province  is  supported  and  abetted  by  others  beyond  the 
conception  of  most  people,  and  foreseen  by  none.  The 
disease  was  believed  to  have  been  confined  to  the  town 
of  Boston,  from  whence  it  might  have  been  eradicated, 
no  doubt,  without  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  and  it  might 
have  been  the  case  some  time  ago ;  but  now  it  is  so  uni- 
versal there  is  no  knowing  where  to  apply  a  remedy. 


I  am,  &ic., 


Thomas  Gage. 


P.  S.  I  enclose  two  Resolutions  of  the  Congress,  just 
arrived  from  Philadelphia,  approving  the  Resolutions  of 
the  County  of  Suffolk,  in  this  Province,  transmitted  in  my 
letter  to  your  Lordship,  No.  13.  T.  G. 


MEETING    OF    FREEHOLDERS    OF    MIDDLESEX,  ENGLAND. 

Account  of  the  transactions  at  the  Meeting,  at  Mile 
End,  of  the  Freeholders  of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  on 
tlie  26th  of  September,  1774. 

At  twelve  o'clock  about  fbrty  Freeholders  were  assem- 
bled, who  had  paid  each  one  shilling  for  admittance.  They 
now  began  to  come  in  faster,  and  several  gentlemen  re- 
fused to  pay  the  admittance  money.  At  this  instant  the 
two  Sheriffs  arrived,  and  a  contest  arose  about  paying  the 
previous  shilling,  which  at  length  subsided  on  the  Sheriffs 
agreeing  to  give  ten  guineas  for  the  use  of  the  room,  and 
those  gentlemen  who  had  paid  received  their  money  again, 
and  the  doors  were  thrown  open.  About  one  o'clock  the 
Sheriffs  took  the  chair,  and  Mr.  Sheriff  Sayre  having 
apologized  for  the  obstruction  that  had  happened,  which 
arose  from  a  misunderstanding  between  the  Under  Sherifi 
and  the  master  of  the  house,  the  business  began. 

Mr.  Sayre,  in  a  very  handsome  speech,  reminded  the 
Freeholders  of  the  very  important  occasion  of  their  being 
assembled ;  he  expatiated  on  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
Englishmen,  and  hoped  they  would,  while  they  were  yet 
at  liberty  to  assemble,  nominate  such  men  for  their  Repre- 
sentatives in  Parliament  as  would  be  zealous  to  transmit 
their  rights  to  the  latest  posterity. 

Mr.  Sheriff  Lee  then  desired  leave  to  read  a  letter 
which  intimated  the  wish  of  several  gentlemen  to  know 
whether  persons  possessed  of  freeholds  in  London  had  a 
right  to  vote  as  freeholders  of  Middlesex,  and  requesting 
tliat  the  question  might  be  agitated  at  the  Mile  End  Meet- 
ing ;  but  no  person  in  conipany  avowing  the  latter,  the 
matter  subsided. 

A  Freeholder  now  moved  that  the  gentlemen  to  be  re- 
turned as  proper  persons  to  represent  the  county  in  Parlia- 
ment, should  sign  a  declaration  to  the  following  effect :  That 
they  would  endeavour  to  obtain  Acts  for  shortening  the  du- 
ration of  Parliament ;  for  limiting  the  number  of  placemen 
and  pensioners,  &tc. ;  and  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  Que- 
bec Act ;  the  Boston  Port  Bill ;  the  Bill  for  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the 
Bill  to  subject  persons  offending  in  America  to  be  broucht 
to  England  for  trial. 

Mr.  Sawhridge  proposed,  in  addition  hereto,  that  the 
candidates  should  also  sign  a  general  declaration  of  their 
principles  as  being  founded  on  those  of  the  Revolution. 
After  some  debate,  the  last  article  was  put  separately,  and 
when  it  had  appeared  that  it  was  the  general  sense  of  the 
Freeholders  that  this  article  should  make  part  of  the  de- 
claration to  be  signed  by  the  candidates,  a  gentleman  ob- 
jected to  the  proceedings  as  irregular,  insisting  that  the 
other  part  of  the  proceedings  should  have  been  first  pro- 
posed. This  occasioned  some  hesitation,  till  Mr.  Saw- 
bridge  set  the  company  right  by  informing  them  that  it 
was  a  rule  in  the  House  of  Commons,  when  any  question 
was  proposed,  and  an  amendment  afterwards  offered,  to 
submit  the  amendment  first,  and  then  the  whole  question 
as  amended.  The  whole  conditions  were,  therefore,  now 
submitted  to  the  ojjinions  of  the  Freeholders,  which,  with 
only  seven  dissenting  hands,  were,  that  the  candidates 
should  sign  a  declaration  to  the  purport  above  mentioned. 

Mr.  Wilkes  declared  his  perfect  willingness  to  sign  the 
paper,  and  said  that  Mr.  Glynn  had  seen  all  of  it  but  the 
proposed  amendment,  which  he  was  likewise  willing  to 
sign.  There  seemed  to  be  no  doubt  of  Mr.  Glynn's  equal 
readiness  to  sign  the  declaration  respecting  the  Revolution 
principles ;  and  it  was  proposed,  first  the  name  of  each  can- 
didate separately,  and  then  both  together,  "  That  John 
"  Wilkes  and  John  Glynn,  Esquires,  be  proper  persons  to 


"  represent  this  county  in  Parliament,  on  condition  of  their 
"  signing  the  above  mentioned  obligation  ;"  to  which  all 
hands,  except  about  five,  readily  assented  with  the  loudest 
plaudits. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  Engagement  signed  by 
John  Wilkes  and  John  Glynn,  Esquires. 

We  (John  Wilkes  and  John  Glynn)  do  solemnly  pro- 
mise and  engage  ourselves  to  our  constituents,  if  we  have 
the  honour  of  being  chosen  the  Representatives  in  Parlia- 
ment of  the  County  of  Middlesex,  that  we  will  endeavour, 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  to  restore  and  defend  the  excel- 
lent form  of  government  modelled  and  estabhshed  at  the 
Revolution,  and  to  promote  acts  of  Legislature  for  shorten- 
ing the  duration  of  Parliaments ;  for  excluding  placemen 
and  pensioners  from  the  House  of  Commons  ;  for  a  more 
fair  and  equal  representation  of  the  people  ;  for  vindicating 
the  injured  rights  of  the  Freeholders  of  this  county,  and 
the  whole  body  of  electors  of  this  United  Kingdom  ;  and 
an  Act  for  the  repeal  of  the  four  late  Acts  respecting 
America;  the  Quebec  Act,  establishing  Popery,  and  the 
system  of  French  Canadian  laws  in  that  extensive  Prov- 
ince ;  the  Boston  Port  Act ;  the  Act  for  altering  the 
Charter  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  the 
Act  for  the  trial  in  Europe  of  persons  accused  of  criminal 
offences  in  America ;  being  fully  persuaded  that  the  pas- 
sing of  such  Acts  will  be  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the 
security  of  our  excellent  Constitution,  and  the  restoration 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  our  fellow-subjects  in  America 

John  Wilkes, 
John  Glynn. 


EXTRACT  OE  A  LETTER  FROM  WORCESTER,  DATED  SEP- 
TEMBER 27,  1774. 

Yesterday  we  had  a  meeting  of  all  the  male  inhabitants 
from  the  age  of  sixteen  to  seventy,  who  formed  themselves 
into  companies  and  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  officers  ; 
those  who  held  their  commissions  under  Governour  Hutch- 
inson (except  a  few)  having  resigned  them.  One-third 
part  of  the  inhabitants  were  appointed  to  be  in  readiness  to 
march  to  whatever  place  their  assistance  may  be  wanting. 

On  Friday  next  there  will  be  a  meeting  of  the  County 
Committee,  in  order  to  remonstrate  to  General  Gage  re- 
specting his  fortifications  at  the  only  entrance  by  land  into 
our  much  esteemed  capital. 


Boston,  Septembers?,  1774. 

A  few  days  ago  General  Gage  paid  for,  and  deposited 
in  his  Majesty's  Magazine,  a  quantity  of  military  stores, 
which  had  been  provided  many  years  since  at  the  desire 
of  Colonel  Bradstreet,  and  had  laid  from  that  time  on  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Scott.  The  Selectmen  and  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence  sent  for  Mr.  Scott,  and  told  him  he  de- 
served immediate  death  for  selling  warlike  stores  to  the 
enemy ;  and  a  number  of  people  instantly  assembled  to 
put  this  sentence  in  execution ;  but  Mr.  Scott  was  so  for- 
tunate as  to  make  his  escape ;  his  house  however  suffered 
very  much  before  the  people  separated,  at  the  desire  of 
the  Selectmen. 

Dr.  Warren,  the  President  of  the  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, came  about  nine  o'clock  at  night  to  the  General, 
acquainting  him  that  he  was  to  write  to  the  Congress  im- 
mediately, and  he  desired  for  their  information,  that  the 
General  would  answer  the  following  questions  :  viz  :  What 
is  the  meaning  of  the  fortifications  ?  What  is  the  meaning 
that  the  General  buys  military  stores  ?  Are  the  people  at 
Boston  to  be  made  hostages,  in  order  to  compel  the  people 
of  the  country  to  comply  with  the  new  laws  ? 

Dr.  Warren  received  for  answer,  that  as  the  country 
people  were  all  armed,  and  collecting  cannon  and  military 
stores  from  all  quarters,  which,  as  they  were  not  soldiers 
by  profession,  or  under  the  least  apprehension  of  any  inva- 
sion, could  indicate  nothing  but  their  intention  of  attacking 
his  Majesty's  forces  in  that  town,  it  became  therefore  the 
General,  and  it  would  be  inexcusable  in  him  to  neglect  to 
provide  for  their  defence,  and  to  enable  them  effectually  to 
resist  the  attempts  which  it  is  no  longer  doubtful  the  people 
meditate  against  them.  That  the  very  constraction  of  the 
fortifications  show  them  to  be  defensive ;  and  every  body 


§07 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Lc,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


808 


might  easily  discern  that  they  are  not  calculated,  in  any  re- 
spect, to  annoy  the  town  or  disturb  the  inhabitants,  or  even 
to  lay  them  under  the  least  restraint.  Tliat  it  is  notorious 
that  many  cannon  have  been  convoyed,  notwithstanding 
tlie  works,  from  thence  ;  and  arms  are  carried  out  openly 
by  every  man  that  goes  out  oi  Boston  without  molestation. 
That  thougii  the  General,  to  ease  the  town  of  the  burden 
of  furnishing  quarters  for  the  troops,  and  to  keep  the  troops 
from  every  possibility  of  giving  offence  to  the  inhabitants, 
liath  ordered  barracks  to  be  erected  for  them,  which  he 
conceives  to  be  of  equal  utility  to  the  town  as  to  the  troops, 
nevertheless  the  Selectmen  and  the  Conunittee  have 
ordered  all  the  workmen  to  quit  tiiis  employ,  though  they 
were  paid  by  the  King.  Thai  orders  are  given  to  prevent 
all  supplies  for  English  troops.  Straw,  purchased  for  their 
use,  is  daily  burnt ;  vessels,  with  bricks,  sunk ;  carts,  with 
wood,  overturned  ;  and  thus  even  the  property  of  the  King 
is  destroyed  in  every  manner  in  which  it  can  be  effected. 
Yet  sucii  is  the  General's  desire  to  preserve  to  the  last,  as 
far  as  in  his  power,  the  peace  and  quiet  of  the  people,  that 
all  these  disorders,  though  not  the  effect  of  rash  tumidt, 
but  of  evident  system,  are  endured  with  patience.  There 
can  therefore  be  no  reality  in  the  apprehensions  which  it 
appears  the  people  conceive  of  dangerous  designs  enter- 
tained by  the  troops  against  theni,  when  these  very  people 
are  not  afraid  to  provoke  the  troops  by  every  wanton  insult 
tliey  can  devise. 

Boston,  September  27,  1774. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  several  Committees  of  the  Towns 
of  Boston,  Roxbury,  Dorchester,  Watertown,  Charlestown, 
Cambridge,  Mistick,  Dedham,  Milton,  Maiden,  Brain- 
tree,  Wobiirn,  and  Stoiv,  September  27th,  the  following 
Resolves  and  Vote  were  passed,  viz: 

Whereas  tlie  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Boston  and 
Charlestown,  by  the  operation  of  the  detested  and  oppres- 
sive Port  Bill,  are  now  suffering  unspeakable  distress, 
arising  from  the  entire  prohibition  of  commerce,  and  the 
transportation  of  even  necessaries  of  life  by  water,  from  one 
town  to  another  :  And  whereas,  in  addition  to  the  severity 
of  said  execrable  Bill,  General  Gage,  the  military  com- 
mander of  this  Province,  and  the  Admiral  on  this  station, 
are  now  in  exercise  of  tlie  most  licentious  and  arbitrary 
acts  of  oppression,  by  withholding  provisions  from  this 
town,  allowed  by  said  Act  of  Parliament,  by  embarrassing, 
unnecessarily  detaining,  and  thereby  preventing  the  usual 
supplies  of  fuel  to  said  town  ;  by  harassing,  insulting,  and 
vilifying  the  inhabitants  passing  and  repassing  to  and  from 
the  town  of  Boston  ;  by  alarming  the  people  with  the  most 
formidable  forti6cations  at  the  entrance  of  said  town ;  by 
continuing  and  increasing  their  apprehensions,  with  a 
design  of  erecting  batteries  and  pickets  to  surround  the 
town  ;  thereby  to  awe  and  intimidate,  if  not  to  subjugate 
the  inhabitants  to  a  tame  and  unresisting  state  of  servitude  : 

Therefore,  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  these 
Joint  Committees,  that  should  any  person  or  persons,  in- 
habitants of  this  or  the  neighbouring  Provinces,  supply  the 
troops  now  stationed  in  the  town  of  Boston,  acting  in  open 
hostility  to  the  persons  and  properties  of  the  inhabitants, 
with  labour,  lumber,  joists,  spars,  pickets,  straw,  bricks,  or 
any  materials  whatsoever,  which  may  furnish  them  with 
requisites  to  annoy  or  in  any  way  distress  said  inhabitants, 
he  or  they  so  offending  shall  be  held  in  the  highest  detest- 
ation ;  be  deemed  the  most  inveterate  enemies  of  this 
people  ;  and  ought  to  be  prevented,  opposed,  and  defeated, 
by  all  reasonable  means  whatsoever. 

Voted,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  the  Committees,  that 
Committees  of  Observation  and  Prevention  should  be  ap- 
pointed by  each  town,  particularly  in  Roxbury,  Milton, 
Dedham,  Cambridge,  Braintrce,  Mistick,  Charlestown, 
and  Watertown,  and  that  the  Connnittees  of  Correspond- 
ence be  desired  to  appoint  Committees  to  see  that  the 
Resolves  of  the  Joint  Committees  entered  into  this  day  be 
faithfully  executed. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  a  Letter  which  was  sent  to 
every  Town  and  District  in  this  Province  : 

Bonton,  September  27,  1771. 

Gentlemen  :  The  Committees  of  Correspondence  of 
this  and  several  of  the  neighbouring  towns,  have  taken  into 


consideration  the  vast  importance  of  withholding  from  the 
troojis  n,)w  here,  labour,  straw,  timber,  slitwork,  boards, 
and  in  short,  every  article  excepting  provisions,  necessary 
for  their  subsistence ;  and  being  under  a  necessity  from 
their  conduct  of  considering  them  as  real  enemies,  we  are 
fully  satisfied  that  it  is  our  bounden  duty  to  withhold  from 
tiiern  every  thing  but  what  mere  humanity  requires ;  and 
therefore  we  must  beg  your  close  and  serious  attention  to 
the  enclosed  resolves,  which  were  passed  unanimously. 
And  as  unanimity  in  all  our  measures  in  this  day  of  severe 
trial  is  of  the  utmost  consequence,  we  do  earnestly  recom- 
mend your  co-operation  in  this  measure,  as  conducive  to  the 
good  of  the  whole.  We  are,  &ic.,  your  friends  and  fellow- 
countrymen. 

Signed  by  order  of  the  Joint  Committee. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  I^ETTER  FROM  COLONEL  WILLIAM  PRESTON, 
DATED    FINCASTLE,  SEPTEMBER    28,    1774. 

That  part  of  the  army  under  the  conimand  of  Colonel 
Lewis,  whicii  is  to  meet  Lord  Dtmmore  at  the  mouih  of 
the  Great  Kcnhawa,  or  i^cw  River,  assembled  at  the 
Great  Levels  of  Greenbrier,  to  the  amount  of  about 
fifteen  hundred  rank  and  file.  Colonel  Charles  Lewis 
marched  with  six  hundred  men  on  the  Cth  instant,  for  the 
mouth  of  Elk,  a  branch  of  New  River,  which  empties 
some  distance  below  the  Falls,  there  to  build  a  small  Fort, 
and  prepare  canoes.  Colonel  Andrcxv  Lewis  marched 
with  another  large  party  the  12th  instant,  for  the  same 
place  ;  and  Colonel  Christian  was  to  march  yesterday  with 
the  remainder,  being  about  four  hundred,  and  the  last 
supply  of  provisions.  This  body  of  militia  being  mostly 
armed  with  rifle  guns,  and  a  great  part  of  them  good 
woodsmen,  are  looked  upon  to  be  at  least  equal  to  any 
troops  for  the  number  tliat  have  been  raised  in  America. 
It  is  earnestly  hoped  that  they  will,  in  conjunction  with 
the  other  party,  be  able  to  chastise  the  Ohio  Indians  for 
the  many  murders  and  robberies  they  have  committed  on 
our  frontiers  for  many  years  past. 

On  the  8th  instant,  one  John  Henry  was  dangerously 
wounded,  and  his  wife  and  three  children  taken  prisoners, 
on  the  head  of  Clinch  River.  The  man  at  that  time  made 
his  escape,  but  is  since  dead  of  his  wounds.  The  same 
day  a  man  was  taken  prisoner  by  another  party  of  the 
enemy  on  the  north  fork  of  Holston.  On  the  13th  a 
soldier  was  fired  upon  by  three  Indians  on  Clinch  River ; 
but,  as  he  received  no  hurt,  he  returned  tlie  fire,  and  it  is 
believed  killed  an  Indian,  as  much  blood  was  found  where 
he  fell,  and  one  of  the  plugs  which  burst  out  of  his  wound 
was  also  found.  The  soldier  was  supported  by  some  men 
who  were  near,  and  gave  the  two  Indians  a  cliase ;  who,  it 
is  supposed  threw  the  wounded  one  into  a  deep  pit  that 
was  near.  These  parties  of  the  enemy  were  pursued 
several  days  by  Captain  Daniel  Smith,  who  could  not 
overtake  them,  they  having  stolen  horses  to  carry  them  off". 

On  the  23d,  two  negroes  were  taken  prisoners  at 
Blackmore's  Fort,  on  Clinch  River,  and  a  great  many 
horses  and  cattle  shot  down.  On  the  24th,  a  family  was 
killed  and  taken  at  Reedy  Creek,  a  branch  of  Holston, 
near  the  Cherokee  line  ;  and  on  Sunday  morning,  the  25th, 
hallooing,  and  the  report  of  many  guns  were  heard  at 
several  houses,  but  the  damage  done  was  not  known  when 
the  express  came  away.  These  last  murders  are  believed 
to  be  perpetrated  by  the  Cherokees,  as  two  men  lately  re- 
turned from  that  country  and  made  oath  that  two  parties 
had  left  the  towns,  either  to  join  the  Shatvanese  or  fall 
upon  some  of  our  settlements  ;  and  that  the  Cherokees  in 
general  appeared  in  a  very  bad  temper,  which  greatly 
alarmed  the  traders. 

It  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  consternation  into 
which  tliis  last  stroke  has  put  tlie  inhabitants  on  Holston 
and  Clinch  Rivers,  and  the  ratlier,  as  many  of  their  choice 
men  are  on  the  expedition,  and  they  have  no  ammunition. 
Two  of  these  people  were  at  my  house  this  day,  and,  after 
travelling  above  an  hundred  miles  offered  ten  shillings  a 
pound  (or  jiowder ;  but  there  is  none  to  be  had  for  any 
money.  Indeed  it  is  very  alarming ;  lor  should  the 
Cherokees  engage  in  a  war  at  this  time  it  would  ruin  us,  as 
so  many  men  are  out,  and  ammunition  so  scarce.  Add  to 
this  the  strength  of  those  people,  and  their  towns  being  so 
near  our  settlements  on  Holston. 


809 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  SEPTEMBER,  1774. 


810 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  RECEIVED  IN  LONDON  FROM  MARY- 
LAND, DATED  SEPTEMBER  28,  1774. 

The  genera)  Congress  is  now  sitting,  and  consists  of 
Deputies  from  every  Colony  on  the  Continent,  except 
Quckc  and  the  two  Floridas.  You  shall  hear  soon  again 
from  me  if  they  do  not  recommend  a  stop  to  all  mercantile 
commerce  with  Great  Driiuin.  This  Congress  is  truly 
respectable.  It  consists  of  about  seventy  Members,  men 
of  integrity,  men  of  talents,  chosen  without  solicitation, 
bribery ,° or  corruption ;  chosen  only  on  account  of  their 
integrity  and  talents.  I  will  not  compare  them  to  the 
Houlse  of  Commons  in  point  of  fortune  and  property; 
but  I  will  not  degrade  them  by  making  it  a  doubt  whether 
the  American  Congress  does  not  excel  both  llouses  of 
Parliament  in  honour,  honesty,  and  publlck  spirit.  All 
your  publlck  papers  tell  us  both  Houses  of  Parliament  are 
corrupt  and  venal ;  their  acts  against  America  speak  them 
tyrannical.  Why  is  England  put  to  the  immense  expense 
of  sending  troops  and  ships  of  war  to  awe  us  into  obedi- 
ence ;  is  she  able,  under  such  a  load  of  debts,  to  bear  an 
increase  ?  Is  the  Ministry  weak  enough  to  think  we  shall 
draw  the  sword,  when  patience  and  forbearance  of  com- 
merce will  very  effectually  answer  our  purpose  ?  America 
does  not  yet  contain  five  millions  of  souls.  In  fifty  years, 
according  to  the  common  course  of  populatlon,_she  may 
contain  at  least  sixty  millions.  Will  Great  Britain  then 
pretend  to  tax.  us,  and  enforce  payment  by  her  troops  and 
Navy  ? 

New-York,  September  29, 1774. 
Yesterday  great  numbers  of  the  following,  in  a  Handbill, 
were  distributed  in  this  city : 

To  the  PubHck. — An  application  having  been  made  to 
the  Merchants  of  Philadelphia,  by  the  Agents  of  the 
British  Ministry,  for  supplying  the  troops  now  in  the  town 
of  Boston,  and  parts  adjacent,  with  blankets  and  other 
necessaries  ;  and  they  conceiving  that  the  complying  with 
the  said  offer  would  be  attended  with  the  most  fatal  conse- 
quences to  the  common  cause  of  America  (by  enabling 
General  Gage  to  continue  his  despotick  and  arbitrary 
designs  against  our  distressed  brethren  in  that  devoted 
capital)  nobly  and  generously  refused,  thereby  sacrificing 
tlielr  private  interest  to  the  publlck  good.  And,  a  report 
prevailing,  that  a  number  of  persons  in  this  city  have,  in- 
considerately, contracted  to  furnish  the  Ministerial  Agents 
with  sundry  articles  for  the  aforesaid  purpose,  contrary  to  the 
sense  of  the  Continental  Congress,  as  appeare  by  their  re- 
solves respecting  the  town  o(  Boston  and  Province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  a  body  of  freeholders  and  freemen  convened 
at  the  house  of  William  Marriner  yesterday  evening  In  order 
to  take  the  said  report  into  consideration.  And  being  deeply 
impressed  with  the  distressing  consequences  that  such  im- 
prudent conduct  will  be  productive  of  to  their  already  greatly 
opi'ressed  fellow-subjects,  appointed  a  Committee  to  wait  on 
those  gentlemen  who  may  have  engaged,  as  aforesaid,  in 
order  to  learn  a  true  state  of  the  case,  and  obtain  their 
answer  in  writing,  and  also  report  the  same,  this  evening, 
at  I've  o'clock,  at  the  house  of  Edward  Bardin,  to  the  in- 
habitants of  this  city,  then  and  there  to  be  convened. 
This  is,  therefore,  to  notify  all  the  friends  of  liberty  there 
to  attend  the  delivery  of  the  said  report,  and  adopt  such 
measures  as  the  exigency  of  this  alarming  occasion  may 
require. 

New-York,  September  28,  1774. 

In  consequence  of  the  above  Notice  there  was  a  very 
numerous  meeting  at  the  time  and  place  appointed,  when 
several  reports  were  made,  and  resolutions  entered  into,  but 
as  the  time  was  not  sufficient  to  finish  the  business,  the 
Meeting  was  adjourned  till  this  evening  at  six  o'clock,  at 
the  same  place. 

PROVINCE  OF    MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 

By  the  Governour. — A  Proclamation. 
Whereas,  on  the  first  day  of  September,  instant,  I 
thought  fit  to  issue  writs  for  calling  a  Great  and  General 
Court  or  Assembly,  to  be  convened  and  held  at  Salem,  in 
the  County  of  Essex,  on  the  fifth  day  of  October  next ; 
and  whereas,  from  the  many  tumults  and  disorders  which 


have  since  taken  place,  the  extraordinary  Resolves  which 
have  been  passed  in  many  of  the  counties,  the  Instructions 
given  by  the  town  of  Boston,  and  some  other  towns,  to 
their  Representatives,  and  the  present  disordered  and  un- 
hapi)y  state  of  the  Province,  it  appears  to  me  highly  inex- 
pedient that  a  Great  and  General  Court  should  be  conven- 
ed at  the  time  aforesaid;  but  that  a  session,  at  some  more 
distant  day,  will  best  tend  to  promote  his  Majesty's  service 
and  the  good  of  the  Province.  I  have,  therefore,  thought 
fit  to  declare  my  intention  not  to  meet  the  said  General 
Court  at  Salem,  on  the  said  fifth  day  of  October  next. 
And  I  do  hereby  excuse  and  discharge  all  such  persons  as 
have  been,  or  may  be,  elected  and  deputed  Representa- 
tives to  serve  at  the  same,  and  giving  their  attendance,  any 
thing  in  the  aforesaid  writs  contained  to  the  contrary  not- 
withstanding ;  whereof  all  concerned  are  to  take  notice  and 
govern  themselves  accordingly. 

And  the  Sherifls  of  the  several  counties,  their  Under 
Sheriffs  or  Deputies,  and  the  Constables  of  the  several 
towns  within  the  same,  are  commanded  to  cause  this  Proc- 
lamation to  be  forthwith  published  and  posted  within  their 
Precincts.  ' 

Given  at  Boston,  the  twenty-eighth  day  of  September, 
seventeen  hundred  and  seventy-four,  in  the  fourteenth  year 
of  the  reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  George  the  Third,  by 
the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland, 
King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &;c.  i 

Thomas  Gage. 

By  his  Excellency's  command, 

Thomas  Flucker,  Secretary.    . 
GoD  save  the  King. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CORRES- 
PONDENCE FOB  THE  TOWN  OF  BOSTON  TO  THE  CON- 
GRESS,   DATED    SEPTEMBER  29,   1774. 

Yesterday  it  appeared  that  Joseph  Scott,  Esquire,  had 
sold  to  the  army  a  number  of  cannon,  some  cohorns,  shells, 
chain,  and  other  shot.  Upon  the  matter  being  discover- 
ed, and  Mr.  Scott's  being  acquainted  witVi  the  resentments 
of  the  people,  he  forbade  the  party  who  were  sent  for  them 
to  take  them  away  ;  they  nevertheless  proceeded  and  car- 
ried them  on  board  their  ships.  This  created  much  dis- 
turbance, and  a  guard  was  offered  to  Mr.  Scott  by  the 
General ;  but  Mr.  Scott  was  informed  that  no  military 
guard  could  save  him,  and  would  but  stimulate  the  people  to 
acts  of  greater  violence.  Many  gentlemen,  who  foresaw 
what  must  have  ensued,  endeavoured  to  dissuade  the  peo- 
ple from  attacking  the  house  ;  and,  finally,  some  persons 
encaged,  that  if  no  guard  was  set  to  the  house  they  would 
do  all  in  their  power  to  disperse  the  people.  This  was 
complied  with,  and  the  exertions  of  the  gentlemen  of  the 
town  proved  effectual,  some  dirt  and  filth  thrown  upon  his 
warehouse  being  all  the  injury  he  sustained.  We  have 
given  an  account  of  this  afiair  because  we  expect  some 
untrue  representation  will  be  made,  perhaps  much  to  the 
disadvantage  of  the  town. 


London,  October  1,  1774. 

Yesterday  his  Majesty  came  from  Kew  to  St.  James's, 
where  there  was  a  levee,  and  afterwards  a  Council  was 
held,  at  which  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  North,  the  Lords 
Dartmouth  and  Barrington,  &.C.,  assisted,  when  his  Ma- 
jesty signed  the  following  Proclamation  for  dissolving  the 
Parliament,  and  for  calling  another : 

By  THE  King. 

A  Proclamation  for  Dissolving  this  present  Parliament, 
and  declaring  the  Culling  of  another. 

George  R. 

Whereas  we  have  thought  fit,  by  and  with  the  advice  of 
our  Privy  Council,  to  dissolve  this  present  Parliament, 
which  now  stands  prorogued  to  Tuesday,  the  15th  day  of 
November  next;  we  do,  for  that  end,  publish  this  our 
Roval  Proclamation,  and  do  hereby  dissolve  the  said  Par- 
limi'ient  accordingly ;  and  the  Lords  Spiritual  and  Tempo- 
ral, and  the  Knights,  Citizens,  and  Burgesses,  and  the 
Commissioners  for  shires  and  burghs,  of  the  House  of 
Coiniiions,  are  discharged  from  their  meeting  and  attend- 


811 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


812 


ance  on  Thiesday,  the  said  15th  day  of  November  next. 
And  we,  beins;;  (lesirous  and  resolved,  as  soon  as  may  be, 
to  met't  our  ])eo[)le  and  to  liave  their  advice  in  Parliament, 
do  hereby  make  known  to  all  our  loving  subjects  our  royal 
will  and  pleasure  to  call  a  new  Parliament.  And  do  here- 
by further  declare,  that  with  the  advice  of  our  Privy  Coun- 
cil, we  have  this  day  given  order  to  our  Chancellor  of 
Great  Britain  to  issue  out  writs  in  due  form  for  calling  a 
new  Parliament,  which  writs  are  to  hear  test  on  Saturday 
the  first  of  October  next,  and  to  be  returnable  on  Tuesday 
the  29th  of  November  following. 

Given  at  our  Court  at  St.  James's,  the  30th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1774,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  our  reign. 
Goo  save  the  King. 


Pliiladclphia,  October  1,  1774. 

Among  the  variety  of  means  that  have  been  proposed 
for  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  three  Boston  Bills,  (as  they 
are  called,)  and  the  Tea  Act,  a  general  non-remittance  is 
one.  This  proposal  stands  condemned  by  many,  merely 
from  its  supposed  injustice.  It  may,  perhaps,  with  some 
propriety,  be  compared  to  a  sheep  in  a  wolf's  coat ;  and  if 
so,  the  general  disapprobation  it  has  met  with  is  not  at  all 
to  be  admired  at.  We  aj-e  apt  to  judge  from  appearances, 
without  sufficiently  examining  the  nature  and  merits  of  the 
cause  ;  and  our  prejudices  frequently  lead  us  into  hasty  and 
wrong  conclusions.  Thus,  a  sheep  in  a  wolfs  coat,  how- 
ever harmless  and  useful  the  animal  might  be,  would  prob- 
ably, on  its  first  appearance,  be  conden)ned  and  destroyed. 
And  as  we  are  all,  from  our  cradles,  prejudiced  against  and 
taught  to  detest  the  fraudulent  withholding  of  a  debt,  there- 
fore, whatever  bears  such  appearance,  though,  perhaps, 
from  certain  concomitant  circumstances  rendered  perfectly 
just,  shall,  like  the  sheep  in  the  wolf's  coat,  be  instantly 
condemned. 

In  order,  however,  a  little  to  divest  ourselves  of  this 
prejudice,  let  us  suppose  that  two  neighbours,  A  and  B, 
for  instance,  have  dealt  togetiier  and  supported  a  good  un- 
derstanding many  years;  but  that  A,  at  length,  takes  it  in 
his  head,  without  any  cause  or  provocation,  to  seize  and 
detain  one  of  B's  children,  with  a  design  to  enslave  it; 
that  B  is  at  this  time  one  hundred  pounds  in  debt  to  A, 
and  has  no  way  to  prevail  on  him  to  relinquish  his  child, 
but  by  withholding  payment  till  he  does;  and  then  ask 
yourselves  seriously,  whether,  in  this  case,  it  would  really 
be  unjust  to  withhold  payment ;  or  rather,  whether  the 
purest  laws  of  God  and  nature,  would  not  absolutely  en- 
join and  require  it  ?  Must  not  the  parent  who  would  vol- 
untarily, in  such  case,  put  the  means  of  his  child's  redemp- 
tion out  of  his  power,  for  only  the  fiivolous  purpose,  com- 
paratively speaking,  of  paying  a  debt,  be  totally  destitute 
of  the  generous  feelings  of  compassion,  or  utterly  ignorant 
of  the  real  value  of  liberty. 

But  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  (among  whom  our 
creditors  are  included,)  are  not  only  endeavouring  to  en- 
slave our  children,  but  enslave  us  also.  The  means  we 
see  are  already  contrived,  and  with  horrid  force  carrying 
into  execution.  And  if  to  obtain  freedom  for  an  individual, 
a  just  debt  ought  to  be  withheld,  surely  to  obtain  it  for  and 
secure  it  to  millions,  will  justify  an  act  of  the  same  nature. 
If  payment  in  that  case  would  have  been  criminal,  must  it 
not  be  infinitely  more  so  in  this  ?  Where  so  great  and  gen- 
eral a  good  is  depending,  to  give  up  any  part  of  the  means 
requisite  for  obtaining  it,  must  approach  near  to  unpardon- 
able. 

I  said  the  people  of  Great  Britain  are  endeavouring  to 
enslave  us.  I  consider  their  conduct  in  that  light.  The 
Acts  which  have  that  tendency  were  passed  by  tlieir  Depu- 
ties— by  their  servants,  and  they  have  not  so  much  as 
remonstrated  against  them.  Their  silence  is  an  evidence 
of  consent.  But  we  have  further  evidence.  Our  friends 
in  Parliament,  by  way  of  complaint,  openly  declared  that 
the  people  of  that  country  approve  those  measures,  and 
wish  to  see  them  carried  into  execution  as  much  as  the 
majority  of  that  House.  The  Minister  might  invent,  and 
the  Parliament  might  enact,  but  it  is  the  people  that  are  to 
support  and  enforce  them. 

It  is,  therefore.  Great  Britain,  in  her  collective  capacity, 
that  we  have  to  dispute  with ;  which  seems  to  render  the 
most  general  and  powerful  mode  of  opposition  that  we  can 


possibly  devise  and  carry  into  execution,  consistent  with 
the  laws  of  God  and  our  country,  absolutely  necessary. 
Partial  measures,  it  is  true,  may  irritate — they  may  distress 
and  even  ruin  many  individuals,  both  at  home  and  here; 
but  an  arbitrary  Rlinister,  with  a  venal  Parliament  at  his 
heels,  will  easily  brave  the  storm  of  their  resentment. 
Whereas,  if  we  adopt  measures  that  will  send  distress  to 
every  part  of  the  whole  Empire,  our  enemies  must  soon 
yield  to  the  force  of  our  argument.  Here,  1  presume,  will 
be  the  time  for  us  to  remonstrate ;  to  send  the  mother 
country  a  state  of  our  grievances,  with  a  boundary  line 
sketched  out  between  her  power  and  our  own.  Being  con- 
vinced of  her  crrour  in  supposing  herself  omnipotent,  she 
may,  perhaps,  have  an  ear  to  hear,  and  a  heart  to  yield  to 
right  reason. 

Nor  can  I  but  be  of  opinion,  that  we  shall  stand  firmer 
to  our  engagements,  in  a  short,  general,  and  vigorous  op- 
position, that  will  diffuse  its  burden  and  loss  upon  us  all, 
than  in  a  partial  lingering  one,  borne  only  by  a  few.  To 
throw  the  whole  burden  of  the  contest  on  our  dry  goods 
merchants,  appears  too  replete  with  injustice  to  bear  a  vin- 
dication. If  we  all  wish  to  partake  of  the  advantage,  let 
us  all  be  willing  to  pay  a  part  of  the  price. 

The  farmer,  who  insists  that  the  dry  goods  merchant 
shall  cease  to  import,  though  the  measure  should  even  de- 
prive him  of  bread ;  and  yet,  through  fear  of  some  frivo- 
lous loss  to  himself,  very  wisely  protests  against  non-export- 
ation, certainly  merits  the  utmost  contempt.  Nor  does 
the  farmer,  in  this  case,  stand  alone.  The  miller  lays 
claim  to  publick  spirit ;  talks  loudly  for  liberty  ;  and  also  in- 
sists upon  a  non-importation ;  and  in  order  to  enforce  the 
scheme  upon  the  merchant,  will  readily  agree  to  a  general 
non-consumption  ;  but  no  sooner  is  non-exportation  sound- 
ed in  his  ear,  than  his  mighty  publick  spirit,  like  Milton's 
devils  at  their  Pandemonium  consultation,  is  instantly 
dwarfed.  "My  interest,  sir!  I  cannot  part  with  that! 
"  Alas!  if  a  general  non-exportation  takes  place,  what  shall 
"  I  do  wit>h  my  mill  ?" 

Liberty  is,  in  this  good  man's  opinion,  a  Goddess,  and  he 
passionately  wishes  to  live  under  the  benign  influence  of 
her  smiles ;  and  yet,  rather  than  forego  the  profits  of  liis 
mill  for  the  space  of  a  year,  this  goddess  of  his  may  perish, 
and  his  country  be  bound  in  ever-during  chains  of  slavery. 
Oh  !  shameful  partiality !  Shameful  meanness  !  Such  selfish 
souls  even  taint  the  very  air  they  breathe  in ;  their  disorder 
is  infectious  and  spreads  among  the  people ;  our  councils 
are  enfeebled  by  the  schisms  they  jiroduce  ;  and  the  lauda- 
ble spirit  of  liberty  is  sickened  by  their  breath. 

We  have,  however,  farmers  and  millers  who  breathe 
forth  sentiments  of  a  different  nature ;  and  who  well  de- 
serve to  be  ranked  with  the  foremost  of  our  patriots. 

Soon  after  William  the  Tliird  came  to  the  Crown  of 
Great  Britain,  there  ajipeared  divisions  amongst  the  peo- 
ple respecting  his  right.  The  Parliament  empowered  him 
to  borrow  money  on  his  revenues ;  and  the  advice  of  his 
friends  was,  borrow  what  you  can ;  the  more  you  borrow 
the  more  friends  you  make ;  interest  is  a  stronger  tie  than 
principle.  The  King  took  their  advice,  and  soon  secured 
in  his  favour  the  moneyed  part  of  the  Nation. 

The  same  reason  will  operate  in  favour  of  non-remit- 
tance. The  more  we  owe  the  British  merchants,  the  more 
they  will  exert  themselves  in  our  behalf.  In  proportion  to 
the  debt,  it  will  ever  be  their  interest  to  ward  off  such 
measures  as  may  tend  to  work  our  ruin,  or  cause  us  to  re- 
volt. But  the  moment  we  pay  them  their  demands,  we 
release  tliem  from  this  obligation  ;  and,  in  some  degree,  set 
them  at  liberty  to  unite  with  our  enemies  in  working  our 
ruin.  They  may,  perhaps,  find  other  customers  for  their 
goods ;  but  the  debts  we  owe  them  they  can  never  expect 
to  receive  from  any  other  quarter ;  and,  therefore,  should 
we  be  drove  to  the  utmost  extremity,  they  are  sure  of  losing 
the  whole.  Nor  will  tliis  loss  affect  them  only,  for  it  must 
very  sensibly  affect  the  Nation  in  general. 

It  is  I  know  said,  that  some  of  these  creditors  are  our 
friends ;  and  that  it  would  be  unjust  to  do  any  thing  tend- 
ing to  injure  them.  But  then  it  is  also  said,  and  as  truly, 
that  necesshy  has  no  law.  We  are,  indeed,  very  sorry  that 
British  measures  have  laid  us  under  the  disagreeable  ne- 
cessity of  using  means  of  opfiositiim  injurious  to  British 
merchants ;  and  more  especially  such  as  are  really  our 
friends.    But  1  know  of  no  law  either  moral  or  divine,  that 


813 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


814 


requires  us  to  love  our  friends  better  than  ourselves.  If 
the  best  friends  we  have  should  be  unfortunately  obliged 
to  suffer  with  us,  all  that  they  can  ask,  or  we  can  grant, 
consistent  with  the  laws  of  nature  apd  self-preservation, 
will  only  be  to  sympathize  with  them  in  their  aifliction,  and 
endeavour  to  obtain  their  relief  by  obtaining  our  own. 
They  must  have  too  much  good  sense,  I  presume,  to  think 
hard  of  us  for  adopting  a  measure  so  essential  to  our  pre- 
servation. They  know,  they  feel,  that  self-preservation  is 
the  first  law  of  nature,  and  that  it  ought  to  be,  above  all 
others,  religiously  regarded.  Their  breasts  may  indeed 
swell  with  indignation  against  the  men  whose  callous  and 
corrupt  hearts  have  compelled  us  to  do  things  so  injurious 
to  them  and  unpleasant  to  ourselves. 

Whatever  the  British  merchants  might  lose,  however, 
by  a  general  non-remittance,  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  they 
would  lose  far  more  by  a  general  non-importation,  for 
although  non-remittance  will  operate  most  speedily,  and, 
with  regard  to  influencing  their  conduct,  probably  do  us 
most  service ;  yet,  upon  a  supposition  that  trade  will  again 
revive,  and  remittance  be  made,  it  must  do  them  less  dam- 
age ;  they  will  then  have  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  their 
whole  original  demands,  with  interest.  Whereas,  if  a  non- 
importation takes  place,  their  usual  profits  on  trade  thereby 
withheld,  together  with  the  losses  on  perishable  articles, 
and  the  interest  on  the  value  of  goods  lying  upon  their 
hands,  must  be  dead  loss  to  them  forever;  which  will 
probably  far  exceed  any  loss  that  could  possibly  attend  their 
lying  out  of  their  money.  But  then,  if  matters  should  be 
carried  so  far  as  to  prevent  remittances  ever  being  made, 
tlieir  loss  must  be  prodigious ;  and  this  is  what  it  will  put 
them  upon  to  prevent ;  and  the  fear  of  this,  we  may  rea- 
sonably suppose,  will  stimulate  them  to  exert  every  nerve 
in  our  favour. 

When  1  consider  the  importance  of  what  we  are  con- 
tending for,  I  own  I  cannot  but  think  it  would  betray  a  great 
weakness  in  us  to  decline  adopting  any  one  salutary  mea- 
sure, either  through  fear  of  loss  to  our  friends  or  to  ourselves. 
If  every  means  in  our  power  to  use  will  no  more  than  in- 
sure us  success,  how  fatal  may  prove  the  disuse  of  any  one  ? 
Hath  it  not  been  consistent  with  the  wisdom  of  whole  Em- 
pires, to  spend  great  part  of  their  wealth,  and  the  purest  of 
their  blood,  in  defence  of  their  liberty  ?  And  when  their 
dreadful  struggles  have  been  crowned  with  success,  have 
they  not  ever  thought  the  enjoyment  far  superiour  to  the 
price  it  cost  them  ? 

If  it  is  Britain  collectively  that  we  have  to  contend  with, 
then  in  this  as  in  all  other  national  contests,  the  innocent 
must  unavoidably  suffer  with  the  guilty — our  friends  with 
our  foes.  It  is  impossible  for  us  to  point  our  weapons 
against  our  enemies  only  ;  or,  indeed,  in  this  case,  to  point 
them  against  the  principals  at  all.  But  it  is  not  impossible 
for  us  so  to  wound  a  lion  in  his  foot  as  soon  to  disorder  his 
whole  body,  and  grievously  sicken  his  head. 

We  are  not  now  to  consider  what  v\'ill  affect  individuals 
in  Britain;  but  what  will  affect  Britain  in  general.  We 
ought  not  to  regard  the  sentiments  and  conduct  of  particu- 
lar persons  there,  so  as  to  model  our  measures  to  screen 
them  ;  but  we  ought  to  attend  to  and  regard  the  sentiments 
of  Britain  collectively  as  one  great  individual :  and  in  like 
collective  capacity  ought  we  to  consider  ourselves,  and  also 
to  act. 

If,  then,  Britain  has  a  demand  of  debt  against  us,  and 
we  a  demand  of  a  different  nature,  but  superiour  in  value, 
against  her ;  with  what  propriety  or  justice  can  she  expect 
payment,  when  siie  refuses  to  allow  us  our  superiour  de- 
mand ?  We  must  certainly,  agreeable  to  the  strictest  rules 
of  honesty,  and  the  general  practice  between  neighbour 
and  neighbour,  have  clearly  a  riglu  to  withhold  payment 
until  she  condescends  to  come  to  a  settlement.  When  this 
settlement  is  obtained,  and  the  demands  on  each  side  are 
fully  and  fairly  stated,  and  ttie  balance  struck  ;  this  balance, 
whether  it  falls  in  favour  of  her  or  of  us,  will  be  the  sum 
total  that  ought  to  be  paid.  But  as  the  articles  of  our  de- 
mand against  her  are  inconceivably  valuable,  being  no  less 
than  liberty,  peace,  and  a  free  trade,  I  believe  we  may 
venture  to  anticipate  the  settlement,  and  safely  conclude 
that  the  balance  will  certainly  prove  in  our  Aivour ;  and 
that  it  will  be  by  much  too  high  for  all  the  wealth  in  Britain 
to  pay.  And  if  this  be  the  case,  as  I  presume  it  is,  then  it 
will  necessarily  follow  that  she  can  never  have  a  balance  in 


her  favour,  nor  equitable  demand  of  debt  against  us,  until 
those  three  articles  of  our  demand  are  again  restored  to  our 
possession. 

As  these  articles,  however,  are  seldom  if  ever  met  with 
in  books  of  account,  some  people  may,  perhaps,  affect  to 
sneer  at  their  being  considered  as  articles  of  charge,  proper 
to  balance  the  demand  of  debt  the  mother  country  has 
against  us.  But  whatever  ideas,  with  regard  to  proper  ar- 
ticles of  charge,  custom  may  have  riveted  in  these  men's 
beads,  I  imagine  the  unprejudiced  will  conceive  with  me, 
that  whatsoever  is  of  value  to  mankind  is,  with  mankind,  a 
proper  article  of  charge.  And  our  lawyers  will  tell  these 
gentlemen,  that  whoever  illegally  deprives  another  of  his 
libeity,  peace,  or  trade,  is  not  only  liable  to  a  charge  tliere- 
for,  but  to  an  action  also. 

And  if  Britain  denies  us  the  benefit  of  the  law,  for  the 
recovery  and  enjoyment  of  those  invaluable  articles  of  our 
demand  against  her ;  totally  refusing  to  listen  to  our  plea 
of  legal  constitutional  rights — of  solemnly  granted  Charter 
privileges,  and  of  her  faith  plighted  and  confirmed  to  our 
forefathers,  she  sets  us  a  striking  example  to  deny  her  mer- 
chants the  benefit  of  the  law  and  the  assistance  of  our 
courts,  for  the  recovery  of  their  demands  against  us  ;  even 
though  we  had  no  equitable  right  to  withhold  them.  Such 
equitable  right,  however,  I  suppose  really  and  fairly  to 
exist ;  and  yet  am  I  far  from  holding  it  just,  that  those  mer- 
chants, if  innocent  with  regard  to  the  rnalepractices  which 
gave  that  right  existence,  should  bear  the  loss ;  for  their 
rulers,  who  iiave  so  wantonly  and  wickedly  brought  the 
mischief  on  them,  ought,  no  doubt,  upon  the  purest  prin- 
ciples of  equity,  to  make  them  whole. 

And  now,  before  I  conclude,  let  me  just  observe,  that  I 
remember  to  have  seen  in  some  of  our  papers,  a  very 
sounding  protest  against  a  resolution  of  a  respectable 
county,  in  a  neighbouring  Colony,  in  favour  of  shutting  our 
courts  against  the  British  merchants,  in  order  to  withhold 
payment  for  a  time.  The  protesters  might  possibly  imagine 
that  such  high  terms  of  censure  as  they  were  pleased  to 
express  their  disapprobation  in,  would  awe  people  into  a 
detestation  of  the  measure,  without  considering  the  ground 
on  which  it  was  proposed.  In  this,  perhaps,  they  were 
not  wholly  mistaken.  It  frequently  happens  that  we  are 
misled  to  condemn  an  effect,  without  first  comparing  it  with 
and  weighing  it  against  the  cause  that  produced  it.  To 
withhold  a  just  debt  without  just  cause,  would  certainly  be 
wrong ;  but  then,  to  withhold  a  just  debt  with  just  cause, 
would  as  certainly  be  right.  I  have  not  only  endeavoured 
to  show  that  such  just  cause  may  exist,  but  also  that  it 
really  does  exist,  in  the  case  now  depending  between  us 
and  the  mother  country,  and  which  gave  rise  to  the  resolve 
I  just  now  mentioned.  If  1  have  been  so  happy  as  to  suc- 
ceed in  these  two  points,  then  I  presume  it  will  follow,  that 
to  stop  payment  agreeable  to  the  spirit  and  design  of  that 
resolve,  will  neither  injure  our  consciences  as  Christians, 
nor  our  credit  as  traders. 


EXTHACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOVER- 
NOUR  GAGE  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED 
BOSTON,  OCTOBER  3,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  Your  Lordship's  letter  of  the  3d  of  August, 
No.  8,  was  received  on  the  27th  ultimo,  and  its  duplicate 
by  packet  next  day.  The  change  that  has  happened  in 
the  affairs  of  this  country,  your  Lordship  will  have  been 
made  acquainted  with,  since  the  date  of  the  above  de- 
spatch, from  various  parts,  and  know  with  what  violence 
the  other  Colonies  have  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  though  some  more  moderate  than  others. 
The  Congress  is  still  sitting,  and  from  some  previous  re- 
solves they  have  published,  particularly  one  transmitted 
your  Lordship,  approving  the  resolves  of  Suffolk  County, 
and  another  recommending  non-importation,  we  do  not 
expect  much  good  from  their  deliberations. 

1  mentioned  to  your  Lordship  my  intention  to  postpone 
meeting  the  Assembly,  and  you  will  see  the  Proclamation 
to  that  end  in  the  enclosed  papers,  together  with  the  re- 
solves of  Worcester,  and  some  publications  against  supply- 
ing the  King's  troops  with  necessaries  ;  so  that  I  was  pre- 
mature in  telling  your  Lordship  that  the  Boston  artificers 
would  work  for  us.  This  refusal  of  all  assistance  has 
thrown  us  into  difficulties,  but  1  hope  to  get  through  them, 


815 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


816 


and  to  be  able  to  put  ihe  troops  under  cover,  though  not 
so  comfortably  as  I  could  wish. 

I  do  not  find  that  the  spirit  abates  any  where,  for  it  is 
kept  up  with  great  industry. 

They  are  shortly  to  have  a  Provincial  Congress  in  this 
Colony,  composed  chiefly  of  the  Representatives  lately 
chosen  to  meet  at  Concord,  where  it  is  supposed  measures 
will  be  taken  for  the  government  of  tlie  Province. 


DEPtJTT  GOVERNOUR  PKNN  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH. 

Pliiladelphia,  October  3,  1774. 

Mv  Lord  :  Since  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  your 
Lordship  on  the  (idi  of  last  month,  the  Congress  of  Depu- 
ties from  the  several  Colonies  have  continued  sitting  in  this 
city  ;  but  as  they  have  agreed  to  keep  all  their  proceed- 
ings secret,  I  have  it  not  as  yet  in  my  power  to  transmit 
to  your  Lordship  any  account  thereof,  except  what  they 
tliemselves  have  published  in  the  news))apers,  which  is 
comprised  in  three  resolves.  One  of  them  is  a  request  to 
the  merchants  in  the  several  Colonics  not  to  send  any 
orders  to  Great  Britain  for  goods,  and  to  direct  tiie  exe- 
cution of  all  orders  already  sent  to  be  suspended  until  the 
sense  of  the  Congress,  on  the  means  to  be  taken  for  the 
preservation  of  the  liberties  of  America  be  made  publick. 
The  other  two  are  expressive  of  dieir  feelings  for  the  suf- 
ferings of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  Bay;  their  appro- 
bation of  a  set  of  resolves  entered  into  by  the  Delegates 
of  the  County  of  Suffolk,  in  that  Province,  and  their  opin- 
ion that  the  contributions  from  all  the  Colonies  for  supply- 
ing the  necessities  of  the  people  of  Boston,  ought  to  be 
continued  as  long  as  their  occcasions  may  require.  But  as 
these  resolves,  as  well  as  those  of  the  County  of  Suffolk, 
are  inserted  at  large  in  the  public  newspapers,  I  beg  leave 
to  enclose  two  of  the  papers  which  contain  them,  and  as 
soon  as  any  further  transactions  of  the  Congress  are  made 
known,  1  shall  not  fail  to  communicate  them  to  your  Lord- 
ship by  the  first  opportunity. 

1  have  the  honour  to  be,  fee, 

John  Penn. 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  LONDON,  TO  A  GENTLEMAN 
IN  NEW-YORK,  DATEp  OCTOBER  3,  1774. 

The  critical  situation  of  affairs  at  present,  and  the  im- 
portant consequences  which  will  flow  from  the  conduct  of 
your  Congress,  are  very  interesting  to  every  lover  of  his 
country,  and  have  induced  me  to  address  to  you  a  few  in- 
digested sentiments  on  the  topicks  of  the  day. 

The  grounds  on  which  your  opposition  to  the  claims  of 
Parliament  are  founded  seem  to  be  consonant  to  natural 
equity  and  the  first  principles  of  civil  society.  The  proper 
mode  of  asserting  your  liberties  is  at  present  the  material 
question.  No  person  loves  America  and  the  rights  of 
mankind  more  than  I  do;  you  will,  therefore,  if  1  should 
happen  to  differ  in  sentiment  with  you,  impute  that  differ- 
ence rather  to  defect  of  knowledge,  than  want  of  zeal  for 
the  interest  in  the  cause  in  which  you  are  engaged. 

I  have  ever  been  an  enemy  to  all  attempts  of  deciding 
the  present  contest  by  violence  ;  the  issue  of  which  is  gene- 
rally not  owing  to  the  goodness  of  a  cause,  but  to  superiour 
strength  or  art,  and  the  ill  consequences  are  as  commonly 
felt  as  well  by  the  successful  as  the  subdued.  The  dispute 
between  America  and  Great  Britain  is  a  dispute  between 
two  grand  branches  of  the  same  state,  and  therefore  an 
injury  done  to  either  must  be  detrimental  to  the  common 
body.  In  diis  view  every  person  of  prudence  must  have 
seen  the  propriety  of  avoiding  the  introduction  of  violence, 
and  the  wisdom  of  endeavouring  lo  settle  the  difference  by 
friendly  debate  and  argument.  On  this  foot  I  confess  I  dis- 
approve of  the  conduct  of  the  Bostonians,  in  first  recurring 
to  force  by  violently  destroying  the  teas  of  ihe  Company. 
Any  excuse  drawn  from  the  danger  of  their  being  purchas- 
ed by  their  own  people  is  an  argument  against  their  virtue, 
and  an  inadmissible  j)lea :  because,  if  the  teas  had  been 
landed  without  their  consent,  and  tlie  duties  (which  is  put- 
tini'  it  in  the  most  favourable  liylit)  paid  without  their  con- 
currence, it  could  never  have  been  urged  as  a  precedent 
against  them.  I  mean  not  this  as  an  apology  for  the 
severe  measures-  which  have  been  adopted  against  them. 


The  Boston  Port  Bill  seems  to  be  replete  with  injustice 
and  cruelty,  and  utterly  indefensible  ;  yet  as  they  were 
undoubtedly  aggressors,  by  their  rashness  and  violence,  it 
would  have  been  an  honour  to  your  cause  if  their  proceed- 
ings had  been  disavowed,  and  a  compensation  made  at 
the  same  time  that  you  declared  your  resolutions  of  sup- 
porting them  in  defence  of  the  same  general  rights,  and  of 
uniting  in  the  maintenance  of  your  common  liberties. 

The  instructions  of  the  Philailelphians  to  their  Com- 
mittee are  drawn  up  with  the  true  spirit  of  patriotism,  and 
have  gained  more  proselytes  to  your  cause  than  any  other 
procedure;  the  prudence,  love  of  liberty, .and  attachment 
to  Great  Britain,  which  they  breathe,  and  the  firmness 
and  moderation  which  they  express,  are  more  alarming  to 
your  opponents  tlian  all  the  enthusiastick  ravings  and  indis- 
criminate abuse  which  iiave  been  poured  out  from  every 
quarter.  In  a  letter  which  I  wrote  you  some  time  since,  I 
briefly  stated  the  mode  of  conduct,  which,  if  your  Con- 
gress pursued,  it  was  thought  by  men  acquainted  with  the 
views  of  Government,  would  tend  to  the  amicable  adjust- 
ment of  the  present  unhappy  dispute  :  "  That  if  the  Mem- 
"  bers  of  your  Congress  unitedly  advise  their  several  As- 
"  semblies  lo  present  an  humble  and  resolute  petition, 
"  stating  what  you  demanded  as  your  rights,  and  what 
"  you  would  concede;  such  a  petition  from  your  As.semblies 
"  would  be  attended  to,  and  perhaps  produce  a  Convention 
''  which  might  terminate  in  a  firm  and  lasting  settlement  of 
"  the  dispute."  1  am  afraid  that  letter  came  too  late  to  be 
of  any  service,  as  well  as  others  on  the  same  subject,  ad- 
dressed to  persons  of  some  weight  amongst  you. 

The  Congress  has,  I  suppose,  by  this  time  met,  and 
the  decisive  measure  been  adopted.  Whatever  it  may  be, 
let  me  conjure  you,  as  a  lover  of  your  country,  to  promote 
mild  and  peaceful  measures  ;  if  the  sword  of  civil  war  is 
once  unsheathed,  mutual  injuries  will  but  produce  the  more 
raging  animosity,  and  those  who  are  now  your  friends  may 
become  your  enemies. 

Some  time  since  I  scarce  met  a  person  who  was  not 
violently  opposed  to  you  from  indignation  at  the  insult 
which  they  conceived  was  offered  by  the  destruction  of 
the  teas  at  i?oston ;  since  that  time  their  resentment  has 
been  subsiding,  and  an  unforeseen  incident  made  them  loud 
in  your  favour,  and  as  vindictive  against  the  Ministry. 
You  have  undoubtedly  seen  the  Quebec  Bill,  and  carefully 
considered  its  contents ;  occasion  has  been  taken  from  it  to 
attack  the  Ministry  as  friends  to  Popery,  and  to  represent 
them  as  intending  by  it  to  induce  the  Papists  to  assist  in 
reducing  the  Protestants  in  America  to  slavery.  The  pro- 
ject has  answ'ered  beyond  expectation  ;  the  cry  of  the 
enjoyment  of  Popery,  and  the  cruelties  exercised  against 
you,  has  reached  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  inflamed  the 
people  with  zeal  in  your  favour,  and  indignation  against 
the  Administration. 

As  the  issue  of  your  Congress  would  be  the  subject  of 
the  most  important  debates,  and  probably  require  vigorous 
measures,  it  was  thought  proper  to  dissolve  the  present 
Parliament,  and  suddenly  issue  out  writs  for  a  new  one ; 
for  it  was  judged  that  if  the  present,  or  rather  late  mem- 
bers, had  been  obliged  to  use  measures  against  you  which 
were  unpopular,  they  might  not  have  had  a  chance  of  be- 
ing re-elected,  but  a  majority  unfavourable  to  the  Ministry 
brought  in,  the  consequences  of  which  you  may  easily 
conjecture.  All  parties  are  now,  therefore,  busy  in  making 
interest  for  the  ensuing  election. 

The  election  for  Mayor  of  London  is  now  carrying  on, 
and  there  is  no  doubt  but  Mr.  Wilkes  will  be  appointed 
to  that  office.  Mr.  Bull  and  he  are  candidates  in  opposi- 
tion to  Esdale  and  Kennet,  two  Ministerial  gentlemen. 
You  will  ask  me  whether  the  Ministry  will  be  able  to  gain 
a  majority  in  the  ensuing  Pariiament  ?  Had  not  the  House 
been  so  artfully  and  unexpectedly  dissolved,  I  am  of  opin- 
ion that  they  would  not  ;  but  by  this  project  they  will 
undoubtedly  succeed,  as  they  have  had  an  advantage  of 
making  their  interest  sure,  while  their  opponents  were  off 
their  guard  ;  and  to  leave  those  measures,  which  would  have 
been  fatal  to  them,  to  the  sanction  of  the  future  Parliament. 
The  l)ulk  of  the  people,  especially  of  the  lower  class, 
is  now  in  your  favour,  but  if  you  adopt  violent  measures, 
I  dare  assert  that  they  will  not  continue  so.  Should  any 
of  their  countrymen  be  insulted  in  America;  should  the 
blood  of  any  of  the  soldiery  be  shed,  national  pride  (which 


817 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


818 


is  so  characteristick  in  all  their  wars)  will  prompt  them  to 
espouse  the  cause  of  this  country  an;ainst  you,  and  to  look 
upon  the  quarrel  as  not  with  tiie  Ministry  only,  but  with 
tliem.  On  this  account,  as  well  as  from  the  uncertainty 
and  miseries  which  will  flow  from  a  contest  by  force,  I 
entreat  you  to  exert  your  influence  in  the  promotion  of 
moderate  councils  and  measures  ;  let  not  pei-sons  who  are 
desirous  of  change,  and  fond  of  confusion  and  disorder 
(because  from  them  they  can  expect  that  eminence  which 
tliey  are  not  willing  to  aspire  after  by  the  slow  methods  of 
industry)  assume  the  lead  in  your  deliberations,  but  men 
whose  honesty  and  wisdom  have  been  long  tried  by  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  whose  property  may  give  you  security 
of  their  being  really  interested  in  the  welfare  of  the  com- 
munity." 


MEETING  OF  THE  LIVERT  OF  LONDON,  AT  GUILDHALL, 
OCTOBER  3,  1774. 
Pursuant  to  advertisements  in  the  publick  papers  for 
that  purpose,  there  appeared  at  Guildhall,  on  Monday 
afternoon,  October  3,  a  very  numerous  and  respectable 
part  of  the  Livery,  to  nominate  four  gentlemen  to  repre- 
sent this  great  city  in  the  ensuing  Parliament. 

Mr.  Stavely  being  voted  into  the  chair,  he  opened  the 
business  of  the  meeting  in  a  very  spirited  speech,  wherein 
he  set  forth  tiie  vast  importance  of  the  business  about 
which  they  were  met ;  that  the  eyes  of  the  whole  Nation 
were  upon  them  ;  and  this  being  the  first  city  .in  the  world, 
it  was  expected  they  would  set  a  glorious  example,  and 
not  elect  any  persons  but  such  as  were  known  friends  to 
liberty,  not  only  by  professions,  but  experience.  He 
begged  the  Livery  to  consider  that  such  another  opportuni- 
ty would  not  offer  itself  for  seven  years,  a  time,  in  his 
opinion,  much  too  long  ;  that  they  ought  to  consider  and 
proceed  on  their  business  with  coolness,  candour,  and  de- 
liberation ;  that  were  we  only  to  cast  our  eyes  to  America, 
we  should  see  to  what  a  dreadful  situation  those  brave 
people  were  reduced,  through  the  iniquitous  conduct  of  the 
late  corrupt  Houses  of  Parliament,  and  the  unanimity  the 
Americans  have  shewn  to  resist  all  such  arbitrary  acts  ;  and 
tlie  noble  sti-uggle  they  make  to  preserve  their  liberties, 
ought  to  be  an  example  to  us;  that  we  might  depend  upon 
it  the  persons  who  wished  to  enslave  America,  would,  if  it 
lay  in  their  power,  shackle  us. 

After  Mr.  Stavely  had  concluded,  Mr.  Compton  moved, 
that  a  paper  of  Instructions,  which  had  been  drawn  up  by 
a  very  respectable  Committee,  for  the  candidates  to  sign 
before  they  were  put  in  nomination,  might  be  read ;  which 
was  accordingly  read,  and  is  as  follows: 

"  We  do  most  solemnly  promise  and  engage  ourselves 
to  our  constituents,  if  we  have  the  honour  of  being  chosen 
to  represent  this  city  in  Parliament,  that  we  will  endeavour, 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power,  to  restore  and  defend  the  ex- 
cellent form  of  Government  modelled  and  established  at 
the  Revolution;  and  promote  and  procure,  and  having 
procured,  to  maintain  and  continue  Acts  of  the  Legislature 
for  shortening  the  duration  of  Parliaments ;  for  excluding 
pensioners  and  placemen  from  sitting  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons ;  for  subjecting  each  candidate  for  a  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment to  an  oath  against  his  having  used  bribery,  or  any 
otlier  illegal  or  unconstitutional  means  of  gaining  his  elec- 
tion ;  for  establishing  a  more  fair  and  equal  rej)resentation 
of  the  people  in  Parliament;  for  vindicating  the  injured 
rights  of  the  freeholders  of  Middlesex,  and  through  them, 
of  the  whole  body  of  electors  in  this  United  Kingdom  ;  for 
restoring  to  our  fellow-subjects  the  essential  right  of  taxa- 
tion by  Representatives  of  their  own  free  election,  and  for 
repealing  the  universal  excise  which  has  lately  been  substi- 
tuted in  the  Colonies  instead  of  the  laws  of  Customs ;  for 
repealing  the  four  late  iniquitous  Acts  respecting  America, 
viz  :  the  Qiiebec  Act,  establishing  Popery,  and  the  arbitrary 
system  of  French  Canadian  laws  in  that  extensive  Prov- 
ince ;  the  Boston  Port  Act ;  the  Act  for  altering  the 
Charter  of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  and  the 
Act  for  the  trial  in  Europe  of  persons  accused  of  criminal 
oflences  in  America ;  being  fully  persuaded  that  the  pass- 
ing such  Acts  will  be  of  the  utmost  importance  for  the 
security  of  our  excellent  Constitution,  and  the  restoration 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  our  fellow-subjects  in  America. 
"VVe  do  also  solemnly  promise  never  to  accept  from  the 
FouBTH  Sebies.  52 


Crown,  or  its  Ministers,  place,  pension,  contract,  title, 
gratuity,  or  emolument  of  any  kind  whatsoever ;  and  we 
do  farther  promise  to  follow,  on  all  occasions,  such  instruc- 
tions as  our  constituents,  in  Common  Hall  assembled,  shall 
think  proper  to  give  us." 

Mr.  Wilkes  then  came  forward,  and  addressed  the 
Livery  to  the  following  purport : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Livery:  Last  year,  on  the  vacan- 
cy of  a  person  to  represent  you  in  Parliament,  I  had  the 
honour  to  nominate  our  present  excellent  Chief  Magistrate, 
knowing  him  to  be  a  person  of  an  upright,  honest,  and  fair 
character.  I  so  far  succeeded,  gentlemen,  in  my  wishes, 
as  to  see  him  elected  ;  and  I  trust  that  his  conduct,  through 
a  long  and  interesting  session  of  Parliament,  has  been  such 
as  will  merit  your  future  favours :  therefore,  gentlemen,  if 
he  has  no  objection  to  sign  the  articles  proposed,  I  will, 
with  your  permission,  nominate  him  again  for  the  same  im- 
portant trust." 

After  Mr.  WiUces  had  concluded,  the  Chairman  ac- 
quainted the  Livery,  that  the  Lord  Mayor,  the  Aldermen 
Crosby,  Saiobridge,  and  Hayley,  had  subscribed  to  the 
articles  proposed. 

On  this  declaration  of  the  Chairman,  W.  Baker,  "Esquire, 
came  forward,  and  informed  the  Livery  that  it  might  ap» 
pear  rather  extraordinary  that  he  should  offer  himself  a 
candidate,  and  at  the  same  time  refuse  to  sign  their  articles. 
He  commented  upon  each  article  separately,  and  objected 
to  that  one  which  obliges  the  candidate  to  vote  for  the  ex- 
pulsion of  all  placemen  and  pensioners  ;  observing,  that 
some  men  in  ofiice  were  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  busi- 
ness, therefore,  in  his  opinion,  the  number  ought  to  be 
limited  ;  that  as  to  repealing  the  Quebec  Act,  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  the  Bill  for  regulating  the  Government  of  Mas- 
sachmetts  Bay,  and  the  Bills  for  trials  of  persons  in  Eng- 
land accused  of  crimes  in  America,  he  thought  they  ought 
to  be  repealed  ;  that  he  had  given  his  vote  against  those 
Acts,  yet  he  did  not  choose  to  be  tied  down  in  articles,  as 
it  was  his  firm  opinion  that  a  Member  should  approach  the 
doors  of  the  House  of  Commons  free  as  the  open  air.  He 
was  proceeding,  but  the  Livery  became  very  clamorous, 
crying  out  sign  or  decline.  He  attempted  several  times 
after  to  speak,  but  was  not  suffered  ;  upon  which  fVilliam 
Lee,  Esquire,  one  of  the  late  Sheriffs  came  forward,  and 
addressed  the  Livery  to  the  following  effect : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Livery  :  I  beg  your  attention  ; 
I  promise  you,  on  my  word,  I  will  not  detain  you  three 
minutes.  I  think  there  is  something  so  extraordinary  in 
the  behaviour  of  the  gentleman  who  spoke  last  as  to  merit 
notice.  He  solicits  your  favour,  and  in  the  same  breath 
refuses  to  sign  your  requisition.  When  a  person  becomes 
your  Representative  he  is  your  servant,  and  consequently 
ought  to  do  as  his  masters  direct." 

Mr.  Baker  attempted  to  answer  him,  but  the  Livery 
would  not  allow  him  to  speak  ;  upon  which  the  Chairman 
put  up  the  Lord  Mayor,  Aldermen  Crosby,  Sawbridge, 
and  Hayley,  separately.  Each  had  a  very  great  show  of 
hands  and  many  loud  claps,  huzzas,  &tc.,  after  which  fV. 
Baker,  Esquire,  was  nominated,  when  there  appeared  for 
him  a  few  hands,  but  many  hisses.  The  Chairman  then 
called  aloud  several  times  to  know  if  any  gentleman  had 
any  other  person  to  nominate,  when  Mr.  Townsend  nomi- 
nated Richard  Oliver,  Esquire  ;  but  on  his  name  being 
put  up,  there  was  groaning  and  hissing  for  near  five 
minutes,  and  but  few  hands  held  up. 

The  Chairman  then  declared  the  choice  to  have  fallen 
on  Messrs.  Bull,  Crosby,  Sawbridge,  and  Hayley ;  upon 
which  the  Lord  Mayor  came  forward  and  addressed  tlie 
Livery  as  follows  : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Livery  :  I  return  you  my 
slncerest  thanks  for  the  honour  you  have  conferred  on  me, 
by  again  nominating  me  to  represent  you  in  Parliament. 
Should  1  he  the  happy  object  of  your  choice,  depend  upon 
my  serving  you  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities." 

Mr.  Crosby  next  came  forward,  and  addressed  the  Live- 
ry to  the  following  purport : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  Livery  :  I  return  you  my 
sincerest  thanks  for  the  honour  you  have  conferred  on  me, 
and  I  assure  you  that  I  will  live  and  die  in  the  cause  of 


8i9 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


820 


lilierty.  Should  I  be  so  fortunate  as  to  be  elected,  I  will 
do  the  utmost  in  my  power  to  protect  your  rigiits  aud  fran- 
chises." 

Mr.  Sawbridge  next  came  forward,  saying, 
"  Gentlemen  of  the  Livery:  I  return  you  my  most 
cordial  thanks  for  the  liigh  opinion  you  have  expressed 
of  my  past,  and  the  great  confidence  you  put  in  my 
future  conduct.  I  have  been  bred  up  in  the  principles  of 
liberty,  and  I  assure  you  I  will  remain  in  the  same  until  the 
latest  hour  of  my  life." 

Mr.  Hayley  next  addressed  the  Livery,  as  follows  : 
"  Gentlemen  of  the  Liveky  :  It  is  now  my  turn  to 
express  my  duty  to  you  for  the  generous  support  I  have 
met  with  to-day.  Should  I  gain  the  honour  I  now  solicit, 
depend  upon  my  exerting  the  utmost  of  my  abilities  to  do 
you  justice." 

The  above  speeches  were  received  with  loud  shouts  of 
applause,  after  which  a  motion  was  made  that  the  Resolu- 
tions and  Nominations  should  be  published  ;  which  being 
agreed  to,  Mr.  Baker  came  forward  and  acquainted  the 
Livery,  that  although  he  had  not  been  fortunate  enough  to 
meet  with  so  cordial  a  reception  as  he  imagined,  owing  to 
bis  not  having  signed  the  articles,  for  reasons  which  he  had 
mentioned  ;  yet  at  the  same  time  informed  the  Livery,  that 
he  would  stand  the  poll  to  the  last,  and  doubted  not  but 
between  this  and  the  poll,  his  character,  both  in  publick 
and  private  life,  would  be  well  known,  and  be  of  such  a 
cast  as  to  gain  him  many  friends. 

Mr.  Lee  then  moved,  that  the  thanks  of  the  Hall  be 
given  to  Mr.  Stavely  for  his  impartial  and  spirited  conduct 
as  Chairman  of  that  meeting,  which  was  unanimously  con- 
sented to,  and  thus  ended  the  business  of  the  day. 


extract  of  a  letter  from  lieutenant  governour 
colden  to  the  earl  of  dartmouth,  dated  new- 
york,  october  5,  1774. 

By  my  letter  of  the  7th  of  September  your  Lordship 
would  find  I  entertained  hopes  that  the  people  of  this 
Province  would  adopt  moderate  measures,  and  avoid  giv- 
ing any  new  offence  to  the  Parliament.  I  knew  such  were 
the  sentiments  of  the  farmers  and  country  people  in  gene- 
ral who  make  a  great  majority  of  the  inhabitants. 

A  great  deal  of  pains  has  been  taken  to  persuade  the 
counties  to  choose  Delegates  for  the  Congress,  or  to  adopt 
those  sent  by  this  city.  Several  of  the  counties  have  re- 
fused to  be  concerned  in  the  measure.  In  Queen's  Coun- 
ty, where  I  have  a  house,  and  reside  the  summer  season, 
six  persons  have  not  been  got  to  meet  for  the  purpose ; 
and  the  inhabitants  remain  firm  in  their  resolution  not 
to  join  in  the  Congress.  In  the  counties  that  have  joined 
in  the  measures  of  the  city,  I  am  informed  the  busi- 
ness has  been  done  by  a  very  few  persons,  who  took 
upon  themselves  to  act  for  the  freeholders.  A  gentleman 
who  was  present  when  the  Delegates  were  chosen  in 
Orange  County,  says  there  were  not  twenty  persons  at 
the  meeting,  though  there  are  above  a  thousand  freehold- 
ers in  that  county ;  and  I  am  told  the  case  was  similar  in 
other  counties  that  are  said  to  have  joined  in  the  Con- 
gress. 

The  violent  men  in  this  city,  who  lost  the  lead  among 
the  people  when  the  Committee  of  fifty-one  were  appoint- 
ed, as  mentioned  in  my  former  letters  to  your  Lordship, 
hoped  they  had  got  an  opportunity  to  regain  their  imports 
ance,  and  to  throw  die  city  into  confusion,  on  occasion  of 
orders  which  were  received  by  some  of  our  merchants  to 
furnish  articles  wanted  by  the  army  at  Boston.  These 
violent  men  last  week  called  a  meeting  of  the  citizens, 
which  few  but  the  lower  class  of  people  attended,  and 
not  a  great  many  of  them  ;  yet  they  had  the  impudence 
to  send  a  Committee  to  the  merchants  who  were  engaged 
in  supplying  the  articles  wanted  by  the  army  at  Boston, 
with  a  very  impertinent  message,  and  endeavoured  to 
deter  them  and  all  others  from  furnishing  the  army  and 
transports  with  any  thing  whatever.  These  maoeuvres 
occasioned  some  bustle  among  the  people  for  a  few  days, 
and  obliged  the  Committee  of  fifty-one  to  desire  a  meeting 
of  the  inhabitants  on  Friday  last,  when  a  large  body  of 
tlie  principal  people  and  merchants  appeared,  and  declared, 


that  those  who  had  taken  upon  them  to  threaten  the  mer- 
cliants  had  acted  without  any  autliority  from  the  publick, 
and  that  they  highly  disapproved  of  their  conduct,  which 
has  once  more  silenced  the  turbulent  factious  few,  who  are 
never  easy  when  the  people  are  quiet  and  orderly.  The 
merchants  now  go  on  completing  their  orders  without 
farther  interruption. 

It  is  my  duty  to  give  your  Lordship  the  best  informa- 
tion I  am  able  of  the  disposition  of  the  people  of  this 
Province.  With  this  view  I  mention  the  most  material 
transactions  among  them.  It  is  extremely  difficult  at 
such  times  to  give  an  opinion  of  what  may  happen.  The 
most  trifling  unforeseen  incident  may  produce  the  greatest 
events.  I  have  already  said,  my  Lord,  that  I  am  well 
assured  almost  the  whole  inhabitants  in  the  counties  wish 
for  moderate  measures ;  they  think  the  dispute  with  Great 
Britain  is  carried  far  enough,  and  abhor  the  thoughts 
of  pushing  it  to  desperate  lengths.  In  the  city,  a  large 
majority  of  the  people  wish  that  a  non-importation  agree- 
ment may  not  be  proposed,  and  were  very  much  surprised 
on  finding  that  such  a  measure  would  probably  be  resolved 
on  by  the  Congress.  I  have  some  hopes  that  our  merchants 
will  avoid  a  non-importation  agreement,  even  if  proposed 
by  the  Congress.  I  am  certain  a  majority  of  the  most 
considerable  are  convinced  it  is  a  wrong  measure,  and  wish 
not  to  come  into  it,  but  whether  they  will  have  resolution 
enough  to  oppose  the  sentiments  of  all  the  other  Colonies, 
can  only  be  known  when  they  are  put  to  the  trial. 

The  speeches  in  Parliament,  and  other  inflammatory 
papers  published  in  London,  and  reprinted  in  America, 
make  the  worst  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  people. 
They  are  opposed  in  this  place  by  publishing  more  papers 
in  favour  of  Administration,  and  against  measures  which 
must  be  offensive  to  Parliament,  than  in  all  the  other  Col- 
onies put  together. 

New. York,  October  5,  1774. 
By  Mr.  Revere,  who  left  Boston  on  Friday  last,  and 
arrived  here  last  night,  in  his  way  to  the  general  Congress, 
we  have  received  certain  intelligence  that  the  Carpenters 
and  Masons,  who  had  inadvertently  undertaken  to  erect 
barracks  for  the  soldiers  in  that  town,  upon  being  informed 
that  it  was  contrary  to  the  sentiments  of  their  countrymen, 
unanimously  broke  up,  and  returned  to  their  respective 
homes,  on  the  26th  of  last  month  ;  which,  it  is  hoped,  will 
convince  the  mechanicks  of  this  city,  how  disagreeable  it 
will  be  to  the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  for  them  to  afford 
any  manner  of  assistance  to  those  who  are  made  subser- 
vient to  the  destruction  of  our  American  brethren. 

The  following  Handbill  was  brought  by  Mr.  Revere  from 
Boston : 

Whoever  has  candidly  traced  the  rapid  growth  of  these 
Colonies  from  their  little  beginnings  to  their  present  flour- 
ishing statein  wealth  and  population,  must  eye  the  distin- 
guished hand  of  Heaven,  and  impress  everj'  mind  with  a 
humble  confidence  that  "  no  design  formed  against  us  shall 
prosper."  The  poor  devoted  town  of  Boston  has  suffered, 
and  is  still  suffering  all  that  the  unmerited  malice  of  men 
and  devils  could  invent  for  her  destruction  ;  but  although 
impoverished  and  distressed,  she  is  not  yet  subjugated  and 
enslaved ;  though  immured  within  the  fortresses  of  their 
enemies,  the  free  and  generous  bosoms  of  the  inhabitants 
beat  strongly  in  the  cause  of  liberty.  But  it  appears  that 
the  measure  of  Ministerial  wrath  is  not  yet  full ;  tliat  de- 
tested parricide  Hutchinson  has  vaunted  to  his  few  friends, 
that  should  the  people  submit  to  the  villainous  exactions 
of  the  present  Governmental  knot  of  tyrants,*  "  yet  still 
"  the  town  of  Boston  would  forever  remain  a  garrisoned 
"  town,"  as  a  check  upon  the  country,  lest  they  should 
hereafter  be  induced  to  clamour  against  the  edicts  of  their 
sovereign  lords  and  masters  the  British  Prliament. 

Tlielfollowing  plan  was  providentially  detected,  and  is 
now  offered  to  the  publick,  with  this  solemn  question — Will 
the  people  sit  tame  and  inactive  spectators  of  the  hostile 
designs  of  our  inveterate  enemies,  and  exercise  such  de- 
grees of  moderation  and  forbearance    as  to  suffer  those 

•  This  is  a  fact  founded  on  the  authority  of  a  respectable  gentleman 
of  this  town,  lately  arrived  from  London,  who  there  liad  it  from  Mr. 
Hutchinson's  own  moutli. 


821 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


822 


enemies  to  complete  their  works,  and  so  far  effect  their 
dangerous  purpose,  tliat  resistance  would  finally  be  in  vain  ? 

"  Memorandums  for  a  Report.— We  have  agreeably 
to  your  commands  viewed  and  inquired  what  cover  can  be 
hired,  with  the  consent  of  the  proprietors,  for  the  troops 
next  winter. 

"  We  find  that  out-houses,  distilleries  and  store  houses  can 
be  hired  to  contain  the  Sergeants  Sic,  and  private  men  of 
four  regiments.  That  as  these  want  fire-places,  windows, 
and  even  floors,  the  expense  of  setting  up  these,  and  for 
rent  and  returning  them  in  the  condition  they  now  stand, 
will  be  nearly  to  one  thousand  pounds  a  regiment.  This 
expense  would  be  greatly  lessened,  and  the  troops  more 
comfortably  quartered,  if  the  publick  buildings,  such  as  the 
manufacturing  house,  Stc,  can  be  appropriated  for  the 
accommodation  of  the  troops. 

"  It  appears  that  barracks  can  be  built  on  a  more  thrifty 
footing  than  they  can  be  hired,  and  fitted  up.  But  as 
nobody  in  this  place  will  aid  such  works,  Captain  Mon- 
trefor  with  the  assistance  he  can  at  present  depend  upon, 
thinks  he  cannot  undertake  to  furnish  barracks  before  the 
end  of  November,  for  more  than  three  regiments;  the 
officers  of  one  of  these  regiments  to  be  quartered. 

"  It  appears,  on  inquiry,  difficult  to  find  houses  for  quar- 
tering officers  of  the  regiments,  whose  private  men  are  to 
be  lodged  in  out-houses ;  lodging  money  should  be  given 
to  officers  whom  we  cannot  provide  for. 

"  In  choosing  situajions  for  barracks  to  be  built,  it  might  be 
wished  to  place  them  so  as  to  make  the  present  erection 
part  of  some  general  plan  that  may  be  formed,  with  a  view 
of  commanding  the  obedience  of  the  town  on  future  oc- 
casions ;  but  if  they  are  confined  to  situations  where  the 
ground  is  reputed  to  belong  to  the  publick,  we  would  pro- 
pose to  build  barracks  for  two  regiments,  including  officers, 
on  the  Common,  or  on  a  field  near  it,  which  could  be  hired 
or  purchased  from  Mr.  Srattle. 

"  To  put  two  companies  into  a  solid  barrack  or  block 
house,  on  the  top  of  Bacon  Hill,  which  should  be  enclosed 
with  a  trench  and  pallisade. 

'•'  A  barrack  should  be  built  on  Fort  Hill,  which  might 
lodge  eight  companies  and  the  Artillery. 

"  As  soon  as  it  is  proper  to  let  each  regiment  have  its 
quarters,  their  efforts  to  get  themselves  lodged  would  con- 
tribute greatly  to  have  the  work  finished  eai'ly." 


TO  THE  INHABITANTS  OF  NEW-TORK. 

New- York,  October  6,  1774. 

It  has  been  clearly  and  fully  proved  that  the  Assemblies 
or  Parliaments  of  the  British  Colonies  in  America  have 
an  exclusive  right,  not  only  of  taxation,  but  of  legislation 
also ;  and  that  the  British  Parliament,  so  far  from  having 
a  right  to  make  laws  binding  upon  those  Colonies  in  all 
cases  whatsoever,  has  really  no  just  right  to  make  any 
laws  at  all  binding  upon  ihe  Colonies. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  this  inherent  right  of  the  Colonies, 
and  their  having,  by  their  Representatives,  actually  assert- 
ed their  sole  right  of  taxation,  the  writers  in  favour  of  the 
British  Administration  generally  take  for  granted  the  right 
of  Great  Britain  as  claimed  by  her  Parliament,  and  em- 
phatically call  that  Administration  Government.  One  who 
styles  himself  a  Nexv-  York  Freeholder,  is  of  that  class. 
In  Mr.  Gaine's  paper  of  19th  September,  after  painting 
the  hon'ours  of  a  civil  war,  he  asserts,  that  "America  is 
now  tlireatened  with  a  civil  war,"  which  he  seems  to  con- 
found with  a  foreign  invasion  ;  for  he  presently  terms  it 
entering  "  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain."  As  he  has 
displayed  his  eloquence  in  describing  the  calamities  of  a 
civil  war,  it  would  have  been  but  fair  in  him,  with  equal 
elegance,  to  have  painted  the  miseries  of  slavery  ;  for  the 
Americans  can  be  no  other  than  slaves,  in  the  most  abso- 
lute sense,  if  a  British  or  any  foreign  power  has  a  right 
to  their  all.  I  shall,  without  attempting  a  description 
of  the  horrours  of  slavery,  only  observe,  that  even  a  civil 
war,  which  is  the  most  cruel  of  all  wars,  is  a  less  evil  than 
slavery  ;  for  that  can  be  only  temporary,  but  slavery,  once 
established,  becomes  an  entail  upon  ywsterity,  perhaps  per- 
petual ;  and  certainly  that  evil  which  is  entailed  for  gener- 
ations is  more  to  be  dreaded  than  an  evil  that  in  its  nature 
can  be  only  for  a  timej  nor  does  a  civil  war  always  ter- 


minate in  tyranny.  If  it  was  fatal  to  the  liberties  of  Rome, 
it  was  propitious  of  those  of  England,  The  Romans 
contended  for  ambitious  citizens,  the  English  for  their 
liberties. 

After  alarming  us  with  the  miseries  of  civil  war,  he  would 
terrify  us  with  the  power  of  Great  Britain.  I  believe  no  one 
doubts  the  naval  power  of  Great  Britainhemg  very  great. 
They  may  beat  down  all  the  sea-port  towns  which  are 
accessible  to  large  ships ;  a  French  fleet  may  do  the  same, 
though  they  have  not  so  formidable  a  fleet  as  the  English. 
But  to  what  purpose  ?  Will  the  destroying  one  or  more 
towns  on  the  sea-coast  give  any  Nation  the  possession  of 
this  country  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants  ?  If  it 
will  not,  to  what  end  destroy  ?  This  is  really  describing 
the  British  Nation  as  more  cruel  than  any  of  their  neigh- 
bours, contrary  to  their  natural  character.  For  since  the 
reformation  of  manners  in  Europe,  I  don't  recollect  an 
instance  of  a  declared  enemy  destroying  open  towns  by 
any  of  their  Princes.  This  is  a  piece  of  barbarity  that 
some  bucaniers  have  exercised  upon  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments in  America,  but  surely  they  are  not  an  example  to 
one  of  the  first  Kingdoms  in  Europe.  But  supposing  an 
event  so  unlikely  to  happen,  the  consequences  are  not  so 
much  to  be  dreaded  as  slavery.  Earthquakes,  hurricanes, 
conflagrations,  are  terrible  things,  and  produce  still  more 
dire  effects  than  a  bombardment,  yet,  in  a  very  few  years, 
many  cities  that  have  suffered  these  calamities,  have  risen 
again  to  splendour.  The  instances  are  too  many  and  recent 
to  require  illustration.  But  from  slavery  when  have  a 
people  recovered  ?  how  rare  the  instances  1  As  for  the 
"  veterans  now  in  the  country  or  that  may  be  sent  here- 
after," allowing  them  all  due  merit  as  mere  soldiers,  they 
can  do  very  little  harm ;  but  it  ought  to  be  remembered 
that  they  are  men  as  well  as  soldiers ;  it  is  not  to  be  pre- 
sumed that  their  profession  as  soldiers  will  generally  divest 
them  of  a  prior  character  which  they  derive  from  human 
nature ;  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  they  would  act  contrary 
to  the  latter,  their  superiour  character.  The  Indians  are 
now  held  up  in  terrorem;  they  may  do  some  mischief  to 
the  back  settlements,  they  have  heretofore  done  it — yet 
population  has  increased  in  this  country  at  a  rapid  rate. 
The  Neiv  England  Colonies  had  to  deal  with  both  French 
and  Indians,  without  assistance  from  Great  Britain,  and 
drove  them  back  to  the  interiour  parts ;  this  they  did,  and 
still  more,  they  even  assisted  their  neighbours.  It  is  only 
of  late  years  that  any  of  the  old  Colonies  had  any  British 
troops  (excepting  four  independent  companies  in  New- 
York  Government.)  They,  however,  did  very  well  with- 
out them,  although  the  Indians  were  then  more  numerous, 
and  assisted  by  the  French.  But  why  is  mention  made  of 
the  Indians  1  Are  the  British  troops  now  employed 
against  them?  or  are  they  placed  in  the  frontiers  for  garri- 
sons ?  They  have  been  withdrawn  from  those  places,  at 
least  from  many  of  them,  to  protect  the  tax  gatherers  of 
the  duties,  in  consequence  of  British  usurpation. 

Whether  or  not  the  Indians  are  now  "  let  loose  on  our 
back  settlements,"  or  may  be  hereafter  let  loose,  for  the 
horrid  purpose  of  scalping,  they  are  not  more  formidable 
at  this  time  than  they  were  formerly,  when  the  first  Eng- 
lish settlers,  though  few  in  number,  were  more  than  a 
match  for  them  and  drove  them  out.  However,  Mr. 
Freeholder  does  not  pay  any  great  compliment  to  British 
Administration  by  saying  the  Indians  would  infallibly  be 
let  loose  on  our  back  settlements  to  scalp,  &,c.*     Although 

*  The  Britiek  Colonies  in  America  have  been,  for  many  years  past, 
not  only  injured  and  oppressed,  but  treated  with  every  species  of  inso. 
lence  and  contempt  by  the  Ministry  in  England,  who  have  frequently 
insulted  them,  even  with  wantonness.  Among  numerous  instances 
of  this  that  might  bo  produced,  I  think  the  following  a  remarkable 
one :  We  all  remember  that  a  few  years  ago,  we  were  told  by  the 
Ministry  that  his  Majesty  had  been  graciously  pleased  to  resign  the 
management  of  Indian  affairs  to  the  Colonies  contiguous  to  the  several 
Indian  Nations  respectively.  The  favour  thus  conferred  upon  tlio 
Colonies  I  take  to  be,  that  of  allowing  them  to  bo  at  the  expense  of 
making  presents  to  the  Indians,  which  they,  tlirough  an  absurd  custom, 
conceived  to  bo  rightfully  due  to  them,  or  of  guarding  against  tho 
effects  of  their  resentment  if  those  presents  were  withheld.  Accord- 
ing to  tiiis  new  regulation,  the  presents  from  England  to  tho  Indiana 
were  discontinued,  tho  regular  troops  from  the  outposts  and  forts  on 
the  back  settlements  and  frontiers,  the  only  places  in  America  where, 
in  time  of  peace,  they  could  be  of  any  manner  of  service,  were  with, 
drawn ;  the  fortifications  were  demolished,  and  tho  inhabitants  left 
defenceless,  and  exposed  to  a  cruel  and  exasperated  enemy.  These 
were  all  the  advantages,  that  I  know  of,  that  his  Majesty's  Ministers 
were  graciously  pleased  to  confer  upon  the  Colonies  by  this  new  reg. 
ulation,  for  wliicli,  it  was  intimated,  that  they  were  expected  to  be  ei. 


823 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


824 


they  and  the  Canadians  should  be  "  at  the  beck  of  Gov- 
ernment." Tiie  regular  troops  introduced  here  last  war, 
were  rather  for  conquest  than  defence,  and  that  conquest 
Avas  in  a  good  measure  effected  by  the  assistance  oi'  the 
Colonists,  who,  for  their  pains,  have  those  very  conquests 
which  were  partly  achieved  with  their  own  blood  and  trea- 
sure, now  held  up  as  a  rod  to  subjugate  tiiem  to  their  fel- 
low-subjects in  Cfreat  Britain.  For  which  purpose  tlie 
regular  troops  have  been  kept  in  this  country  ever  since 
the  last  war. 

Notwithstanding  the  New-York  Freehohler  has  so  ele- 
gantly  described  the  miseries  of  a  civil  war,  he  says, 
"  what  has  been  said  hitherto  is  on  the  supposition  that  all 
tlie  British  Americans  would  unite  in  a  war  against  Great 
Britain."  How  then  would  it  be  a  civil  war  ?  He  thinks, 
however,  that  this  could  not  happen,  and  asks,  "  are  not 
"  several  Provinces  as  mucii  in  the  hands  of  Government  as 
"  Canada?"  1  know  of  none  that  are;  most  of  the  Gov- 
ernments are  indeed  Royal  Governments,  but  surely  that 
don't  affect  their  rights — would  that  tie  their  hands  from 
asserting  and  defending  their  liberlies?  The  contrary  is, 
I  appreiiend,  generally  understood  here.  He  indeed  says, 
"  were  a  war  to  break  out  the  ^nicncnns  themselves  would 
be  divided."  Very  truly  said,  if  a  civil  war  should  happen 
to  break  out  tliere  would  be  a  civil  war.  Wiierefore  llien 
would  he  insinuate  that  an  opposition  to  the  tyrannical 
claims  and  usurpations  of  Great  Britain,  should  be  deemed 
a  civil  war?  Or,  if  the  Americans  should  be  compelled  to 
take  up  arms  to  defend  their  liberties,  why  must  it  be  con- 
strued that  they  make  war  against  the  King?  Should 
the  British  Parliament  think  proper  to  legislate  for,  and 
tax  Hanover,  and  die  Act  should  be  signed  by  the  King, 
does  any  one  imagine  the  Hanoverians  would  pay  any  re- 
gard to  such  Act  ?  Or,  if  the  British  Parliament  should 
take  upon  themselves  to  alter  the  form  of  their  Government, 
would  they  submit  ?  There  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  they 
would  defend  their  Constitution  with  arms  against  whoever 
was  to  attempt  enforcing  their  submission  ;  nor  by  their  do- 
ing so  would  they  forfeit  their  allegiance  to  their  Prince. 

The  introducing  the  last  rebellion  in  Scotland  as  a  case 
in  point,  or  as  any  parallel  to  the  present  disputes,  is  not 
a  mark  of  the  Freeholder's  candour,  even  if  a  civil  war  was 
certain ;  and  if  he  does  not  adduce  it  as  a  case  in  point,  it 
is  invidious;  that  it  is  not  a  parallel  case,  is  plain  to  the 
most  common  underetanding  ;  foi'  the  rebellion  in  Scotland 
was  not  for  grievances  unredressed,  liberties  invaded,  or 
oppression  ;  no,  it  was  an  attachment  to  the  person  of  the 
Pretender,  a  competitor  to  the  British  Crown  against  the 
late  King.  What  is  there  similar  between  that  rebellion 
and  the  disputes  in  America  1  The  Americans  are  loyal 
to  their  Sovereign  King  George  the  Third.  It  is  much  to 
be  doubted  if  there  is  a  single  native  of  North  America, 
who  is  a  Jacobite ;  they  have  no  dispute  with  the  King  as 
exercising  his  rightful  authority  as  King  of  these  Colonies; 
it  is  against  the   usurpations  of  the  Parliament  of  Great 

tremely  tliankfiil  to  his  Majesty  ;  and  thanks  were  accordingly  returned 
for  the  supposed  favour  by  some  of  the  Colony  Assemblies — when,  by 
the  following  anecdote,  and  many  other  circumstances,  we  have  the 
greatest  reason  to  think  tlAt  tliis  very  measure,  for  which  the  thanks 
of  the  Colonies  were  required  and  obtained,  was  planned  with  the 
most  hostile  intentions  against  them,  or  to  subject  tlieni  to  the  uncon- 
stitutional, arbitrary  power  of  a  British  Parliajnent,  and  reduce  them 
to  the  condition  of  slaves. 

The  substance  of  tlie  following  Conversation  happened  to  be  in  the 
hearing  of  an  inhabitant  of  New-York,  of  which  he  is  willing  to 
make  oath  if  necessary : 

Sometime  in  March,  1769,  being  in  company  with  Colonel  7? , 

(tbon  quartered  in  Philadelphia,  but  since  embarked  for  Ireland)  in  the 
course  of  conversation,  ho  mentioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  frontier 
garrisons,  recalling  the  troops,  and  discontinuance  of  the  usual  pre- 
sents to  the  Indians,  as  measures  that  would  certainly  be  attended 
with  very  serious  consequences  to  the  Colonies ;  for  that  the  Indians 
were  very  insolent  before  ho  luft  Michilimackinack,  and  that  ho  daily 
expected  to  hear  of  their  committing  hostilities. 

Using  asked  by  an  inferiour  officer,  what  could  be  the  reason  of  such 
a  great  and  sudden  alteration  in  Indian  affjirs?  Ho  replied,  it  was 
supposed  to  originate  at  Head  Quarters,  as  a  scheme  that  would  inev- 
itably eng,ig3  the  attention  of  the  Colonies,  and  of  which  Adminis- 
tration might  avail  itself.  That  in  all  probability  it  woulil  lossen  Sir 
William  Juhnsnn's  influence  and  income,  of  wliich  the  Commauder- 
in-ohief  was  then  supposed  tobe  joalous. 

The  foregoing  intelligence  from  Colonel  R ,  was  confirmed  to 

the  person  who  heard  it,  by  two  other  officers  with  whom  lie  was  soon 
after  in  company. 

Query.  Is  not  the  above  account  of  the  design  of  the  .\cts,  relative 
to  Indian  affiiirs  further  corroberatod  by  tbe  Acts  thoiiisolves,  not- 
withstanding the  ministerial  putTa  of  the  iiiajcstick  emanation  wliich 
graciously  favoured  the  Colonies,  with  tlie  liberty  of  providing  for  tlie 
exigencies  of  the  Indian  trade,  &.C. 


Britain — they  contend  for  their  most  sacred  rights  as  free- 
men, invaded  by  that  Parliament — which  claims  the  dis- 
posal of  them  as  their  slaves,  and  are  doing  their  utmost 
effectually  to  exert  those  claims.  Therefore,  to  introduce 
the  tears  of  Scotland,  seems  merely  for  the  sake  of  the 
unhappy  issue  to  the  Pretender  and  his  adherents.  Had  the 
Freeholder  been  candid  enough  to  introduce  a  case  in  point, 
he  could  not  well  be  at  a  loss  for  one — he  cannot  be  supposed 
ignorant  of  the  rise  of  the  states  of  Holland;  the  encroacli- 
ments  which  Fhilip  the  Second,  King  of  Spain,  made 
on  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  his  subjects  in  the 
Netherlands,  produced  a  revolt  of  seven  from  seventeen 
Provinces ;  and  notwithstanding  the  very  great  power  of 
Fhilip,  his  having  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  veterans 
(esteemed  the  best  soldiers  in  Europe)  in  tbe  neighbour- 
hood, commanded  by  the  ablest  General  of  his  time,  and 
the  assistance  he  drew  from  the  Provinces  which  did  not 
revolt,  yet,  under  all  these  disadvantages,  in  the  course 
of  some  years  (with  some  small  assistance  from  England 
and  France)  they  efiiected  their  liberty,  though  not  without 
spending  some  of  their  best  blood  ;  nor  could  it  be  expect- 
ed otherwise  in  a  contest  of  such  importance,  against  a 
Prince  as  obstinate  and  cruel  as  he  was  powerful. 

This  case,  although  it  be  very  much  like  the  present  dis- 
pute between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies— save  only 
that  Fhilip  was  the  lawful  Sovereign  of  those  Provinces, 
and  the  Parliaments  of  Great  Britain  have  only  their  own 
claim  of  sovereignty,  yet,  the  Freeholder  did  not  choose 
it  for  a  parallel,  perhaps,  because  it  had  an  happy  issue, 
which  would  not  so  well  answer  the  intention  of  intimida- 
ting the  Americans,  in  order  to  their  submission  to  tlie 
usurpations  of  the  British  Parliament. 

In  Mr.  Gaine's  paper  of  the  26th  September  is  another 
letter  from  a  Netv-  York  Freeholder,  who  again  introduces 
his  subject  with  a  pathetick  declaration  on  the  miseries  of 
a  civil  war.  It  might  be  imagined  that,  by  a  civil  war,  he 
would  mean  any  forcible  resistance  to  the  unconstitutional 
measures  pursued  by  the  British  Administration,  did  he 
not  make  mention  of,  "  friends,  brethren,  parents,  and 
children  imbruing  their  hands  in  each  others'  blood."  If 
the  inhabitants  of  this  Continent  were  not  very  generally 
determined  to  oppose  those  measures ;  if  they  were  not 
resolved  to  refuse  submission  to  the  usurpations  of  the 
British  Parliament ;  or  that  the  advocates  for  despotism 
were  numerous,  and  would  risk  their  all  in  favour  of  those 
usurpations,  there  might  perhaps  be  some  reason  to  fear  a 
civil  war ;  but  such  a  fear  will  appear  to  be  groundless, 
when  it  is  considered  that  by  far  the  most  of  the  Colonies, 
although  not  absolutely  unanimous,  yet  have  so  very  great 
a  majority  who  are  ready  to  defend  their  liberties,  tliat  the 
very  few  who  may  differ  from  them  would  hardly  attempt 
to  counteract  their  brethren  and  friends  with  force.  In  a 
single  Colony,  or  perhaps  a  few  Colonies,  though  the  ma- 
jority, in  support  of  their  liberlies,  may  not  appear  so  gi'eat, 
it  is,  however,  by  much  too  formidable  for  the  few  enemies 
ot  American  liberty  to  venture  upon  so  hardy  an  undertak- 
ing, as  by  force  of  arms  to  oppose  such  measures  as  may 
be  adopted  by  the  great  number  of  the  friends  of  freedom 
in  defence  of  their  liberties.  If  such  enemies  there  be, 
their  situation  must  be  truly  deplorable,  as  they  would  be 
deemed  traitors  to  their  King  and  country,  notwithstanding 
their  acting  in  virtue  of  any  commission  from  Administra- 
tion, founded  on  unconstitutional  Acts  of  the  British  Par- 
liament ;  "  for  an  illegal  commission  is  so  far  from  con- 
"  veying  a  power  unto  any  man  to  act,  that  it  is  a  greater 
"  crime  to  do  any  thing  upon  the  imaginary  audiority  of  it, 
"  than  it  w^oidd  be  to  commit  the  same  fact  without  all 
"  colour  and  pretence  of  power  and  warrant,  seeing,  the  in- 
"  jury  of  the  one  case  dotli  affect  and  termiuate  in  him  that 
"  receives  it ;  whereas,  in  the  other,  it  affects  the  King, 
"  the  Government,  and  the  whole  body  of  the  people." — 
Lord  SoMMERs's  Judgment,  fyc. 

Now  as  the  King  cannot  lawfully  in  Great  Britain,  by 
his  sole  authority,  make  any  law  that  an  officer  can  be 
either  bound  or  authorized  lo  act  ujion,  (seeing  a  law  to 
be  binding  there  must  have  tiie  sanction  of  Parliament)  in 
like  manner,  the  King  with  his  British  Pailiamcnl  cannot 
rightfully  make  any  law  which  ought  to  be  binding  upon 
the  Colonies.  As  the  King  with  his  Parliament  of  Great 
Britain  will  be,  at  most,  to  the  Colonies,  what  the  King 
alone  is  to  Great  Britain ;  but  lo  speak  more  properly, 


829 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


826 


the  Lords  and  Commons  of  Great  Britain  having  no  con- 
stitutional right  to  act  or  do  any  tiling  tiiat  will  be  binding 
upon  the  Colonies,  the  only  legal  power  in  Great  Britain 
respecting  the  Colonies,  centres  in  the  person  of  the  King 
our  Sovereign  ;  and  every  Act  passed  there  which  respects 
America,  receives  no  more  authority  than  what  it  may 
derive  from  tlie  King's  assent  to  such  Act ;  but  as  that 
amounts  really  to  no  more  than  a  law  made  by  the  King's 
sole  authority,  which  by  the  Constitution  is  not  l)inding  on 
tlie  subject,  the  Colonies  cannot  in  duty  be  bound  to  obey 
any  such  law.  The  law  binding  of  right  in  the  Colonies 
is  that  law  only  which  is  enacted  in  the  Colonies,  and  re- 
ceives the  King's  assent,  either  in  person  or  by  his  Repre- 
sentative; and  all  officers  acting  by  virtue  of  any  other 
tlian  a  law  according  to  the  Constitution,  will  fall  within 
the  description  above  cited  from  Lord  Sommers. 

The  New-  York  Freeholder  has  with  much  art  endeav- 
oured to  reduce  the  rise  of  the  present  disputes  with  Great 
Britain  to  the  tlu-ee  penny  duty  on  tea.  It  is  a  pity  that 
abilities  should  be  ])rostituted  to  give  a  false  colouring  to 
facts,  which,  without  that  disguise,  apj)ear  in  their  true  light 
to  a  common  understanding ;  without  it,  it  is  very  clear 
tliat  the  contention  is  not  about  the  three  penny  duty  only, 
but  the  claim  of  taxation  by  the  British  Parliament,  and 
tlieir  actual  exercise  of  the  powers  founded  on  that  claim, 
over  the  Colonies.  The  precedents  which  he  has  alleged 
do  not  invalidate  my  preceding  argument ;  for  though  it  be 
granted  that  the  Colonies  have  not  opposed  the  operation 
of  those  precedents,  it  neither  proves  the  Parliamentary 
right  for  having  exercised  that  power,  nor  deprives  the 
Colonists  of  their  right  of  asserting  and  resuming  all  those 
rights  usurped  from  them  ;  and  they  are  at  any  time  at  full 
liberty  to  oppose  their  future  operation  ;  any  acquiescence 
on  their  part  in  time  passed  notwithstanding ;  for  the  bare 
submission  to  power  unconstitutionally  exercised,  does  in 
no  wise  confer  right  to  those  who  thus  exercise  it,  any 
more  than  it  confers  right  to  a  robber,  who  by  force  obtains 
a  submission  from  those  whom  he  despoils ;  nor  will  it 
render  the  case  better  if  the  submission  be  obtained  by 
deception  ;  nor  indeed  may  any  people  rightfully  surrender 
any  of  their  rights,  further  than  necessary  for  the  publick 
good ;  if  they  do,  such  surrender  will  be  a  mere  nullity. 
The  Freeholder  very  kindly  assigns  a  reason  in  behalf  of 
the  British  Parliament  for  the  Tea  Act.  He  says,  "  that 
*'  commercial  states  should  always  encourage  the  consump- 
"  tion  of  their  own  manufactures,  which  is  of  general  utility, 
"as  it  promotes  industry;  but  articles  of  foreign  luxury, 
"  and  tea  is  one,  are  the  proper  objects  of  taxation,  &c." 
I  don't  recollect  to  have  any  where  read  that  the  British 
Parliament  ever  pretended  this  as  the  motive  for  their  tax- 
ation of  tlie  Americans,  but  rather  have  avowed  it  as  a 
test  of  their  right  to  tax  them.  Be  their  motive  what  it 
may,  he  treats  the  Act  as  if  made  by  rightful  authority, 
when  he  knows  that  the  right  to  that  authority  is  the  very 
thing  which  the  Colonists  disclaim. 

In  the  same  manner  he  takes  it  for  granted  that  the  Fkist 
India  Company  had  a  good  right  to  send  their  tea  to 
America;  when  it  is  well  known  that  the  intention  of  it 
was  generally  understood  to  be  exjiressly  to  enforce  the 
Tea  Act,  as  the  duty  was  payable  when  the  tea  was  landed. 
This  was  clearly  the  view  of  the  Ministry ;  and  the  East 
India  Company's  tea  was  made  use  of  as  an  instrument  for 
affecting  that  purpose.  Why  then  talk  of  individuals? 
It  was  in  the  light  of  an  instrument  of  destruction  to 
American  liberty  that  their  tea  was  considered  ;  yet  not- 
withstanding it  was  thus  considered,  the  people  at  Boston 
made  use  of  every  method  in  their  power  for  its  preserva- 
tion, consistent  with  their  getting  clear  of  it,  without  having 
it  landed  there  ;  but  that  was  the  point  insisted  on — that 
was  the  desirable  thing  so  earnestly  sought  for  by  die  Min- 
isterial agents  ;  otherwise  the  tea  might  have  been  pre- 
served by  being  secured  in  the  Castle,  or  by  the  King's 
ships.  These  agents  therefore  left  the  people  no  alterna- 
tive but  to  destroy  it,  or  suffer  it  to  be  entered  for  duty. — 
To  compare  it  then  with  the  Stamp  papers  shows  what 
candour  may  be  expected  from  this  writer.  The  Stamp 
papers  were  liable  to  no  duty  on  being  landed  and  stored — 
tlie  tea  was  liable ;  whether  that  at  Charlestown  paid  the 
duty,  is  what  I  cannot  aflirni  or  deny ;  the  Act  requires 
the  payment. 

The  Freeholder's  feeble  attempt   to  apologize   for  the 


severity  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  and  other  Acts  relative  to 
that  Province,  is  at  once  a  proof  of  his  willingness  for  that 
service,  and  of  the  indefensibility  of  those  tyrannical  Acts, 
since  even  with  his  abilities  he  passes  over  them  briefly. 
But  what  can  be  said  in  the  defence  of  them  which  may  not 
with  equal  propriety  be  said  in  defence  of  every  species 
of  usurpation  and  cruelty  which  disgrace  the  history  of 
mankind  ? — the  difference  between  them  being  rather  in 
degree  than  kind.  The  severity  of  the  Bosto7i  Port  Bill, 
singly  considered,  will  render  it  the  abhorrence  of  all  good 
men,  even  supposing  the  British  Parliament  had  a  just 
right  to  the  sovereignty  of  that  Province  ;  but  when  viewed 
in  the  light  of  usurpation,  as  having  no  rightful  authority 
to  act  as  they  have,  it  adds  the  highest  injustice  to  cruelty. 
The  opposition  to  the  Board  of  Commissioners,  Sic,  the 
impeachment  of  the  Chief  Justice  of  both  Houses,  has  been 
vindicated,  and  the  two  Houses  have  fully  justified  their 
conduct,  notwithstanding  any  thing  "  determined  after  a 
full  hearing."  After  the  Freeholder's  declaration  of  his 
impartiality,  &ic.,  he  again  recurs  to  his  topick  of  a  civil  war, 
and  asserts  that  the  Colonies  South  of  JSIcw  England  have 
really  no  other  contest  with  the  parent  state  but  the  three 
penny  duty  on  tea,  "  and  that  if  they  siiould  be  plunged 
"  any  deeper,  or  further  involved  in  trouble,  they  will  un- 
"  denlably  be  dragged  into  it  by  the  Massachusetts  Bay." 
Does  he  not  know  the  contrary  to  be  true  ?  Can  he  expect 
this  to  be  believed  on  his  bare  assertion?  Does  he  really 
believe  it  himself?  His  compliments  to  the  American 
people  will  not  palliate  this  insult  to  their  understandings, 
nor  atone  for  his  apparent  design  of  disuniting  them.  He 
says,  "  an  American  Constitution,  not  a  civil  war,  is  what 
will  relieve  them."  I  have  not  heard  it  asserted  that  a 
civil  war  was  to  be  sought  after  for  relief!  But  a  manly 
defence  of  their  sacred  rights,  even  by  force  of  arms, 
whenever  absolutely  necessary  against  a  foreign  force,  may 
and  probably  will  insure  effectual  relief. 

An  American  Constitution  is  what  is  required  ;  however, 
it  ought  to  be  remembered,  that  such  a  Constitution  is 
required  as  a  matter  of  right,  not  as  a  grace  to  be  obtained 
by  petition  to  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  who  have 
indeed  no  true  authority  for  that  purpose.  Let  that  august 
Assembly  only  relinquish  all  pretence  of  right  to  govern 
the  British  Colonies  in  America,  and  leave  that  to  whom 
it  solely  and  exclusively  belongs,  namely,  the  King,  our 
lawful  Sovereign,  with  his  Parliament  in  the  respective 
Colonies,  and  the  Americans  have  a  Constitution  without 
seeking  further ;  then  would  the  Colonies  be  united  with 
Great  Britain  by  the  strong  tics  of  mutual  interest  and 
sincere  affection,  without  any  jealousies  or  resentment ;  the 
cause  taken  away,  the  effects  would  cease  ;  and  the  strictest 
harmony,  cemented  by  the  bands  of  ancient  consanguinity 
and  similarity  of  manners,  would  take  place,  which  would 
probably  continue  for  ages  united  under  one  and  the  same 
head  of  the  whole  British  Empire. 

He  asks,  "  But  does  not  Parliament  claim  a  right  to  tax 
"  the  Colonies,  which  must  in  the  end  enslave  them  ?" 
He  admits  that  the  Parliament  "  asserts  this  claim  ;"  and 
says,  "  but  whilst  it  proceeds  no  further,  it  cannot  hurt  us. 
"  It  is  sufficiently  balanced  by  our  assertions  to  the  con- 
"  trary."  Had  he  been  able  to  prove  that  they  had  barely 
asserted  it,  he  had  done  something  to  the  purpose  ;  but 
there  being  such  glaring  proofs  to  the  contrary,  one  may 
reasonably  ask  him  what  he  means  by  saying,  "  But 
"  surely  it  is  time  enough  to  run  to  extremities  when  the 
"  claim  is  oppressively  put  in  execution."  Need  he  be 
told  that  this  is  already  done  ?  The  Boston  Port  Bill  is  a 
proof,  with  a  witness.  Or  does  he  think,  that,  not  suffi- 
ciently oppressive,  or  oppressively  put  in  execution,  but 
that  the  Americans  must  wait  till  the  "  Harpies  of  taxa- 
"  tion  were  actually  and  every-where  tearing  our  substance 
"  from  us  ?"  I  think  it  justifiable  to  say,  that  then  it 
would  be  rather  too  late  for  obtaining  an  adequate  remedy. 
He  asks,  "  What,  is  America  then  to  he  exempted  wholly 
"  from  the  burthen  of  supporting  Government  ?"  Here 
again  he  calls  the  British  Administration  (which,  with 
respect  to  its  exercise  in  America,  is  mere  tyranny)  cm- 
jihalically  Government ;  and  from  the  great  obligations  he 
sup])oses  British  America  lies  under  to  Great  Britain, 
ho  thinks  we  ought  to  bear  our  just  share  of  the  burthen  of 
National  expense.  Let  me  ask,  wherefore?  It  is  very 
certain  that   British  America  has  her  own   expenses  of 


827 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


828 


constitutional  Government ;  which,  notwithstanding  its 
economy,  is  considerable,  and,  upon  emergencies,  so  great 
as  to  be  burthensome  ;  and  if  the  American  Governments 
were  to  lavish  on  the  administrators  of  Government  large 
salaries,  and  pay  a  long  list  of  pensionei-s,  according  to  the 
present  mode  in  Great  Britain,  they  must  be  very  soon 
ruined.  What  reason  then  for  their  contributing  towards 
tlie  extravagance  of  the  parent  state  ?  He  says,  he  is 
'•■  not  so  ungrateful  as  to  forget  the  vast  obligations  we  are 
"  under  to  Great  Britain  for  iier  fostering  parental  protec- 
"  tion  and  aid  on  every  occasion,  when  necessary."  He 
would  have  been  better  understood,  had  he  pointed  them 
out ;  for  it  is  well  known  that  Great  Britain,  while  the 
Colonies  were  really  in  an  infant  state,  left  them  to  them- 
selves ;  her  attention  to  them  began  with  their  impor- 
tance ;  when  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  found  they 
could  be  benefitted  by  them,  and  Administration  have 
places  for  the  support  of  Court  dependents  ;  and  latterly 
their  fears,  lest  some  other  power  miglit  obtain  footing  on 
this  Continent,  to  their  damage,  is  a  sufficient  reason  for 
their  occasionally  guarding  against  such  an  event.  Where, 
then,  the  vast  obligations  1 

An  exclusive  trade  to  these  Colonies  is  much  more  than 
an  equivalent  for  the  protection  afforded.  Great  Britain 
has  lent  the  same,  or  greater,  occasional  assistance  to  Por- 
tugal, for  only  a  partial  trade,  and  perhaps  on  the  score  of 
keeping  a  balance  of  power ;  and  without  doubt  they  find 
their  account  in  so  doing.  Why  then  sliould  the  protec- 
tion afforded  this  country  be  rated  so  highly  ?  And  yet 
highly  as  this  protection  is  rated,  it  is  certain  that  in  the 
war  before  the  last,  it  afforded  the  Colonies  no  security 
from  an  invasion  by  a  very  formidable  armament ;  for, 
notwithstanding  the  naval  power  of  Great  Britain,  or  any 
tiling  done  by  the  British  Government  to  prevent  it,  Bos- 
ton, which  was  the  designed  victim  to  tliat  French  arma- 
ment, miglit  have  been  laid  in  ruins.  It  was  the  Divine 
Providence  only  that  protected  that  town.  The  exertions 
of  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  favour  of  Great 
Britain,  rendered  her  the  subject  of  French  resentment  at 
that  time ;  at  present,  the  same  Province  is  the  object  of 
resentment  of  British  Administration  for  her  exertions  iu 
favour  of  British,  as  well  as  American  freedom.  As  her 
protection  from  a  French  invasion  was  not  the  arm  of 
jlesh,  so,  may  the  same  Divine  protection  shield  her  and 
all  these  Colonies  from  the  dominion  of  tyranny  ;  and  may 
virtue,  liberty,  and  peace,  have  their  abode,  and  flourish  in 
this  land  for  ages  yet  to  come. 


STAMFORD  (CONNECTICUT)  TOWN  MEETING. 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Stam- 
ford, legally  warned  and  convened  on  the  7th  day  of 
October,  1774. 

The  inhabitants  of  this  town,  sensibly  affected  with  the 
distresses  to  which  the  town  of  Boston  and  Province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  are  subjected  by  several  late  unconsti- 
tutional Acts  of  tlie  British  Parliament,  and  also  viewing 
the  (Quebec  Bill,  whereby  the  Roman  Catholick  religion  is 
established  over  a  great  part  of  his  Majesty's  extensive 
Continent  of  America,  as  an  attempt  not  barely  to  de- 
stroy our  civil  liberties,  but  as  an  open  declaration  that 
our  religious  privileges,  wliicli  our  fathers  fled  their  native 
country  to  enjoy,  are  very  soon  to  be  abolished,  (hoping 
to  convince  the  people  of  this  extensive  Continent,  that, 
notwithstanding  our  long  silence,  we  are  by  no  means  un- 
willing to  join  with  our  sister  towns  to  assert  our  just 
rights,  and  oppose  every  design  of  a  corrupt  Ministry  to 
enslave  America,)  do  declare,  that  we  acknowledge  our 
subjection  to  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  all  the 
constitutional  powers  thereto  belonging,  as  established  in 
the  illustrious  House  of  Hanover,  and  tliat  it  is  our  earnest 
desire  that  the  same  peaceable  connection  should  subsist 
between  us  and  the  mother  country  that  has  subsisted  for 
a  long  time  before  the  late  unconstitutional  measures 
adopted  by  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain;  and  we 
hope  that  some  plan  will  be  found  out  by  the  general  Con- 
gress to  effect  the  reconciliation  we  wish  for.  Yet  we  are 
determined,  in  every  lawful  way,  to  join  with  our  sister 
Colonies,  resolutely  to  defend  our  just  rights,  and  oppose 
all  illegal  and  unconstitutional  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment that  respect  America. 


That  we  are  pleased  that  a  Congress  of  Deputies  from 
the  Colonies  is  now  met  at  Philadelphia,  and,  relying 
upon  the  wisdom  of  that  body,  we  declare  that  we  are 
ready  to  adopt  such  reasonable  measures  as  shall  by  them 
be  judged  lor  the  general  good  of  the  inhabitants  of 
America. 

Voted,  That  Messrs.  John  Lloyd  and  Samuel  Hulton, 
Captain  Samuel  Youngs,  Captain  David  Hait,  and 
Charles  Weed,  be  a  Committee  to  receive  subscriptions 
for  the  supply  of  the  poor  in  the  town  of  Boston,  who  suf- 
fer in  consecjuence  of  an  Act  of  Parliament,  called  the 
Port  Act ;  and  that  the  said  Committee  cause  any  thing 
that  shall  be  collected  to  be  transported  to  the  care  of  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  in  the  town  of  Boston, 
to  be  employed  by  them  as  they  shall  think  fit. 

The  above  is  a  true  copy  of  record,  it  being  a  very  full 
meeting — almost  an  unanimous  vote. 

S.  Jarvis,  Town  Clerk. 


EXTRACT  or  A  LETTER,  DATED  LONDON,  OCTOBER  8,  1774. 

Never  did  I  feel  myself  so  anxious  about  publick  af- 
fairs as  at  this  moment.  Our  own  interest  is  intimately 
connected  with  the  perseverance  of  our  American  brethren 
in  their  opposition  to  tliH  tyranny  of  our  Government. 
Should  they  continue  firm,  it  will  be  scarcely  possible  that 
they  should  not  succeed  in  preserving  their  liberties:  and 
the  preservation  of  their  liberty  ought  to  be  an  object  of 
the  last  concern  to  all  in  this  country  ;  for  it  is  only  among 
them  we  can  hope  to  find  it,  after  luxury,  dissipation,  a 
servile  Parliament,  and  an  overwhelming  load  of  debts  and 
taxes  have  completed  its  ruin  here,  I  cannot  help  believ- 
ing that  this  will  be  the  last  struggle  which  America  will 
have  with  us  ;  if  they  are  now  steady,  and  succeed,  they 
will  have  no  reason  to  fear  any  future  attempts  to  enslave 
them.  But  if  they  now  submit,  they  will  be  subdued  for 
ever,  and  the  only  nursery  of  freemen  now  in  the  world 
will  be  lost.  May  Heaven  avert  such  a  calamity  !  I  can- 
not indeed  imagine  a  state  of  worse  slavery  than  that  in 
which  the  Colonies  would  be  were  they,  on  this  occasion, 
to  submit, — to  be  not  only  subject  to  many  hard  restraints 
in  acquiring  their  property,  but  to  hold  it,  after  being  acquir- 
ed, at  the  discretion  of  our  rulers;  to  have  no  constitution 
of  Government  of  their  own,  but  to  have  their  laws  made 
and  their  Governments  modelled  by  a  Legislature  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  which  cannot  judge  of  their  cir- 
cumstances, in  which  they  have  no  voice,  and  all  whose 
acts  are  but  little  more  than  the  echoes  to  the  will  of  the 
fool  of  the  tyrant  who  happens  to  be  Minister  in  this 
country.  Wiiat  an  abject  condition  would  this  be  !  The 
present  state  of  our  Parliament  is  such  that  it  is  our  own 
greatest  calamity  to  be  govered  by  it.  How  base  would 
it  be  to  wish  the  Americans  involved  in  the  same  calam- 
ity ?  The  mode  of  opposition  which  the  Americans  are 
likely  to  adopt  must  do  them  the  greatest  service,  by 
checking  luxury  among  them,  and  obliging  them  to  save 
the  money  they  now  spend  among  us  in  purchasing  super- 
fluities, at  the  same  time  it  must  eventually  injure  us ;  for 
such  are  our  present  circumstances,  that  we  hang  upon  the 
American  trade,  and  the  loss  of  it  would  sink  the  revenue, 
and  soon  bring  on  riots  and  insurrections,  and  a  publick 
bankruptcy.  But  I  am  not  frightened  by  these  conse- 
quences; the  preservation  oi  American  liberty  I  think  of 
unspeakably  more  importance  than  any  temporary  suffer- 
ings which  can  come  upon  us.  I  also  consider  our  present 
slate  as  so  corrupt,  and  our  excellent  Constitution  of  Gov- 
ernment as  so  entirely  subverted  by  the  unbounded  influ- 
ence of  the  Crown,  that  my  only  hope  arises  from  the 
prosj)ect  of  a  convulsion  (dreadful  while  it  lasts)  which 
shall  destroy  artificial  wealth  and  all  the  means  of  corrup- 
tion ;  reduce  us  to  poverty  and  simplicity,  overturn  the 
whole  present  system  of  i)olicy,  and  be  followed  by  the  re- 
establishment  of  publick  liberty  and  virtue. 

I  have  been  concerned  to  see  in  the  Pennsylvania  In- 
structions to  their  Deputies,  a  proposal  that,  previous  to 
any  other  measures,  a  memorial  or  remonstrance  should  be 
presented  to  our  Government.  The  Colonies  have,  I 
think,  already  sufficiently  tried  such  methods  as  these. 
Our  Government,  if  consistent,  would  not  receive  any 
memorial  from  an  Assembly  which  they  consider  as  illegal ; 
it  is  now   too  late  for  negotiation ;  nor  can  it  issue  in  any 


829 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


830 


good  to  the  American  cause.  Vigorous  measures  alone 
can  be  successful ;  and  some  think  that,  had  the  Ameri- 
cans fled  inmiediately  to  the  last  resource  the  quarrel 
might  by  this  time  have  been  almost  decided;  for  the  pre- 
sent Ministry  could  not  have  found  supplies  for  so  horrid 
a  service,  and  a  change  of  men  and  measures  must  have 
soon  taken  place. 

The  sentiments  I  have  expressed  are  those  of  the 
greatest  part  of  my  acquaintance,  some  of  whom  are  per- 
sons of  the  first  weight.  I  choose  to  mention  this  because  I 
wish  the  Americans  not  to  direct  their  resentment  against 
all,  indiscriminately,  in  this  country  ;  they  may  be  assured 
that  they  have  a  large  body  of  friends  here,  who,  from  a 
sense  they  have  of  the  rights  of  human  nature,  detest  what 
has  been  done  against  them.  Perhaps  die  most  provoking 
and  mean  of  all  the  measures  against  them  is  the  (Quebec 
Bill,  the  plain  design  of  which  is  to  fix  a  body  of  Popish 
slaves  behind  them,  subject  to  the  King's  will,  who  may 
serve  as  a  curb  upon  them. 


MASSACHUSETTS    PROVINCIAL    CONGRESS. 

Wednesday,  October  5,  1774,  the  Members  chosen  in 
consequence  of  Governour  Gage's  last  writs  for  calling  a 
General  Assembly,  met  at  the  Court  House  in  Salem,  pur- 
suant to  the  precepts ;  and,  after  waiting  a  day  without  be- 
ing admitted  to  the  usual  oaths,  which  should  have  been 
administered  by  the  Governour  or  odier  constitutional  offi- 
cers ;  and  having  chosen  the  Honourable  John  Hancock, 
Esq.,  to  be  their  Chairman,  and  Benjamin  Lincoln,  Esq., 
Clerk,  they  proceeded  to  business,  and  passed  the  following 
Resolves : 

Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bat, 
In  the  Court  House  at  Salem,  October  7,  1774. 

Whereas,  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Esq.,  did  issue 
writs  bearing  date  the  first  of  September  last,  for  the  elec- 
tion of  Members  to  serve  as  Representatives  in  a  Great 
and  General  Court,  which  he  did  "  think  fit  and  appoint" 
to  be  convened  and  holden  the  fifth  day  of  October  instant, 
at  the  Court  House  in  this  place.  And  whereas,  a  majority 
of  Members  duly  elected  in  consequence  of  said  writs,  did 
attend  at  said  Court  House  the  time  appointed,  there  to  be 
qualified  according  to  Charter  for  taking  seats  and  acting  as 
Representatives  in  said  Great  and  General  Court ;  but 
were  not  met  by  the  Governour,  or  other  constitutional  offi- 
cer or  officers  by  him  appointed  for  administering  the  usual 
oaths,  and  qualifying  them  thereto.  And  whereas,  a  Proc- 
lamation, bearing  date  the  28th  day  of  September  last, 
and  published  in  sundry  newspapers,  with  the  signature  of 
his  Excellency,  contains  many  reflections  on  this  Province, 
as  being  in  a  tumultuous  and  disorderly  state  ;  and  appears 
to  have  been  considered  by  his  Excellency  as  a  constitu- 
tional discharge  of  all  such  persons  as  have  been  elected 
in  consequence  of  his  Excellency's  said  writs.  The  Mem- 
bers aforesaid  so  attending,  having  considered  the  measures 
which  his  Excellency  has  been  pleased  to  take  by  his  said 
Proclamation,  and  finding  them  to  be  unconstitutional,  un- 
just, and  disrespectful  to  the  Province,  think  it  their  duty  to 
pass  the  following  Resolves : 

Therefore,  resolved,  As  the  opinion  of  said  Members : 

1st.  That  by  the  Royal  Charter  of  the  Province,  the 
Governour,  for  the  time  being,  is  expressly  obliged  to  con- 
vene, "  upon  every  last  Wednesday  in  the  month  of  May, 
"  every  year  forever,  and  at  such  other  times  as  he  shall 
"  think  fit,  and  appoint  a  Great  and  General  Court."  And, 
therefore,  diat  as  his  Excellency  had  thought  fit,  and  by 
his  writ  appointed  a  Great  and  General  Court  to  be  con- 
vened on  the  fifth  day  of  October,  instant,  his  conduct  in 
preventing  the  same,  is  against  the  express  words,  as  well 
as  true  sense  and  meaning  of  the  Charter,  and  unconstitu- 
tional ;  more  especially  as,  by  Charter,  his  Excellency's 
power  "  to  adjourn,  prorogue,  and  dissolve,  all  Great  and 
General  Courts,"  doth  not  take  place  after  said  Courts  shall 
be  appointed,  until  they  have  first  "  met  and  convened." 

2dly.  That  the  constitutional  Government  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  Province,  being  by  a  considerable  military 
force  at  this  time  attempted  to  be  superseded  and  annulled  ; 
and  the  people,  under  the  most  alarming  and  just  apprehen- 
sions of  slavery,  having,  in  their  laudable  endeavours  to 
preserve  themselves  therefrom,  discovered,  upon  all  occa- 


sions, the  greatest  aversion  to  disorder  and  tumult,  it  must  be 
evident  to  all  attending  to  his  Excellency's  said  Proclama- 
tion, that  his  representations  of  the  Province  as  being  in  a 
tumultuous  and  disordered  state,  are  reflections  the  inhab- 
itants have  by  no  means  merited ;  and,  therefore,  that  they 
are  highly  injurious  and  unkind. 

3dly.  That,  as  the  pretended  cause  of  his  Excellency's 
Proclamation  for  discharging  the  Members  elected  by  the 
Province  in  pursuance  of  his  writs,  has  for  a  considerable 
time  existed,  his  Excellency's  conduct  in  choosing  to  issue 
said  Proclamation,  (had  it  been  in  other  respects  unexcep- 
tionable,) but  a  few  days  before  the  Court  was  to  have  been 
convened,  and  thereby  unavoidably  putting  to  unnecessary 
expense  and  trouble  a  great  majority  of  Members  from  the 
extremities  of  the  Province,  is  a  measure  by  no  means  con- 
sistent with  the  dignity  of  the  Province  ;  and,  therefore,  it 
ought  to  be  considered  as  a  disrespectful  treatment  of  the 
Province,  and  as  an  opposition  to  that  reconciliation  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  so  ardently  wished 
for  by  all  the  friends  of  both. 

4thly.  That  some  of  the  causes  assigned  as  aforesaid  for 
this  unconstitutional  and  wanton  prevention  of  the  General 
Court,  have,  in  all  good  Governments,  been  considered 
among  the  greatest  reasons  for  convening  a  Parliament  or 
Assembly ;  and,  therefore,  the  Proclamation  is  considered 
as  a  further  proof,  not  only  of  his  Excellency's  disafiection 
towards  the  Province,  but  of  the  necessity  of  its  most  vig- 
orous and  immediate  exertions  for  preserving  the  freedom 
and  Constitution  thereof. 

Upon  a  motion  made  and  seconded, 

Voted,  That  the  Members  aforesaid  do  now  resolve  them- 
selves into  a  Provincial  Congress,  to  be  joined  by  such  other 
persons  as  have  been  or  shall  be  chosen  for  that  purpose,  to 
take  into  consideration  the  dangerous  and  alarming  situa- 
tion of  publick  affairs  in  this  Province,  and  to  consult  and 
determine  on  such  measures  as  they  shall  judge  will  tend 
to  promote  the  true  interest  of  his  Majesty,  in  the  peace, 
welfare,  and  prosperity  of  the  Province. 

Benja.  Lincoln,  Clerk. 


At  a  Congress  of  Delegates  for  the  several  Towns  and 
Districts,  in  the  Province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  in 
New  England,  convened  at  Salem,  on  Friday  the  seventh 
day  of  October,  A.  D.,  1774 ;  with  a  list  of  persons  chosen 
to  represent  them  in  the  same. 

for   the    county    of    SUFFOLK. 

Boston. — The  Honourable  Thomas  Curbing,  Esquire, 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  Honourable  John  Hancock,  Esq., 
Doctor  Joseph  Warren,  Doctor  Benjamin  Church,  Mr. 
Nathaniel  Appleton. 

RoxBURY. — Captain  William  Heath,  Mr.  Aaron  Davis. 

Dorchester. — Captain  Samuel  Robinson. 

Milton. — Captain  David  Rawson,  Mr.  James  Boice. 

Braintree. — Ebenezer  Thayer,  Esquire,  Mr.  Joseph 
Palmer,  John  Adams,  Esquire. 

Weymouth. — Mr.  Nathaniel  Bailey. 

Hingham. — Benjamin  Lincoln,  Esquii'e. 

CoHASSET. — Mr.  Isaac  Lincoln. 

Dedham. — The  Honourable  Samuel  Dexter,  Esquire, 
Mr.  Abner  Ellis. 

Medfield. — Mr.  Moses  Bullin,CsL\)tdim  Sefh  Clark. 

Wrentham. — Mr.  Jabez  Fisher,  Mr.  Lemuel  Collock. 

Brookline. — Capt.  Benjamin  White,  William  Thomp- 
son, Esquire,  Mr.  John  Goddard. 

Stoughton  and  Stoughtonham. — Mr.  Thomas  Crane, 
Mr.  John  Withington,  Mr.  Job  Swift. 

Walpole. — Mr.  Enoch  Ellis. 

Medway. — Captain  Jonathan  Adams. 

Needham. — Captain  Eleazcr  Kingsbury. 

Bellingham. — Mr.  Luke  Holhrook. 

Chelsea. — Mr.  Samuel  Watts. 

Hull.— (None.) 

county    of    ESSEX. 

Salem. — Mr.  John  Pickering,  Junior,  Mr.  Jonathan 
Ropes,  Junior. 

Danvers. — Doctor  Samuel  Holten. 

Ipswich. — Capt.  Michael  Farley,  Mr.  Daniel  Noyce,- 

Newbury. — Honourable  Joseph  Gerrish,  Esq. 


831 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


832 


INEWBrRYPonT. — Captain  Jonathan  Grecnlcaf. 

Marbukheaii. — Jeremiah  Lee,  Esq.,  Azor  Ornc,  Esq., 
Mr.  Elbridge  Gerry. 

Lynn. — Ebenczer  Burrill,  Esq.,  Captain  John  Mans- 
field. 

An  DOVER. — I\Ir.  Moody  Bridges. 

Beverly. — Captain  Josiah  Batcheldor. 

Rowley. — Mr.  Nathaniel  McghilL 

Salisbury. — 'Mr.  Samuel  Smith. 

Haverhill. — Samuel  White,  Esquire,  Mr.  Joseph 
Haynes. 

Gloucester. — Captain  Peter  CoJJin. 

TopsFiELD. — Captain  Sitmuel  Smith. 

BoxFORD. — Aaron  Wood,  Esquire. 

Amesbury. — Isaac  Merrill,  Esquire. 

Bradford. — Captain  Daniel  Thurston. 

Wenham. — Mr.  Benjamin  Fairfield. 

Manchester. — Mr.  Andrew  Woodbury. 

Methuen. — Mr.  James  Ingles. 

MiDDLETON. — Captain  Archelus  Fuller. 

county    of    MIDDLESEX. 

Cambridge. — Honourable  John  fVinthrop,  Esq.,  Cap- 
tain Thomas  Gardner,  Mr.  Abraham  Watson. 

Charlestown. — Mr.  Nathan  Gorham,  Mr.  Bichard 
Devetis,  Doctor  Isaac  Foster,  David  Cheever,  Esquire. 

Watertown. — Captain  Jonathan  Brown,  Mr.  Johi 
Remington,  Mr.  Samuel  Fisk. 

WoBURN. — Mr.  Samuel  Wyman. 

Concord. — Captain  James  Barrett,  Mr.  Samuel  Whit- 
ney, Mr.  Ephraim  Wood,  Junior. 

Newton. — Abraham,  Fuller,  Esq.,  Mr.  John  Pigeon, 
Mr.  Edward  Durant. 

Reading. — Mr.  John  Temple,  Mr.  Benjamin  Browne. 

Marlborough. — Mr.  Peter  Bent,  Mr.  Edward  Barnes, 
Mr.  George  Brigham. 

Billerica. —  William  Stickney,  Esq.,  Mr.  Ebenezer 
Bridge. 

Framingham. — Joseph  Haven,  Esq.,  Mr.  Browne, 
Captain  Josiah  Stone. 

Lexington. — Mr.  Jonas  Stone. 

Chelmsford. — Mr.  Simeon  Spaulding,  Mr.  Jonathan 
Williams  Austin,  Mr.  Samuel  Perham. 

Sherbukn. — Captain  Samuel  Bullard,  Mr.  Jonathan 
Lealand. 

Sudbury. — Mr.  Thomas  Plimpton,  Captain  Richard 
Heard,  Mr.  James  Mosman. 

Malden. — Captain  Ebenezer  Harnden,  Captain  John 
Dexter. 

Medford. — Mr.  Benjamin  Hall. 

Weston. — Samuel  P.  Savage,  Esq.,  Captain  Braddyl 
Smith,  Mr.  Josiah  Smith. 

HoPKiNTON. — Captain  Thomas  Mellin,  Captain  Roger 
Dench,  Mr.  James  Mellin. 

Waltham. — Mr.  Jacob  Bigelow. 

Groton. — James  Prescott,  Esquire. 

Shirley. — Captain  Francis  Harris. 

Pepperell. — Captain  William  Prescott. 

Stow. — Henry  Gardner,  Esquire. 

Townshend. — Mr.  Jona.  iS'^ow,  Captain  Daniel  Taylor. 

AsHBY. — Mr.  Jonathan  Locke,  Captain  Stone. 

Stoneham. — Captain  Samuel  Spraguc. 

Wilmington. — Mr.  Timothy  Walker. 

Natick. — Mr.  Hezekiah  Broad. 

Dbacut. — Mr.  IVilliam  Hildreih. 

Bedford. — Mr.  Joseph  Ballard,  John  Read,  Esq. 

Holliston. — Captain  Abner  Perry. 

Tewksbuby. — Mr.  Jonathan  Brown. 

Acton. — Mr.  Josiah  Hayward,  Mr.  Francis  Faulkner, 
Mr.  Ephraim  Hapgood. 

Westford. — Mr.  Joseph  Reed,  Mr.  Zaccheus  Wright. 

Littleton. — Mr.  Abel  Jewctt,  Mr.  Robert  Harris. 

Dunstable. — John  Tyng,  Esq.,  James  Tyng,  Esq. 

LiNcot-N. — Captain  Eleazer  Brooks,  Mr.  Samuel  Far^ 
rar,  Captain  Abijah  Pierce. 

county  of  Hampshire. 

Springfield. — Doctor     Charles    Pynchon,   Captain 
George  Pynchon,  Mr.  Jonathan  Hah,  Junior. 
Wilbraham. — Mr.  John  Bliss. 
Ludlow. — Mr.  Joseph  Miller. 


West  Springfield. — Mr.  Benjamin  Ely,  Doctor 
Chauncy  Brewer. 

Northampton. — Seth  Pomeroy,  Esquire,  Honourable 
Joseph  Hawley,  Esquire. 

Southampton. — Mr.  Elias  Lyman. 

Hadley. — Mr.  Josiah  Pierce. 

South  Hadley. — Mr.  Noah  Goodman. 

Amherst. — Mr.  Nathaniel  Dickerson,  Junior. 

Granby. — Mr.  Phineas  Smith. 

Hatfieu). — Mr.  John  Dickerson. 

Whately. — (None,) 

Williamsburgh. — (None.) 

Deerfield. — Mr.  Samuel  Barnard,  Junior. 

Greenfield. — Mr.  Daniel  Nash. 

Shelburn. — Mr.  John  Taylor. 

Conway. — Mr.  Thomas  French. 

Westfield  and  Southwick. — Captain  John  Mosely, 
Mr.  misha  Park. 

Sunderland. — Mr.  Israel  Hubbard. 

Montague. — Doctor  Moses  Gunn. 

Brimfield. — Mr.  Timothy  Danielson. 

South  Brimfield. — Mr.  Daniel  Winchester. 

MoNsoN. — Mr.  Abel  Goodale. 

NoRTHFiELD. — Mr.  Phineas  Wright. 

Greenville. —  Timothy  Robinson,  Esquire. 

New  Salem. — Mr.  William  Page,  Junior, 

CoLRAiN. — Captain  Thomas  McGee. 

Belchertown. — Captain  Samuel  Hotve. 

Ware. — Mr.  Joseph  Foster. 

MuRRAYSFIELD. (NoUC.) 

Warwick. — Captain  Samuel  Williams. 
Charlemont. — Mr.  Hugh  Maxwell. 
AsHFiELD. — (None.) 
Worthington. — Captain  Nahum  Eager. 
Greenwich. — Mr.  John  Rea. 
Shutesbury. — (None.) 
Chesterfield. — (None.) 
NoRTHwicH. — Mr.  Ebenezer  Meacham. 
Edgecomb. — (None.) 
Leverett. — (None.) 
Palmer. — Mr.  David  Spear. 

COUNTY    OF    PLYMOUTH. 

Plymouth. — Honourable  James  Warren,  Esquire,  Mr. 
Laac  Lothrop. 

Scituate. — Nathan  Gushing,  Esquire,  Mr.  Gideon 
Vinal,  Mr.  Barnaby  Little. 

Marshfield. — Mr.  Nchemiah  Thomas. 

MiDDLEBOROUGH. — Captain  Ebenezer  Sprout. 

Hanover. — Captain  Joseph  Ctishing. 

Rochester. — Captain  Ebenezer  White. 

Plympton. — Mr.  Samuel  Lucas. 

Pembroke. — Mr.  John  Turner,  Captain  Seth  Hertch. 

Abincton. — Captain  Woodbridge  Brown,  Doctor  Da- 
vid Jones. 

Bridgewater. — Captain  Edward  ^Rtchell,  Doctor 
Richard  Perkins. 

Kingston. — John  Thomas,  Esquire. 

DuxBURY. — Mr.  George  Partridge. 

Halifax. — (None.) 

Wareham. — (None.) 

county    of    BARNSTABLE. 

Barnstable. — Daniel  Davis,  Esquire. 

Sandwich. — Mr.  Stephen  Nye. 

Yarmouth. — Captain  Elisha  Bassett. 

Eastham  and  Welfleet. — Mr.  Naaman  Holbrook. 

Harwich. — Mr.  Benjamin  Freeman. 

Falmouth. — Mr.  Moses  Swift. 

Chatham. — Captain  Joseph  Doane. 

Truro. — Mr.  Benjamin  Atkins. 

county    of    BRISTOL.' 

Taunton. — Robert  Treat  Paine,  Esquire,  Doctor  Da- 
vid Cobb. 

Rehoboth. — Captain  Thomas  Carpenter,  Timothy 
Walker,  Esquire. 

Swansey  and  Shawamet. — Colonel  Cole,  Captain 
Levi  Wheaton. 

Dartmouth. — Benjamin  Aikin,  Esquire. 

Norton  aiid  Mansfield. — Mr.  Eleazer  Clap. 


838 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


834 


Attleborough. — Mr.  Ebenezer  Lane,  Captain  John 
Daggett. 

DiGHTON. — Elnathan  Walker,  Esquire,  Doctor  Wil- 
liam Baylies. 

Freetown. — (None.) 

Easton. — Mr.  Eliphalet  Leonard,  Capt.  Zeph.  Keith. 

Raynham. — Mr.  Benjamin  King. 

Berkley. — '(None.) 

COUNTY    OF    YORK. 

York. — Captain  Daniel  Bragilon. 
KiTTERY. —  Charles  Chaunaj,  Esquire,  Edward  Cutts, 
Esquire. 

Wells. — Mr.  Ebenezer  Sayer. 
Berwick. — Captain  William  Gerrish. 
BiDDEFORD. — Mr.  James  Sullivan. 
Peperelborough — ^(None.) 
Lebanon. — (None.) 
Sandford. — (None.) 
Buxton. — (None.) 

COUNTY    OF    dukes. 

Edgartown. — (None.) 

Chilmark. — Joseph  Mayheio,  Esquire. 

TisBURY. — Mr.  Ranford  Smith. 

COUNTY    OF    NANTUCKET. 

Sherburn. — (None.) 

COUNTY    or    WORCESTER. 

Worcester. — Mr.  Joshua  Bigelow,  Mr.  Timothy 
Bigelow. 

Lancaster. — Captain  Asa  Whitcomb,  Doctor  William 
Dunsmore. 

Mendon. — Joseph  Dorr,  Esq.,  Mr.  Edward  Rowson. 
Brookfield. — Jedediah  Foster,  Esquire,  Captain 
Jeduthan  Baldwin,  Captain  Phineas  Upham. 

Oxford. — Captain  Ebenezer  Learned,  Doctor  Alex- 
ander Camel. 

Charlton. — Captain  Jonathan  TucJcer. 

Sutton. — Captain  Henry  King,  Mr.  Edward  Putnam. 

Leicester,  Spencer,  and  Paxton. — Colonel  Thomas 
Dennie,  Captain  Joseph  Henshaw. 

Rutland. — Mr.  Daniel  Clap. 

Rutland  District. — Mr.  John  Mason. 

Oakham. — Mr.  Jonathan  Bullard. 

Hubbari>ston. — Mr.  John  Clark. 

Westborough. — Captain  Stephen  Maynard,  Doctor 
James  Hawse. 

Northbohough. — Mr.  Levi  Bridgham. 

Shrewsbury. — Honourable  Artemas  Ward,  Esquire, 
Mr.  Phineas  Hayward. 

Lunenburgh  and  Fitcheurgh. — Captain  George 
Campbell,  Captain  Abijah  Sterns,  Captain  David  Good- 
ridge. 

Uxbridge. — Captain  Joseph  Reed. 

Harvard. — Mr.  Joseph  Wheeler. 

Bolton. — Captain  Samuel  Baker,  Mr.  Ephraim  Fair- 
banks. 

Petersham. — Captain  Ephraim  Doolittle. 

Southborough. — Captain  Jonathan  Ward. 

Hardwick. — Capt.  Paid  Mendal,  Mr.  Stephen  Rice, 

Western. — Mr.  Gershom  Makepeace. 

Sturbridge. — Captain  Timothy  Parker. 

Leominster. — Thomas  Legate,  Esquire,  Mr.  Israel 
J^ichols. 

Dudley. —  Tfiomas  Cheney,  Esquire. 

Upton. — ^Mr.  Abiel  Sadler. 

New-Braintree. — Captain  James  Wood. 

HoLDEN. — Mr.  John  Child. 

Douglass. — Mr.  Samuel  Jenison. 

Grafton. — Captain  John  Goulden. 

Royalston. — Mr.  Henry  Bond. 

Westminster. — Mr.  Nathan  Wood,  Mr.  Abner 
Holden. 

Templeton. — Mr.  Jonathan  Baldwin. 

Athol. — Mr.  William  Bigelow. 

Princeton. — Mr.  Moses  Gill,  Captain  Benjamin 
Holden. 

Ashburnham. — Mr.  Jonathan  Taylor. 

WiNCHENDON. — Mr.  Moset  Hale. 

Woodstock. — (None.) 

Northbridge. — Mr.  Samuel  Baldwin. 

Fourth  Series.  53 


county    of    CUMBERLAND. 

Falmouth  and  Cape  Elizabeth. — Enoch  Freeman, 
Esquire. 

Scarborough. — Mr.  Samuel  March, 

North  Yarmouth. — Mr.  John  Lewis. 

GoRHAM. — Solomon  Lombard. 

Brunswick  and  Habpswell. — Mr.  Samuel  Thompson. 

county    of    LINCOLN. (NoHC.) 

COUNTY    of    BERKSHIRE. 

Sheffield,  Great  Barrington,  Egremont,  and  Al- 
FORD. — John  Fellows,  Esquire,  Doctor  William  Whiting. 

Stockbridge  and  West  Stockbridge. — Mr.  Thomas 
Williams. 

Tyringham. — Captain  Giles  Jackson. 

PiTTSFiELD. — John  Browne,  Esquire. 

Richmond. — (None.) 

Lenox. — Mr.  Joh7i  Patterson. 

Becket. — Mr.  Jonathan  Wadsivorth.  / 

The  Congress  proceeded  to  the  choice  of  a  Chairman, 
when  the 

Honourable  John  Hancock,  Esquire,  was  elected. 
Benjamin  Lincoln,  Esquire,  was  chosen  Clerk. 

Upon  a  motion.  Voted,  That  the  Congress  be  adjourned 
to  the  Meeting  House  in  Contord. 

Tuesday,  October  11,  1774. 

The  Congress  having  met  at  Salem, 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put,  whether  they 
would  reconsider  their  vote  relative  to  the  appointing  a 
Chairman,  and  then  proceed  to  the  choice  of  a  President, 
by  written  votes,  and  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

Upon  a  motion,  Ordered,  That  Captain  Heath,  the 
Honourable  Mr.  Dexter,  and  the  Honourable  Colonel 
Ward,  be  a  Committee  to  count  and  sort  the  votes  for  a 
President. 

The  Congress  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for  a 
President,  and  the  Committee  having  counted  and  sorted 
the  same,  reported  that  the  Honourable  John  Hancock, 
Esquire,  was  chosen. 

The  Congress  then  appointed  Benjamin  Lincoln,  Esq., 
Secretary. 

Upon  a  motion.  Ordered,  That  Captain  Barret,  Doctor 
Warren,  and  the  Honourable  Colonel  Ward  be  a  Commit- 
tee to  wait  on  the  Reverend  Mr.  Emerson,  and  desire  his 
attendance  on  the  Congress,  that  the  business  might  be 
opened  with  Prayer. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Reverend  Mr. 
Emerson,  reported  that  they  had  attended  to  that  service, 
and  that  the  Reverend  Mr.  Emerson  would  soon  attend  on 
the  Congress  agreeable  to  their  desire. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Three  o'clock,  P.  M. — The  Congress  is  further  adjourn- 
ed to  half  after  eight  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Wednesday,  October  12,  1774. 

Congress  met  agreeable  to  adjournment. 

Upon  a  motion,  Ordered,  That  Major  Fuller,  Colonel 
Prescott,  Doctor  Warren,  and  Doctor  Holten,  be  appointed 
to  return  the  Congress  when  necessary,  in  order  the  more 
easily  to  ascertain  a  vote,  and  that  they  observe  the  fol- 
lowing Divisions,  viz : 

The  wall  pews  on  the  right  of  the  desk  for  one  division ; 
those  on  the  left  for  another ;  the  men's  seats  and  the  pews 
adjoining  them,  a  third ;  the  women's  seats  and  the  pews 
adjoining  them,  the  fourth. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put  whether  the 
several  Resolutions  entered  into  by  the  Counties  respective- 
ly, be  now  read,  and  passed  in  the  affirmative.  They  werfe 
read  accordingly. 

Resolved,  That  a  Doorkeeper  be  appointed. 

Resolved,  That  Captain  Barret  be  desired  to  appoint 
some  suitable  person  for  a  Doorkeeper  ;  he  appointed  ac- 
cordingly Mr.  Jeremiah  Hunt  for  that  purpose. 

Ordered,  That  the  Honourable  John  Hancock,  Esquire, 
Honourable  Joseph  Hawley,  Esquire,  Doctor  Warren, 
Honourable  Samuel  Dexter,  Esquire,  Honourable  Colonel 
Ward,    Honourable    Colonel    Wan-en,    Captain    Heath, 


88S 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


836 


Colonel  Lee,  Doctor  Church,  Doctor  Holten,  Mr.  Gerry, 
Colonel  'I'yng,  Captain  Robcrson,  Major  Foster,  and  Mr. 
Gorham,  be  a  Committee   to  take  into  consideration  the 
state  of  the  Province,  and  report  as  soon  as  may  be. 
Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Aflemoon. 
Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Tliureday,  October  13,  1771. 

Congress  met  agreeable  to  adjournment. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

AAemoon. 

The  Committee  on  tlie  State  of  the  Province,  reported 
the  following  Message  to  his  Excellency.  The  same  was 
eonsidered  and  accepted  by  the  Congress,  with  one  dis- 
senting voice  only,  and  the  President  requested  to  attest 
the  same. 

May  it  please  your  ErccUency  : 

The  Delegates  from  the  several  Towns  in  the  Pro^'ince 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  having  convened  in  general 
Congress,  beg  leave  to  address  your  Excellency : — The 
distressed  and  miserable  state  of  the  Province,  occasioned 
by  the  intolerable  grievances  and  oppressions  to  which  the 
people  are  subjected,  and  the  danger  and  destruction  to 
which  they  are  exposed,  of  which  your  Excellency  must 
be  sensible,  and  the  want  of  a  General  Assembly  have 
rendered  it  indispensably  necessary  to  collect  the  wisdom 
of  the  Province  by  their  Delegates  in  this  Congress,  to 
concert  some  adequate  remedy  for  preventing  impending 
ruin,  and  providing  for  the  publick  safety. 

It  is  with  the  utmost  concern  we  see  your  hostile  prepar- 
ations which  have  spread  such  alarm  throughout  this  Prov- 
ince and  the  whole  Continent,  as  threatens  to  involve  us 
in  all  the  confusion  and  horrours  of  a  civil  war  ;  and  while 
we  contemplate  an  event  so  deeply  to  be  regretted  by 
every  good  man,  it  must  occasion  the  surprise  and  aston- 
ishment of  all  mankind,  that  such  measures  are  pursued 
against  a  people  whose  love  of  order,  attachment  to 
Britain,  and  loyalty  to  their  Prince,  have  ever  been  truly 
exemplary.  Your  Excellency  must  be  sensible  that  the 
sole  end  of  Government  is  the  protection  and  security  of 
the  people.  Whenever  therefore  that  power,  which  was 
originally  instituted  to  effect  these  important  and  valuable 
purposes,  is  employed  to  harass,  distress  or  enslave  the 
people,  in  this  case  it  becomes  a  curse  rather  than  a  bless- 

The  most  painful  apprehensions  are  excited  in  our  minds 
by  the  measures  now  pursuing.  The  rigorous  execution  of 
the  Port  Bill,  with  improved  severity,  must  eventually  re- 
duce the  capital  and  its  numerous  dependencies  to  a  state 
of  poverty  and  ruin.  The  Acts  for  altering  the  Charter 
and  the  administration  of  justice  in  the  Colony,  are  mani- 
festly designed  to  abridge  this  people  of  their  rights,  and  to 
license  murders;  and  if  carried  into  execution,  will  reduce 
them  to  a  state  of  slavery.  The  number  of  Troops  in  the 
capital,  increased  by  daily  accession  drawn  from  the  whole 
Continent,  together  with  the  formidable  and  hostile  prepa- 
rations which  you  arc  now  making  on  Boston  Neck,  in  our 
opinion  greatly  endanger  the  lives,  liberties  and  properties, 
not  only  of  our  brethren  in  the  town  of  Boston,  but  of 
this  Province  in  general.  Permit  us  to  ask  your  Excellen- 
cy, whether  an  inattentive  and  unconcerned  acquiescence 
to  such  alarming,  such  menacing  measures,  would  not  evi- 
dence a  state  of  insanity;  or,  whether  the  delayini^  to 
take  every  possible  precaution  for  the  security  of  this  Prov- 
ince, would  not  be  the  most  criminal  neijlect  in  a  people 
heretofore  rigidly  and  justly  tenacious  of  their  constitu- 
tional rights  ? 

Penetrated  with  the  most  poignant  concern,  and  ar- 
dently solicitous  to  preserve  union  and  harmony  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  so  indispensalily  neces- 
sary to  the  wellbeing  of  both,  we  entreat  your  Excellency 
to  remove  that  brand  of  contention,  the  Fortress  at  the 
entrance  oi'  Boston.  We  are  much  concerned  that  you 
should  have  been  induced  to  construct  it,  and  tiiereby 
causelessly  excite  such  a  spirit  of  resentment  and  indig- 
nation as  now  generally  prevails. 

We  assure  you  sir,  that  the  good  pco|)le  of  this  Colony 
never  have  had  the  least  intention  to  do  any  injury  to  his 


Majesty's  troops  ;  but  on  the  contrary  most  earnestly  desire 
that  every  obstacle  to  treating  them  as  fellow-si\bject5 
may  be  immediately  removed  ;  but  are  constrained  to  tell 
your  Excellency,  that  the  minds  of  the  people  will  never 
be  relieved  till  those  hostile  works  are  demolished ;  and 
we  reijuest  you,  as  you  regard  his  Majesty's  honour  and 
interest,  the  dignity  and  happiness  of  the  Empire,  and  the 
peace  and  welfare  of  this  Province,  that  yoii  immediately 
desist  from  the  Fortress  now  constructing  at  the  South 
entrance  into  the  town  of  Boston,  and  restore  the  pass  to 
its  natural  state. 

Upon  a  motion, 

Ordered,  Tiiat  a  fair  copy  of  the  foregoinw^  Report 
be  taken  and  presented  to  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage, 
Esquire,  and  that  a  Committee  Ix;  appointed  to  wait  u))on 
him  early  to-morrow  morning  with  the  same.  According- 
ly, Colonel  Lee,  Honourable  Colonel  fVard,  Colonel  Orne, 
Captain  Gardner,  Henry  Gardner,  12sq.,  Mr.  Devens, 
Mr.  Gorham,  Captain  Brown,  Colonel  Pomeroy,  Hon- 
ourable Colonel  Frescott,  Colonel  'Fhaycr,  Mr.  VVilliams, 
Captain  Heath,  Captain  L'pham,  Mr.  Barnes,  Cajjtaiii 
Doolittle,  Mr.  Lothrop,  Major  Thompson,  Mr.  Palmer, 
ftlr.  Pickering,  and  Captain  Thompson,  were  appointed. 

Resolved,  That  when  this  Congress  shall  adjourn  over 
the  Sabbath,  that  it  be  adjourned  to  the  Court  House  in 
Cambridge, 

Then  the  Congress  adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning, 
nine  o'clock. 

Friday,  October  14,  1774.  ' 
Resolved,  That  the  JNTessage  of  his  Excellency  be  print- 
ed in  the  Boston  newspapers. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Afternoon. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
the  following  Resolve,  which  was  read,  considered  and 
accepted,  and  ordered  that  it  be  printed  in  the  Boston 
newspapers,  and  attested  by  the  Secretary. 

Resolved,  That  the  several  Constables  and  Collectors 
of  Taxes  throughout  the  Province,  who  have  or  shall  have 
any  Moneys  in  their  hands  collected  on  Province  Assess- 
ments, be  advised  not  to  pay  the  same,  or  any  part  thereof, 
to  the  Honourable  Harrison  Gray,  Esq.,  hut  that  such 
Constables  and  Collectors,  as  also  such  Constables  and 
Collectors  as  have  or  shall  have  any  County  Moneys  in 
their  hands,  take  and  observe  such  ordei-s  and  directions 
touching  the  same,  as  shall  be  given  them  by  the  several 
Towns  and  Districts  by  whom  they  were  chosen.  And 
that  the  Sheriffs  and  Deputy  Sheriffs  of  the  several  Coun- 
ties in  the  Province,  who  have  in  their  hands  any  Prov- 
ince Moneys,  be  also  advised  not  to  pay  the  same  to  the 
said  Harrison  Gray,  Esq.,  but  that  they  retain  the  same 
in  their  hands  respectively,  until  the  further  advice  of  a 
Provincial  Congress,  or  order  from  a  constitutional  As- 
sembly of  this  Province.  And  that  the  present  Assessors 
of  the  several  Towns  and  Districts  in  the  Province  be 
advised  to  proceed  to  make  assessments  of  the  Tax  granted 
by  the  Great  and  General  Court  of  the  Province  at  their 
last  3Jay  session,  and  that  such  assessments  be  duly  paid 
by  the  persons  assessed,  to  such  person  or  persons  as  shall 
be  ordered  by  the  said  Towns  and  Districts  respectively. 
And  the  Congress  strongly  recommend  the  payment  of  the 
Tax  accordingly. 

The  Congress  then  adjourned  to  the  Court  House  in 
Cambridge,  there  to  meet  on  Monday  next,  at  ten  o'clock 
in  die  forenoon. 

.■Monihiy,  October  17,  1774. 

The  Congress  met  according  to  adjournment,  and  ad- 
journed to  the  Meeting  House  in  Cambridge. 

Upon  a  motion. 

Ordered,  That  Ca|)tain  Gardner,  Mr.  Watson,  and  Mr. 
Cheevcr,  be  a  Connnittee  to  wait  on  the  Reverend  Dr. 
Apphton,  and  desire  that  he  would  attend  the  Congress 
and  open  the  meeting  with  Prayer. 

The  Committee  reported  that  they  had  waited  on  the 
Reverend  Dr.  Apphtun,  and  delivered  the  message,  and 
that  he  would  wait  on  the  Congress  iminechately. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  ([uesiion  was  put,  whether  applica- 
tion be  made  to  the  Governoiu-  of  the  College,  for  leave 


837 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


838 


for  the  Congress  to  sit  in  the  New  Chapel,  and  passed  in 
the  negative. 

Resolved,  That  the  seats  now  chosen  by  the  Members 
in  Congress,  and  tliose  wliich  may  be  chosen  by  them  in 
future  upon  tlieir  first  coming  into  the  same,  be  their  seats 
during  the  session  thereof. 

Resolved,  Tliat  tlie  Congress  be  returned  in  Divisions 
as  agreed  on  at  Concord. 

Mr.  President  informed  tiie  Congress  lliat  lie  liad  in  his 
hand  his  Excellency's  Answer  to  our  Message  to  him  of 
the  diirteentii  instant,  directed  to  Colonel  Lee,  the  Hon- 
ourable Colonel  Ward,  Colonel  Ornc,  Captain  Gardner, 
Henry  Gardner,  Esq.,  Mr.  Dcvens,  Mr.  Gorhain,  Cap- 
tain Brown,  Colonel  Fomeroy,  Honourable  Colonel  Pres- 
coH,  Colonel  Thayer,  Mr.  Williams,  Captain  Heath,  Cap- 
tain Upham,  Mr.  Barnes,  Captain  DooUttle,  Mr.  Lothrop, 
Major  Thompson,  Mr.  Palmer,  Mr.  Pickering,  and  Cap- 
tain Thompson,  said  to  be  a  Committee  to  wait  on  his 
Excellency  with  a  Message. 

Gentlemen  :  The  previous  menaces  daily  thrown  out, 
and  tiie  unusual  wai'like  preparations  throughout  the  coun- 
try, make  it  an  act  of  duty  in  me  to  pursue  the  measures  I 
have  taken  in  constructing  what  you  call  a  Fortress,  which, 
unless  annoyed,  will  annoy  nobody. 

It  is  surely  highly  exasperating,  as  well  as  ungenerous, 
even  to  hint  that  the  lives,  liberties  or  properties  of  any 
persons,  except  avowed  enemies,  are  in  danger  from  Bri- 
tains;  Britain  can  never  harbour  the  black  design  of 
wantonly  destroying,  or  enslaving,  any  people  on  earth. 
And  notwithstanding  the  enmity  shewn  the  King's  Troops, 
by  withholding  from  them  almost  every  necessary  for  their 
preservation,  they  have  not  as  yet  discovered  the  resent- 
ment which  might  justly  be  expected  to  arise  from  such 
hostile  treatment. 

No  person  can  be  more  solicitous  than  myself  to  pro- 
cure union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
Colonies,  and  I  ardently  wish  to  contribute  to  the  comple- 
tion of  a  work  so  salutary  to  both  countries :  But  an  open 
and  avowed  disobedience  to  all  her  authority,  is  only  bid- 
ding defiance  to  the  mother  country,  and  gives  little  hopes 
of  bringing  a  spirited  Nation  to  that  favourable  disposition, 
which  a  more  decent  and  dutiful  conduct  might  effect. 

Whilst  you  complain  of  Acts  of  Parliament  that  make 
alterations  in  your  Charter,  and  put  you  in  some  degree 
on  tlie  same  footing  with  many  other  Provinces,  you  will 
not  forget  that  by  your  assembling,  you  are  yourselves 
subverting  that  Charter,  and  now  acting  in  violation  of 
your  own  Constitution. 

It  is  my  duty  therefore,  however  irregular  your  applica- 
tion is,  to  warn  you  of  the  rock  you  are  upon,  and  to  re- 
quire your  to  desist  from  such  illegal  and  unconstitutional 
proceedings.  Thomas  Gage. 

Province  House,  October  17,  1774. 

Resolved,  That  his  Excellency's  Answer  be  committed 
to  the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province. 

Ordered,  That  the  Letters  on  his  Honour's  table,  said 
to  be  wrote  by  the  Reverend  Mr.  Peters,  be  committed  to 
the  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Afternoon. 

Resolved,  That  in  the  absence  of  the  President,  the 
Secretary  have  power  to  adjourn  the  Congress. 

Ordered,  That  the  Committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the 
Reverend  Dr.  Appleton  this  morning  to  desire  his  attend- 
ance on  tlie  Congress,  and  open  the  meeting  with  Prayer, 
again  wait  on  him,  and  return  him  the  Thanks  of  this 
Congress  for  his  attendance  and  prayer  with  them  this 
morning ;  and  desire  that  he  would  officiate  as  dieir  Chap- 
lain during  their  session  here. 

Adjourned  until  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock. 


Tuesday,  October  18,  1774. 

Congress  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

Ordered,  That  the  Galleries  now  be  cleared,  and  the 
Doors  of  the  House  be  kept  shut,  during  the  debates  of 
the  Congress,  until  the  further  order  thereof. 

Resolved,  That  a  Doorkeeper  be  appointed ;  and  that 
the  Jiembers  of  the  Town  of  Cambridge  appoint  some 


suitable  person  for  that  purpose.     Mr.  Darling  was  ap- 
pointed accordingly. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Afternoon. 

Moved,  That  the  Congress  now  determine  v\  liether  they 
will,  or  will  not,  reply  to  his  Excellency's  Answer. 

After  some  debate  thereon,  the  question  was  put,  whe- 
ther the  Congress  will  make  a  Reply  to  his  Excellency's 
Answer ;  and  it  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

Adjourned  to  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Wednesday,  October  19,  1774. 

Ordered,  That  the  Doorkeeper  see  that  the  Galleries 
be  now  cleared. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
a  Reply  to  his  Excellency's  Message.  The  same  was 
read  and  ordered  to  be  recommitted. 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Heath,  Major  Fellows,  Colo- 
nel Thomas,  Captain  Gardner,  and  Colonel  Pomcroy,  be  a 
Committee  to  make  as  minute  an  inquiry  into  the  present 
state  and  operations  of  the  Army  as  may  be  and  report. 

Afternoon. 

Ordered,  That  no  Members  be  called  out. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
an  Answer  to  his  Excellency's  Message  ;  which,  having 
been  read  and  considered,  paragraph  by  paragraph,  was 
ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Thursday,  October  20,  1774. 

Tlie  Committee  appointed  to  make  inquiry  into  the 
state  and  operations  of  the  Army  reported.  The  Report, 
after  being  read,  was  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table. 

Afternoon. 

Resolved,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  consider 
what  is  necessary  to  be  how  done  for  the  Defence  and 
Safety  of  the  Province. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  consist  of  thirteen,  viz: 
two  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  and  one  in  each  odier 
County  who  have  returned  Members  to  this  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  each  County  appoint  its  own  mem- 
ber. 

Tlie  Members  of  the  several  Counties  retired,  soon 
returned  and  reported  that  they  had  made  choice  of  the 
following  gentlemen  respectively,  viz  : 

Suffolk. — The  Honourable  Samuel  Dexter,  Esq.,  and 
Captain  Heath; 

Middlesex. — Captain  Gardner ; 

Essex. — Colonel  Ome; 

Hampshire. — Major  Hawley ; 

Plymouth. — Colonel  Thomas; 

Barnstable. — Daniel  Davis,  Esq.; 

Bristol. — Colonel  Walker ; 

York. — Edward  Cutts,  Esq.; 

Dukes. — Mr.  Smith  ; 

Worcester. — Colonel  Ward ; 

Cumberland. — Mapr  Freeman; 

Berkshire. — Major  Fellows; 
Upon  a  motion, 

Ordered,  That  the  gendemen  appointed  by  the  several 
Counties  respectively  be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose 
aforesaid. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
a  Resolve  relative  to  the  payment  and  collecting  of  the 
outstanding  Rates  and  Taxes;  the  same  being  read  was 
ordered  to  be  recommitted. 

Upon  a  motion. 

Ordered,  That  the  Answer  to  his  Excellency's  Message 
remain  on  die  table. 

Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Friday,  October  21,  1774. 

Congress  met  agreeable  to  adjournment. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gerry,  Colonel,  Warren  and 
Colonel  Lee,  be  a  Committee  to  report  a  Letter  to  the 
Selectmen,  Overseers  of  the  Poor,  Committee  of  Corres- 
pondence, and  Committee  of  Donations,  for  the  Town  of 


8S9 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


840 


Boston,  desiring  their  attendance  at  tliis  Congress,  to  con- 
suit  measures  lor  the  preservation  of  the  Town  of  Boston 
at  this  alanning  crisis. 

Upon  a  motion,  llie  question  was  put,  whether  the 
Congress  will  now  assign  a  time  when  tiioy  will  take  into 
consideration  the  propriety  of  recommending  a  day  of 
Pubiick  Thanksgiving  throughout  this  Province,  and  pass- 
ed in  the  affirmative ;  and  three  o'clock  this  afternoon  was 
assigned  for  tiiat  purpose. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put,  wliether  a  time 
be  now  assigned  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety  of 
appointing  an  Agent  or  Agents,  to  repair  to  the  Government 
of  Canada,  in  order  to  consult  with  the  inhabitants  thereof 
and  settle  a  friendly  correspondence  and  agreement  with 
them,  and  passed  in  the  affinnative ;  accordingly  five  o'clock 
this  afternoon  was  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  report  a  Letter  to  the 
Selectmen  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  others,  reported  a 
Letter  accordingly,  which  was  read  and  accepted,  and  the 
President  requested  to  sign  the  same. 

Ordered,  That  the  gentlemen  wrote  to  and  expected 
from  Boston,  be  requested  to  bring  with  them  six  or  eight 
of  Rivington's  late  newspapers. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province,  reported 
several  Resolves  relative  to  the  Counsellors  and  others  who 
have  acted  in  obedience  to  the  late  Act  of  Parliament  for 
altering  the  Civil  Constitution  of  this  Government,  and  are 
now  in  Boston.  The  same  being  read  and  considered,  was 
ordered  to  be  recommitted  for  amendments  ;  which  was  ac- 
cordingly recommitted,  amended,  reported,  accepted,  and 
ordered  to  be  printed  in  all  the  Boston  newspapers,  and  is 
as  followeth,  viz: 

Whereas,  sundry  persons  now  in  Boston,  have,  as  man- 
damus Counsellors,  or  in  other  capacities,  accepted  or  acted 
under  commissions  or  authority  derived  from  the  Act  of 
Parliament  passed  last  session,  for  changing  the  form  of 
Government  and  violating  the  Charter  of  this  Province  ; 
and  by  such  disgraceful,  such  detestable  conduct,  have 
counteracted  not  only  the  sense  of  this  Province,  but  of  the 
United  American  Colonies,  in  Grand  Congress  expressed  : 

.Therefore,  Resolved,  That  the  persons  aforesaid  who 
shall  not  give  satisfaction  to  this  injured  Province  and  Con- 
tinent, within  ten  days  from  the  publication  of  this  Resolve, 
by  causing  to  be  published  in  all  the  Boston  newspapers, 
acknowledgments  of  their  former  misconduct,  and  renuncia- 
tions of  tiie  commissions  and  authority  mentioned,  ought  to 
be  considered  as  infamous  betrayers  of  their  country  ;  and 
that  a  Committee  of  Congress  be  ordered  to  cause  their 
names  to  be  published  repeatedly,  that  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  by  having  them  entered  on  the  Records  of 
each  town,  as  Rebels  against  the  State,  may  send  them 
down  to  posterity  with  the  infamy  they  deserve  ;  and  that 
other  parts  of  America  may  have  an  opportunity  of  stig- 
matizing them  in  such  way  as  shall  effectually  answer  a 
similar  purpose. 

Resolved,  That  it  be  and  hereby  is  recommended  to  the 
good  people  of  this  Province,  so  far  to  forgive  such  of  the 
obnoxious  persons  aforesaid,  who  shall  have  given  the  satis- 
faction required  in  the  preceding  Resolve,  as  not  to  molest 
them  for  their  past  misconduct. 

Ordered,  That  Major  Thompson,  Mr.  Dcvens,  and  Mr. 
Watson,  be  a  Committee  to  cause  the  names  of  sundry 
persons  now  in  Boston,  having,  as  mandamus  Counsellors, 
or  in  other  capacities,  accepted  or  acted  under  commission 
or  autliority  derived  from  the  Act  of  Parliament  passed 
last  session,  for  changing  the  form  of  Government  and  vio- 
lating the  Charter  of  this  Province,  to  be  published  re- 
peatedly, in  case  they  shall  not,  within  ten  days,  give  satis- 
faction to  this  injured  Province,  by  causing  to  be  published 
in  all  the  Boston  newspapers,  acknowledgments  of  their 
misconduct,  and  renunciations  of  the  commissions  and  au- 
thority aforesaid. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Appleton,  Mr.  Gill.  Mr.  PicJceriiig, 
Mr.  Legate,  and  Major  Thompson,  be  a  Committee  to  re- 
port a  Non-consumption  Agreement  relative  to  British  and 
India  goods. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Palmer,  Captain  Doolittle,  Captain 
Greenleaf,  Doctor  Foster,  and  Colonel  Daniclson,  be  a 
Committee  to  report  a  Resolve  reconunending  the  total 
disuse  of  India  Teas. 

Adjourned  to  tluee  o'clock  this  afternoon. 


Aflornoon. 

Mr.  President  informed  the  Congress  that  he  had  in  his 
hands  a  number  of  Rivington's  newspapers  ;  Whereupon, 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gerry,  Captain  Farley,  and  Doctor 
Church,  be  a  Committee  to  look  over  the  same  ;  and  if  any 
thing  tiierein  should  appear  to  have  been  written  with  a  de- 
sign to  injure  this  Province,  that  they  report  it  to  the  Con- 
gress. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gill,  Major  Fuller,  Colonel  Pres- 
cott,  Mr.  Hall,  Mr.  Gardner,  of  Stow,  Mr.  Davis,  and 
Captain  Upham,  be  a  Committee  to  wait  on  the  gentlemen, 
Selectmen,  and  others,  expected  from  Boston,  and  conduct 
them  to  this  body. 

The  gentlemen  Selectmen,  Overseers  of  the  Poor,  Com- 
mittee of  Correspondence,  and  Committee  of  Donations, 
being  introduced,  a  free  convereation  was  had  with  them 
on  means  for  preserving  the  town  of  Boston  at  this  alarm- 
ing crisis. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  recom- 
mending the  total  disuse  of  India  teas  in  this  Province,  re- 
ported. The  Report  was  read  and  accepted,  and  is  as 
followeth : 

Whereas,  the  unnecessary  and  extravagant  consumption 
of  East  India  Teas  in  time  past,  has  much  contributed  to 
the  political  destruction  of  tliis  Province  ;  and  as  Tea  has 
been  the  mean  by  which  a  corrupt  Administration  have  at- 
tempted to  tax,  enslave,  and  ruin  us ;  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  do  earnestly  recommend 
to  the  people  of  this  Province  an  abhorrence  and  detesta- 
tion of  all  kinds  of  East  India  teas,  as  the  baneful  vehicle  of 
a  corrupt  and  venal  Administration,  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
troducing despotism  and  slavery  into  this  once  happy 
country  ;  and  that  every  individual  in  this  Province  ought 
totally  to  disuse  the  same.  And  it  is  also  recommended 
that  every  Town  and  District  appoint  a  Connnittee  to  post 
up  in  some  pubiick  place  the  names  of  all  such  in  their  re- 
spective Towns  and  Districts,  who  shall  sell  or  consume  so 
extravagant  and  unnecessary  an  article  of  luxury. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  consider  wliat  is  necessary 
to  be  done  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  this  Province,  re- 
ported. The  Report  was  read,  and  ordered  that  the  con- 
sideration thereof  be  referred  until  to-morrow  morning. 

Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 


Saturday,  October  22,  1774. 

The  Congress  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Report 
of  the  Committee  appointed  to  consider  what  is  necessary 
to  be  done  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  this  Province  ;  and 
ordered  the  same  to  be  recommitted  for  amendments. 

Ordered,  That  the  Honourable  John  Winthrop,  Esq., 
Mr.  Wheeler,  and  Mr.  Lombard,  be  a  Committee  to  bring 
in  a  Resolve  recommending  to  the  people  of  this  Province 
that  they  observe  a  day  of  Pubiick  Thanksgiving  through- 
out the  same ;  and  that  they  sit  immediately. 

Resolved,  That  the  consideration  of  the  propriety  of 
sending  Agents  to  Canada  be  referred  to  the  next  meeting 
of  this  Congress. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gushing,  of  Scituate,  Captain  Doo- 
little, Mr.  Williams,  and  Mr.  Palmer,  be  joined  to  the 
Committee  appointed  to  prepare  a  Non-consumption  Agree- 
ment relative  to  British  and  India  goods ;  and  that  the 
Committee  sit  forthwith. 

Moved,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  bring  in  a 
Resolve  relative  to  the  King's  Troops  providing  themselves 
with  straw.  After  a  long  debate  had  thereon,  the  question 
was  ordered  to  subside. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  recom- 
mending to  the  people  of  this  Province  to  observe  a  day 
of  Pubiick  Thanksgiving  throughout  the  same,  reported ; 
which  Report  was  read,  amended,  and  accepted,  and  is  as 
followeth,  viz: 

From  a  consideration  of  the  continuance  of  the  Gospel 
among  us,  and  the  smiles  of  Divine  Providence  upon  us 
with  regard  to  the  seasons  of  the  year,  and  the  general 
health  which  has  been  enjoyed  ;  and  in  particular,  from  a 
consideration  of  the  union  which  so  remarkably  prevails, 
not  only  in  this  Province,  but  throughout  the  Continent, 
at  this  alarming  crisis,  it  is  resolved,  as  the  sense  of  this 
Congress,  that  it  is  highly  jiroper  that  a  day  of  Pubiick 
Thanks'^iving  should  be  observed  throughout  this  Prov- 


841 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


ince ;  and  it  is  accordingly  recommended  to  the  several 
religious  assemblies  in  the  Province,  that  Thursday,  the 
fifteenth  day  of  December  next,  be  observed  as  a  day  of 
Thanksgiving,  to  render  thanks  to  Almighty  God  for  all 
the  blessings  we  enjoy;  and,  at  the  same  time,  we  think  it 
incumbent  on  this  people  to  humble  themselves  before  God, 
on  account  of  their  sins,  for  which  he  hath  been  pleased,  in 
his  righteous  judgment,  to  suffer  so  great  a  calamity  to  befall 
us  as  the  present  controversy  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  Colonies  ;  as  also  to  implore  the  Divine  blessing  upon 
us,  that,  by  the  assistance  of  his  grace,  we  may  be  enabled 
to  reform  whatever  is  amiss  among  us,  that  so  God  may  be 
pleased  to  continue  to  us  the  blessings  we  enjoy,  and  re- 
move the  tokens  of  his  displeasure,  by  causing  harmony 
and  union  to  he  restored  between  Great  Britain  and  these 
Colonies,  that  we  may  again  rejoice  in  the  smiles  of  our 
Sovereign,  and  in  possession  of  those  privileges  which  have 
been  transmitted  to  us,  and  have  the  hopeful  prospect  that 
they  shall  be  handed  down  to  posterity  under  the  Protest- 
ant succession  in  the  illustrious  House  of  Hanover. 

Afternoon. 

The  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  consider 
what  is  necessary  to  be  done  for  the  Defence  and  Safety 
of  the  Province,  being  amended,  was  again  read,  and  or- 
dered to  be  recommitted  for  further  amendment ;  and  was 
committed  accordingly. 

Resolved,  That  the  order  recommending  that  a  day  of 
Thanksgiving  be  observed  throughout  this  Province,  be 
printed,  and  a  copy  thereof  sent  to  all  the  religious  assem- 
blies in  this  Province ;  and  that  the  President  sign  the 
same. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Apj}hton,  Doctor  Foster,  and  Mr. 
Devens,  be  a  Committee  to  agree  with  Messrs.  Edes  and 
Gill,  to  print  the  Resolve  entered  into  by  this  Congress, 
recommending  to  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province  to  ob- 
serve a  day  of  Publick  Thanksgiving  ;  and  that  they  send 
a  copy  thereof  to  all  the  religious  assemblies  therein. 

Adjourned  to  Monday  next,  at  ten  o'clock,  A.  M. 

Monday,  October  24,  1774. 

The  Report  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  consider 
what  is  necessary  to  be  done  for  die  defence  and  safety  of 
the  Province,  being  amended,  was  taken  into  consideration, 
and  a  long  debate  had  thereon. 

Adjourned  to  three  o'clock,  P.  M. 

Afternoon. 

Congress  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

Ordered,  That  Colonel  Lee,  Mr.  Palmer,  Captain  Bat- 
cheldor,  Captain  Keith,  and  Colonel  Orne,  be  a  Committee 
to  consider  of  and  report  to  this  Congress  the  most  proper 
time  for  this  Province  to  provide  a  stock  of  Powder,  Ord- 
nance, and  Ordnance  Stores;  and  that  they  sit  forthwith. 

Ordered,  That  the  Committee  appointed  to  brincr  in  a 
Non-consumption  Agreement,  report  forthwith. 

Resolved,  That  the  debates  had  in  Congress  this  after- 
noon, and  that  all  those  which  may  be  had  in  future,  be 
kept  secret  by  the  Members  thereof,  until  leave  shall  be 
had  from  the  Congress  to  disclose  the  same. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Bliss  wait  upon  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed to  consider  of  the  most  proper  time  for  this  Prov- 
ince to  provide  themselves  with  Powder,  Ordnance,  &;c. 
He  waited  on  the  Committee  accordingly,  and  reported 
that  they  would  attend  on  the  Congress  in  a  few  minutes. 
The  Committee  came  in  accordingly,  and  reported,  as  their 
opinion,  that  now  was  the  proper  time  for  the  Province  to 
procure  a  stock  of  powder,  ordnance,  and  ordnance  stores. 

Ordered,  That  Colonel  Lee,  Mr.  Palmer,  Captain  Bat- 
cheldor,  Ca[)tain  Keith,  Colonel  Orne,  Captain  Gardner, 
Captain  Heath,  Colonel  Warren,  and  Colonel  Pomeroy, 
be  a  Committee  to  take  into  consideration  and  determine 
what  number  of  Ordnance,  what  quantity  of  Powder  and 
Ordnance  Stores  will  be  now  necessary  for  the  Province 
stock,  and  estimate  the  expense  thereof. 

The  Congress  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Report 
of  the  Committee  appointed  to  consider  what  is  necessary 
to  be  done  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  the  Province,  and 
ordered  it  to  be  recommitted  for  further  amendments,  and 
that  Captain  Roberson,  Major  Foster,  Captain  Bragdon, 
and  Mr.  Gerry,  be  added  to  the  Committee. 

Adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock. 


Tuesday,  October  25,  1774.     i 

Congress  met  agreeable  to  adjournment. 

Ordered,  That  the  Committee  appointed  to  report  a 
Non-consumption  Agreement,  sit  forthwith. 

Mr.  Wheeler  brought  into  Congress  a  Letter  directed  to 
Doctor  Appleton,  purporting  the  propriety,  that  while  wo 
are  attempting  to  free  ourselves  from  our  present  embar- 
rassments, and  preserve  ourselves  from  slavery,  that  we 
also  take  into  consideration  the  state  and  circumstances  of 
the  Negro  Slaves  in  this  Province.  The  same  was  read, 
and  it  was  moved  that  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  take 
the  same  into  consideration.  After  some  debate  thereon, 
the  question  was  put,  whether  the  matter  now  subside,  and 
it  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Patterson,  Mr.  Devens,  and  Doctor 
Holten,  be  a  Committee  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  all  the 
stores  in  the  Commissary  General's  office. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put,  whether  a  Com- 
mittee be  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety 
of  having  the  Donations  which  shall  be  made  to  the  Poor  of 
the  town  of  Boston,  stored  in  the  country,  and  passed  in 
the  negative. 

Resolved,  That  four  o'clock  this  afternoon  be  assigned 
to  take  into  consideration  the  state  of  the  Executive  Courts 
throughout  this  Province. 

Ordered,  That  the  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into 
the  state  of  all  the  Stores  in  the  Commissary  General's  of- 
fice, report  forthwith. 

Afternoon. 

Ordered,  That  the  Doorkeeper  be  directed  to  call  in 
the  Members. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  take  into  consideration 
what  number  of  Ordnance,  what  quantity  of  Powder  and 
Ordnance  Stores  are  now  necessary  for  the  Province  stock, 
and  estimate  the  expense  thereof,  reported.  The  Report 
was  read,  considered,  and  accepted  ;  which  is  as  followeth  : 

The  Committee  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  and 
determine  what  number  of  Ordnance,  quantity  of  Powder 
and  Ordnance  Stores  will  be  necessary  for  the  Province 
stock  at  this  time,  and  estimate  the  expense,  beg  leave  to 
report  the  following  schedule  of  articles  as  necessary  to  be, 
procured  at  this  time,  in  addition  to  what  we  are  already 
possessed  of,  with  the  estimate  of  expenses  attendant, 
amounting  in  the  whole  to  ten  thousand  seven  hundred 
and  thirty-seven  pounds,  viz : 
16  field  pieces,  3  pounders,  with    carnages, 

irons,  he. ;  wheels  for  ditto,  irons,  sponges, 

ladles,  &c.,  a  £30  -  -  -    £480  0  0 

4  ditto,  6  pounders,  with  ditto,  a  £38  -       152  0  0 

Carriages,  irons,  he,  for  12  battering  cannon, 

a  £30    -  -  -  -  -       360  0  0 

4  mortars,  and  appurtenances,  viz :  2  8-inch 

and  2  13-inch,  o  £20      -  -            -  80  0  0, 

20  tons  grape  and  round  shot,  from  3  to  24 

lb.,  a  £15          -             -  -             -  300  0  0 

10  tons  bomb-shells,  a  £20  -             -  200  0  0 

5  tons  lead  balls,  a  £33  -  -  -  165  0  0 
1,000  barrels  powder,  a  £8  -  -  8,000  0  0 
Contingent  charges               ...  1,000  0  0 


10,737  0  0 
In  addition  to  the  above  estimate. 
Ordered,    That  there  be  procured  5,000 
arms  and  bayonets,  a  £2      -  -  10,000  0  0 

And  75,000  flints  ...       iqq  q  q 


£20,837  0  0 


Ordered,  That  all  the  matters  which  shall  come  under 
consideration  before  this  Congress,  be  kept  secret,  and  that 
they  be  not  disclosed  to  any  but  the  Members  thereof,  until 
the  further  order  of  this  body. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  consider  what  is  necessary 
to  be  done  for  the  defence  and  safety  of  the  Government, 
reported.     The  Report  was  read. 

Adjourned  to  eight  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Wednesday,  October  26,  1774. 

Congress  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

The  Congress  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Report 


843- 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


844 


of  the  Committee  appointed  to  consider  wl)at  is  necessary 
to  be  done  for  tlie  defence  and  safety  of  the  Province,  and 
ordered  that  it  be  read  and  considered  by  paragraphs. 
Adjourned  to  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

Afternoon. 

Ordered,  That  the  Doorkeeper  be  directed  to  call  in 
the  Members. 

The  Congress  then  resumed  the  consideration  of  the 
above  Report,  relative  to  what  is  necessary  to  be  done  for 
the  defence  and  safety  of  the  Province,  and  ordered  that 
it  be  recommitted  lor  amendments ;  which  was  amended, 
read,  and  accepted,  almost  unanimously,  and  is  as  fol- 
loweth,  viz ; 

Whereas,  in  consequence  of  the  unhappy  disputes  be- 
tween Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  a  formidable  body 
of  troops,  with  warlike  preparations  of  every  sort,  are  al- 
ready arrived  at,  and  others  destined  for  the  metropolis  of 
this  Province  ;  and  the  express  design  of  their  being  sent  is 
to  execute  Acts  of  the  British  Parliament  utterly  subver- 
sive of  the  Constitution  of  the  Province.  And  whereas, 
his  Excellency  General  Gage  has  attempted,  by  his  troops, 
to  disperse  the  inhabitants  of  Salem,  whilst  assembled  to 
consult  measures  for  preserving  their  freedom,  and  to  sub- 
jugate the  Province  to  arbitrary  govemnient ;  and  proceed- 
ing to  still  more  unjustifiable  and  alarming  lengths,  has  for- 
tified against  the  country  tiie  capital  of  the  Province,  and 
thus  greatly  endangered  the  lives,  liberties,  and  properties 
of  its  oppressed  citizens ;  invaded  private  property,  by  un- 
lawfully seizing  and  retaining  large  quantities  of  ammuni- 
tion in  the  arsenal  at  Boston,  and  sundry  pieces  of  ordnance 
and  warlike  stores  of  all  sorts,  provided  at  the  publick  ex- 
pense for  the  use  of  the  Province;  and  by  all  possible 
means  endeavoured  to  place  the  Province  entirely  in  a  de- 
fenceless state ;  at  the  same  time  having  neglected  and 
altogether  disregarded  the  assurances  from  this  Congress  of 
the  pacifick  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province, 
and  entreaties  that  he  would  cease  from  measures  which 
tended  to  prevent  a  restoration  of  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  Colonies. 

Wherefore,  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Congress,  that  not- 
withstanding nothing  but  slavery  ought  more  to  be  depre- 
cated than  hostilities  with  Great  Britain;  notwithstanding 
the  Province  has  not  the  most  distant  design  of  attacking, 
annoying,  or  molesting  his  Majesty's  troops  aforesaid;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  will  consider  and  treat  every  attempt  of 
the  kind,  as  well  as  all  measures  tending  to  prevent  a  re- 
conciliation between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  as 
the  highest  degree  of  enmity  to  the  Province  ;  neverthe- 
less, there  is  great  reason,  from  the  consideration  aforesaid, 
to  be  apprehensive  of  the  most  fatal  consequences,  and  that 
the  Province  may  be  in  some  degree  provided  against  the 
same  ;  and  under  full  persuasion  that  the  measures  express- 
ed in  the  following  Resolutions  are  perfectly  consistent  with 
such  Resolves  of  the  Continental  Congress,  as  have  been 
communicated  to  us ; 

Resolved,  That  »»»»»»»»»»*»»••»»»»» 
be  a  Committee  of  Safety,  to  continue  in  office  until  the 
further  orders  of  this  or  some  other  Congress  or  House  of 
Representatives  of  the  Province ;  whose  business  it  shall 
be  most  carefully  and  diligently  to  inspect  and  observe  all 
and  every  such  person  and  persons  as  shall,  at  any  time, 
attempt  or  enterprise  the  destruction,  invasion,  detriment, 
or  annoyance  of  this  Province,  &tc. ;  which  said  Commit- 
tee, or  any  five  of  them,  (provided  always,  that  not  more 
than  one  of  the  said  five  sliall  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  town 
of  Boston,)  shall  have  power,  and  they  are  hereby  direct- 
ed, whenever  they  shall  judge  it  necessary  for  the  safety 
and  defence  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province,  and  tiieir 
property,  against  such  person  or  persons  as  aforesaid,  to 
alarm,  muster,  and  cause  to  be  assembled,  with  the  utmost 
expedition,  and  completely  armed,  accoutred,  and  supplied 
with  provisions  sufficient  for  tlieir  support  in  tlieir  inarch 
to  the  place  of  rendezvous,  such  and  so  many  of  the  militia 
of  this  Province,  as  tiiey  shall  judge  necessary  for  the  ends 
aforesaid,  and  at  such  place  or  ])laces  as  they  shall  judge 
proper,  and  then  to  discharge  them  as  soon  as  the  safely  of 
the  Province  shall  permit.  And  this  body  do  most  ear- 
nestly recommend  to  all  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
militia  in  this  Province,  who  shall  from  time  lo  time,  du- 
ring the  conunission  of  the  said  Committee,  receive  any 


call  or  order  from  the  said  Committee,  to  pay  the  strictest 
obedience  thereto,  as  they  regard  the  liberties  and  lives  of 
themselves  and  the  people  of  this  Province. 

Also,  Itesolved,  That  •»»»••»•»•••»••»» 
or  the  major  part  of  them,  be  a  Committee,  in  case  of  any 
such  muster  and  assembling  of  the  militia  as  aforesaid,  to 
make  such  provision  as  shall  be  necessary  for  their  recep- 
tion and  support,  until  they  shall  be  discharged  by  the  or- 
der of  the  said  Committee  of  Safety ;  and  also  sufficient 
provisions  to  support  them  in  their  return  to  their  respective 
homes  ;  and  shall  also,  w  itliout  delay,  purchase  and  provide, 
upon  the  credit  of  the  moneys  already  granted  by  the  Prov- 
ince, not  paid  into  the  Treasury,  so  many  pieces  of  cannon 
and  carriages  for  the  same,  small  arms,  such  quantities  of 
ammunition  and  ordnance  stores  as  they  shall  judge  neces- 
sary, not  exceeding  the  value  of  twenty  tiiousand  eight 
hundred  and  thirty-seven  pounds,  to  be  deposited  in  such 
secure  places  as  the  said  Committee  of  Safety  shall  direct. 

Also,  Resolved,  That  »»«»»•»»»•»•»»»»• 
be  and  they  hereby  are  appointed  officers  to  command, 
lead,  and  conduct,  such  of  the  militia  as  shall  be  mustered 
and  assembled  by  order  of  the  said  Committee  of  Safely,  in 
manner  and  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  so  long  as  they  shall 
be  retained  by  the  said  Committee  of  Safety,  and  no 
longer,  who  sliall,  while  in  the  said  service,  command  in 
the  order  in  which  they  are  above  named. 

Also,  Resolved,  That  all  the  said  officers  and  soldiers 
who  may  be  mustered  and  retained  in  service  by  the  above 
said  Committee  of  Safety,  for  the  purpose  aforesaid,  shall 
be  entitled  to  such  an  allowance  from  this  Province,  as 
shall  be  adequate  to  their  services  from  the  time  that  they 
shall  march  from  their  respective  places  of  abode,  until 
they  shall  be  discharged  from  the  said  service,  and  reason- 
able time  for  their  return  home. 

Also,  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  several 
companies  of  militia  in  this  Province,  who  ha\o  not  already 
chosen  and  appointed  officers,  that  they  meet  forthwith  and 
elect  officers  to  command  their  respective  companies  ;  and 
that  the  officers  so  chosen  assemble  as  soon  as  may  be  ;  and 
where  the  said  officers  shall  judge  the  limits  of  the  present 
regiments  too  extensive,  that  they  divide  them  and  settle 
and  determine  their  limits,  and  proceed  to  elect  field  officers 
to  command  the  respective  regiments  so  formed  ;  and  that 
the  field  officers  so  elected,  forthwith  endeavour  to  enlist 
one  quarter,  at  the  least,  of  the  number  of  the  respective 
companies,  and  form  them  into  companies  of  fifty  privates, 
at  the  least,  who  shall  equip  and  hold  themselves  in  readi- 
ness, on  the  shortest  notice  from  the  said  Committee  of 
Safety,  to  march  to  the  place  of  rendezvous  ;  and  that  each 
and  every  company  so  formed  choose  a  captain  and  two 
lieutenants  to  conmiand  them  on  any  such  emergent  and 
necessary  service  as  they  may  be  called  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety  aforesaid ;  and  that  the  said  captains 
and  subalterns  so  elected  from  the  said  companies  into  bat- 
talions, to  consist  of  nine  companies  eacli ;  and  the  said 
captains  and  subalterns  of  eacii  battalion  so  formed,  pro- 
ceed to  elect  field  oflicers  to  command  the  same.  And  this 
Congress  doth  most  earnestly  recommend  that  all  the  afore- 
said elections  be  proceeded  in  and  made  with  due  delibera- 
tion and  patriotick  regard  for  the  publick  service. 

Also,  Resolved,  That,  as  the  security  of  the  lives,  liber- 
ties, and  properties  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  I'rovince,  de- 
pend, under  Providence,  on  their  knowledge  and  skill  in 
the  art  military,  and  in  their  being  properly  and  eifectually 
armed  and  equipped,  it  is  therefore  recommended  that  they 
immediately  jnovide  themselves  therewith ;  that  they  use 
their  utmost  diligence  to  perfect  themselves  in  military 
skill ;  and  that,  if  any  of  the  inliabitants  are  not  provided 
with  arms  and  ammunition  according  to  law,  and  that,  if 
any  Town  or  District  within  the  Province,  is  not  provided 
with  the  full  town  stock  of  arms  and  amnnmition,  according 
to  law,  that  the  Selectmen  of  such  Town  or  District  take 
effectual  care,  without  delay,  to  provide  the  same. 

Resolved,  That  the  blanks  in  the  foregoing  Report  be 
filled  up  to-morrow  morning  at  ten  o'clock ;  and  that  the 
Committees  and  Officers  therein  recommended  be  chosen 
by  ballot. 

Resolved,  That  a  Committee  be  appointed  to  prepare, 
in  the  recess  of  this  Congres,  n  well  digested  Plan  for  the 
Regulating  and  Disciplining  the  Milili:i,  placing  them  in 
every  respect  on  such  a  pennanent  fooiing  as  shall  render 


845 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


846 


tliem  effectual  for  the  preservation  and  defence  of  the  good 
people  of  this  Province. 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Heath,  Captain  Gardner,  Mr. 
BigcJou',  Colonel  Orne,  and  Colonel  Thayer,  be  a  Com- 
mittee to  take  into  consideration  what  Exercise  will  he  best 
for  the  people  of  tliis  Province  at  this  time  to  adopt,  and 
report. 

Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Tlnirsiliiy,  October  27,  1774. 

Tlie  Order  of  the  Day  was  moved  for. 

Ordered,  That  Colonel  Warren,  Doctor  Holten,  and 
Colonel  Lee,  be  a  Comniittee  to  sort  and  count  the  votes 
for  the  Committees  and  Officers  this  day  to  be  elected. 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  will  proceed  to  the  choice 
of  the  Conmiittce  of  Safety,  which  is  to  consist  of  nine 
membei-s,  viz:  three  in  the  town  of  Boston,  and  six  in  the 
country,  in  the  manner  following,  viz :  they  will  give  their 
votes  first  for  the  three  members  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
and  then  for  the  six  in  the  country. 

The  Congresss  accordingly  proceeded  to  bring  in  their 
votes  for  the  three  members  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and 
the  Committee  appointed  to  count  and  sort  the  votes,  re- 
ported that  the  following  gentlemen  were  chosen,  viz : 
Honourable  John  Hancock,  Esquire,  Doctor  Warren,  and 
Doctor  Church. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for 
six  gendemen  of  the  country  ;  after  sorting  and  counting 
the  same,  the  Committee  reported  that  the  following  were 
chosen,  viz:  Mr.  Devcns,  Captain  White,  of  Brookline, 
Mr.  Palmer,  Norton  Qluincy,  Esquire,  Mr.  Watson,  and 
Colonel  Orne. 

Afternoon. 

The  Congress  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for  five 
Commissaries ;  and  the  Committee  having  sorted  and 
counted  the  votes,  reported  that  the  following  gentlemen 
were  chosen,  viz :  Mr.  Cheever,  Mr.  Gill,  Colonel  Lee, 
Mr.  Grecnhaf,  Colonel  Warren. 

Upon  a  motion  made  by  Colonel  Warren,  that  he  might 
be  excused  from  serving  on  the  Committee  for  Supplies ; 
and  having  offered  his  reasons  therefor,  the  question  was 
put,  whether  he  be  excused  from  serving  on  said  Commit- 
tee, and  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes 
for  a  jierson  to  serve  in  the  place  of  Colonel  Warren,  who 
hath  been  excused,  and  after  sorting  and  counting  the 
same,  they  reported  that  Colonel  Lincoln  was  chosen. 

It  was  then  moved,  that  the  Congress  proceed  to  the 
choice  of  three  General  Officers;  and.  Resolved,  That 
they  would  first  make  choice  of  the  gentleman  who  should 
have  the  chief  command  ;  and  the  Committee  having  sort- 
ed and  counted  the  votes,  reported  that  the  Honourable 
Jcdediah  Preble,  Esquire,  was  chosen. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for 
the  second  in  coirnnand,  and  the  Conmiittee  having  sorted 
and  counted  the  votes,  reported  the  Honourable  Artemas 
Wa?-d,  Escjnire,  was  chosen. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for 
the  third  in  command,  and  the  Committee  having  sorted 
and  counted  the  votes,  reported  that  Colonel  Pomcroy  was 
cliosen. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for 
a  Committee  to  set  in  the  recess  of  this  Congress,  agree- 
able to  die  Resolve  of  yesterday,  and  the  Committee  hav- 
ing sorted  and  counted  the  votes,  reported  that  the  follow- 
ing gentlemen  were  chosen,  viz  : 

The  Honourable  Joseph  Hawley,  Esquire,  Honourable 
John  Hancock,  Esquire,  Honourable  Samuel  Dexter, 
Esquire,  Mr.  Elbridge  Gerry,  Captain  Heath,  Major 
Foster,  Honourable  James  Warren,  Esijuire. 

Resolved,  That  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock,  the 
Congress  will  take  into  consideration  the  propriety  of  ap- 
pointing a  Receiver  General. 

Ordered,  That  die  Members  be  enjoined  to  attend,  and 
that  they  do  not  absent  themselves  for  any  cause  save 
that  of  absolute  necessity. 

Resolved,  That  the  Replication  of  Iiis  Excellency's 
Answer  which  was  ordered  to  lie  on  the  table  for  the  Mem- 
bers to  review,  be  now  taken  up  and  recommitted  for 
some  amendments.  ,.'  ■•l'  •■■' 


Upon  a  motion  the  question  was  put,  whether  the  Hon- 
ourable Samuel  Danforth,  Esquire,  be  desired  to  attend 
this  Congress  upon  the  adjournment,  and  passed  in  the 
negative. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put,  severally,  whether 
the  Honourable  James  Pitts,  Esquire,  Honourable  Arte- 
mas JVard,  Esquire,  Honourable  Benjamin  Greenleaf, 
Esquire,  Honourable  Caleb  Gushing,  Esquire,  Honourable 
Samuel  Phillips,  Esquire,  Honourable  Richard  Derby, 
Esquire,  Honourable  James  Otis,  Esquire,  Honourable 
M'illiam  Seaver,  Esquire,  Honourable  Walter  Spooner, 
Esquire,  Honourable  Benjamin  Chadburn,  Esquire,  Hon- 
ourable Jedediah  Preble,  Esquire,  and  the  Honourable 
George  Leonard,  Esquire,  be  desired  to  attend  this  Con- 
gress at  the  next  meeting  upon  the  adjournment,  and  passed 
in  the  affirmative. 

The  question  was  then  put,  whether  the  Honourable 
John  Erving,  Esq.,  and  the  Honourable  JercnM«A  Powell, 
Esquire  be  desired  also  to  attend  this  Congress,  upon  its 
being  evident  that  they  had  not  accepted,  and  upon  their 
having  given  full  assurances  that  they  would  not  accept  of 
their  commission  as  mandamus  Counsellors,  and  it  passed 
in  the  affirmative. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gushing,  Colonel  Prescott,  and 
Captain  Greenleaf,  be  a  Committee  to  bring  in  a  Resolve 
inviting  the  Counsellors  aforesaid  to  attend  accordingly. 

Adjourned  till  to-morrow  morning,  nine  o'clock. 

Friday,  October  28,  1774. 

The  Order  of  the  Day  was  moved  for. 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  now  proceed  to  the  choice 
of  a  Receiver  General. 

Ordered,  That  Colonel  Warren,  Doctor  Holten,  and 
Colonel  Lee,  be  a  Committee  to  count  and  sort  the  votes 
for  a  Receiver  General. 

Tiie  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes  for 
a  Receiver  General ;  the  Committee  having  counted  and 
sorted  the  same,  reported  that  the  Honourable  Samuel 
Dexter,  Esquire,  was  chosen.  But  upon  a  motion  by  him 
made,  that  he  might  be  excused  from  serving  in  that  office, 
and  having  offered  his  reasons  for  his  motion,  the  question 
was  put,  whether  he  be  excused  accordingly,  and  it  passed 
in  the  affirmative. 

Resolved,  That  the  choice  of  a  Receiver  General  be 
put  off  till  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
a  Resolve,  relative  to  the  removal  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  town  of  Boston  from  thence,  which  was  read. 

Afternoon. 

Upon  a  motion  made  by  Mr.  Greenleaf,  one  of  the 
Committee  for  providing  stores,  that  he  might  be  excused 
from  serving  in  that  office,  and  having  offered  his  reasons 
for  his  motion,  the  question  was  put,  whether  he  be  ex- 
cused accordingly,  and  it  passed  in  the  affirmative. 

The  Congress  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  Report 
of  die  Committee,  recommending  the  removal  of  the  in- 
habitants of  the  town  of  Boston  from  thence.  Ordered  to 
be  recommitted,  and  that  the  Committee  sit  forthwith. 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  now  proceed  to  the  choice 
of  a  Receiver  General.  The  votes  being  carried  in,  and  the 
Committee  having  sorted  and  counted  the  same,  reported 
that  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  was  chosen. 

Resolved,  That  the  Congress  now  proceed,  according  to 
their  order  in  the  forenoon,  to  bring  in  their  votes  for  the 
choice  of  a  person  to  fill  up  the  Committee  for  providing 
stores,  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Greenleaf,  who  was  excused. 
The  Committee  having  sorted  and  counted  the  same,  re- 
ported that  Mr.  Benjamin  Hall  was  chosen. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  reported 
a  Resolve  relative  to  the  Collecting  and  Paying  the  out- 
standing Taxes,  which  was  read  and  accepted  ;  but,  upon  a 
motion,  the  above  vote  was  reconsidered,  and  the  Report 
was  committed  to  Major  Hawley,  Mr.  Gerry,  and  Major 
Foster,  for  amendments,  which  was  done,  was  again  con- 
sidered and  accepted,  and  is  as  followeth,  viz: 

Whereas,  the  Moneys  heretofore  granted  and  ordered  to 
be  assessed  by  the  General  Court  of  this  Province,  and 
not  jiaid  into  the  Province  Treasury,  will  be  immediately 
wanted  to  supply  the  unexpected  and  pressing  demands  of 
this  Province,  in  its  present  distressed  circumstances,  and 


(847 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVIKCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


848 


it  having  been  recommended  by  this  Congress  tliat  tiie 
same  should  not  be  paid  to  the  Honourable  Harrison 
Gray,  Esquiie,  for  reasons  most  obvious ;  Therefore, 

llesolvtd,  That  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  be,  and  be 
hereby  is,  appointed  Receiver  General  until  the  further  order 
ol  this  or  some  other  Coni;ross,  or  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  this  Province,  whose  business  it  shall  be  to  receive 
all  such  moneys  as  shall  be  offered  to  be  payed  into  his 
hands  for  the  use  of  the  Province  by  the  several  Constables, 
Collectors,  and  other  persons,  by  order  of  the  several  Towns 
or  Districts,  and  to  give  his  receipt  for  tiie  same  ;  and  the 
same  moneys  to  pay  out  to  the  Committee  of  Supplies,  or 
a  major  ])art  of  them,  already  appointed  by  this  Congress, 
or  the  order  of  said  Committee,  or  the  major  part  of  them, 
for  the  payment  of  such  disbursements  as  they  shall  find 
to  be  necessary  for  the  immediate  defence  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  Province.  And  it  is  hereby  recommended  to 
the  several  Towns  and  Districts  within  this  Province,  that 
they  immediately  call  Town  and  District  Meetings,  and  give 
directions  to  all  Constables,  Collectors,  and  other  persons 
who  may  have  any  part  of  the  Province  ]Money  collect- 
ed by  Taxes  of  such  Towns  or  Districts  in  their  respective 
hands  or  possession,  in  consequence  of  any  late  order  and 
directions  of  any  Towns  or  Districts,  that  he  or  they  im- 
mediately pay  the  same  to  the  said  Heiiry  Gardner,  Esq., 
for  the  purposes  aforesaid. 

And  it  is  also  recommended,  lliat  the  several  Towns  and 
Districts  in  said  directions  signify  and  expressly  engage,  to 
such  Constables,  Collectors,  or  other  persons,  who  shall 
have  their  said  moneys  in  their  hands,  that  their  paying 
the  same  in  manner  as  aforesaid,  and  producing  a  receipt 
therefor,  shall  ever  hereafter  operate  as  an  effectual  dis- 
charge to  such  persons  for  the  same.  And  it  is  hereby 
recommended,  that  the  like  order  be  observed  respecting 
the  Tax  ordered  by  the  Great  and  General  Court  at  their 
last  May  session. 

And  it  is  hereby  further  recommended  to  all  SherilFs 
who  may  have  in  their  hands  any  moneys  belonging  to  the 
Province,  that  they  immediately  pay  the  same  to  the 
said  Receiver  General,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid,  taking 
his  receipt  therefor. 

And  the  said  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  the  Receiver 
General,  shall  be  accountable  to  this  or  some  other  Con- 
gress or  House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province,  for 
whatever  they  shall  do  touching  the  premises.  And  to 
the  end  that  all  the  moneys  heretofore  assessed  in  pursu- 
ance to  any  former  grants  and  orders  of  the  Great  and 
General  Court  or  Assembly  of  this  Province,  and  hitherto 
uncollected  by  the  several  Constables  and  Collectors,  to 
whom  the  several  lists  of  assessments  thereof  were  com- 
mitted, may  be  effectually  levied  and  collected,  and  also 
to  the  end,  that  all  the  moneys  granted,  and  ordered  to  be 
assessed  by  the  General  Court  at  their  session  in  May  last, 
which  have  been  assessed,  or  which  may  be  assessed,  may 
be  also  speedily  and  punctually  collected,  it  is  earnestly 
recommended  by  this  body,  to  the  several  Constables  and 
Collectors  respectively,  who  have  such  assessments  in  their 
hands,  or  to  whom  any  assessments  yet  to  be  made,  may 
be  committed  by  the  Assessors  of  any  Towns  or  Districts, 
that  in  the  levying  and  collecting  the  respective  part  or  pro- 
portion of  the  total  of  such  assessments,  therein  set  down  to 
the  several  pei-sons  named  therein,  they  should  act  and 
proceed  in  the  same  manner  as  is  expressed  and  prescribed 
in  the  form  of  a  Warrant  given  and  contained  in  one  act  or 
law  of  this  Province,  entitled,  "  An  Act  prescribing  the 
form  of  a  Warrant  for  collecting  of  Town  Assessments,"  Sic. 
And  it  is  also  hereby  strongly  recommended  to  all  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  several  Towns  and  Districts  in  this  Province, 
that  they,  without  fail,  do  afford  to  their  respective  Consta- 
bles and  Collectors  all  that  aid  and  assistance  which  shall 
be  necessary  to  enable  them  in  that  manner  to  levy  the 
contents  of  such  assessments,  and  that  they  do  oblige  and 
compel  the  said  Constables  and  Collectors  to  con)ply  with 
and  execute  the  directions  of  this  Resolve,  inasmuch  as 
the  present  most  alarn)ing  situation  and  circumstances  of 
this  Province  does  make  it  absolutely  necessary  for  the 
safety  thereof. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Appleton,  Mr.  Cushing,  and  Mr. 
Palmer  be  a  Committee  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  relative  to  a 
iN'on-consumption   Agreement. 

Ordered,  That  Major  Hawley,  Mr.  Cusldiii^,  and  Mr. 


Gerry,  be  a  Committee  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a  Resolve 
relative  to  au  Equal  Representation  of  the  Province  in 
Congress  at  the  next  meeting  thereof. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  inviting 
the  constitutional  Counsellors  of  this  Province  to  attend 
this  Congress  at  the  next  meeting  thereof  uj)on  adjourn- 
ment, reported ;  which  Report  was  read  and  accepted,  and 
is  as  followeth,  viz : 

Resolved,  That  the  Honourable  John  Erving,  Esquire, 
Honourable  Samuel  I'itts,  Esquire,  Honourable  Artemas 
Ward,  Esquire,  Honourable  Btujamin  Greenlcaf,  Esquire, 
Honourable  Caleb  Cushing,  Esquire,  Honourable  Samuel 
Phillips,  Esquire,  Honourable  Richard  Derby,  Esquire, 
Honourable  James  Otis,  Esquire,  Honourable  William 
Seaver,  Esquire,  Honourable  Walter  Spooner,  Esquire, 
Honourable  Jeremiah  Powell,  Esquire,  Honourable  Benr- 
jamin  Chadburn,  Esquire,  Honourable  Jtdcdiah  Preble, 
Esquire,  and  the  Honourable  George  Leonard,  Esquire, 
constitutional  Members  of  his  INIajesty's  Council  of  this 
Colony,  by  the  Royal  Charter,  chosen  to  said  office  last 
3Iay  session,  be  desired  to  give  their  attendance  at  the 
next  meeting  of  this  Congress  upon  adjournment,  that  this 
body  may  have  the  benefit  of  their  advice  upon  tlie  impor- 
tant matters  that  may  then  come  under  consideration.  And 
the  Secretary  of  this  Congress  is  hereby  directed  to  trans- 
mit to  those  gentlemen  severally  a  copy  of  this  Resolve. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  bring  in  a  Resolve  relative 
to  a  Non-consumption  Agreement,  reported.  The  Report 
was  read  and  ordered  to  be  committed  for  amendments.  It 
was  accordingly  amended,  read  again,  and  accepted,  and  is 
as  followeth,  viz : 

Whereas,  this  Province  have  not,  as  yet,  received  from 
the  Continental  Congress  such  explicit  directions  respecting 
Non-importation  and  Non-consumption  Agreements  as  are 
expected  ;  and  whereas,  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  Colony  have  lately  entered  into  Non-importation 
and  Non-consumption  Agreements,  the  goodeffects  of  which 
are  very  conspicuous.     Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  this  Congress  approve  of  the  said 
Agreements,  and  earnestly  recommend  to  all  the  inhabit- 
ants of  this  Colony,  strictly  to  conform  to  the  same,  until  the 
further  sense  of  the  Continental  or  the  Provincial  Congress 
is  made  publick.  And  further,  this  Congress  highly  ap- 
plaud the  conduct  of  those  patriotick  Merchants  who  have 
generously  refrained  Irom  importing  British  goods  since 
the  commencement  of  the  cruel  Boston  Port  I3ill ;  at  the 
same  time  reflect  with  pain  on  the  conduct  of  those  who 
have  sordidly  preferred  their  private  interest  to  the  salvation 
of  their  sulFering  country,  by  continuing  to  import  as  usual ; 
and  recommend  it  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province  that 
they  discourage  the  conduct  of  said  Importers  by  refusing 
to  purchase  any  articles  whatever  of  them. 

Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  Report  be  published. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  state  of 
the  wariike  stores  in  the  Commissary  General's  office, 
reported  ;  and  it  was  thereupon 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Heath,  Doctor  Warren,  and 
Doctor  Church,  be  a  Committee  to  take  care  of,  and  lodge 
in  some  safe  place  in  the  country,  the  warlike  stores  now 
in  the  Commissary  General's  office,  and  that  the  matter 
be  conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  of  Correspondence  of 
the  town  of  Worcester  be  desired  to  take  proper  care  that 
the  bayonets,  the  property  of  this  Province,  now  in  the 
hands  of  Colonel  Chandler,  be  removed  to  some  safe  place 
at  a  distance  from  his  house. 

Adjourned  to  nine  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

Saturday,  October  29,  1774. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  take  into  consideration 
what  ^Military  Exercise  is  best  for  the  people  of  this  Prov- 
ince now  to  adopt,  reported ;  the  Report  was  read  and  ac- 
cepted, and 

Ordered,  That  Major  Foster  bring  in  a  Resolve  ac- 
cordingly ;  who,  in  obedience  to  the  above  order,  reported 
the  following  Resolve,  which  was  read  and  accepted,  and 
ordered  to  be  jjublished  in  tiie  Boston  newspapers : 

Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  inhabitants  of 
this  Province,  that  in  order  to  their  perfecting  themselves 
in  the  Military  Art,  they  proceed  in  the  method  ordered 
by  his  Majesty  in  the  year  1764,  it  being,  in  the  opinion 


848 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


850 


of  this   Congress,   best    calculated    for    appearance   and 
defence. 

Upon  a  motion,  the  question  was  put,  wliether  the  Con- 
gress will  now  go  into  the  consideration  of  the  propriety 
of  keeping  the  Records  of  the  County  of  Suffolk  in  the 
Town  of  Boston,  and  passed  in  the  affinnative. 

After  a  very  considerable  debate  on  the  question,  it  was 
ordered  that  the  matter  now  subside. 

Resolved,  That  the  consideration  of  the  state  of  the 
Executive  Courts  in  the  Province  be  referred  to  the  next 
meeting  of  this  Congress. 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Gardner,  Mr.  Wheeler,  and 
Mr.  Watson,  be  a  Committee  to  wait  on  the  Reverend 
Doctor  Appleton,  with  Tiiauks  of  this  body  for  his  constant 
attendance  on,  and  praying  with  them,  during  tlieir  session 
in  the  Town  of  Cambridge. 

Ordered,  That  the  payment  of  the  several  expenses  of 
this  Congress  be  referred  until  the  next  meeting  thereof. 

Resolved,  That  the  Committee  of  Safety  be  desired  to 
write  to  the  Continental  Congress,  showing  them  the 
grounds  and  reasons  of  our  proceedings,  and  enclose  them 
a  copy  of  our  Votes  and  Resolutions. 

Ordered,  That  Major  Foster,  Doctor  Iloltcn,  and  Mr. 
Appleton,  be  a  Committee  to  look  over  the  Resolves  and 
Orders  of  this  Congress,  and  point  out  what  is  necessary 
now  to  be  made  publick. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Reverend 
Doctor  Appleton  with  the  Thanks  of  this  Congress,  reported 
that  they  had  attended  to  that  service,  and  that  the  Doctor 
informed  them  that  the  Congress  were  welcome  to  his  ser- 
vices, and  that  he  wished  tiiem  the  blessing  of  Heaven. 

Resolved,  That  when  this  Congress  shall  adjourn  that 
It  be  adjourned  to  the  23d  day  of  JSovembcr  next,  at  ten 
o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  then  to  meet  at  this  place. 

The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province  having 
amended  the  Replication  to  his  Excellency's  Answer  to 
our  Message  to  him,  the  same  being  read,  was  accepted 
unanimously. 

Ordered,  That  Captain  Heath,  Captain  fVhite,  Cap- 
tain Gardner,  Mr.  Cheever,  and  Mr.  Deaven,  be  a  Com- 
mittee to  wait  on  his  Excellency  with  the  following  Re- 
plication to  his  Excellency : 

May  it  please  your  Excellency  : 

The  Province  having  been  repeatedly  alarmed  by  your 
Excellency's  unusual  and  warlike  preparations  since  your 
arrival  into  it,  and  having  by  this  Congress  expressed  a 
reasonable  expectation  that  you  would  desist  from,  and 
demolish  your  Fortifications  on  Boston  Neck,  it  must  afford 
matter  of  astonishment  not  only  to  the  Province,  but  the 
whole  Continent,  that  you  should  treat  our  importunate 
applications  with  manifest  insensibility  and  disregard. 

The  Congress  are  possessed  of  a  writing  with  your  sig- 
nature, which  purports  itself  to  be  a  Message  to  this  body, 
although  addressed  to  sundry  gentlemen  by  name,  who, 
officiating  as  our  Committee,  presented  an  Address  to  your 
Excellency.  We  are  surprised  at  your  saying,  that  "  what 
we  call  a  Fortress,  unless  annoyed,  will  annoy  nobody ;" 
when,  from  your  acquaintance  with  the  Constitution  of 
Britain,  and  of  the  Province  over  which  you  have  been 
by  his  Majesty  commissioned  to  preside,  you  must  know 
that  barely  keeping  a  Standing  Army  in  the  Province,  in 
time  of  peace,  without  consent  of  the  Representatives,  is 
against  law,  and  must  be  considered  as  a  great  grievance 
to  the  subject — a  grievance  which  this  people  could  not, 
with  a  due  regard  to  freedom,  endure,  was  there  not 
reason  to  hope  that  his  Alajesty,  upon  liis  being  unde- 
ceived, would  order  redress?  Is  it  not  astonishing  then,  sir, 
that  you  should  have  ventured  to  assert  that  a  "fortress," 
by  whatever  name  your  Excellency  is  pleased  to  call  it, 
which  puts  it  in  the  power  of  the  Standing  Army  which 
you  command  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  the 
country  and  the  capital  of  this  Province ;  to  imprison  the 
many  thousand  inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Boston  ;  to  in- 
sult and  destroy  them  upon  the  least,  or  even  without  any 
provocation,  and  which  is  evidently  a  continual  annoyance 
to  that  oppressed  community,  "  unless  annoyed,  will  annoy 
nobody  ?" 

A  retrospect  of  your  Excellency's  conduct,  since  your 
late  residence  in  this  Province,  we  conclude  will  convince 
you  of  that  truth,  the  mere  hinting  of  which,  you  tell  us, 


FouKTH  Series. 


"  is  highly  exasperating  as  well  as  ungenerous."  We  pre- 
sume your  Excellency  will  not  deny  that  you  have  exerted 
yourself  to  execute  the  Acts  made  to  subvert  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Province,  although  your  Excellency's  con- 
nections with  a  Ministry  inimical  to  the  Province,  and  your 
being  surrounded  by  men  of  the  worst  political  principles, 
preclude  a  prospect  of  your  fully  exercising  towards  this 
Province  your  wonted  benevolence  and  humanity ;  yet, 
sir,  we  pray  you  to  indulge  your  social  virtues  so  far  as 
to  consider  tlie  necessary  feelings  of  this  people  under 
the  hand  of  oppression.  Have  not  invasions  of  private 
property,  by  your  Excellency,  been  repeatedly  made  at 
Boston !  Have  not  the  inhabitants  of  Salem,  whilst  peace- 
ably assembled  for  concerting  measures  to  preserve  their 
freedom,  and  unprepared  to  defend  themselves,  been  in 
imminent  danger  from  your  Troops  ?  Have  you  not,  by 
removing  the  Ammunition  of  the  Province,  and  by  all  other 
means  in  your  power,  endeavoured  to  put  it  in  a  state 
utterly  defenceless  ?  Have  you  not  expressly  declared 
that  "  resentment  might  justly  be  expected  "  from  your 
Troops,  merely  in  consequence  of  a  refusal  of  some  inha- 
bitants of  the  Province  to  supply  them  with  property 
undeniably  their  own  ?  Surely  these  are  questions  founded 
on  incontestible  facts,  which,  we  think,  must  prove  that 
while  the  "avowed  enemies"  of  Great  Britain  and  the 
Colonies  are  protected  by  your  Excellency,  the  lives,  liber- 
ties, and  properties  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province,  who 
are  real  friends  to  the  British  Constitution,  are  greatly  en- 
dangered, whilst  under  the  control  of  your  Standing  Army. 

It  must  be  matter  of  grief  to  every  true  Britain,  that 
the  honour  of  British  Troops  is  sullied  by  the  infamous 
errand  on  which  they  are  sent  to  America ;  and  whilst  in 
the  unjust  cause,  in  which  you  are  engaged,  menaces  will 
never  produce  submission  from  the  people  of  this  Province. 
Your  Excellency  as  well  as  the  Army  can  only  preserve 
your  honour  by  refusing  to  submit  to  the  most  disgraceful 
prostitution  of  subserving  plans  so  injurious,  so  notoriously 
iniquitous  and  cruel  to  this  people. 

Your  Excellency  professes  to  be  solicitous  for  "  preserv- 
"  ing  union  and  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
"  Colonies ;"  and  we  sincerely  hope  that  you  will  distin- 
guish yourself  by  exertions  for  this  purpose  ;  for  should 
you  be  an  instrument  of  involving  in  a  civil  war  this  op- 
pressed and  injured  land,  it  must  forever  deprive  you  of 
that  tranquillity  which  finally  bids  adieu  to  those  whose 
hands  have  been  polluted  with  innocent  blood. 

Your  Excellency  reminds  us  of  the  spirit  of  the  British 
Nation  ;  we  partake,  we  rejoice  in  her  honours,  and  espe- 
cially revere  her  for  her  great  national  virtues ;  we  hope 
she  never  will  veil  her  glory,  or  hazard  success  by  exert* 
ing  that  spirit  in  support  of  tyranny.  j 

Your  Excellency's  strange  misconception  of  facts  is  not 
less  conspicuous  in  the  close  of  your  Message  than  in 
many  other  parts  of  it.  You  have  suggested  that  the 
conduct  of  the  Province,  for  supporting  the  Constitution, 
is  an  instance  of  its  violation.  To  declare  the  truth,  rela- 
tive to  this  matter,  must  be  a  full  vindication  of  our  con- 
duct therein. 

The  powers  placed  in  your  Excellency,  for  the  good  of 
the  Province,  to  convene,  adjourn,  prorogue,  and  dissolve 
the  General  Court,  have  been  perverted  to  ruin  and  en- 
slave the  Province,  while  our  constituents,  the  loyal  sub- 
jects of  his  Majesty,  have  been  compelled  for  the  laudable 
purposes  of  preserving  the  Constitution,  and  therein  their 
freedom,  to  obtain  the  wisdom  of  the  Province  in  a  way 
which  is  not  only  justifiable  by  reason,  but  under  the  pre- 
sent exigencies  of  the  State,  directed  by  the  principles  of 
the  Constitution  itself;  wareanted  by  the  most  approved 
precedent  and  examples,  and  sanctified  by  the  British 
Nation,  at  the  Revolution  ;  upon  the  strength  and  validity 
of  which  precedent  the  whole  British  Constitution  now 
stands,  his  present  Majesty  wears  his  Crown,  and  all 
subordinate  officers  hold  their  places.  And  although  we 
are  willing  to  put  the  most  favourable  construction  on  the 
warning  you  have  been  pleased  to  give  us  of  the  "  rock 
on  which  we  are,"  we  beg  leave  to  inform  you  that  our 
constituents  do  not  expect  that,  in  the  execution  of  that 
important  trust  which  they  have  reposed  in  us,  we  should 
be  wholly  guided  by  your  advice.  We  trust,  sir,  that 
we  shall  not  fail  in  our  duty  to  our  country  and  loyalty  to 
our  King,  or  in  a  proper  respect  to  your  Excellency. 


54 


851 


MASSACHUSETTS  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


852 


Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  Replication  to  his  Excel- 
lency's Answer  be  published  in  the  newspapers. 

Ordered,  That  Major  Hawhy,  Colonel  Lee,  and  Mr. 
Gerry,  be  a  Committee  to  extract  such  parts  of  the  Re- 
solves which  passed  in  this  Congress,  the  26th  and  28tii 
current,  and  are  necessary  now  to  be  published  ;  who  re- 
ported as  followeth  ; 

Wiiereas  it  has  been  recommended  by  this  Congress 
that  the  Moneys  heretofore  granted  and  ordered  to  be 
assessed  by  the  General  Court  of  this  Province,  and  not 
paid  into  the  Province  Treasury,  should  not  be  paid  to 
the  Honourable  Harrison  Gray,  Esquire,  for  reasons 
most  obvious. 

Therefore,  Resolved,  That  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire, 
of  Stow,  be,  and  hereby  is,  appointed  Receiver  General 
until  the  further  order  of  this  or  some  other  Congress  or 
House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province,  whose  business 
it  shall  be  to  receive  all  such  Moneys  as  shall  be  offered  to 
be  paid  into  his  hands  for  the  use  of  the  Province,  by  the 
several  Constables,  Collectors,  or  other  persons,  by  order  of 
the  several  Towns  or  Districts,  and  to  give  his  receipt  for 
the  same.  And  it  is  hereby  recommended  to  the  several 
Towns  and  Districts,  within  this  Province,  tliat  they  imme- 
diately call  Town  and  District  Meetings,  and  give  direc- 
tions to  all  Constables,  Collectors,  and  other  persons  who 
may  have  any  part  of  the  Province  Tax  of  such  Town 
or  District  in  their  respective  hands  or  ]jossession,  in  con- 
sequence of  any  late  order  and  directions  of  any  Town  or 
District,  that  he  or  they  immediately  pay  the  same  to  the 
said  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  for  the  purjxises  aforesaid. 
And  it  is  also  recommended  that  the  several  Towns  and 
Districts  in  said  directions  signify  and  expressly  engage  to 
such  Constable,  Collector,  or  other  persons  as  shall  have 
their  said  Moneys  in  their  hands,  that  their  paying  the 
same  to  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  aforesaid,  and  produc- 
ing his  receipt  therefor,  shall  ever  thereafter  operate  as  an 
effectual  discharge  to  such  persons  for  the  same.  And  it 
is  hereby  recommended  that  the  like  order  be  observed 
respecting  the  Tax  ordered  by  the  Great  and  General 
Court  at  their  last  May  sessions.  And  it  is  further  recom- 
mended to  all  Sheriffs  or  Deputy  Sheriffs,  or  Coroners 
who  may  have  in  their  hands  any  Moneys  belonging  to  the 
Province,  that  they  immediately  pay  the  same  to  the 
said  Receiver  General,  taking  his  receipt  therefor.  And 
the  said  Henry  Gardner,  Esquire,  the  Receiver  General, 
shall  be  accountable  to  this  or  some  other  Congress  or 
House  of  Representatives  of  this  Province. 

And  to  the  end  that  all  the  Moneys  heretofore  assessed  in 
pursuance  of  any  former  grants  and  orders  of  the  Great  and 
General  Court  or  Assembly  of  this  Province,  and  hitherto 
uncollected  by  the  several  Constables  and  Collectors  to 
whom  the  several  lists  of  assessment  thereof  were  com- 
mitted, may  be  effectually  levied  and  collected  ;  and  also 
to  the  end  that  all  the  Moneys  granted  or  ordered  to  be 
assessed  by  the  General  Court  at  their  sessions  in  May 
last,  which  have  been  assessed,  or  which  may  be  assess- 
ed, may  be  also  speedily  and  punctually  collected,  it  is 
earnestly  recommended  by  this  body  to  the  several  Con- 
stables and  Collectors,  respectively,  who  have  such  as- 
sessments in  their  hands,  or  to  whom  any  assessments  yet 
to  be  made  may  be  committed  by  the  assessors  of  any 
Towns  or  Districts,  that,  in  levying  and  collecting  the  re- 
spective part  or  proportion  of  the  total  of  such  assessments 
therein  set  down  to  the  several  persons  named  therein, 
they  should  act  and  proceed  in  the  same  way  and  manner 
as  is  expressed  and  provided  in  the  form  of  a  warrant, 
given  and  contained  in  one  Act  or  Law  of  this  Province, 
entitled  "  An  Act  prescribing  the  form  of  a  Warrant  for 
collecting  of  Town  Assessments,"  &.c. 

And  it  is  hereby  strongly  recommended  to  all  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  several  Towns  and  Districts  in  this  Province, 
that  they  without  fail  do  afford  to  their  respective  Con- 
stables and  Collectors  all  that  aid  and  assistance  which 
shall  be  necessary  to  enable  them  in  that  manner  to  levy 
the  contents  of  such  assessments  ;  and  that  they  do  oblige 
and  compel  the  said  Constables  and  Collectors  to  comply 
with  and  execute  the  directions  of  this  Resolve ;  and  inas- 
much as  the  present  most  alarming  situation  and  circum- 
stances of  this  Province  do  make  it  absolutely  necessary 
for  the  safety  thereof. 


Whereas,  in  consequence  of  tlie  present  unhappy  dis- 
putes between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies,  a  formi- 
dable body  of  Troops,  with  warlike  preparations  of  every 
sort,  are  already  arrived  at,  and  others  destined  for  the 
metropolis  of  this  Province;  and  the  express  design  of 
their  being  sent  is  to  execute  Acts  of  the  British  Parlia- 
ment utterly  subversive  of  the  Constitution  of  the  Prov- 
ince ;  and  whereas  his  Excellency  General  Gage  has 
attempted  by  his  Troops  to  disperse  the  inhabitants  of 
Salem,  whilst  assembled  to  consult  measures  for  preserving 
their  freedom,  and  to  subjugate  the  Province  to  arbitrary 
Government;  and,  proceeding  to  still  more  unjustifiable 
and  alarming  lengths,  has  fortified  against  the  country  the 
capital  of  the  Province,  and  thus  greatly  endangered  the 
lives,  liberties,  and  properties  of  its  oppressed  citizens; 
invaded  private  property  by  unlawfully  seizing  and  retain- 
ing large  quantities  of  Ammunition  in  the  arsenal  at  Bos- 
ton, and  sundry  pieces  of  Ordnance  in  the  same  Town ; 
committed  to  the  custody  of  his  Troops  the  Arms,  Ammu- 
nition, Ordnance,  and  warlike  Stores  of  all  sorts,  provided 
at  the  publick  expense,  for  the  use  of  the  Province  ;  and 
by  all  possible  means  endeavoured  to  place  the  Province 
entirely  in  a  defenceless  state,  at  the  same  time  having 
neglected  and  altogether  disregarded  assurances  from  this 
Congress  of  the  pacifick  dispositions  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Province,  and  entreaties  that  he  would  cease  from 
measures  which  tended  to  prevent  a  restoration  of  har- 
mony between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  : 

Wherefore  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  Congress,  that  not- 
withstanding nothing  but  slavery  ought  more  to  be  depre- 
cated than  hostilities  with  Great  Britain,  notwitstanding 
the  Province  has  not  the  most  distant  design  of  attacking, 
annoying,  or  molesting  his  Majesty's  Troops,  aforesaid,  but 
on  the  other  hand  will  consider  and  treat  every  attempt  of 
the  kind,  as  well  as  all  measures  tending  to  prevent  a 
reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Colonies  as 
the  highest  degree  of  enmity  to  the  Province,  nevertheless 
there  is  great  reason,  from  the  considerations  aforesaid,  to 
be  apprehensive  of  the  most  fatal  consequences  ;  and  that 
the  Province  may  be  in  some  degree  provided  against  the 
same,  and  under  full  persuasion  that  the  measures  expres- 
sed in  the  following  Resolves  are  perfectly  consistent  with 
such  Resolves  of  the  Continental  Congress  as  have  been 
communicated  to  us,  it  is  resolved,  and  hereby  recom- 
mended to  the  several  Companies  of  Militia  in  this  Prov- 
ince, who  have  not  already  chosen  and  appointed  officers, 
that  they  meet  forthwith,  and  elect  officers  to  command 
their  respective  Companies  ;  and  that  the  officers  so  chosen 
assemble  as  soon  as  may  be ;  and  where  the  said  officers 
shall  judge  the  limits  of  the  present  Regiments  too  exten- 
sive that  they  divide  them,  and  settle  and  determine  their 
limits,  and  proceed  to  elect  field  officers  to  command  their 
respective  Regiments;  and  that  the  field  officers,  so  elected, 
forthwith  endeavour  to  enlist  one-quarter,  at  least,  of  the 
number  of  the  respective  Companies,  and  form  them  into 
Companies  of  fifty  Privates,  at  the  least,  who  shall  equip 
and  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  the  shortest  no- 
tice ;  and  that  each  and  every  Company,  so  formed,  choose 
a  Captain  and  two  Lieutenants  to  command  them  on  any 
necessary  and  emergent  service,  and  that  the  said  Captain 
and  Subalterns,  so  elected,  form  the  said  Companies  into 
Battalions,  to  consist  of  nine  Companies  each,  and  that 
the  Captain  and  Subalterns  of  each  Battalion,  so  formed, 
proceed  to  elect  field  officere  to  command  the  same. 
And  the  Congress  doth  most  earnestly  recommend  that 
all  the  aforesaid  elections  be  proceeded  in  and  made 
with  due  deliberation  and  generous  regard  to  the  publick 
service. 

Also  Resolved,  That  the  security  of  the  lives,  liberties, 
and  properties  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  Province  depends, 
under  Providence,  on  their  knowledge  and  skill  in  the  Art 
Military,  and  in  their  being  properly  and  effectually  armed 
and  equipped  ;  if  any  of  said  inhabitants  are  not  provided 
with  Arms  and  Ammunition,  according  to  law,  that  they  im- 
mediately provide  theni'^elves  therewith,  and  that  they  use 
their  utmost  diligence  to  perfect  themselves  in  the  military 
skill ;  and  that  if  any  Town  or  District  within  the  Province 
is  not  provided  with  the  full  Town  stock  of  Amis  and  Am- 
munition, according  to  law,  that  the  Selectmen  of  such 
Town  or  District  take  effectual  care,  without  delay,  to 
provide  the  same. 


853 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


854 


>  The  Committee  on  the  State  of  the  Province,  reported 
a  Resolve  relative  to  the  Removal  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Town  of  Boston.  After  the  same  was  read  and  some  debate 
had  thereon,  the  question  (upon  a  motion  made)  was  put, 
whether  the  matter  now  subside,  and  it  passed  in  the 
affirmative. 

Resolved,  As  the  opinion  of  this  Congress,  that  Carn- 
hridge  is  the  most  eligible  place  for  the  Committee  of 
Safety,  at  present,  to  sit  in. 

Resolved,  That  two  gentlemen  be  added  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  Safety. 

Ordered,  That  Colonel  Prescott,  Doctor  Holten,  and 
Mr.  Gill,  be  a  Committee  to  count  and  sort  the  votes  focj» 
two  gentlemen  to  be  added  to  the  Committee  of  Safety. 

The  Congress  then  proceeded  to  bring  in  their  votes. 
After  counting  and  sorting  the  same,  the  Committee  re- 
ported that  Mr.  Pigeon  and  Captain  Heath  were  chosen. 

Resolved,  That  the  extracts  of  the  Resolves,  relative  to 
the  Militia,  which  passed  this  day  be  printed,  and  a  copy 
tliereof  sent  to  all  the  Towns  and  .Districts  in  this  Prov- 
ince. 

The  Congress  adjourned  till  the  23d  day  of  November 
next,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  then  to  meet  in  this 
place. 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FHOM  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  MON- 
TREAL, TO  HIS  FRIEND  IN  NEW-YORK,  DATED  OCTOBER 
9,    1774. 

I  must  beg  leave  to  trouble  you  to  get  the  enclosed 
printed  in  Mr.  Holt's  Paper  as  soon  as  possible.  The 
paper  contains  the  Resolves  of  all  the  English  inhabitants 
of  Montreal,  at  a  full  meeting,  where  they  showed  their 
abhorrence  of  the  (Quebec  Act,  which  establishes  the 
French  laws  in  this  Province,  and  puts  the  lives  and  pro- 
perties of  every  person  in  it  in  the  power  of  the  Gov- 
ernour,  who,  when  the  Act  takes  place,  will  have  a  much 
greater  power  than  a  Spanish  Viceroy. 

The  Canadians,  in  general,  are  greatly  alarmed  at  being 
put  under  their  former  laws,  of  which  they  had  long  se- 
verely felt  the  bad  effects  ;  though  the  French  Noblesse 
and  gentry,  indeed,  are  very  well  pleased  with  the  new 
Act,  which  restores  the  old,  as  they  expect  to  lord  it  over 
the  industrious  farmer  and  trader,  and  live  upon  their 
spoils,  as  they  did  before  the  conquest.  These  latter, 
tliough  greatly  dissatisfied  and  alarmed  at  this  Act,  dare 
not  complain,  for  fear  of  the  displeasure  of  their  Priests, 
who  rule  and  govern  this  whole  country  as  they  please ; 
however,  all  the  English  in  the  Province  (except  a  few 
tools  and  dependants  of  the  Govemour)  are  unanimous, 
and  determine  to  struggle  hard  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  this 
abominable  Act ;  which,  if  continued,  would  greatly  hurt 
the  trade  of  iSeto-  York  and  the  other  Colonies  joining  on 
us.  It  has  been  said  that  some  Canadian  regiments  would 
be  raised  and  sent  against  you ;  but  depend  on  it  none 
will  go  willingly,  except  their  officers ;  and  for  the  others, 
it  will  require  a  regiment  of  soldiers  to  a  regiment  of  Cana- 
dians, to  oblige  them  to  go ;  besides,  they  cannot,  without 
ruining  the  country,  spare  two  thousand  men  out  of  it. 

"  At  a  General  Meeting  of  the  English  Inhabitants  of 
the  Town  of  Montreal,  to  consult  on  the  most  proper  and 
best  method  to  represent  to  his  Majesty  and  the  Parliament 
a  true  state  of  this  Province,  by  acquainting  them  of  the 
share  we  have  of  the  trade ;  the  landed  property  we  pos- 
sess ;  the  miserable  state  we  found  this  Province  in,  and 
the  flourishing  state  we  have  brought  it  to; — the  recom- 
pense we  are  to  receive  by  a  late  Act  of  Parliament,  is, 
to  be  deprived  of  those  valuable  parts  of  our  Constitution — 
the  trial  by  jury  and  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act,  and  subjected 
to  laws  made  by  a  Legislative  Council,  composed  of  people 
entirely  dependent  on  the  Governour,  and  agreeable  to  the 
despotick  laws  of  France.  And  that  if  such  an  Act  takes 
place,  as  we  shall  have  no  security  for  our  pro])erty  nor  re- 
ligion, (the  Roman  Catholick  religion  being  by  said  Act 
the  established  religion  of  the  country,)  we  must  be  reduced 
to  the  unhappy  necessity  of  living  as  slaves,  or  abandoning 
the  country  and  a  great  part  of  our  property ;  and  the 
Province  must  return  to  its  former  miserable  situation. 
There  was  the  greatest  unanimity  amongst  the  English, 
when  the  following  gentlemen,  viz :   Thomas  Walker,  Esq., 


Isaac  Todd,  Esq.,  Mr.  James  Price,  Mr.  John  Blake,  Mr. 
Alexander  Paterson,  and  Mr.  John  Porteus,  were  chosen 
a  Committee  to  repair  to  (Quebec,  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  the  English  there  on  this  alarming  occasion.  They 
likewise  entered  into  a  very  generous  subscription  for  the 
expense  that  might  attend  their  obtaining  relief." 


ELIPHALET    DYER,    ROGER    SHERMAN,     AND    SILAS    DEANE, 
TO    GOVERNOUR    TRUMBULL. 

PliiUdclpliia,  October  10,  1774. 

Sir:  We  arrived  in  this  city  the  1st  of  September  last, 
and  the  Delegates  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and 
JSeiv-York,  not  being  come,  the  Congress  was  not  formed 
until  the  fifth,  when  the  Honourable  Peyton  Randolph, 
Esquire,  was  unanimously  chosen  President,  and  Charles 
Thomson,  Esquire,  Secretary.  A  list  of  the  Members  we 
enclose. 

The  mode  of  voting  in  this  Congress  was  first  resolved 
upon  ;  which  was,  that  each  Colony  should  have  one  voice  ; 
but  as  this  was  objected  to  as  unequal,  an  entry  was  made 
on  the  Journals  to  prevent  its  being  drawn  into  precedent 
in  future. 

Committees  were  then  appointed  to  state  American 
rights  and  grievances,  and  the  various  Acts  of  the  British 
Parliament  which  affect  the  trade  and  manufactures  of  these 
Colonies.  On  these  subjects  the  Committees  spent  several 
days,  when  the  Congress  judged  it  necessary,  previous  to 
completing  and  resolving  on  these  subjects,  to  take  under 
consideration  that  of  ways  and  means  for  redress. 

On  the  16th  arrived  an  express  from  Boston,  with  let- 
ters to  the  Delegates,  and  the  Suffolk  Resolves.  These 
were  laid  before  the  Congress,  and  were  highly  approved 
of  and  applauded,  as  you  will  see  by  the  enclosed  paper  of 
the  19th,  in  which  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  thereon 
is  ])ublished  at  large  by  their  order.  A  general  non-im- 
portation of  British  goods  and  manufactures,  or  of  any 
goods  from  thence,  appearing  to  the  Congress  one  of  the 
means  of  redress  in  our  power,  and  which  might  probably 
be  adopted  to  prevent  future  difficulties  and  altercations  on 
this  subject,  among  those  who  might  now,  or  for  some  time 
past  had  been  sending  orders  for  goods,  the  Congress 
unanimously  came  into  the  enclosed  Resolution  on  the  22d, 
and  the  same  was  ordered  to  be  published  immediately. 
Since  this  a  non-importation  and  non-consumption  of  goods, 
&.C.,  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  from  and  after  the 
first  of  December  next,  has  been  unanimously  resolved  on  ; 
but  to  carry  so  important  a  Resolution  into  effect,  it  is  ne- 
cessary that  every  possible  precaution  should  now  be  taken, 
on  the  one  hand  to  prevent  wicked  and  desperate  men  from 
breaking  through  and  defeating  it,  either  by  fraud  or  force, 
and  on  the  other,  to  remove  as  far  as  possible  every 
temptation  to  or  necessity  for  the  violation  thereof.  For 
this  a  Committee  is  appointed,  who,  not  having  as  yet  com- 
pleted their  report,  nothing  is  published  particularly  on  this 
subject,  more  than  what  we  now  are  at  liberty  in  general  to 
relate. 

We  have  the  pleasure  of  finding  the  whole  Congress, 
and  through  them  the  whole  Continent,  of  the  same  senti- 
ment and  opinion  of  the  late  Proceedings  and  Acts  of  the 
British  Parliament ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  confess  our 
anxiety  for  greater  despatch  of  the  business  before  us  than 
it  is  in  our  power,  or  perhaps  in  the  nature  of  the  subject, 
to  effect. 

An  assembly  like  this,  though  it  consists  of  less  than 
sixty  members,  yet,  coming  from  remote  Colonies,  each  of 
which  has  some  modes  of  transacting  publick  business  pecu- 
liar to  itself — some  particular  Provincial  rights  and  interests 
to  guard  and  secure,  must  take  some  time  to  become  .so  ac- 
quainted with  each  one's  situations  and  connections,  as  to 
be  able  to  give  an  united  assent  to  the  ways  and  means 
proposed  for  effecting  what  all  are  ardently  desirous  of.  In 
this  view,  our  President,  though  a  gentleman  of  great  worth, 
and  one  W'ho  fills  and  supports  the  dignity  of  his  station  to 
universal  acceptance,  yet  cannot  urge  forward  matters  to  an 
issue  with  that  despatch  which  he  might  in  a  different  as- 
sembly. Nor,  considering  the  great  importance  of  some- 
thing more  than  a  majority,  an  unanimity,  would  it  be  safe 
and  prudent — unanimity  being,  in  our  view,  of  the  last  im- 
portance. Every  one  must  be  heard  even  on  those  points 
or  subjects  which  in  themselves  are  not  of  the  last  import- 


855 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


856 


ance ;  and,  indeed,  it  often  happens,  tliat  what  is  of  little 
or  no  consequence  to  one  Colony,  is  of  the  last  to  another. 

We  have  thus  hinted  to  your  Honour  our  general  situa- 
tion, which  we  hope  will  account  for  our  being  delayed 
here  beyond  the  time  which  either  the  Colony  or  we  our- 
selves expected. 

Though  our  private  concerns  and  connections,  as  well  as 
the  publick  expectation  and  interest  of  the  Colony,  mge  us 
to  make  all  possible  despatch,  yet,  as  we  find  it  would  not 
only  be  of  dangerous  consequence,  but  perhaps  impractica- 
ble to  attempt  pushing  matters  to  a  decision  faster  than  they 
now  come  to  it  in  the  course  they  now  are,  we  find  it 
most  prudent  patiently  to  wait  the  issue.  We  shall  be  able 
to  write  you  more  particularly  in  a  few  days,  but  could  not 
omit  this  opportunity  of  writing  thus  far  on  the  subject  of 
our  Delegation  here. 

We  take  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  copy  of  Lord  Dunmore's 
Proclamation,  [dated  Fort  Dunmore,  September  17,]  on 
which  we  shall  only  say  it  appears  in  some  parts  of  it  very 
extraordinary,  and  would  occasion  much  greater  speculation 
here  than  it  does,  were  it  not  that  few  or  none,  save  the 
Proprietors,  consider  themselves  interested  in  the  contro- 
versy ;  and  the  whole  attention  of  the  publick  is  taken  up 
on  more  important  subjects. 

Laurel  Hill  is  about  forty  miles  on  this  side  of  Fort  Du 
Quesne,  alias  Fort  Pitt,  and  is  a  range  of  mountains  run- 
ning northerly  nearly  in  a  line  with  the  west  boundary  of 
the  Province  of  Mary/and,  and  cuts  off  from  this  Province 
one  whole  County  lately  erected,  by  the  name  of  West- 
moreland. His  Lordship  is  now  in  those  parts  near  the 
Ohio,  with  an  Army  of  fifteen  hundred  Virginians,  re- 
ducing the  Indian  Tribes  to  subjection,  or  driving  them  oft' 
the  land. 

We  cannot  be  positive  as  to  the  time  of  our  return,  but 
hope  to  be  at  New-Haven  before  the  rising  of  the  Assem- 
bly, and  may  probably  be  able  to  write  with  greater  cer- 
tainty in  our  next.  We  are,  with  the  greatest  respect,  your 
Honour's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servants, 

Eliphalet  Dyer, 
Roger  Sherman, 
Silas  Deane. 

P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  we  see  the  Resolutions 
of  the  Congress,  Suffolk  County,  &ic.,  are  printed  in  the 
Commissioners'  papers,  therefore  judge  it  unnecessary  to 
enclose  them. 


Newport  (Rhode  Island)  October  17,  1774. 
On  Tuesday,  the  11th  instant,  arrived  here  the  ship 
Charlotte,  Captain  Rogers,  from  London,  which  he  left 
the  15th  of  August,  and  brought  with  him  Mr.  Samuel 
Dyre,  o(  Boston,  who  gives  this  account  of  himself:  That, 
on  the  6th  of  July  last,  early  in  the  morning,  he  was  kidnap- 
ped by  the  soldiers  in  Boston,  in  consequence  of  orders  from 
Colonel  Maddison,  and  carried  into  the  camp,  confined  in 
irons,  and  kept  so  till  early  the  next  morning,  when  he  was 
conveyed  on  board  the  Captain,  Admiral  Montagu,  still  in 
chains.  When  he  was  first  confined  in  the  camp.  Colonel 
Maddison  asked  him  who  gave  him  orders  to  destroy  the 
tea;  to  which  he  replied,  nobody.  The  Colonel  said  he 
was  a  damned  liar,  it  was  King  Hancock  and  the  damned 
Sons  of  Liberty  ;  and  if  he  did  not  tell  he  should  be  sent 
home  in  the  ship  Captain,  where  he  should  be  hung  like  a 
dog ;  then  told  him  to  prepare  a  good  story,  as  General 
Gage  would  come  to  examine  him,  &,c. ;  but  General  Gage 
never  did  come.  He  was  kept  on  board  the  Admiral's  ship 
three  or  four  days,  in  irons,  before  she  sailed.  When  the 
ship  arrived  at  Fortsmouth,  Dyre  was  sent  up  to  London 
in  irons,  and  examined  three  times  before  Lord  North,  Lord 
Sandwich,  and  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  respecting  the  de- 
struction of  the  tea  ;  but  finding  nothing  against  him,  they 
sent  him  back  to  the  ship  in  irons ;  and  when  he  got  on 
board  again  he  was  discharged,  without  receiving  one  far- 
thing of  wages.  He  then  travelled  up  to  London,  seventy 
miles,  having  but  six  coppers  in  his  ])ocket,  and  made  his 
complaint  to  the  Lord  Mayor,  who  treated  him  with  great 
humanity,  as  did  the  Sheriffs  of  London,  and  many  other 
gentlemen ;  who  will  supply  him  with  any  sum  of  money 
to  carry  on  a  suit  against  those  Governmental  kidnappers 
ia  Boston,  in  case  he  can  prove  his  charge,  for  wiiich  pur- 
pose be  set  out  for  Boston  the  day  he  arrived  here.    Dyre 


farther  said,  he  was  ofl^ered  purses  of  guineas  in  England, 
to  accuse  certain  gentlemen  in  Boston  with  ordering  him 
to  help  to  destroy  the  tea.  Mr.  Lee,  one  of  the  SherifS 
of  London,  wrote  several  letters  by  Dyre,  in  his  favour,  to 
some  srentlemen  in  Boston. 


By  (he  Honourable  John  Penx,  Esquire,  Govemour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  q/"  Pennsylvania, 
and  Counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  on 
Delaware : 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas,  I  have  received  information  that  his  Excel- 
lency the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Governour-General  in  and 
over  his  Majesty's  Colony  of  Virginia,  hath  lately  issued 
a  very  extraordinary  Proclamation,  setting  forth,  "  that  the 
"  rapid  settlement  made  on  the  West  of  the  Alleghany 
"  Mountains,  by  his  Majesty's  subjects,  within  the  couree 
"  of  these  few  years,  had  become  an  object  of  real  concern 
"  to  his  Majesty's  interest  in  that  quarter ;  that  the  Prov- 
"  ince  of  Pennsylvania  had  unduly  laid  claim  to  a  very 
"  valuable  and  extensive  quantity  of  his  Majesty's  territory; 
"  and  the  Executive  part  of  that  Government,  in  conse- 
"  quence  thereof,  had  most  arbitrarily  and  unwarrantably 
"  proceeded  to  abuse  the  laudable  adventurers  in  that  part 
"  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions,  by  many  oppressive  and  ille- 
"  gal  measures,  in  discharge  of  their  imaginary  authority ; 
"  and  that  the  ancient  claim  laid  to  that  country  by  the 
"  Colony  of  Virginia,  founded  in  reason, upon  pre-occupan- 
"  cy,  and  the  general  acquiescence  of  all  persons,  together 
"  with  the  Instruction  he  had  lately  received  from  his  Ma- 
"  jesty's  servants,  ordering  him  to  take  that  country  under 
"  his  administration  ;  and  as  the  evident  injustice  manifestly 
"  offered  to  his  Majesty,  by  the  immoderate  strides  taken 
"  by  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania,  in  prosecution  of 
"  their  wild  claim  to  that  country,  demanded  an  immediate 
"  remedy,  he  did  thereby,  in  his  Majesty's  name,  require 
"  and  command  all  his  Majesty's  subjects  west  of  the  Laurel 
"  Hill,  to  pay  a  due  respect  to  his  said  Proclamation,  there- 
"  by  strictly  prohibiting  the  execution  of  any  act  of  autho- 
"  rity  on  behalf  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  at  their 
"  peril,  in  that  country  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  a  due 
"  regard  and  entire  obedience  to  the  laws  of  his  Majesty's 
"  Colony  of  Virginia,  under  his  administration,  should  be 
"  observed,  to  the  end  that  regularity  might  ensue,  and  a 
"just  regard  to  the  interest  of  his  Majesty  in  tliat  quarter, 
"  as  well  as  to  his  Majesty's  subjects,  might  be  the  conse- 
"  quence." 

And  whereas,  although  the  Western  Limits  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  Pennsylvania,  have  not  been  settled  by  any  au- 
thority from  the  Crown,  yet  it  has  been  sufficiently  demon- 
strated by  lines  accurately  run  by  the  most  skilful  artists, 
that  not  only  a  great  tract  of  country  West  of  the  Laurel 
Hill,  but  Fort  Pitt  also,  are  comprehended  within  the 
Charter  bounds  of  this  Province,  a  great  part  of  which 
country  has  been  actually  settled,  and  is  now  held  under 
grants  from  the  Proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania ;  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  this  Government  has  been  peaceably  exer- 
cised in  that  quarter  of  the  country,  till  the  late  strange 
claim  set  up  by  the  Earl  of  Dunmore,  in  behalf  of  his  Ma- 
jesty's Colony  of  Virginia,  founded,  as  his  Lordship  is 
above  pleased  to  say,  "in  reason,  pre-occupancy,  and  the 
general  acquiescence  of  all  persons  ;"  which  claim  to  lands 
within  tlie  said  Cliarter  limits,  must  appear  still  the  more 
extraordinary,  as  his  most  gracious  Majesty,  in  an  Act  pas- 
sed the  very  last  session  of  Pariiament,  "  for  making  more 
"  effectual  provision  for  the  government  of  the  Province  of 
"  (Quebec,"  has  been  pk.'ased,  in  the  fullest  manner,  to  recog- 
nise the  Charter  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  by  ex- 
pressly referring  to  the  same,  and  binding  tlie  said  Province 
of  (Quebec  by  the  Northern  and  Western  bounds  thereof. 
Wherefore,  there  is  the  greatest  reason  to  conclude,  that 
any  instructions  the  Govemour  of  Virginia  may  have  re- 
ceived from  his  Majesty's  servants,  to  take  that  country 
under  his  administration,  must  be  founded  on  some  mis- 
representation to  them  respecting  the  Western  extent  of 
this  Province.  In  justice,  therefore,  to  the  Proprietaries  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  who  are  only  desirous  to 
secure  their  own  undoubted  property  from  the  encroach- 
ment of  others,  I  have  thought  fit,  with  the  advice  of  the 


857 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


85S 


Council,  to  issue  this  my  Proclamation,  hereby  requiring 
all  persons  West  of  the  Laurel  Hill,  to  retain  their  settle- 
ments as  aforesaid  made  under  this  Province,  and  to  pay 
due  obedience  to  the  laws  of  this  Government ;  and  all 
Magistrates  and  other  Officers  who  hold  commissions  or 
offices  under  this  Government,  to  proceed  as  usual  in  the 
administration  of  justice,  without  paying  the  least  regard  to 
tlie  said  recited  Proclamation,  until  his  Majesty's  pleasure 
shall  be  known  in  the  premises ;  at  the  same  time  strictly 
charging  and  enjoining  the  said  inhabitants  and  Magistrates 
to  use  their  utmost  endeavours  to  preserve  peace  and  good 
order. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  Philadelphia,  the  twelfth  day  of  October,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
seventy-four,  and  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  our 
Sovereign  Lord  George  the  Third,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of 
the  Faith,  and  so  forth.  John  Penn. 

By  his  Honour's  command, 

Edward  Shippen,  Jr.,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 


Charlestown,  S.  C,  October  17,  1774. 
On  Wednesday  last  the  General  Committee  of  this  Col- 
ony chose  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  to  see  that  no  India 
teas,  from  any  place  whatever,  be  imported  or  landed  here, 
and  ordered  the  following  Advertisement  to  be  published 
in  the  Gazette : 

Charlestown,  October  12,  1774. 
The  General  Committee  most  earnestly  recommend  and 
request  of  those  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  who  have  not 
yet  signed  an  Agreement  for  Non-consumption  of  India  teas 
after  the  first  day  of  November  next,  that  they  will  sub- 
scribe the  said  Agreement  as  soon  as  possible,  for  which 
purpose  copies  thereof  will  be  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the 
gentlemen  who  were  chosen  to  represent  the  several  Par- 
ishes on  the  said  Committee. 

Information  having  been  this  morning  given  to  the  Chair- 
man of  the  General  Committee,  that  a  day  or  two  ago  an 
order  had  been  received  by  a  gentleman  in  trade  here,  for 
the  immediate  purchase  of  a  very  large  quantity  of  gun- 
powder for  exportation ;  and  many  of  the  inhabitants  ap- 
pearing to  be  greatly  alarmed  thereat,  in  order  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  the  people,  the  said  Committee  was  assembled, 
made  every  necessary  inquiry,  and  came  to  the  following 
Resolutions,  viz: 

That,  as  it  appeared  to  the  said  Committee,  upon  the 
inquiries  they  had  made,  that  there  is  at  present  a  scarcity 
of  both  Arms  and  Ammunition,  so  it  is  their  opinion  that  it 
will  be  extremely  imprudent,  and  might  be  attended  with 
very  bad  consequences  to  export  of  either. 

That  the  gentleman  to  whom  the  above  mentioned  order 
was  sent,  be  therefore  applied  to,  and  requested  not  to  ex- 
ecute the  same. 

(The  gentleman  being  accordingly  sent  for,  he  readily 
complied  with  the  requisition  made.) 

That  this  Committee  do  also  advertise  all  the  gentlemen 
in  trade,  and  others,  to  forbear  exporting,  or  purchasing  for 
exportation,  any  arms  or  ammunition  whatsoever,  during 
the  present  scarcity  and  gloomy  appearance  of  publick  af- 
fairs ;  and, 

That  the  above  Resolves  be  forthwith  made  publick. 
One  of  the  reasons  which  induced  the  Committee  to 
come  into  the  foregoing  Resolutions,  we  may  presume,  was, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  this  Colony,  being  always  in  a  more 
peculiarly  critical  situation  than  those  of  any  other,  ought, 
therefore,  never  to  be  without  the  most  ample  supply  of 
Arms  and  Ammunition,  more  especially  at  this  time,  when 
the  extraordinary  warlike  preparations  making  by  the  Span- 
iards, both  in  Europe  and  America,  particularly  so  near  as 
at  the  Havana,  do  not  promise  a  long  continuance  of 
peace,  but  rather  strongly  point  out  to  us  a  necessity  of  im- 
mediately preparing  for  the  defence  of  this  valuable  coun- 
try, by  a  diligent  application  to  acquire  a  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  the  use  of  arms  and  discipline,  which  migiit  easily 
be  obtained  without  materially  interfering  with  business,  by 
devoting  every  Saturday  afternoon  to  training,  instead  of 
confining  ourselves  to  the  very  letter  of  tlie  militia  law. 


CONNECTICUT  ASSEMBLY. 

Anno  Regni  Regis  Gcorgii  Tertii,  14to. 

At  a  General  Assembly  of  the  Governour  and  Company 
of  the  English  Colony  of  Connecticut,  in  New  England, 
in  America,  holden  at  New-Haven,  in  said  Colony,  on  the 
second  Thursday  of  October,  being  the  thirteenth  day  of 
said  month,  and  continued  by  several  adjournments,  to 
tlie  fourth  day  of  November  next  following.  Annoq.  Dom. 
1774. 

Resolved  by  this  Assembly,  That  the  several  Towns  in 
this  Colony  be  ordered,  and  they  are  hereby  ordered  to 
provide  as  soon  as  may  be,  double  the  quantity  of  Powder, 
Balls,  and  Flints,  that  they  were  before  by  law  obliged  to 
provide,  under  the  same  directions  and  penalties  as  by  law 
already  provided. 

Resolved  by  this  Assembly,  That  his  Honour,  the  Gov- 
ernour be,  and  he  is  hereby  directed  to  cause  six  hundred 
copies  of  the  Queries  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  the 
5th  July,  1773,  and  the  Answers  thereto,  prepared  by  his 
Honour,  and  laid  before  this  Assembly,  to  be  printed,  and 
cause  the  same  to  be  distributed  to  the  several  Towns  in 
this  Colony  in  proportion  to  their  list  of  estates. 

Resolved  by  this  Assembly,  That  proper  Carriages  for 
the  Cannon  at  New-London  be  procured,  and  properly 
mounted ;  and  that  the  Arms  and  Accoutrements  in  store 
there  be  cleansed,  repaired,  and  kept  fit  for  service,  and 
that  a  suitable  quantity  of  Powder  and  Cannon  Balls  be 
speedily  provided  ;  and  that  Jabez  Huntington  and  Joseph 
Spencer,  Esquires,  be  a  Committee  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said, to  view  and  examine  the  state  of  the  Battery  at  said 
New-London,  and  to  report  their  opinion  as  to  the  expedi- 
ency of  repairing  the  same,  and  in  what  manner,  and  the 
amount  of  the  expense  thereof. 

Whereas  a  sum  of  Money  is  necessary  for  payment  of 
incidental  charges  of  Government,  Be  it  therefore  enacted 
by  the  Governour,  Council,  and  Representatives  in  Gen- 
eral Court  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same, 
That  there  be  forthwith  imprinted  the  sum  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand Pounds,  in  Bills  of  Credit  in  this  Colony,  equal  to 
lawful  money  of  suitable  denominations,  as  tlie  Committee 
herein  appointed  shall  direct,  and  of  the  same  tenor  with 
the  late  emission  of  Bills  of  Credit  of  this  Colony,  without 
interest,  payable  at  or  before  the  second  day  of  January, 
1777,  and  dated  the  second  day  of  January,  1775;  and 
William  Pitkin,  George  Wyllys,  Elisha  Williams,  Ben- 
jamin Payne,  and  Thomas  Seymour,  Esquires,  or  any 
three  of  them,  are  appointed  a  Committee  for  the  purpose 
aforesaid,  to  take  care  that  said  Bills  be  imprinted  with  all 
convenient  speed,  and  to  sign  and  deliver  the  same  to  the 
Treasurer  of  this  Colony,  taking  his  receipt  therefor ;  and 
the  said  Committee  shall  be  sworn  to  a  faithful  discharge 
of  their  trust ;  and  the  said  Treasurer  is  hereby  directed  to 
pay  out  said  Bills  according  to  the  orders  of  Assembly. 
And  for  providing  an  ample  and  sufficient  fund  to  call  in, 
sink,  and  discharge  the  aforesaid  sum  to  be  emitted  as 
aforesaid. 

Be  it  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  That  a  Tax  of 
one  penny  on  the  pound  be,  and  is  hereby  granted  and 
ordered  to  be  levied  on  all  the  Polls  and  rateable  Estate  in 
this  Colony,  according  to  the  list  tliereof,  brought  into  this 
Assembly,  October,  A.  D.  1774,  with  the  additions,  and  also 
a  further  Tax  of  one  penny  on  the  pound  be,  and  is  hereby 
granted  and  ordered  to  be  levied  on  ail  the  Polls  and  rate- 
able Estate  in  this  Colony,  according  to  the  list  thereof  to 
be  brought  into  this  Assembly,  in  October,  1775,  with  the 
additions  ;  which  taxes  shall  be  collected  and  paid  into  the 
Treasury  of  this  Colony,  viz .:  one  half  by  the  last  day  of 
December,  1775,  and  the  other  half  by  the  last  day  of  De- 
cember, 1776,  which  taxes  may  be  discharged  by  paying 
the  Bills  emitted  by  the  Colony,  or  lawful  money  ;  and  the 
Treasurer  of  this  Colony  is  hereby  ordered  and  directed  to 
send  forth  the  Warrants  for  collecting  the  same  accord- 
ingly. 

The  Committee  appointed  by  this* Assembly  at  their 
session  at  Hartford,  in  May  last,  on  the  Memorial  of  the 
Mohegan  Indians,  having  made  their  Report  to  this  As- 
sembly, and  the  same  having  been  accepted  and  approved, 
it  is  now 

Resolved,  That  the  following  Instructions  and  Regula- 


939 


CORRESPONDEISCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


860 


tjons  be  given,  and  they  are  hereby  given  to  tlie  Over- 
seers for  ti)e  time  being,  appointed  or  to  be  appointed  by 
this  Assembly  for  said  Molugan  Indians : 

1st.  That  the  said  Overseers  at  all  times  treat  the  said 
Indians  with  paternal  care  and  tenderness,  and  are  lield 
obli|,'ed  to  assist  them  by  their  friendly  and  parental  advice. 

'2d.  That  tlie  said  Overseers  have  full  power  and  au- 
thority, and  they  are  hereby  authorized  and  empowered  in 
tlie  name  of  said  Indians,  to  institute,  bring  forward,  and 
prosecute  to  final  judgment  and  execution,  any  suit  or 
action  against  any  |)erson  or  persons  that  shall  commit  any 
trespass  on  the  lands  or  possessions  of  the  said  Mohegan 
Indians,  and  shall  be  accountable  for  any  sum  or  sums  they 
may  recover. 

3d.  If  any  Indian  shall  trespass  upon  the  lands,  goods, 
or  possessions  of  any  other  Indian,  upon  complaint  tliereof 
made  to  said  Overseers,  they  or  any  two  of  them  are  hereby 
OJ'dered  and  directed  to  notify  the  parties  to  appear  before 
them  at  such  time  and  place  as  they  siiall  appoint,  when 
and  where  they  shall  proceed  to  hear  and  determine  the 
case  between  them,  and  award  such  damages  as  they  shall 
think  just  and  reasonable  to  the  party  injured ;  and  if  the 
person  adjudged  to  pay  damages,  shall  neglect  or  refuse  to 
pay  the  same,  the  said  Overseers  are  hereby  empowered 
to  stop  so  much  of  the  then  next  dividend  of  rent  money 
belonging  to  such  person  so  refusing,  and  pay  and  deliver 
the  same  over  to  him  or  them,  to  whom  the  same  may  be 
awarded  in  satisfaction  of  such  award. 

4tii.  When  it  shall  so  happen  that  any  particular  Indian 
or  Indians  shall  want  to  take  up  any  land  for  improvement 
in  severalty,  such  person  or  persons  shall  apply  to  said 
Overseers,  who  are  hereby  to  set  out  by  meets  and  bounds 
to  such  jierson  or  persons  such  a  quantity  of  land  for  im- 
provement as  they  shall  think  just  and  reasonable,  and 
whoever  shall  enter  on  any  land  without  the  approbation 
of  said  Overseers  shall  be  deemed  trespassers. 

5th.  And  whereas  since  the  death  of  their  late  Sachem, 
and  their  declining  to  choose  a  successor,  there  will  be 
money  due  for  rent  of  lands  to  the  said  Indians,  as  a  com- 
mon and  undivided  interest,  the  said  Overseers  are  hereby 
directed  to  distribute  the  same  to  and  among  the  families 
of  said  Indians,  after  deducting  such  sum  as  the  said  In- 
dians shall  agree  upon,  or  shall  be  found  necessary  for  the 
relief  of  the  poor  among  them,  and  other  publick  charges, 
and  so  from  time  to  time  hereafter,  as  they  shall  have  the 
common  interest  in  their  hands,  observing  as  much  as  may 
be  an  equality  among  the  families;  and  when  any  receive 
more  benefit  in  the  improvement  of  the  land,  it  shall  be 
considered  in  the  distribution  of  the  rent  money. 

6th.  And  no  person  to  cut  or  carry  away  any  timber, 
wood,  or  stones,  except  for  their  own  buildings,  firing,  and 
fences,  without  liberty  from  the  Overseers,  upon  the  penal- 
ty said  Overseers  shall  lay  upon  them,  not  exceeding  for 
each  offence  treble  the  value  of  the  timber,  wood,  or  stone, 
so  cut  or  carried  away. 


MEMORIAL  OF  ZEBULON  BUTLER, OF  WESTMORELAND. 

To  the  Honourable  General  Assembly  of  (he  Colony  of 
Connecticut,  to  be  holdcn  at  New-Haven,  in  said 
Colony,  on  the  second  Thursday  o/" October,  instant. 
The  Memorial  of  Zebulon  Butler,  Esquire,  and  Joseph 
Sluman,  of  Westmoreland,  in  the  County  of  Litchfield, 
and  Colony  of  Connecticut,  Agents  for  said  Town  of  (Vest- 
morcland,  also  for  the  Proprietors  and  Settlers  of  lands 
lying  within  this  Colony  West  of  the  West  line  of  said  West- 
moreland, in  the  name  and  behalf  of  their  constituents 
aforesaid,  humbly  show :  That  your  Honours  from  princi- 
ples of  patriotick  affection  for  the  interests  and  emolument 
of  tliis  Colony,  the  increase  and  growth  of  its  wealth  and 
numbers,  by  and  with  advice  of  the  principal  Crown  law- 
yers in  England,  Council  to  his  Majesty,  did  at  a  General 
Court  liolden  at  Ncw-IIuven,  in  said  Colony,  on  the  second 
Thursday  of  October,  A.  D.  1773,  resolve  and  declare 
that  extent  of  country  lying  West  of  die  West  line  of  the 
Province  of  Neiv-York,  and  within  the  limits  and  bounda- 
ries of  the  Charter  and  Patent  of  King  Charles  ihe  Second 
to  the  Governour  and  Company  of  the  English  Colony  of 
Connecticut,  made  and  passed  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his 
reign,  was  granted  and  confirmed  to  this  Colony  to  hold, 
and  according  to  the  tenour  of  said  Charter  and  Patent  in 


free  and  common  soccage,  not  in  capite,  &c.,  according  to 
the  tenour  of  East  Greenwich,  in  the  County  of  Kent ;  and 
that  the  same  is  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Colony  ;  and 
that  your  Honours  would  assert  your  right  to  and  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  same. 

And  your  Honours,  to  promote  the  wealth,  increase,  and 
future  glory  of  this  Colony,  in  pursuance  of  your  Declara- 
tion and  Resolve  aforesaid,  did,  at  a  General  Court,  holden 
at  Hartford,  by  adjournment,  on  the  second  Wednesday  of 
January,  A.  D.,  1774,  incorporate  and  constitute  a  Town 
therein  by  the  name  of  Jf'estmoreland,  with  all  the  rights, 
franchises,  immunities,  and  prerogatives  which  other  Towns 
in  this  Colony  are  by  law  invested,  and  annex  said  Town 
to  the  County  of  Litchfield,  and  appointed  civil  authority 
therein  ; — And  your  Memorialists  with  their  families,  now  at 
said  Town  of  Westmoreland,  consist  of  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six  persons,  whose  land  that  belongs  to  them 
heth  on  the  West  Branch  of  the  Susquehannah  River,  who 
are  now  waiting  to  remove  themselves  and  settle  thereon  ; — 
And  your  Memorialists,  who  are  Proprietors  and  Settlers  of 
the  land  lying  West  of  your  said  Town  of  Westmoreland, 
and  within  the  limits  and  jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  of  C'on- 
necticut  with  their  families,  are  upwards  of  two  hundred 
families ; — And  your  Memorialists  having  (from  their  birth 
and  education)  a  most  inviolable  attachment  to  the  Con- 
stitution and  Government  of  your  Honours,  and  impressed 
with  sentiments  of  loyalty,  affection,  and  zeal  for  the 
present  and  future  greatness,  tranquillity,  and  glory  of  this 
Colony  ;  principles  which  in  a  far  more  eminent  manner 
reside  in  your  Honours'  minds,  and  guide  and  influence  all 
your  publick  measures,  beg  leave  humbly  to  approach  your 
Honours  as  the  great  parens  patrite,  the  supreme  power 
within  this  Colony,  with  grateful  sentiments  for  your 
Honours'  care  for  our  good,  peace,  and  safety  heretofore 
exercised  towards  us,  by  incorporating  us  of  said  Westmore- 
land into  a  Town,  do  trust  that  the  same  benevolent  inten- 
tions still  influence  your  Honours,  and  that  nothing  will  be 
wanting  on  the  part  of  your  Honours,  to  perfect  the  good 
which  is  begun  tow-ards  us  your  dutiful  subjects,  who  were 
but  iew  in  number  when  we  first  come  up  hither,  but  now 
by  the  good  hand  of  our  God  upon  us,  are  become  a  multi- 
tude ;  and  to  observe  that  the  jurisdiction  erected  by  your 
Honours,  is  inadequate  to  answer  the  ends  and  ]>urposes  of 
Government  in  our  situation,  for  that  all  our  writs  which 
are  not  cognizable  before  a  single  Minister,  are  returnable 
to  Litchfield,  which  necessarily  occasions  an  enormous 
expense  to  the  suiters — And  our  not  having  any  jail,  and 
being  unable  by  law  to  transport  any  man's  person  across 
the  Province  of  New-Yorlc,  it  being  another  jurisdiction, 
executions  are  thereby  rendered  in  a  great  measure  ineffect- 
ual ;  debtors  enabled  to  avoid  payment  of  their  just  debts  ; 
and  criminals  of  every  kind,  almost,  to  escape  justice ; 
by  reason  whereof,  your  Memorialists  are  greatly  embar- 
rassed, perplexed,  and  exposed;  living  under  civil  Govern- 
ments without  most  of  its  benefits  ;  living  in  such  a  situa- 
tion as  that,  it  cannot  w  ith  only  the  power  already  given  be 
thoroughly  administered,  nor  the  noble  end  and  design 
thereof  fully  answered  ; — And  as  many  of  your  Memorial- 
ists, who  are  settlers  and  proprietors  of  lands  lying  West  of 
said  Town  of  Wtstmoreland  within  this  Colony,  labour  un- 
der great  difficulties,  in  continuing  and  proceeding  in  our  just 
claims  and  settlements,  withoutcivil  Government  established 
amongst  us ; — And  to  relinquish  our  settlements  and  lands 
acquired  with  great  hazard,  labour,  and  expense,  will  be 
attended  with  risk  of  a  total  loss  of  them  both  to  this  Col- 
ony, and  your  Memorialists.  And  whereas  the  constitu- 
ting and  erecting  a  County  within  the  following  limits  and 
boundaries,  viz  :  to  extend  West  to  t!ie  Western  boundaries 
of  the  Susquehannah  iiurchase  ;  and  to  bound  North  and 
South  on  the  Colony  line,  exclusive  of  that  part  of  said 
purchase,  as  is  taken  off  by  the  line  lately  settled  with  the 
Indians  at  Fort  Stanivij^,  invested  with  powers,  privileges, 
jurisdictions,  Ike,  which  other  Counties  in  this  Colony  are, 
viz  :  that  of  having  and  holding  County  Courts,  and  Courts 
of  Probate,  having  a  Sheriff,  a  jail,  fee,  would  remedy 
most  of  the  difficulties  which  your  Memorialists  labour 
under,  and  make  your  Memorialists  happy  and  comfortable  : 
Or  if  your  Honours  should  not  think  it  best  at  this  time  to 
erect  a  County,  he,  as  prayed  for,  that  your  Honours 
would  at  this  time  either  extend  the  limits  of  said  Town  of 
Westmoreland  to  the  Western  boundaries  of  Susquehannah 


861 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


863 


purchase,  and  North  and  South  on  the  Colony  line,  ex- 
clusive of  the  land  taken  oft'  by  the  Indians'  line  as  above, 
or  divide  the  same  into  two  Towns  by  the  Easternmost 
Branch  of  said  Sasqiiehannah  River,  and  to  extend  as  above 
described,  or  in  some  other  way  grant  relief  to  your  Memo- 
rialists, as  in  your  wisdom  you  shall  think  best ;  and  your 
Memorialists  as  in  duty  bound  shall  ever  pray. 
Dated  at  New-Haven,  October  15,  1774. 

Zebulon  Butler, 
Joseph  Sluman. 

General  Assembly,  Mat,  1775. — In  the  Lotetr  House. 

Question  put,  whether  any  should  be  granted,  or  the  above,  and  re. 
solved  in  the  affirmative. 

Question  put,  wlietlier  Jurisdiction  should  be  extended,  and  resolved 
in  the  affirmative. 

Question  put,  whether  a  County  Court,  with  proper  power  and  juris, 
diction,  and  a  Court  of  Probate  bj  erected,  as  prayed  for,  and  resolved 
in  the  affirmative ;  and  also  that  a  Military  Establishment  be  there 
made ;  and  Captain  Butler  is  desired  to  bring  in  a  Bill  for  said  purpose. 

Richard  Law,  Clerk. 

General  Assembly,  May,  1775. — In  the  Upper  House. 

Question  put,  whether  the  Bounds  of  the  Town  of  Westmoreland 
shall  be  extended  agreeable  to  the  boundaries  mentioned  in  the  Memo, 
rial  for  the  limits  of  a  County,  &c.  ;   Resolved  iu  the  affirmative. 

Question  put,  whether  a  County  Court  with  proper  powers,  &c., 
should  be  erected,  &.C.,  and  resolved  in  the  negative.  And  a  question 
put,  whether  a  Court  of  Probate,  with  proper  powers  should  be  erected 
&-C.,  and  resolved  in  the  affirmative ;  and  resolved,  also,  that  a  military 
establishment  be  there  made,  and  that  a  Bill,  &c. 

George  Wyllys,  Secretary. 

Concurred  in  the  Lower  House.  Richard  Law,  Clerk. 

In  the  Lower  House,  question  put,  whether  the  consideration  of 
this  Memorial  be  referred  to  the  General  Assembly  in  May  next ;  re- 
solved in  the  affirmative.  Richard  Law,  Clerk. 

Concurred  in  the  Upper  House.  George  Wvllys,  Secretary. 


MEMORIAL  OF  EBENEZER  HAZARD,  OF  NEW-YORK. 

To  the  Honourable  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Colony 
of  Connecticut,  noio  convened  at  Hartford. 

The  Memorial  of  Ebenezer  Hazard,  of  the  City  and 
Province  of  New-Yo'-k,  Bookseller  and  Stationer,  as  well 
in  behalf  of  himself,  as  of  those  who  now  are,  or  hereafter 
may  become  his  associates  :  Humbly  showetb. 

That  Samuel  Hazard,  late  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  Merchant,  (father  of 
your  Memorialist,)  actuated  by  motives  truly  benevolent, 
humane,  and  patriotick,  projected  a  scheme  for  the  settle- 
ment of  a  new  Colony  to  the  Westward  of  the  said  Province 
of  Pennsylvania ; — which  Scheme  was  as  follows,  viz  : 

Scheme  for  the  Settlement  of  a  new  Colony  to  the  Westward  of  Penn. 
sylvania  ;  for  the  Enlargement  of  his  Majesty's  Dominions  in 
America  ;  for  the  further  Promotion  of  the  Christian  Religion 
among  the  Indian  Natives,  and  for  the  more  effectual  securing  them 
in  his  Majesty's  Alliance. 

That  humble  application  be  made  either  to  his  Majesty  or  the  Gene- 
ral Assembly  of  Connecticut,  or  to  both,  as  the  case  may  require,  for 
a  grant  of  so  much  land  as  shall  bo  necessary  for  the  settlement  of  an 
ample  Colony,  to  begin  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  miles  Westward 
of  the  Western  boundaries  of  Pennsylvania,  and  thence  to  extend  one 
hundred  miles  to  the  Westward  of  liie  River  Mississippi;  and  to  be  di- 
vided from  Virginia  and  Carolina  by  the  great  chain  of  mountains  that 
runs  along  the  Continent  from  the  Northeastern  to  the  Southwestern 
parts  of  America. 

That  humble  application  be  made  to  his  Majesty  for  a  Charter  to 
erect  said  Territory  into  a  separate  Government,  with  the  same  pri- 
vileges which  the  Colony  of  Connecticut  enjoys,  and  for  such  supplies 
of  arms  and  ammunition  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  safety  and  de- 
fence of  the  settlers,  and  tliat  his  Majesty  would  also  be  pleased  to 
take  the  said  new  Colony  under  his  immediate  protection. 

That  application  be  made  to  the  Assemblies  of  the  several  British 
Colonies  in  North  America  to  grant  such  supplies  of  money  and  pro. 
visions  as  may  enable  the  settlers  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Indian 
Natives,  and  support  themselves  and  families  till  they  are  established 
in  said  Colony  in  peace  and  safety,  and  can  support  themselves  by 
their  own  industry. 

That  at  least  twelve  Reverend  Ministers  of  the  Gospel  be  engaged 
to  remove  to  the  said  new  Colony,  with  such  numbers  of  their  respec- 
tive congregiitions  as  are  willing  to  go  along  with  them. 

That  every  person  from  the  age  of  fourteen  and  upward,  (slaves  ex- 
cepted,) profjseing  the  Christian  Religion,  being  Protestant  subjects  of 
the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  that  will  move  to  said  new  Colony 
with  the  first  settlers  thereof,  shall  be  entitled  to  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  land  for  j  good  plantation,  without  any  consideration  money,  and 
at  the  annual  rent  of  a  pepper  corn  ;  said  plantation  to  contain  at  least 
three  hundred  acres,  two  hundred  acres  of  which  to  be  such  land  as 
is  fit  for  tillage  or  meadow 

That  every  person  under  the  age  of  fourteen  years  (slaves  excepted) 
who  removes  to  said  Province  with  the  first  settlers  thereof,  as  well  as 
such  children  as  shall  bo  lawfully  born  to  said  first  settlers  in  said 
Province,  or  in  the  way  to  it,  shall  bo  entitled  to  three  hundred 
acres  of  land  when  they  coiue  to  the  ago  of  twenty. one  years,  without 
any  purchase  money,  at  the  annual  quit.rent  of  two  shillings  for  every 
hundred  acres ;  the  quit-rent  arising  from  such  lands  to  be  applied  to 


the  support  of  Government,  the  propagation  of  the  Christian  Religion 
among  the  Indian  Natives,  and  the  relief  of  the  poor,  the  encourage- 
ment of  learning,  and  in  general  to  such  other  publick  uses  as  shall  Iw 
judged  by  the  Legislature  of  the  Province  to  be  most  conducive  to  the 
general  good. 

That  every  person  who  is  entitled  to  any  land  in  the  Province  shall 
be  at  liberty  to  take  it  up  when  they  please,  but  when  taken  up  shall 
be  obliged  to  clear  and  fence  at  least  fifteen  acres,  on  every  farm  of 
three  hundred  acres,  within  five  years  after  the  appropriation  of  siiid 
land,  and  also  to  build  a  dwelling  house  of  at  least  fifteen  feet  square, 
with  a  good  chimney,  on  the  premises  within  the  said  term,  on  pain  of 
forfeiting  said  land.  Tliat  the  said  plantations  shall  bo  laid  out  in 
townships,  in  such  manner  as  will  be  most  for  the  safety  and  conve- 
nience of  the  settlers. 

That  in  order  to  prevent  all  jealousies  and  disputes  about  the  choice 
of  said  plantations,  they  shall  be  divided  by  lot. 

That  as  soon  as  possible,  after  a  sufficient  number  of  persons  are 
engaged,  a  proper  Charter  obtained,  and  the  necessary  preparations  are 
made  for  the  support  and  protection  of  the  settlers,  a  place  of  rendez- 
vous shall  be  appointed,  where  they  shall  all  meet,  and  from  whence 
they  shall  proceed  in  a  body  to  the  new  Colony ;  but  that  no  place  of 
rendezvous  shall  be  appointed  till  at  least  two  thousand  persons,  able  to 
bear  arms,  are  actually  engaged  to  remove,  exclusive  of  women  and 
children. 

That  it  be  established  as  one  of  the  fundamental  laws  of  the  Prov- 
ince, that  Protestants  of  every  denomination  who  profess  the  Chris- 
tian Religion ;  believe  the  Divine  authority  of  the  Sacred  Scriptures 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament;  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  of  per- 
sons in  the  Unity  of  the  Godhead,  and  whose  lives  and  conversations 
are  free  from  immorality  and  profineness,  shall  be  equally  capable  of 
serving  in  all  posts  of  honour,  trust,  or  profit,  in  the  Government,  not- 
withstanding the  diversity  of  their  religious  principles  in  other  respects. 
But  that  none  of  any  denomination  whatsoever  who  have  been  guilty 
of  profaning  the  name  of  God,  of  lying,  drunkenness,  or  any  other  of 
the  grosser  immoralities,  either  in  their  words  or  actions,  shall  be 
capable  of  holding  any  office  in  or  under  the  Government,  till  at  least 
one  year  after  their  conviction  of  such  offence.  The  christianizing 
the  Indian  Natives,  and  bringing  them  to  be  good  subjects,  not  onlyto 
the  Crown  of  Great  Britain,  but  to  the  King  of  all  Kings,  being  one 
of  the  essential  designs  of  the  proposed  new  Colony,  it  is  a  matter  of 
the  utmost  importance  that  these  poor  ignorant  Heathen  should  not  be 
prejudiced  against  the  Christian  Religion,  by  the  bad  lives  of  those  in 
authority. 

That  Protostants  of  every  denomination  who  profess  the  Christian 
Religion,  shall  have  the  free  and  unlimited  exercise  of  their  religion, 
and  shall  bo  allowed  to  defend  it,  both  from  the  pulpit  and  the  press, 
so  long  as  they  remain  peaceable  members  of  civil  society,  and  do  not 
propagate  principles  inconsistent  with  the  safety  of  the  state. 

That  no  member  of  the  Church  of  Rome  shall  be  able  to  hold  any 
lands,  or  real  estate,  in  the  Province,  nor  be  allowed  to  be  owners  of,   • 
or  have  any  arms  or  ammunition  in  their  possession,  on  any  pretence 
whatsoever ;  nor  shall  any  Mass  Houses  or  Popish  Chapels  be  allowed 
in  the  Province. 

That  no  person  shall  bo  obliged  to  pay  any  thing  towards  the  sup- 
port of  a  Minister  of  whose  congregation  he  is  not  a  member,  or  to  a 
church  to  which  he  does  not  belong. 

That  the  Indians  shall,  on  all  occasions,  be  treated  with  the  utmost 
kindness,  and  every  justifiable  method  taken  to  gain  their  friendship  ; 
and  that  whoever  injures,  cheats,  or  makes  them  drunk,  shall  be 
punished  with  peculiar  severity. 

That  as  soon  as  the  Province  is  able  to  support  Missionaries,  and 
proper  persons  can  be  found  to  engage  in  the  affair,  a  fund  shall  be 
settled  for  the  purpose,  and  Missionaries  sent  among  the  neighbouring 
Indian  Nations:  that  it  shall,  in  all  time  coming,  be  esteemed  as  one 
of  the  first  and  most  essential  duties  of  the  Legislature  of  the  Prov- 
ince, by  every  proper  method  in  their  power,  to  endeavour  to  spread 
the  light  of  the  glorious  Gospel  among  the  Indians  in  America,  even 
to  its  most  Western  bounds. 

That  as  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  is  a  thing  much  to  be  desired, 
from  the  weightiest  considerations,  both  of  a  religious  and  political  na- 
ture, and  since  the  Colony,  during  its  infancy,  will  be  unable  to  pro- 
vide the  necessary  funds  for  that  purpose,  some  proper  person  or  per- 
sons shall  be  sent  to  Europe,  duly  authorized  from  the  Government,  to 
ask  assistance  of  such  as  desire  to  promote  that  groat  and  good  work. 

To  his  Majesty  George  the  Second,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Bri- 
tain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  sa 
forth. 

The  humble  Address  of  *****  persons.  Inhabitants  of  his  Majesty'* 

Plantations  in  North  America. 
May  it  please  your  Majesty  : 

We,  the  subscribers,  being  of  the  number  of  your  Majesty's  most  duti- 
ful  and  loyal  subjects,  inhabiting  the  British  Plantations  in  North  Ame. 
rica,  beg  ler.vo,  with  the  utmost  humility,  to  approach  your  Majesty's 
presence,  by  this  token  of  our  duty  and  regard,  which  we  are  encourag- 
ed to  lay  at  the  feet  of  our  Sovereign,  not  only  from  the  ideas  we  enter, 
tain  of  its  being  at  all  tunes  agreeable  to  your  Majesty  to  receive 
assurances  of  the  loyalty  and  affection  of  your  good  subjects,  but  also 
from  an  apprehension  that  such  proofs  of  sincere  regard  to  the  sub. 
stantial  interests  of  your  Crown  and  Kingdoms,  and  thousands  of  your 
good  people  of  America,  as  we  have  now  to  lay  before  your  Majesty, 
will  afford  a  more  sold  satisfaction  (at  a  time  when  all  your  American 
Dominions  are  threatened  either  with  present  or  future  ruin)  than  tho 
most  pompous  professions  of  duty  and  loyalty,  unaccompanied  with  cor. 
responding  actions.  Emboldened  by  this  confidence,  we  beg  leave  to 
assure  your  Majesty,  that  we  beliold  with  horrour  and  indignation 
tho  schumes  which  have  long  been  secretly  laid  (and  which  our  perfi- 
dious neighbours  at  length  are  openly  executing)  for  tlie  ruin  and  de. 
struction  of  all  your  Majesty's  Dominions  in  Ameiica.  We  are  aflecte<l 
with  equal  horrour  and  detestation  at  the  prospect  of  that  slavery  to 
an  arbitrary  Prince  and  Popish  church,  which  the  completion  of  those 
schemes  would  necessarily  bring  upon  us  and  our  posterity  ;  with  a 
proportionable  gratitude  we  behold  your  Majesty's  paternal  car o  in  send- 
ing fleets  and  armies  for  our  protection  when  wk  are  unable  to  protect 
ourselves,  and  when  it  is  out  of  our  power,  without  such  aid,  to  pre. 
vent  that  misery  that  seems  to  bo  breaking  in  upon  us  like  a  flood,  and 


863 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


864 


whicli,  if  not  seasonably  prevented,  wonlrt  deliigo  the  wliolo  land  in 
ruin.  lu  sucli  a  situation  as  this  we  should  think  ourselves  inoxcus. 
able  if  we  wore  either  insensible  of  your  Majesty's  kindness,  or  un. 
willing  to  coatributo  our  mite  towards  rejicUing  the  common  danger. 
Being  bound  then  by  the  double  ties  of  duty  and  gr:ilitude  to  your 
Majesty,  and  by  that  regard  to  tlio  dignity  of  your  Crown,  to  our 
country,  our  |>08terity,  and  our  holy  religion,  that  ought  to  fill  the 
breasts  of  every  friend  to  liberty  and  tlie  Protestant  cause,  we  are  now 
cOme,  with  the  despest  humility,  to  offer  our  service  in  such  a  way  as 
we  verily  believe  will  (if  your  Majesty  is  pleased  to  accept  thereof,) 
promote  the  interest  of  your  Crown  and  Kingdoms,  and  contribute  to 
the  safety  of  your  American  Plantations  in  the  most  effectual  manner 
within  the  compass  of  our  power.  The  service  that  we  humbly  otfer, 
and  of  whicli  we  pray  your  Majesty's  acceptance,  is  that  of  laying  (as 
far  as  in  us  lies)  a  foundation  for  preventing  the  encroachments  of  tlie 
French,  and  for  extending  your  Dominions  iu  America,  by  removing 
with  our  families  and  fortunes  to  the  new  Colony  beyond  the  Alle- 
ghany Mountains,  which  tlie  scheme  that  is  now  laid  at  your  Majcs. 
ty's  feet  proposes,  if  it  shall  bi'  found  agreeable  to  your  Royal  pleasure 
to  order  such  settlement,  and  graciously  to  grant  such  aid  to  the  design 
as  will  be  necessary  for  carrying  it  into  execution. 

And  as  the  wise  and  seasonable  measures  which  your  Majesty,  at  a 
vast  expense,  has  boon  pleased  to  take  for  the  security  of  your  Ameri. 
can  Dominions,  affords  the  most  unquestionable  proofs  of  your  Majos. 
ty's  regard  for  tlicir  safety,  so  we  doubt  not  your  Koyal  wisdom  and 
penetration  has  discovered  the  necessity  and  importance  of  settling 
strong  and  numerous  Colonics  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Ohio  and 
Mi^sisnippi,  as  well  for  the  securing  those  important  parts  of  your 
Dominions,  as  for  doing  it  in  a  manner  tlio  least  burdensome  and  the 
most  advantageous  to  your  good  subjects  of  Great  Britain  and  America. 

Our  most  humble  prayer  therefore  is,  that  your  Majesty  will  gra. 
ciously  be  pleased  to  grant  such  countenance  and  assistance  to  the 
present  scheme  for  settling  a  new  Colony,  as  will  be  necessary  for  the 
encouragement  of  a  people  on  whose  ridelily  your  Majesty  may  with 
the  utmost  confidence  rely,  and  who,  at  the  same  time,  esteem  them, 
selves  bound  by  the  most  sacred  and  indissoluble  ties,  to  hand  down 
the  blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  inviolate  to  their  posterity. 
And  will  our  gracious  Sovereign  bo  pleased  to  permit  us  to  hope  for 
that  favour  from  his  Royal  benignity  which  our  zeal  for  his  service 
and  our  country's  cause  inclines  us  with?  Having  cheerfully  made  a 
tender  of  our  best  service,  what  now  remains  is,  to  offer  up  our  humble 
fervent  prayers  to  Almighty  God,  the  Sovereign  Ruler  of  the  universe, 
by  whom  Kings  reign  and  Princes  decree  judgment,  that  he  would  be 
pleased  to  crown  your  Majesty's  arms  with  success,  that  your  enemies 
jnay  flee  away  and  return  no  more ;  that  your  Majesty's  life  may  long 
be  continued  a  blessing  to  your  people,  and  full  of  happiness  to  your- 
self; that  when  death  puts  a  period  to  your  reign  on  earth,  your  Ma- 
jesty may  receive  a  crown  of  immortal  glory,  and  that  there  never  may 
be  wanting  one  of  your  illustrious  race  to  sway  the  British  scepter  in 
righteousness.  These  then  may  it  please  your  Majesty  are  our  wishes, 
and  these  shall  be  our  prayers. 

Dated  at  Philadelphia,  July  34, 1735. 

That  the  said  Samuel  Hazard,  sensible  of  tlie  claim  of 
the  Colony  of  Connecticut  to  the  lands  upon  which  we  pro- 
posed settling  a  new  Colony,  made  humble  application  to 
the  Honourable  the  General  Assembly  of  the  said  Colony 
of  Connectiait  for  a  release  of  their  claim  to  the  said  lands. 
His  Memorial,  containing  the  application  aforesaid,  bears 
date  May  8th,  1755,  and  is  in  the  words  following,  viz  : 

To  the  Honourable  General  Assembly  of  the  English  Colony  of 
Connecticut,  in  New  England,  in  America,  now  sitting  at  Hartford, 
viz  :  Thursday,  May  2,  1755  : 

The  Memorial  of  Samuel  Hazqrd,  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the 

Province  of  Pcn«»y/i;an!a,  in  ^merico.  Merchant :  Humbly  showeth. 

That  your  Memorialist  hath  projected  a  scheme  tor  the  settlement  of 
a  new  Colony  to  the  Westward  of  Pennsylvania,  a  copy  of  which  is 
hereunto  annexed. 

That  he  hath  already  engaged  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  eight 
persons,  able  to  bear  arms,  to  remove  to  the  said  new  Colony,  on  the 
footing  of  said  scheme,  and  does  not  in  the  least  doubt  of  being  able  to 
procure  ten  thousand  if  it  takes  effect. 

That  among  those  already  engaged  are  nine  Reverend  Ministers  of 
the  Gospel;  a  considerable  number  of  persons  who  are  in  publick 
ofiices  under  the  Governments  of  Pennsylcunia  and  New-Jersey,  as 
■well  as  great  numbers  of  persons  of  good  estates,  of  the  best  characters 
for  sobriety  and  religion  in  said  Provinces,  but  more  especially  in  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania. 

That  it  must  be  manifest  to  your  Honours,  and  to  every  thinkino- 
person  who  has  the  slightest  acquaiiitanca  with  the  state  of  the  Ameri. 
can  Colonies,  that  it  is  of  the  last  importance  to  their  safety  to  have  a 
new  Colony  settled  in  the  country,  which  the  jiresent  scheme  proposes  ; 
and  that  such  a  settlement  in  the  hands  of  a  sober,  prudent,  and  indus- 
trious jieople,  who  would  treat  the  Indians  in  such  a  manner  as  both 
the  rulofe  of  the  Gospel,  and  good  policy  require,  would  (with  the  ordi. 
nary  smiles  of  Providence)  be  attended  with  the  happiest  consequences 
to  Great  Britain  and  all  the  American  Plantations. 

Tiiat  whoever  will  he  at  the  pains  to  inform  himself  of  the  state  and 
situation  of  that  country,  must  be  convinced,  that  if  it  be  not  season- 
ably settled,  it  will  be  impossible  to  secure  it  to  the  Crown  of  Great 
Britain,  without  running  into  an  expense  that  would  bo  an  intolerable 
burden  to  the  Nation  or  ruinous  to  the  Plantations. 

That  as  the  designs  of  the  French  have  long  been  obvious  to  every 
intelligent  inquirer,  so  the  fatal  conscciucnces  of  their  destructive 
schemes  are  too  horrid  to  be  disreg,ird^-d  by  any  whoso  breasts  are 
cap;:hle  of  those  impressions  which  ought  naturally  to  flow  from  a  well- 
guided  affection  to  their  Gad,  their  King,  their  country,  and  the 
human  species.  Were  your  Memorialist  to  pursue  the  consequences  of 
those  schemes  through  all  the  scenes  of  blood,  of  ripinc,  and  of  vio. 
lence,  and  through  all  the  mazes  of  Popish  crrour  and  superstition,  that 
they  would  naturally  lead  him,  it  would  take  up  too  much  of  your 
Honours'  time,  and  he  as  disagree  ible,  as  it  would  be  tedious.  Your 
Memorialist  however,  begs  leave  just  to  remind  your  Honours,  that  it 
ia  easy  to  demonstrate  by  rational  arguments,  that  if  the  French  are 


suffered  to  establish  themselves  in  the  country  about  the  Ohio  and  Mit- 
sissippi,  that  all  America  and  Great  Britain  too  must  in  the  end  fall  a 
sacrihce  to  France,  unless  some  remarkable  interposition  of  Divine 
Providence  prevent  it. 

That  as  these  consequences  can  by  no  means  be  prevented,  without 
prodigious  expense,  and  vast  as  well  as  numerous  inconveniences,  but 
by  the  settlement  of  a  new  Colony,  so  it  is  absolutely  necessary  to  have 
such  settlement  made  by  a  sober,  prudent,  and  orderly  people,  who 
would  treat  the  Indians  in  such  a  manner  as  would  gain  their  affec- 
tions, as  well  as  of  those  whose  fidelity  to  the  King  could  safely  be  re. 
lied  on  ;  for  that  the  great  and  important  ends  which  ought  principally 
to  be  regarded  in  settling  a  new  Colony  about  the  Ohio  and  Missis- 
sippi will  not  be  answered  cither  by  a  herd  of  banditti,  or  a  Colony 
of  foreigners,  is  obvious  at  first  view.  Your  Memorialist  therefore 
persuades  himself  that  such  schemes  as  would  engage  persons  of  the 
above  character,  will  not  be  suffered  to  drop,  and  become  abortive  for 
want  of  that  assistance  which  your  Honourable  Assembly  alone  can 
give. 

That  as  this  Colony  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  people  enough  to  spare 
to  settle  such  vast  Territories  as  are  included  within  the  limits  of  their 
Charter,  as  your  Memorialist  conceives,  that  when  your  Honours 
have  considered  the  character  and  dispositions  of  the  various  Southern 
Provinces,  it  will  manifestly  appear,  that  any  considerable  numbers  of 
persons  fit  to  be  depended  upon  for  their  fidelity  to  the  King,  cannot 
be  found  among  any  of  the  various  religious  denominations  which  in. 
habit  those  Provinces,  except  the  Church  of  England,  the  Presbyterians, 
the  Quakers,  and  the  Baptists. 

That  as  the  members  of  the  Church  of  England  in  those  Provinces 
have  not  shown  a  disposition  to  remove  into  the  wilderness  to  settle  new 
Colonies,  but  are  principally  obliged  to  Presbyterians  to  the  North- 
ward for  any  settlements  that  are  made  on  the  frontiers,  even  of  their 
own  Provinces,  it  will  be  in  vain  to  expect  them  to  settle  the  proposed 
Colony.  Nor  would  it  be  more  reasonable  to  expect  the  Quakers,  who 
are  principled  against  war,  to  remove  and  defend  the  country ;  and 
since  the  Baptists  are  but  few  in  number,  and  by  no  means  sufficient 
for  the  purpose,  it  remains  that  Presbyterians  must  settle  that  country, 
or  it  must  be  left  exposed  to  the  French. 

That  as  your  Memorialist  has  already  engaged  80  groat  a  number  of 
Presbyterians  to  remove,  if  this  scheme  takes  effect,  so  ho  humbly 
conceives,  that  if  they,  and  such  others  as  he  can  still  engage,  are  not 
suitably  and  seasonably  encouraged,  it  will  be  in  vain  to  attempt  to 
settle  Colonies  iVom  among  thein. 

That  as  tliis  Colony  cannot  settle  those  lands  themselves,  so  your 
Memorialist  is  far  from  supposing  that  they  will  suffer  their  claims  to 
hinder  the  settlement  of  that  country  by  others,  at  a  time  when  the 
safety  and  wcllbeing  of  all  the  British  Plantations  in  America,  and 
even  of  Great  Britain  itself,  is  so  highly  interested  in  such  settlements, 
and  this  he  apprehends  there  is  great  reason  to  fear  will  in  fact  be  the 
case  if  this  Assembly  does  not  at  this  present  session  transfer  or  re. 
linquish  their  right  to  that  country,  in  such  a  manner  as  will  remove 
all  obstacles  to  their  claim  out  of  the  w.ay  of  the  present  solieme  ;  for 
as  your  Memorialist  has  already  been  at  great  expense  of  money  and 
time  to  bring  the  scheme  thus  far  to  maturity,  he  shall  (notwithstand. 
iug  the  success  he  has  had  in  engaging  three  thousand  five  hundred 
and  eight  persons  to  remove,)  hardly  judge  it  consistent  with  the 
duties  he  owes  either  to  them  or  his  own  family,  to  proceed  any  further 
in  the  affair,  if  he  docs  not  now  succeed  in  hi?  petition  to  this  Hon- 
ourable Assembly;  and  as  he  must  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
this  important  service  if  the  scheme  goes  on,  so  the  thoughts  of  leaving 
his  children,  with  many  thousands  of  others,  liable  to  disputes  about 
every  inch  of  ground  that  they  possess,  after  liaving  purchased  it  with 
tho  peril  of  their  lives,  would  be  such  an  objection  both  to  them  and 
him,  as  will  hardly  be  got  over.  Nor  will  it  be  amiss  to  inform  your 
Honours,  that  if  those  who  are  now  willing  to  settle  that  country  are 
once  discouraged,  and  the  spirit  which  at  this  time  prevails  among 
them  is  lost,  it  will  be  no  easy  task  to  revive  it  again. 

That  however  arguments  of  a  religious  nature  are  esteemed  in  some 
places,  your  Memorialist  presumes  it  will  be  no  transgression  to  lay 
some  stress  upon  them  before  this  Honourable  Assombly.  He  there- 
fore begs  leave  to  say,  that  as  the  Charter  of  this  Colony  expressly  de. 
clarcs,  that  his  Majesty's  principal  design  in  the  Grant  made  to  them, 
was  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  to  Christianity,  so  your  Honours 
will  easily  see  that  this  scheme  duly  executed,  would  have  a  happy 
tendency  to  answer  that  important  end;  nor  can  your  Memorialist 
helj)  entertaining  some  distant  hopes  that  it  would  be  one  mean  at 
least  (however  small)  of  preparing  the  way  for  carrying  the  pure  Reli. 
gion  of  the  Gospel,  free  from  Popish  superstition  and  Pagan  idolatry, 
to  the  ends  of  the  American  Earth ;  for,  surely  the  time  will  come, 
when  God's  name  sliall  be  great  among  tho  Heathen,  from  the  rising 
of  the  sun  to  the  going  down  thereof. 

That  as  the  mightiest  arguments,  both  of  a  religious  and  political 
nature,  might  with  the  greatest  truth  and  justice  be  urged  in  favour  of 
the  present  scheme,  so  your  Memorialist  persuades  himself  that  the 
inclinations  of  this  Honourable  Assembly  to  serve  the  real  and  impor. 
tant  interests  of  their  King  and  country,  and  to  promote  tlio  best  good 
of  mankind,  will  be  instead  of  a  thousand  arguments  to  excite  them  to 
it. 

That  as  your  Memorialist  really  means  to  do  an  important  service 
to  King  and  country,  and  to  posterity  by  his  scheme,  so  he  is  cheer- 
fully willing  that  your  Honours  should  take  any  measure  they 
please  to  guard  against  the  abuse  of  any  right  that  they  may  grant  to 
the  country  proposed  to  be  settled,  so  as  it  does  not  prevent  or  hinder 
tho  important  designs  which  the  scheme  proposes ;  nor  does  he  desire 
that  right  on  any  other  terms  than  that  of  his  bona  fide  procuring  the 
actual  settlement  of  at  least  three  thousand  persons,  able  to  boar  arms, 
(or  even  a  greater  number)  in  that  country,  within  any  reasonable  term 
that  shall  be  limited  and  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

Your  Memorialist  therefore  humbly  prays  that  this  Honourable  As. 
sembly  will  lie  jileased  to  transfer  or  relinquish  their  right  to  the  lands 
mentioned  in  the  scheme  hereunto  annexed,  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
necessary  for  carrying  said  scheme  into  execution,  or  to  so  much  of  it 
as  shall  be  absolutely  n.'cessary  for  answering  the  ends  proposed  by 
said  scheme.     And  your  Memorialist,  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever  pray. 

Dated  at  Hartford,  May  8,  1755.  Samuel  Hazard. 

That  the  said  General  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of  Gm- 
necticut,  having  taken  the  matter  into  their  serious  consid- 


865 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


866 


eration,  and  being  fully  sensible  of  tbe  utility  and  great  im-  sons  of  note  and  influence  in  England,  who  appear  to 
portance  of  the  design,  did,  at  a  meeting  at  Hartford,  on  have  favoured  and  encouraged  the  design  ;  and  that  having, 
the  second  Thursday  of  May,  1755,  freely  relinquish  and  as  he  apprehended,  brought  the  scheme  to  a  proper  degree 
give  up  to  tlie  said  iSamuel  Hazard,  for  hiniself  and  in  of  maturity,  he  proposed  embarking  for  England  in  the 
trust  for  those  concerned,  all  the  right,  claim,  or  challenge,  fall  of  the  year  1758,  in  order  to  procure  its  final  accom- 
plishment. 

That  his  death,  in  July,  1758,  prevented  his  completing 
his  design,  and  your  Memorialist  was  left  an  infant,  and  his 
fatiier's  associates  without  a  guide  sufficient  to  conduct  so 
imj)ortant  an  enterprise. 

That  your  Honours'  Memorialist  proposes  carrying  into 
execution  the  Plan  laid  by  his  father,  as  nearly  as  the  al- 
teration of  the  times  and  circumstances  of  things  will  per- 
mit. He  does  not  mean  to  trouble  your  Honours  with  a 
tedious  repetition  of  the  many  and  cogent  arguments  urged 
by  his  deceased  father  in  his  Memorial,  in  favour  of  such 
settlement ;  nor  minutely  to  show  how  far  the  same  reasons 
still  operate  respecting  the  prosecution  of  that  design. 
These  must  be  fresh  in  your  Honours'  memories,  as  the 
Petition  and  Plan  annexed  have  been  just  now  read  in  your 
hearing.  He  begs  leave,  however,  just  to  observe,  that 
they  all  remain  in  equal  force  at  this  day,  that  of  making 
the  proposed  settlement  a  frontier  against  the  French,  only 
excepted ;  instead  of  which  the  cession  of  Territory  West 
of  the  Mississippi,  by  the  last  Treaty  of  Peace,  to  the 
French,  and  the  subsequent  one  made  by  them  of  the  same 
territory,  to  the  Crown  of  Spain,  is  worthy  of  serious  con- 
sideration. He  begs  leave  further  to  suggest,  under  this 
head,  the  peculiar  necessities  of  the  present  times,  as  an 
additional  reason  for  the  immediate  settlement  of  the  West- 
ern lands.  Many  who  are  otherwise  disposed,  are  thereby 
obliged  to  turn  their  attention  to  agriculture  ;  and  for  these 
a  proper  provision  is  now  more  than  ever  become  neces- 
sary ;  as  the  experience  of  the  present  day  demonstrates 
that  populous  sea-port  Towns  cannot  now,  as  formerly,  af- 
ford employment  to  multitudes  of  industrious  Mechanicks ; 
and,  instead  of  serving  as  a  protection  and  defence  for  us, 
are  used  by  the  enemies  of  America  as  their  most  eflectual 
engine  at  once  to  crush  our  manufactures  and  subvert  our 
liberty. 

That  your  Mernorialist  has  already  considerable  interest 
engaged  towards  making  the  proposed  settlement,  and  ap- 
prehends, that  adding  such  persons  in  this  Colony  as  would 
join  in  the  undertaking,  to  such  of  his  father's  associates  as 
still  remain  and  are  willing  to  proceed  upon  this  business, 
he  could,  in  a  reasonable  time,  have  two  thousand  actual 
settlers  upon  the  land,  which  may  now,  with  great  proprie- 
ty, be  styled  a  vacuum  domicilium,  as  it  has  no  Christian  or 
civilized  inhabitants,  and  but  very  few  even  of  the  natives 
now  remain  there. 

That  your  Honours'  Memorialist  apprehends  his  Majes- 
ty, considering  what  has  been  already  done  respecting  this- 
matter,  and  for  political  reasons,  which  it  is  unnecessary  to 
mention  at  present,  would  be  easily  induced  to  grant  lib- 
erty of  erecting  a  new  Colony  to  the  Westward  of  Penn- 
sylvania;  but,  as  your  Honours'  Memorialist  considered 
himself  as  under  obligations  to  the  Colony  of  Connecticut, 
for  their  kindness  to  his  father,  and  thinks  himself  in  honour 
bound  to  consult  their  interest  as  well  as  his  own,  he  wishes 
not  to  be  obliged  to  carry  the  matter  to  England;  but  pro- 
poses to  your  Honours  a  settlement  under  the  claim  and 


which  was  or  might  be  made  to  such  country  or  territory, 
by  the  Governour  and  Company  of  this  Colony,  as  appears 
by  the  following  Act,  which  is  of  the  Record,  viz : 

At  a  Meeting  of  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Governour  and  Company 

of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  holden  at  Hartford,  on  the  second 

Thursday  of  May,  1755. 

Whereas,  Samuel  Hazard,  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Trovince 
of  Pennsylmnia,  Merchant,  by  his  Petition  or  Memorial,  preferred  to 
the  Governour  and  Company  of  tliis  Colony,  in  the  sessions  of  this 
present  Assembly,  hatli  shown  that  he  hath  projected  a  scheme  for 
settling  a  new  Colony  witliin  his  Majesty's  Dominions,  to  begin  at  the 
distance  of  one  hundred  miles  Westward  of  the  Westerly  boundaries  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  thence  extend  one  hundred  miles  to  the  Westward 
of  Mississippi,  and  to  be  divided  from  Virginia  and  Carolina  by  the 
great  chain  of  mountains  that  run  along  the  Continent  from  the  North, 
east  to  the  Southwest  parts  of  America;  and  hath  represented  and  set 
forth  the  ends  and  motives,  as  well  as  tlie  general  plan  thereof;  and 
that  as  it  is  apprehended  the  said  country,  or  a  considerable  part 
thereof,  is  situate  and  comprehended  within  the  ancient  lines  and 
boundaries  of  the  grant  made  by  the  Royal  Charter  given  by  his  late 
Majesty,  King  Charles  the  Second,  to  the  Governour  and  Company  of 
this  Colony,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1602 ;  so  there  may  arise  an  ob. 
jection  against  his  proceeding  in  so  important  an  undertaking,  unless 
tlie  same  be  removed ;  and  therefore  has  petitioned  this  Assembly  for  a 
grant  or  release  to  him  of  such  right  or  claim  as  is,  or  maybe  supposed 
to  be  vested  in  said  Governour  and  Company,  that  he  might  without 
any  objections  from  that  quarter,  make  his  humble  applications  to  his 
Majesty  for  his  Royal  grant  and  favour  in  the  premises  for  the  end  and 
purposes  aforesaid,  as  by  the  said  Memorial  and  Scheme  thereto  an. 
nexed.  Reference  being  thereunto  had,  may  more  fully  and  at  large 
appear. 

Whereupon  this  Court  having  taken  the  matter  into  their  Rerious 
consideration,  and  apprehending  the  settlement  of  a  Colony  in  the 
country  aforesaid,  with  such  limits  and  boundaries  as  his  Majesty 
shall  think  proper  on  the  plan  aforesaid,  or  in  some  measure  agreeable 
thereto,  for  the  investing  and  securing  of  tlie  rights,  propertisB,  and 
privileges  of  the  Settlers,  will  greatly  promote  his  Majesty's  interest ; 
secure  his  Dominions ;  and  have  a  most  happy  tendency  for  the  protec. 
tion  and  defence  of  the  British  Plantations  in  America,  and  be  an 
eminent  means  to  win  and  invite  the  Natives  of  the  country  to  tlie 
knowledge  and  obedience  of  the  only  true  God  and  Saviour  of  man- 
kind, and  the  Christian  faith,  and  therein  answer  that  which  is  ex- 
pressed in  the  said  Royal  Charter  to  be  the  principal  end  of  tliis  Plan- 
tation ;  therefore  this  Court  do  most  humbly  recommend  the  said 
Samuel  Hazard,  and  those  who  may  undertake  with  him  in  this  great 
and  important  design,  to  his  sacred  Majesty's  gracious  favour  and 
notice ;  and  if  it  may  be  consistent  with  his  Royal  wisdom  and 
pleasure  to  order  and  direct  the  settlement  of  a  Colony  in  the  country, 
or  part  thereof;  and  grant  unto  said  Petitioner,  and  those  wlio  shall 
engage  therein,  such  lands,  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  as  his 
Majesty  shall  be  graciously  pleased  to  determine  for  the  purpose  afore- 
said. 

This  Court  do  declare  their  free  consent  thereunto ;  and  for  promo- 
ting so  extensive  and  beneficent  a  design,  do  freely  relinquish  and  give 
up  to  the  said  Samuel  Hazard /or  himself,  and  in  trust  for  those  con- 
cerned, and  to  he  engaged  therein,  all  the  right,  claim,  or  challenge 
that  is  or  may  be  made  to  such  country,  or  territories  as  his  Majesty 
shall  judge  proper  to  settle  as  aforesaid,  by  the  Governour  and  Com- 
pany aforesaid,  or  any  from  them,  that  no  objection  or  obstruction  may 
arise,  be  made,  or  suggested  against  so  great  a  service  for  our  King  and 
country,  on  account  of  such  claim  or  right,  or  by  pretence  or  colour 
thereof. 

Provided  the  Petitioner  obtain  his  Majesty's  Royal  Grant  and  order 
for  settling  the  said  Colony,  and  proceed  therein,  under,  and  according 
to  such  limitations,  restrictions,  and  orders,  as  his  Majesty  shall  bo 
pleased  to  appoint. 

That  the  said  Samuel  Hazard  having  obtained  from  the 
General  Assembly  the  before  recited  release  of  their  claim  ; 
and  in  confident  dependence  upon  it,  proceeded  in  the  mat- 
ter with  a  spirit  becoming  the  importance  of  the  under- 
taking ;       " 

and  with  much  trouble,  procured  the  subscription  of  be 
tween  four  and  five  thousand  persons,  able  to  bear  arms, 
some  of  whom  were  worth  thousands,  and  great  numbers 
of  persons  of  the  best  character  for  sobriety  and  religion, 
among  whom  were  fifteen  ministers;  and  some  "  bore  pub- 
lick  offices  in  Pennsylvania  and  New-Jersey;"  all  of  whom 
agreed  to  remove  with  their  families  to  the  proposed  Colo 
ny,  and  become  settlers  there,  as  your  Honours'  Memori 


and  at  a  very  great  expense  of  money  and  time,  jurisdiction  of  the  Colony  of  Connecticut,  and  humbly  of- 
fers to  your  Honours'  consideration  the  following  condi- 
tions, viz : 

1st.  That  whereas  the  Honourable  General  Assembly, 
at  their  meeting  in  May,  1755,  released  to  your  Memorial- 
ist's father  their  claim  to  lands,  beginning  at  the  distance  of 
one  hundred  miles  Westward  of  the  Westerly  bounds  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  thence  to  extend  one  hundred  miles  to 
the  Westward  of  Mississippi.     And  whereas,  by  the  last 


alist  collects  from  copies  of  his  father's  Letters  now  in  his  Treaty  of  Peace,  the  one  hundred  miles  beyond  the  Missis 
possession.  sijjjn,  included  in  the  aforesaid  release,  were  ceded  by  the 
That,  as  your  Honours'  Memorialist  well  remembers,  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  to  France;  that,  therefore,  a  re- 
said  Samuel  Hazard  had  frequent  meetings  of  Indians  at  lease  or  quit-claim  may  be  given  by  your  Honours  to  your 
his  house,  with  whom  he  treated  about  the  said  country  Memorialist  and  his  associates,  of  the  right  of  the  Gov- 


and  territories 

That  it  appears  from  the  said  Samuel  Hazard's  Letters, 
that  he  personally  explored  that  part  of  the  country  pro- 
posed for  the  situation  of  the  new  Colony ;  that  he  had 
corresponded  with  some  of  the  nobility,  and  whh  other  per- 

FouiiTH  Sekies.  55 


ernour  and  Company  to  lands  beginning  at  the  Western 
boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  and  thence  extending  to  the 
Mississippi. 

2d.  That  your  Honours'  Memorialist  and  his  associates, 
or  their  attorney,  inay  have  uninterrupted  access  to  and 


867 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  Sic,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


868 


the  free  use  of  such  autlientick  documents,  conveyances, 
records,  and  other  writings,  as  may  be  useful  in  ascertain- 
ing, prosecuting,  and  estaUisiiing  the  claim  under  this  Col- 
ony, whenever  it  may  be  necessary  to  refer  thereunto  for 
those  purposes. 

3d.  That  the  whole  expense  of  defending  the  claim  of 
this  Colony  to  such  lands  as  shall  be  granted  to  your  Hon- 
ours' Memorialist  and  his  associates ;  and  also  the  whole 
expense  attending  the  exercise  of  jurisdiction  in  the  pro- 
posed settlement,  shall  be  defrayed  by  your  Memorialist 
and  his  associates. 

4th.  That  the  purchase  of  the  native  right  shall  be 
made  wholly  at  the  expense  of  your  Memorialist  and  his 
associates. 

5th.  That  your  Memorialist  and  his  associates  shall  pay 
into  the  Publick  Treasury  of  this  Colony  ten  thousand 
pounds  lawful  money,  in  such  annual  payments  as  your 
Honours  shall  see  meet  to  a])point ;  the  first  annual  pay- 
ment to  be  made  within  one  year  after  the  date  of  the  grant 
or  quit-claim. 

Respecting  a  grant  upon  the  conditions  aforesaid,  your 
Honours'  Memorialist  begs  leave,  with  due  submission,  to 
suggest,  that  as  it  will  not  interfere  with  any  preceding 
grant,  either  from  the  Crown  of  Great  Britain  or  any  of 
the  Colonies,  it  of  consequence  cannot  involve  this  Colony 
in  any  dispute  or  litigation  of  any  kind  whatever ;  and  that 
as  ail  expenses  respecting  tlie  defence  of  the  claim,  the 
exercise  of  jurisdiction,  and  tiie  purchase  of  the  native 
right,  will  fall  upon  your  Memorialist  and  his  associates, 
the  Colony  Treasury  cannot  be  impoverished  by  such  a 
grant  being  made ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  will  be  much  en- 
riched by  the  ten  thousand  pounds  to  be  paid  into  it,  the 
income  of  which  may  serve  to  give  additional  support  to 
the  College  at  New-Haven,  or  the  inferiour  but  important 
Seminaries  throughout  the  Colony,  or  may  greatly  contri- 
bute to  the  publick  emolument,  in  such  other  way  as  to 
your  Honours'  superiour  wisdom  may  seem  meet.  More 
need  not  be  added  here,  as  your  Honours  will  doubtless  see 
the  benign  aspect  the  foregoing  Plan  has  upon  the  interest 
of  the  Colony  in  general ;  and. 

Your  Memorialist,  therefore,  iiumbly  prays  your  Honours 
for  a  release  or  quit-claim  to  him  and  his  associates,  of  the 
right  of  the  Governour  and  Company  to  the  lands  before 
mentioned,  beginning  at  the  Western  boundary  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  extending  from  thence  to  the  River  Missis- 
sippi, together  with  your  Honours'  right  to  the  said  River, 
upon  the  foregoing  conditions ;  or,  if  your  Honours  should 
not  approve  of  the  conditions  aforesaid,  that  a  Committee 
of  your  Honourable  Body  may  be  appointed  to  confer  with 
him,  and  the  grant  aforesaid  be  made  upon  such  conditions 
as  may  be  agreed  to.  And  you*  Memorialist,  as  in  duty 
bound,  shall  ever  pray,  &.c.  Eben.  Hazard. 

Hartford,  May  27,  1774. 

General  Assembly,  May,  1774. 

In  the  Lower  House,  the  question  was  put,  whether  the 
prayer  of  this  Memorial  should  be  granted,  and  resolved  in 
the  negative. 

Test,  Wm.  Williams,  Clerk. 

In  the  Upper  House,  the  question  was  put,  whetlier  the 
prayer  of  this  Memorial  should  be  granted,  and  resolved  in 
the  negative. 

Test,  George  Wyllts,  Secretary. 


extract  or  A  LETTER  FROM  SIR  JAMES  WRIOtrT,  BART. 
TO  THE  EARL  or  DARTMOUTH,  DATED  SAVANNAH,  OCTO- 
BER 13,  1774, 

Mr  Lord  :  In  my  letter  of  the  24th  August,  No.  26, 
I  mentioned  that  some  Protests  and  Dissents  were  preparing 
in  different  parts  of  the  Province  which  were  not  then 
completed.  These  were  not  sent  to  Town  till  lately,  and 
only  published  in  yesterday's  paper,  and  which  I  now  en- 
close ;  they  have  been  wrote  by  tiie  people  themselves, 
just  in  their  own  way,  as  your  Lordship  will  see  by  the 
style.  However  they  certainly  show  that  the  sense  of  the 
people  in  this  Province  is  against  any  Resolutions,  and  that 
those  attempted  by  a  few  in  Savannah,  are  held  in  con- 
tempt. 


ADDRESS  FROM  THE  COUNTY  OF  WORCESTER,  PRESENTED 
TO  HIS  EXCELLENCY  THE  GOVERNOUR,  OCTOBER  14, 
1774. 

To  his  Excellency  Thomas  Gage,  Esquire,  Governour  of 

his  Majesty's  Province  of  Massachitsetts  Bay,  and 

Commander-in-chief  of  the  King's  Forces  in  North 

America. 
31ay  it  please  your  Excellency: 

The  people  of  the  County  of  Worcester  being  earnestly 
solicitous  for  the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  Province  in 
general,  cannot  view  the  measures  now  pursuing  by  your 
Excellency  but  with  increasing  jealousy,  as  they  apprehend 
there  has  not,  nor  does  at  present  exist,  any  just  occasion 
for  the  formidable  hostile  preparations  making  on  the  Neck, 
leading  to  our  distressed  capital. 

It  is  a  matter  of  such  notoriety,  that  your  Excellency 
must  be  sensible  there  was  not  the  least  opposition  made 
to  obstruct  the  introduction  of  the  King's  Troops  at  their 
first  landing,  nor  have  the  people  since  that  time  discovered 
any  intention  to  disturb  tiiem,  till  your  Excellency  was 
pleased  to  order  the  seizure  of  the  Powder  in  the  Arsenal 
at  Charlestoicn,  in  a  private  manner,  which  occasioned  the 
report  that  a  skirmish  had  happened  between  a  party  of 
the  King's  Troops  and  the  people  at  Cambridge,  in  which 
several  of  the  latter  fell;  this  caused  the  people  to  arm  and 
march  from  divers  parts  of  the  country  ;  but  no  sooner  was 
that  report  proved  false  than  they  returned  peaceably  to 
their  respective  homes. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Province  in  general,  and  Town 
of  Boston,  have  never  given  cause  for  those  cruel  and 
arbitrary  Acts  for  blockading  their  Harbour  and  subverting 
the  Charter,  by  altering  the  Civil  Government  of  the 
Province,  which,  however,  this  people  are  determined,  by 
the  Divine  favour,  never  to  submit  to  but  with  their  lives, 
notwithstanding  they  are  aggrieved  at  the  King's  displea- 
sure against  them,  through  the  instigation  of  artful  and 
designing  men. 

This  County  finds  it  difficult  to  comprehend  the  motives 
for  the  present  hostile  parade,  unless  it  be  in  consequence 
of  some  preconcerted  plan  to  subject  the  already  greatly 
distressed  Town  of  Boston  to  mean  compliances  or  military 
contributions.  They  are  equally  at  a  loss  to  account  for 
your  Excellency's  conduct  towards  the  County  of  Suffolk, 
as  in  your  Answer  to  their  Address,  remonstrating  against 
fortifying  the  only  avenue  to  the  Town,  which  by  that 
means  may,  in  some  future  time,  be  improved  to  cut  off 
the  communication  between  town  and  country,  and  thereby 
reduce  the  miserable  inhabitants  to  the  greatest  straits,  your 
Excellency  is  pleased,  in  answer,  to  observe,  that  you  had 
not  made  it  easier  to  effect  this,  than  what  nature  has  made 
it ;  if  so,  the  country  cannot  conceive  why  this  expense 
and  damage  of  the  Town  to  no  purpose. 

Your  Excellency  is  likewise  pleased  to  take  notice  of 
the  general  good  behaviour  of  the  Soldiers,  but  at  the  same 
time  pass  over  that  pari,  complaining  of  the  detention  of 
private  property,  and  proceed  to  answer  by  way  of  quere, 
to  which  you  would  not  permit  a  reply.  This  County  are 
constrained  to  observe,  they  apprehend  the  people  justifi- 
able in  providing  for  their  own  defence,  while  they  under- 
stood there  was  no  passing  the  Neck  without  examination, 
the  Cannon  at  the  North  Battery  spiked  up,  and  many 
places  searched,  where  Ammunition  was  suspected  to  be, 
and  if  found,  seized  ;  yet  as  the  people  have  never  acted 
offensively,  nor  discovered  any  disposition  so  to  do,  till  as 
above  related,  the  County  apprehend  this  can  never  justify 
the  seizure  of  private  property. 

It  is  with  great  anxiety  this  County  observes  the  wanton 
exercise  of  power  in  the  Officers  of  the  Customs  at  Salem, 
and  on  board  the  King's  ships,  res|)ecting  the  article  of 
Fuel  destined  for  the  use  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  who 
are  obliged  to  have  it  with  the  additional  charge  of  landing 
and  reloading  at  Salem,  before  it  can  proceed ;  when  your 
Excellency  must  be  sensible  the  Act,  which  is  the  profes- 
sed rule  of  conduct,  expressly  excepts  Fuel  and  Victuals, 
which  may  be  brought  to  Boston  by  taking  on  board  one 
or  more  Officers  at  Salem,  (without  the  aforesaid  charge) 
while  that  destined  for  the  Troops  |)roceeds  direct,  free  from 
the  same.  There  are  many  other  things  which  bear  ex- 
tremely hard  on  the  inhabitants,  while  they  are  prohibited 


869 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  kc,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


870 


from  transporting  the  smallest  article  from  one  part  of  the 
Town  to  another,  water-borne,  without  danger  of  a  seizure, 
or  to  get  hay,  cattle.  Sic,  from  any  of  the  islands,  not- 
withstanding tiiere  is  no  other  way  of  transportation. 

Your  Excellency,  we  apprehend,  must  have  been  greatly 
misinformed  of  the  ciiaracter  of  this  people  to  suppose  such 
severities  tend  either  to  a  submission  to  the  Acts,  or  re- 
conciliation with  the  Troops ;  and  the  County  are  sorry  to 
find  the  execution  of  the  Acts  attempted  with  an  higher 
hand  than  was  intended,  unless  the  Acts  themselves  should 
be  thought  too  lenient. 

Bringing  into  the  Town  a  number  of  Cannon  from  Castle 
William,  sending  for  a  further  reinforcement  of  Troops, 
with  other  concurring  circumstances,  strongly  indicating 
some  dangerous  design,  has  justly  excited  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  apprehensions  of  the  most  alarming  nature,  and 
the  authoi-s  nmst  be  held  accountable  for  all  the  blood  and 
carnage  made  in  consequence  thereof  Therefore  this 
County,  in  duty  to  God,  tiieir  country,  themselves,  and 
posterity,  do  remonstrate  to,  and  earnestly  desire  your  Ex- 
cellency, as  you  regard  the  service  of  the  King,  and  the 
peace  and  welfare  of  the  Province,  to  desist  from  any 
further  hostile  preparations,  and  give  the  people  assurances 
thereof  by  levelling  the  Intrenchments  and  dismantling  the 
Fortifications,  which  will  have  a  tendency  to  satisfy  their 
doubts,  and  restore  that  confidence  so  essential  to  their 
quiet  and  his  Majesty's  service. 

By  order  of  the  Convention  of  Committees  for  the 
County  of  Worcester. 


HIS    EXCELLENCY  S    ANSWER. 


Gentlemen:  I  have  repeatedly  given  the  strongest 
assurances  that  I  intended  nothing  hostile  against  the  Town 
or  Country,  and  therefore  desire  you  to  ease  the  minds  of 
the  people  against  any  reports  that  may  have  been  indus- 
triously spread  amongst  them  to  the  contrary ;  my  wish  is 
to  preserve  peace  and  tranquillity. 

With  respect  to  the  execution  of  the  Port  Bill,  it  is  a 
matter  belonging  to  other  departments;  and  if  any  thing 
is  done,  not  warranted  by  said  Act,  the  law  is  open  for 
redress.  Thomas  Gage. 


PENNSYLVANIA  ASSEMBLY. 

At  an  Assembly  held  at  Philadelphia,  the  fourteenth 
day  of  October,  Anno  Domini  1774,  P.  M. 

By  the  Returns  of  the  Sheriffs  of  the  several  Counties,  it 
appears  that  the  following  gentlemen  were  duly  elected 
and  chosen  to  serve  in  Assembly  as  Representatives  of  the 
freemen  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  ensuing 
year,  viz: 

For  the  County  of  Philadelphia. — George  Gray, 
Henry  Pawling,  John  Dickinson,  Joseph  Parker,  Israel 
Jacobs,  Jonathan  Roberts,  Michael  Ilillegas,  Samuel 
Rhoads. 

For  the  City  of  Philadelphia. — Thomas  Mifflin, 
Charles  Thomson. 

For  the  County  of  Bucks. — John  Brown,  John  Foulke, 
William  Rodman,  Benjamin  Chapman,  Joseph  Gallotvay, 
Robert  Kirkbride,  Gerardus  Wynkoop,  John  Haney. 

For  the  County  of  Chester. — Benjamin  Bartholo- 
mew, John  Jacobs,  Joseph  Pennock,  James  Gibbons, 
Isaac  Pearson,  Charles  Humphreys,  John  Morton,  An- 
thony Wayne. 

For  the  County  of  Lancaster. — James  Webb,  Joseph 
Ferree,  Matthias  Slough,  George  Ross. 

For  the  County  of  York. — Ja7nes  Ewing,  Michael 
Swoope. 

For  the  County  of  Cumberland. — Wm.  Allen,  John 
Montgomery. 

For  the  County  of  Berks. — Edward  Biddle,  Henry 
CJtreist: 

For  the  County  of  Northampton. —  Wm.  Edmonds. 

For  the  County  of  Bedford. — Bernhard  Dougherty. 

For  the  Ciunty  o/ Northumberland. — Sam.  Hunter. 

For  the  Coijniy  o/ Westmoreland. —  Wm.  Thompson. 

A  quorum  of  the  Representatives  being  met,  proceeded, 
according  to  the  Charter  of  Privileges  and  Laws  of  this 
Province,  to  the  choice  of  a  Speaker,  when  Edward  Bid- 
die,  Esquire,  was  unanimously  chosen  Speaker  for  the  en- 
suing year,  and  placed  in  the  Chair  accordingly. 


Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gray,  Mr.  Mifflin,  Mr.  Brown, 
Mr.  Bartholomew,  Mr.  Webb,  Mr.  Sivoope,  and  Mr.  Ed- 
monds, be  a  Conmiittee  to  wait  on  the  Govemour  and 
acquaint  him,  that,  pursuant  to  the  Charter  of  Privileges 
and  the  Laws  of  this  Province,  a  quorum  of  the  Represen- 
tatives being  met,  have  chosen  a  Speaker  for  the  ensuing 
year,  and  request  to  know  at  what  hour  to-morrow  his 
Honour  will  be  pleased  to  receive  the  House,  that  they 
may  present  their  Speaker  for  his  approbation. 

The  House  adjourned  to  nine  o'clock,  to-morrow  morn- 
ing. 

October  15. — The  House  met  pursuant  to  adjournment. 

The  Members  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Govemour  with 
the  Message  of  last  night,  reported  they  had  delivered  the 
same,  according  to  order,  and  that  his  Honour  was  pleased 
to  say  he  would  be  in  the  Council  Chamber  at  eleven 
o'clock  this  morning,  to  receive  the  House  with  their 
Speaker. 

A  Message  by  Mr.  Secretary  : 

"  Sir  :  The  Govemour  is  at  the  Council  Chamber,  and 
"  requires  the  attendance  of  the  House,  to  present  their 
"  Speaker." 

Then  Mr.  Speaker,  with  the  whole  House,  waited  on 
the  Govemour,  and,  being  returned  from  the  Council 
Chamber,  the  Speaker  resumed  the  Chair,  and  reported 
that  the  House  had  waited  on  his  Honour,  and  presented 
their  Speaker,  of  whom  the  Govemour  had  been  pleased 
to  approve,  and  that  he  (the  Speaker)  had  then,  in  the 
name  and  on  behalf  of  the  House,  claimed  their  usual 
privileges,  viz : 

First.  That  the  Members  of  the  House,  during  their 
sitting,  may  enjoy  freedom  of  Speech  in  all  their  proposi- 
tions and  debates. 

Secondly.  That  they  may,  at  all  seasonable  times,  have 
free  access  to  the  Govemour,  the  better  to  enable  them  to 
discharge  the  business  of  the  publick. 

Thirdly.  That  their  persons  and  estates  may  be  free 
from  all  manner  of  arrests,  molestations,  and  injuries  dur- 
ing the  time  of  accustomed  privilege. 

Fourthly. — That  the  Govemour  would  be  pleased  to 
take  no  notice  of  any  report  concerning  any  matter  or  thing 
moved  or  debated  in  the  House,  until  the  same  shall  be 
passed  into  Resolves,  nor  give  the  least  credit  to  such  report. 

Fifthly.  That  his  own  (the  Speaker's)  unwilling  mis- 
takes may  be  excused,  and  not  imputed  to  the  House,  but 
that  he  may  have  liberty  of  resorting  to  them  for  an  ex- 
planation of  their  true  intent  and  meaning,  and  of  reporting 
the  same  to  the  Govemour. 

All  which  he  had  claimed  as  the  just  and  indefeisible 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  freemen  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania,  derived  and  confirmed  to  them  by  the  Laws 
and  Charter  of  the  said  Province  ;  and  that  the  Govemour 
was  pleased  to  say,  "  They  were  the  undoubted  rights  and 
"  privileges  of  the  House,  in  which  they  might  rely  on  his 
"  protection." 

The  Qualification  by  law  appointed  to  be  taken  by 
Members  of  Assembly,  and  the  test  of  Abjuration,  being 
prepared,  were  then  taken  and  subscribed,  first  by  Mr. 
Speaker,  in  the  Chair,  and  afterwards  by  the  Members 
present,  in  their  order. 

Resolved,  unanimously.  That  John  Dickinson,  Esquire, 
be,  and  he  is  hereby,  added  to  the  Committee  of  Depu- 
ties appointed  by  the  late  Assembly  of  this  Province  to 
attend  the  General  Congress  now  sitting  in  the  City  of 
Philadelphia  on  American  Grievances. 

Resolved,  That  this  House  will  provide  an  Entertain- 
ment, to  be  given  on  Thursday  next,  to  the  Deputies  from 
the  several  Colonies  attending  publick  business  in  this  City. 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gray,  Mr.  Hillegas,  Mr.  Mifflin, 
Mr.  Rodman,  Mr.  Pearson,  Mr.  Wayne,  and  Mr.  Ross, 
with  the  Speaker,  be  a  Committee  to  provide  and  super- 
intend the  said  Entertainment,  and  that  Mr.  Speaker  do 
invite  the  gentlemen  of  the  Congress  accordingly. 

It  being  represented  by  Mr.  Hillegas,  that  Cayashuta, 
an  Indian  Chief  of  note,  and  a  friend  to  this  Province,  is 
now  in  Town  and  in  want  of  some  necessaries : 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Hillegas  do  procure  the  necessa- 
ries requested  by  the  said  Indian  Chief,  defray  his  ex- 
penses while  in  Town,  and  present  him  with  the  sum  of  ten 
pounds,  in  behalf  of  this  Government. 


871 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


872 


October  17,  P.  M. — Tlie  Govemour,  by  Mr.  Secretary, 
sent  down  a  written  Message  to  the  House,  which  was 
read  by  order,  and  is  as  follows,  viz : 

Gentlemen  :  By  the  latest  intelligence  from  the  West- 
ward, the  Earl  of  Dunmore  was  set  out  on  an  expedition 
down  the  Ohio  against  the  Shawancsc  Indians,  and  it  is 
very  uncertain  as  yet  vvhctiier  the  troubles  on  the  Frontiers 
may  subside  :  I  therefore  find  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
recommend  to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of  keeping 
in  pay,  for  a  longer  time,  the  Rangers  employed  by  this 
Government ;  or  taking  such  other  measures  as  you  may 
judge,  on  this  occasion,  most  proper  for  the  publick  se- 
curity. John  Penn. 

October  17,  1774. 

October  19,  1774. — The  House  resumed  the  consider- 
ation of  the  Goveruour's  Message  of  the  seventeenth  in- 
stant, relative  to  the  Rangers  employed  on  the  Frontiers, 
and  after  some  time  spent  therein, 

Resolved,  That  the  said  Rangers  be  continued  in  pay 
until  the  first  day  of  November  next,  and  then  disbanded, 
it  not  appearing  to  the  House  that  their  service  on  the 
Frontiers  is  any  longer  necessary. 

Resolved,  That  George  Gray,  Michael  Hillcgas,  Thos. 
MiJJlin,  and  Charles  Humjihrcijs,  Esquires,  or  any  three 
of  them,  with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  tlie  Govem- 
our of  this  Province  for  the  time  being,  may  draw  orders 
on  the  Provincial  Treasurer  for  any  sum  not  exceeding 
fourteen  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  to  be  disposed  of  in 
discharging  the  arrears  of  pay,  and  the  expense  of  victual- 
ling the  said  Rangers  ;  the  said  sum  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
moneys  remaining  in  his  hands  by  virtue  of  an  Act  of  As- 
sembly, passed  the  twenty-ninth  of  September  last,  enti- 
tuled  "  An  Act  for  the  Support  of  the  Government  of  this 
"  Province,  and  Payment  of  the  Publick  Debts." 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Miffiln,  Mr.  Thomson,  and  Mr. 
Rodman,  be  a  Committee  to  prepare  and  bring  in  a  draught 
of  an  Answer  to  the  Governour's  Message. 

The  Committee  appointed  to  prepare  an  Answer  to  the 
Governour's  Message,  reported  they  had  essayed  a  draught 
for  that  purpose,  which  being  agreed  to  by  the  House,  was 
transcribed  by  order,  and  follows  in  these  words,  viz : 

"  May  it  please  your  Honour : 

"  Having  taken  into  our  consideration  the  matter  referred 
to  us,  in  your  Message  of  the  seventeenth  instant,  we  are  of 
opinion  that  the  Rangers  employed  by  this  Government 
should  be  disbanded  by  the  first  of  November  next,  as 
their  service  on  the  Frontiers  does  not  appear  to  us  to  be 
any  longer  necessary. 

"  We  have  provided,  agreeable  to  the  Resolution  sent 
nerewith,  for  the  payment  of  the  arrears  that  may  be  due, 
and  for  the  incidental  charges  that  have  accrued  for  this 
service. 

"  As  the  safety  of  the  Province,  in  a  great  measure,  de- 
pends upon  having  a  supply  of  Arms  ready  on  any  emer- 
gency, we  trust  your  Honour  will  give  orders,  at  the  time 
of  disbanding  the  men,  that  the  Arms  with  which  you  have 
supplied  them,  may  be  collected  and  deposited  in  some 
place  of  security. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  House, 

"  Edward  Biddle,  Spealcer. 

"  October  19,  1774." 

Ordered,  That  Mr.  Gray  and  Mr.  Rodman  wait  on 
the  Govemour  with  the  foregoing  Answer  to  his  Message, 
and  acquaint  him  that  the  House  incline  to  adjourn  to 
Monday,  the  fifth  of  December  next,  if  he  has  no  objec- 
tion thereto. 

The  Members  appointed  to  wait  on  the  Govemour,  re- 
ported they  had  delivered  the  Answer  of  the  House,  and 
their  Verbal  Message,  according  to  order,  and  that  his 
Honour  was  pleased  to  say  he  had  no  objection  to  the 
time  of  adjournment  proposed  by  the  House. 

October  21. — The  House  then  adjourned  to  Monday, 
the  fifth  of  December  next,  at  four  o'clock,  P.  M. 


Williamsburg,  Friday,  October  14,  1774. 
This  day  an  Express  arrived  from  his  Excellency  the 
Govemour,  who  has  sent  copies  of  several  Speeches  that 


passed  between  him  and  the  Chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  and 
Delawares;  wherein  they  greatly  disapprove  of  the  mur- 
ders and  outrages  committed  by  the  Shawanese,  and  pro- 
mise to  use  their  best  endeavours  to  bring  them  to  a  treaty 
with  his  Excellency,  when  it  is  hoped  a  permanent  peace 
will  be  established,  and  an  end  put  to  an  Indian  war,  so 
ruinous  to  the  Frontier  inhabitants,  as  well  as  expensive  to 
the  country. 

COUNCIL  BETWEEN  LORD  DUNMORE  AND  THE  INDIANS. 

At  a  Council  held  with  the  Indians:  Present,  his  Ex- 
cellency the  Ri^ht  Honourable  the  Earl  of  Dunmore, 
Lieutenant  and  Govemour  of  Virginia,  Sic,  Alexander 
McKce,  Esquire,  Deputy  Agent,  Sic. ;  Indians — Dela- 
wares, King  Custologa,  Captain  Jfhite  Eyes,  and  Pluggy, 
a  Six  Nation  Chief,  and  sundry  others. 
Captain  IMiite  Eyes  spoke  : 

First. — Brother :  I  wipe  the  sweat  and  dust  from  your 
eyes  by  this  string,  and  remove  the  fatigue  that  you  have 
had  during  your  journey  ;  and  also,  1  clear  and  open  your 
ears,  that  you  may  readily  comprehend  and  hear  what  your 
brothers  have  now  to  say  to  you  ;  I  also  remove  every  con- 
cern from  your  heart,  owing  to  any  bad  impressions  which 
have  been  made  upon  you  during  your  journey  to  this 
place,  that  you  may  believe  tlic  sincerity  of  us  towards  you 
and  all  our  brethren  the  English.     (A  String.) 

Second. — Brother:  I  will  now  infonu  you  of  what  I 
know  concerning  the  Shawanese.  Our  uncles,  the  Mo- 
haivks,  have  been  sent  by  the  Shawanese  here,  in  order  to 
know  in  w  hat  manner  they  should  act,  so  as  to  be  admitted 
to  a  conference  with  their  brethren,  the  English  of  Vir- 
ginia. Our  uncles,  die  Mohatcks,  desire  to  inform  you 
that  the  principal  men  of  that  Nation  continue  to  hold  fast 
by  the  ancient  chain  of  friendship ;  but  that  some  foolish 
young  men  had  loosened  their  hands  therefrom,  and  that  it 
was  not  in  tiieir  power  to  prevent  them  heretofore.  Brother, 
I  have  now  told  you  of  what  our  uncles,  the  Mohau-ks, 
have  told  us,  of  what  the  Chiefs  of  the  Shawanese  say, 
and  hope  you  will  be  strong,  and  consider  upon  what  you 
may  have  to  say  to  them,  that  whenever  you  choose  to 
speak,  we  may  be  ready  to  join  you  in  so  doing. 

Third. — Brother:  1  desire  you  to  listen  to  your  breth- 
ren, the  Five  Nations  and  Mohawks,  the  Wyandots,  and 
also  your  brethren  the  Delawares.  These  are  the  people 
who  have  taken  pains  to  keep  every  thing  quiet  since  those 
unhappy  troubles.  All  the  Western  Nations  are  quiet,  but 
keep  their  eyes  fixed  upon  this  quarter.  Brother,  I  am 
rejoiced  to  see  you,  as  I  was  troubled  and  afraid  before ; 
but  now  my  apprehensions  are  dispersed  on  seeing  you, 
which  is  the  cause  of  my  pleasure.  Brother,  I  now  es- 
teem our  women  and  children  restored  to  life  upon  your 
arrival,  and  that  even  the  foolisii  young  people  will  have 
reason  to  be  thankful  on  the  conclusion  of  the  present  pros- 
pect.    (A  String.) 

Fourth. — Brother:  I  desire  you  to  listen  to  us  few  of  the 
numerous  Chiefs  who  formerly  were  of  our  Nations  ;  as  the 
few  now  remaining  have  a  due  remembrance  of  the  friend- 
ship subsisting  between  our  forefathers.  Brother,  during 
the  trouble  which  happened,  owing  to  foolish  people,  I  was 
apprehensive  it  might  be  the  cause  of  universal  trouble,  so 
as  to  have  shook  our  amity,  and  weakened  the  ancient 
friendship  between  us.  Brother,  I  tell  you  that  1  am  ex- 
tremely rejoiced  at  your  arrival  here,  as  you  are  esteemed 
our  elder  brother ;  and  I  hope  that,  as  you  have  it  amply 
in  your  power,  you  will  restore  our  ancient  friendship,  and 
establish  it  upon  the  former  good  footing  ;  to  promote  which 
we  will  contribute  our  weak  endeavours,  by  afibrding  all 
our  assistance.     (A  Belt.) 

This  is  what  your  brethren  have  to  say  to  you  who  are 
here  present. 
His  Lordship  said : 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  this  mark  of  your  friend- 
ship, and  I  will  consider  of  what  you  have  said,  and  shall 
return  you  an  answer  hereafter. 

His  Excellency's  Answer  to  the  Delawares  and  Six  Na- 
tion Chiefs. 
Brethren :  I  now  wipe  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  which 
you  may  have  shed  for  the  loss  of  any  of  your  people.    1 
remove'the  grief  from  your  hearts  which  it  may  have  oc- 


873 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fcc,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


874 


casioned.  I  also  clear  your  ears  from  any  bad  reports,  that 
you  may  now  look  upon  your  brethren,  tlie  Virginians, 
with  friendshij),  and  that  you  may  believe  what  I  am  about 
to  say  to  you  in  your  hearts,  and  receive  it  with  pleasure. 
(A  String.) 

Brethren  :  With  these  trifling  goods  I  cover  the  graves 
of  your  deceased  friends,  that  the  remembrance  of  your 
grief  upon  that  occasion  may  be  buried  in  total  oblivion. 
(^Condolence  Present.) 

Brethren:  Your  desire  is  gratified  ;  I  do  see  clearly,  and 
the  sweat  and  fatigue  1  have  experienced  on  my  journey 
here,  will  be  no  cause  of  complaint  to  me,  when  1  find  an 
opportunity  to  convince  my  brethren,  the  Delawares  and 
Siv  Nations,  of  my  good  intentions  towards  them.  You 
may  be  assured,  brethren,  that  as  I  am  now  here  present,  I 
shall  be  able  to  hear  plainly,  and  to  disthiguish  clearly 
what  is  just  and  unjust  between  me  and  my  brethren,  the 
Indians.     (A  String.) 

Brethren :  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  pains  you  have 
taken  to  heal  the  sores  made  by  the  Shawancse,  and  would 
have  been  very  glad  to  have  now  given  you  a  more  favour- 
able answer  as  to  them ;  but  you  yourselves  must  be  well 
acquainted  how  little  the  Skaivanese  deserve  the  treatment 
or  appellation  of  brethren  from  me,  when,  in  the  first  place, 
they  have  not  complied  with  the  terms  prescribed  to  them 
by  Colonel  Bouquet,  (and  to  which  they  assented,)  of  giv- 
ing up  the  white  prisoners  ;  nor  have  they  ever  truly  buried 
the  hatchet ;  for  the  next  summer  after  that  treaty,  they 
killed  a  man  upon  the  frontiers  of  my  Government ;  the 
next  year  they  killed  eight  of  my  people  upon  Cumberland 
River,  and  brought  their  horses  to  their  Towns,  where  they 
disposed  of  them,  (together  with  a  considerable  quantity  of 
peltry)  to  the  traders  from  Pennsylvania.  Some  time  af- 
ter, one  Martin,  a  trader  from  my  Government,  was  killed 
with  two  men,  on  Hockhoclcing,  by  the  Shawanese,  only 
because  they  were  Virginians ;  at  the  same  time  permit- 
ting one  Ellis  to  pass,  only  as  he  was  a  Pennsylvanian. 
In  the  year  1771,  twenty  of  my  people  were  robbed  by 
tliem,  when  they  carried  away  nineteen  horses,  and  as 
many  owned  by  Indians,  with  their  guns,  clothes,  Sic, 
which  they  delivered  up  to  one  Callender  and  Spears,  and 
other  Pennsylvania  traders  in  their  Towns.  In  the  same 
year,  on  the  Great  Kenhawa,  in  my  Government,  they 
killed  »  •  *  •  »  one  of  my  people  and  wounded  his  brother ; 
and  the  year  following,  Adam  Stroud,  another  of  my  peo- 
ple, his  wife  and  seven  children,  were  most  cruelly  murdered 
on  Elk  waters.  In  the  next  year  they  killed  Richards, 
another  of  my  people,  on  the  Kenhawa.  A  kw  moons 
after,  they  killed  Russell,  one  of  my  people,  and  five  white 
men  and  two  negroes,  near  Cumberland  Gap;  and  also 
carried  their  horses  and  effects  into  their  Towns,  where  they 
were  purchased  by  the  Pennsylvania  traders.  All  these,  with 
many  other  murders,  they  have  committed  upon  my  people 
before  a  drop  of  Shawanese  blood  was  spilt  by  them ;  and 
have  continually  perpetrated  robberies  upon  my  defenceless 
Frontier  inhabitants,  which  at  length  irritated  them  so  far 
that  they  began  to  retaliate.  I  have  now  stated  the  dispute 
between  them  and  us,  and  leave  it  to  you  to  judge  what 
they  merit.     (A  String.) 

Brethren  :  You  desire  me  to  listen  to  my  brethren,  the 
Five  Nations,  the  Mohawks,  the  Wyandots,  and  to  my 
brethren,  the  Delawares.  1  do  so  with  the  utmost  atten- 
tion, and  am  well  pleased  to  return  you  my  thanks  for  the 
pains  you  have  taken,  and  am  extremely  happy,  and  ex- 
ceedingly desirous,  that  the  eyes  of  the  Western  Nations, 
and  all  others,  may  be  continually  fixed  upon  me  ;  for  then 
tliey  will  plainly  see  that  my  real  intention  and  sincere  de- 
sire is  only  to  do  justice  to  all  parties.  Brethren,  1  hope 
our  pleasure  at  meeting  is  mutual ;  and  you  may  be  as- 
sured, from  my  late  proceedings,  that  my  good  will  towards 
you  is  most  sincere,  and  I  rejoice  equally  vvith  you  at  the 
new  life  your  women  and  children  have  acquired  by  my 
arrival ;  and  I  most  sincerely  wish  that  they  may  long  con- 
tinue in  a  full  enjoyment  of  peace  and  happiness,  to  which 
I  will  most  cheerfully  contribute  my  utmost  assistance.  (A 
String. ) 

Brethren :  I  am  very  glad  to  find  that  the  Chiefs  of  the 
different  Nations  have  a  due  and  friendly  regard  to  the 
friendship  formerly  subsisting  between  our  forefathers, 
which  I  shall  be  happy  at  all  times  to  continue.  I  am 
glad  to  observe  that  few  (if  any)  of  the  foolish  people 


who  have  been  the  authors  of  the  late  troubles,  were  in 
any  wise  particularly  connected  with  you  ;  and  I  hope  that 
our  ancient  friendship  is  too  strongly  linked  to  be  broke  by 
a  few  banditti  of  a  distant  Nation.  I  own  I  am  very  much 
rejoiced  at  my  arrival  here,  as  I  hope  it  will  be  the  means 
of  adding  fresh  strength  to  the  ancient  chain  of  friendship 
subsisting  between  us ;  and  particularly  so,  as  I  see  your 
inclinations  are  to  facilitate  this  good  work.  I  acknowledge 
myself  your  elder  brother,  and  shall,  upon  every  occasion, 
manifest  my  regard  as  such  towards  you  ;  and  I  do  expect 
that  you  will  continually  look  up  to  me  as  your  elder 
brother,  from  whom  you  may  be  assured  of  the  strongest 
marks  of  brotherly  kindness,  either  in  peace  or  war.  And 
as  you  may  now  be  certain  of  protection  from  your  elder 
brother,  1  flatter  myself  you  will  continue  to  tread  the  an- 
cient path  towards  him  here,  w  hen  he  will  be  answerable 
that  the  most  ample  justice  shall  be  done  you.    (^A  Belt.) 


At  a  Conference  held  with  several  of  the  Delaware  and 
Mohawk  Chiefs. 

Intelhgence  received  from  Captain  Pike. 

At  my  arrival  at  the  Lower  Shawanese  Towns,  I  was 
told  by  the  Cornstalk  that  he  was  much  rejoiced  to  hear 
from  his  brethren,  the  white  people,  in  the  Spring,  upon 
the  first  disturbances;  that  he  had,  in  consequence  thereof, 
ordered  all  his  young  people  to  remain  quiet,  and  not  to 
molest  the  traders,  but  to  convey  them  safe  to  their  grand- 
fathers, the  Delaivares,  where  they  would  be  safe.  The 
Shawanese  Chiefs  declared  they  were  well  pleased  to  hear 
from  their  brethren,  the  English,  and  that  they  had  spoke 
to  all  their  young  people  to  remain  quiet.  Upon  his  ar- 
rival at  the  Standing  Stone,  he  sent  word  to  the  Shawa- 
nese to  assemble  their  Counsellors  ;  but,  as  they  were  out  a 
hunting,  it  could  not  be  immediately  effected.  The  prin- 
cipal warriours  always  listened  to  the  Chiefs,  and  had  no 
hostile  intentions.  The  mischiefs  which  had  been  done 
were  perpetrated  by  the  foolish  young  people ;  but  that 
now,  as  soon  as  they  were  assembled,  they  would  be  able 
to  prevent  any  thing  of  that  nature  for  the  future.  The 
Shawanese  told  me  that  a  party  of  Twightwees,  one  of 
Tawas,  and  a  party  of  Wyandots,  were  as  far  advanced 
on  their  way  to  war  against  the  white  people,  as  their 
Towns ;  but  that  they  had  advised  them  to  return ;  that 
they  expected  the  war  which  threatened  them  would  be 
extinguished,  as  they  now  endeavoured  at  peace. 

Pluggy,  a  Mohawk,  who  was  questioned  whether  he 
knew  of  these  parties,  said  that  some  hunters  who  were  of 
the  Wyandots  and  Tawas,  came  to  the  Shawanese  Towns 
to  hear  news,  but  were  sent  back. 

Speech  of  the  Mohegans  to  the  Shawanese. 

Brethren :  Formerly  you  came  to  us  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Mountains,  and  told  us  we  were  your  older  brothers, 
desiring  us  to  come  over  and  show  ourselves  to  your  grand- 
fathers, the  Delatvares,  that  they  might  know  our  relation- 
ship. We  did  so,  and  as  one  people  held  fast  the  same 
chain  of  friendship ;  but  now  we  see  you  only  holding  with 
one  hand,  whilst  you  keep  a  tomahawk  in  the  other.  We 
desire  you,  therefore,  to  sit  down  and  not  be  so  haughty, 
but  pity  your  women  and  children.  We  therefore  take 
the  tomahawk  out  of  your  hands,  and  put  it  into  the  hands 
of  your  grandfathers,  the  Delawares,  who  are  good  judges, 
and  know  how  to  dispose  of  it. 

Answer  of  the  Shawanese. 

Brethren :  We  are  glad  to  hear  what  you  have  said,  and 
that  you  have  taken  the  tomahawk  out  of  our  hands  and 
given  it  to  our  grandfathers,  the  Delawares;  but,  for  our 
parts,  we  are  not  sensible  that  we  have  had  the  tomahawk 
in  our  hands.  It  is  true  some  foolish  young  people  may 
have  found  one  out  of  our  sight,  hid  in  the  grass,  and  may 
have  made  use  of  it ;  but  that  tomahawk  which  we  for- 
merly held,  has  been  long  since  buried,  and  we  have  not 
since  raised  it. 

There  w^as  a  great  deal  of  consultation  amongst  the  dif- 
ferent Nations,  while  I  was  at  their  Towns,  but  nothing  par- 
ticularly relative  to  what  is  now  in  question. 

Colonel  Stephen  demanded  of  Captain  Pike  how  he 
was  received  by  the  Shaieantse,  who  says  that  he  arrived 
there  about  noon,  and  after  having  cleared  tlieir  eyes  and 


875 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


876 


opened  their  ears  in  the  common  form,  that  they  had  a  great 
(lance,  and  afterwards  came  to  him ;  and,  upon  healing 
what  he  had  to  say,  expressed  their  satisfaction  by  saying 
they  hoped  their  friendship  was  now  renewed.  Though 
he  heard  some  of  the  young  people  expressing  a  threaten- 
ing at  the  Delawares'  so  much  interfering  in  tiieir  quarrel 
with  tiie  white  people ;  that  if  they  had  any  thing  to  say, 
tiiey  wondered  why  the  white  people  did  not  come  them- 
selves to  speak. 

The  Delawares  said,  that  as  the  sentiments  of  the  Shaw- 
anese  were  now  known,  that  if  the  Governour  had  an  in- 
clination they  would  join  him  in  any  thing  he  had  to  ofl'er 
to  them  for  the  promotion  of  peace  and  the  restoration  of 
harmony  to  the  country. 

Reply  of  the  Mohawks  and  Delaware  Chiefs  to  his  Lord- 
ship's Answer. 

Present :  Captain  JiTiite  Eyes,  Captain  Pipe,  Captain 
Wingamm,  Delawares ;  Captain  Pluggy  and  Big  Apple 
Tree,  Mohawks. 

Captain  iVhite  Eyes  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  Delawares: 

Brother :  Your  brethren  here  present  are  very  happy  to 
have  heard  your  good  Speeches,  and  are  glad  to  find  you 
acknowledge  yourself  their  elder  brother.  We  acquainted 
you  that  our  sincere  desire  was  that  the  peace  between  us 
and  our  brethren,  the  £h^//sA,  should  be  upon  a  lasting 
footing.  We  now  are  convinced  that  it  will  be  upon  a  sure 
and  permanent  foundation,  as  our  children  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  being  inslmcted  in  the  Christian  religion. 
We  shall  acquaint  all  the  Tribes  of  Indians  of  what  has 
here  passed  between  us,  and  we  are  satisfied  that  it  will  be 
very  satisfactory  to  them  to  hear  the  good  talk  from  our 
older  brother.  For  my  part,  I  can  assure  you,  brother, 
that  for  my  Tribe  I  can  answer,  even  for  the  foolish  young 
people  thereof,  that  they  will  not  be  the  cause  of  any  dis- 
turbance in  any  manner  whatever  hereafter,  either  by  theft 
or  otherwise,  or  give  cause  of  any  trouble  to  your  people. 
The  Chiefs  of  the  other  Tribes  of  our  Nation  will  confirm 
what  I  have  now  said,  as  soon  as  they  have  an  opportu- 
nity.    (A  String.) 

Brother:  As  your  brethren,  the  Shawanese,  are  desirous 
to  speak  to  you  by  themselves,  1  hope  you  will  listen  to 
them.  I  will  desire  them  to  speak  to  you ;  and  that  you 
may  there  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking  together,  I 
would  be  glad  to  acquaint  them  when  they  could  see  you  to 
enter  into  conference.  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the 
promise  you  have  given  me  that  justice  shall  be  done  us  in 
the  trade  here,  and  tliat  proper  pereons  shall  be  appointed 
to  see  that  we  are  fairly  dealt  with.  I  shall  acquaint  the 
young  men  with  it,  that  they  may  come  to  trade  in  their 
usual  manner. 

The  Big  Apple  Tree,  Mohawk,  spoke. 

Brother :  This  day  it  hath  pleased  God  that  we  should 
meet  together ;  we  who  are  sent  on  behalf  of  another  Na- 
tion. The  Shawanese  told  me  that  they  heard  there  was 
something  yet  good  in  the  heart  of  the  Big  Knife.  They 
desired  me  to  take  their  hearts  into  our  hands,  and  speak 
strongly  on  their  behalf  to  the  Big  Knife.  I  am  glad  the 
Shawatiese,  my  younger  brethren,  have  desired  me  to  un- 
dertake this  business,  if  1  can  serve  them  ;  and  I  am  equally 
rejoiced  at  the  appearance  thereof,  from  your  good  Speech- 
es. You  may  be  assured,  that  as  they  have  delivered 
themselves  into  our  care,  we  shall  do  our  endeavour  to  in- 
duce them  to  pursue  proper  measures  to  restore  peace. 
You  may  be  also  assured,  that  your  brother,  the  Chief  of 
the  Wynndots,  will  also  assist  me  in  taking  care  that  our 
younger  brothers,  the  Shawanese,  act  a  prudent  part. 
Wheresoever,  brother,  you  build  your  Council  Fire  to 
speak  to  the  Shawanese,  you  may  be  assured  that  we,  the 
Mohawks,  with  our  bretluen,  the  Wynndots,  will  come  with 
them  to  speak  also ;  and  that  we  hope  peace  then  will  be 
restored  and  established  on  a  permanent  footing.  (A 
String.) 

His  Lordship's  Answer. 

Brethren:  I  shall  consider  of  what  you  have  said,  and 
will  give  you  an  answer  tliis  afternoon. 

His  Lordship's  Answer  to  their  Reply. 

Brethren :  I  am  glad  to  find  that  what  I  have  said  in  our 
late  Conference  has  been  satisfactory  to  you ;  and  you  may 


be  assured,  that  whatever  I  have  promised  shall  be  con- 
firmed, so  that  my  actions  shall  convince  you  of  the  sin- 
cerity of  my  heart.  I  am  glad  to  find  you  have  a  desire 
of  instructing  your  children  in  the  Christian  religion,  which 
will  be  the  cause  of  peace  remaining  between  us  on  a  last- 
ing footing,  and  of  adding  happiness  to  your  own  Nation. 
(A  String.) 

Brethren  :  I  have  already  informed  you  of  the  evil  dis- 
position of  the  Shawanese  towards  us ;  but  to  convince  you 
how  ready  the  Big  Knife  is  to  do  justice,  at  all  times,  even 
to  their  greatest  enemies,  at  the  request  of  my  good  breth- 
ren, the  Sijc  Nations,  and  you,  the  Delawares,  I  will  be 
ready  and  willing  to  hear  any  good  speeches  which  the 
Shaivanese  may  have  to  deliver  to  me,  either  at  Wheeling, 
(where  I  soon  purjiose  to  be  ;)  or,  if  they  should  not  meet 
me  there,  at  the  Little  Kcnhawa,  or  somewhere  lower 
down  the  river.     (A  String.) 

Brethren,  the  Mohaxvks,  you  will  hear  by  my  Speech  to 
my  younger  brethren,  the  Delawares,  that  I  am  prevailed 
upon  to  listen  to  the  Shawanese,  notwithstanding  their  bad 
behaviour  towards  my  people  ;  and  as  I  am  prevailed  upon 
merely  by  the  confidence  I  repose  in  the  friendship  of  my 
brethren,  the  Wyandots  and  Five  Nations,  I  expect  this 
will  be  looked  upon  as  a  strong  proof  of  my  regard  towards 
them.  And,  as  it  is  your  wish,  I  will  meet  the  Shawanese  at 
one  of  the  places  mentioned  in  my  Answer  to  my  younger 
brethren,  the  Delawares,  provided  they  are  led  to  the  Coun- 
cil Fire  by  my  brethren,  the  Mohawks,  the  Wyandots,  and 
the  Delawares,  as  1  shall  be  satisfied  that  whatever  they 
may  then  promise,  you,  my  brethren,  will  see  them  strictly 
adhere  to.     (A  String.) 

The  Delatvares'  Reply. 

Brother :  We  are  much  rejoiced  to  hear  what  you  have 
now  said,  and  believe  it  to  be  sincere ;  and  you  may  be 
satisfied,  that  I,  in  behalf  of  my  people,  will  endeavour  to 
convince  you  that  we  are  so.  When  the  Delawares,  the 
Six  Nations,  the  Shawanese,  and  you,  our  elder  brother, 
meet  together,  you  will  then  see  who  are  sincere  in  their 
fiiendship.  In  a  short  time  it  will  be  seen  ;  for  those  who 
are  determined  on  good,  will  not  fail  to  meet  you.  I  shall 
speak  to  the  Shawanese,  and,  if  their  intentions  are  equal 
to  their  professions,  they  will  see  you  ;  but,  on  behalf  of 
my  people,  I  promise  to  meet  you.  This  is  all  I  have  to 
say  at  this  time  ;  but  you  may  be  certain  that  myself.  Cap- 
tain Pipe,  and  Captain  Winganum,  will  wait  on  you. 


THE  SPEECH  OP  EDMUND  BURKE,  ESQUIRE,  ON  OCCASION 
OF  OFFERING  HIMSELF  A  CANDIDATE  TO  REPRESENT  THE 
CITY  OF  BRISTOL  IN  PARLIAMENT,  DELIVERED  BEFORE 
THE  HUSTINGS,  OCTOBER  16,  1774. 

Gentlemen  :  I  am  come  hither  to  solicit  in  person  that 
favour  which  my  friends  have  hitherto  endeavoured  to  pro- 
cure for  me,  by  the  most  obliging,  and  to  me  the  most 
honourable  exertions. 

I  have  so  high  an  opinion  of  the  great  trust  which  you 
have  to  confer  on  this  occasion,  and  by  long  experience, 
so  just  a  diffidence  in  my  abilities  to  fill  it  in  a  manner 
adequate  even  to  my  own  ideas,  that  I  should  never  have 
ventured,  of  myself,  to  intrude  into  that  awful  situation. 
But  since  I  am  called  upon  by  the  desire  of  several  re- 
spectable fellow-subjects,  as  I  have  done  at  other  times,  I 
give  up  my  fears  to  their  w  ishes.  Whatever  my  other  defi- 
ciencies may  be,  I  do  not  know  what  it  is  to  be  wanting  to 
my  friends. 

I  am  not  fond  of  attempting  to  raise  publick  expectation 
by  great  promises.  At  this  time  there  is  much  cause  to 
consider  and  very  little  to  presume.  We  seem  to  be  ap- 
proaching to  a  great  crisis  in  our  affairs,  which  calls  for  the 
whole  wisdom  of  the  wisest  among  us,  without  being  able 
to  assure  ourselves  that  any  wisdom  can  preserve  us  from 
many  and  great  inconveniences.  You  know  I  speak  of 
our  unhappy  contest  with  America.  I  confess  it  is  a  mat- 
ter on  which  I  look  down  as  from  a  precipice.  It  is  diffi- 
cult in  itself,  and  it  is  rendered  more  intricate  by  a  great 
variety  of  plans  of  conduct.  I  do  not  mean  to  enter  into 
tiiem.  I  will  not  suspect  a  want  of  good  intention  in  form- 
ini'  them.  But  how  pure  the  intentions  of  their  authors 
may  have  been,  we  all  know  that  event  has  been  unfortun- 
ate.    The  means  of  recovering  our  affairs  are  not  obvious. 


877 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


878 


So  many  great  questions  of  commerce,  of  finance,  of  Con- 
stitution, and  of  policy,  are  involved  in  this  American  de- 
liberation, that  1  dare  engage  for  notiiing,  but  that  1  shall 
give  it,  without  any  predilection  to  former  opinions,  or  any 
sinister  bias  whatsoever,  the  honest  and  impartial  consider- 
ation of  which  1  am  capable.  The  publick  has  a  full  right 
to  it,  and  this  great  city,  a  main  pillar  in  the  commercial 
interest  of  Great  Britain,  must  totter  on  its  base  by  the 
slightest  mistake  with  regard  to  our  American  measures. 
Thus  much,  however,  I  think  it  not  amiss  to  lay  before 
you,  that  1  am  not,  1  hope,  apt  to  take  up  or  lay  down 
my  opinions  lightly.  1  have  held,  and  ever  shall  maintain, 
to  the  best  of  my  power,  unimpaired  and  undiminished, 
tlie  just,  wise,  and  necessary  constitutional  superiority  of 
Great  Britain.  This  is  necessary  for  America  as  well  as 
for  us.  I  never  mean  to  depart  from  it.  Whatever  may 
be  lost  by  it,  I  avow  it.  The  forfeiture  even  of  your  fa- 
vour, if  by  such  a  declaration  1  could  forfeit  it,  though  the 
fust  object  of  my  ambition,  never  will  make  me  disguise 
my  sentiments  on  this  subject. 

But  1  have  ever  had  a  clear  opinion,  and  have  ever  held 
a  constant  correspondent  conduct,  that  this  superiority  is 
consistent  with  all  the  liberties  a  sober  and  spirited  Ame- 
rican ought  to  desire.  I  never  meant  to  put  any  Colonist, 
or  any  human  creature,  in  a  situation  not  becoming  a  free 
man.  To  reconcile  British  superiority  with  American 
liberty,  shall  be  my  great  object,  as  far  as  my  little  faculties 
extend.  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  both,  even  yet,  may 
not  be  preserved'. 

When  I  first  devoted  myself  to  the  publick  service,  I  con- 
sidered how  I  should  render  myself  fit  for  it;  and  this  I  did 
by  endeavouring  to  discover  what  it  was  ihat  gave  this  coun- 
try the  rank  it  holds  in  the  world ;  1  found  that  our  power 
and  dignity  rose  principally,  if  not  solely,  from  two  sources, 
our  Constitution  and  commerce.  Both  these  1  have  spared 
no  study  to  understand,  and  no  endeavour  to  support. 

The  distinguishing  part  of  our  Constitution  is  its  liberty. 
To  preserve  that  liberty  inviolate  seems  the  particular  duty 
and  proper  trust  of  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Commons. 
But  the  liberty,  the  only  liberty  I  mean,  is  a  Uberty  con- 
nected with  order,  and  that  not  only  exists  along  with 
order  and  virtue,  but  which  cannot  exist  at  all  without 
them.  It  inheres  in  good  and  steady -Government,  as  in 
its  substance  and  vital  principle. 

The  other  source  of  our  power  is  commerce,  of  which 
you  are  so  large  a  part,  and  which  cannot  exist,  no  more 
than  your  liberty,  without  a  connection  with  many  virtues. 
It  has  ever  been  a  very  particular  and  a  very  favourite 
object  of  my  study,  in  its  principles  and  its  details.  I 
think  many  here  are  acquainted  with  the  truth  of  what  I 
say.  This  I  know,  that  I  have  ever  had  my  house  open, 
and  my  poor  services  ready  for  traders  and  manufacturers 
of  every  denomination.  My  favourite  ambition  is  to  have 
those  services  acknowledged.  I  now  appear  before  you 
to  make  trial,  whether  rny  earnest  endeavours  have  been  so 
wholly  oppressed  by  the  weakness  of  my  abilities,  as  to  be 
rendered  insignificant  in  the  eyes  of  a  great  trading  city,  or 
whether  you  choose  to  give  weight  to  humble  abilities  for 
the  sake  of  the  honest  exertions  with  which  they  are  ac- 
companied. This  is  my  trial  to-day.  My  industry  is  not 
on  trial :  of  my  industry  I  am  sure,  as  far  as  my  constitution 
of  mind  and  body  admitted. 

When  I  was  invited  by  many  respectable  merchants, 
freeholders,  and  freemen  of  this  city,  to  offer  them  my  ser- 
vices, I  had  just  received  the  honour  of  an  election  at 
another  place,  at  a  very  great  distance  from  this.  I  imme- 
diately opened  the  matter  to  those  of  my  worthy  constitu- 
ents who  were  with  me,  and  they  unanimously  advised  me 
not  to  decline  it ;  that  they  had  elected  me  with  a  view  to 
the  publick  service  ;  and  that  as  great  questions  relative  to 
our  commerce  and  Colonies  were  imminent,  that  in  such 
matters  1  might  derive  authority  and  support  from  the  rep- 
resentation of  this  great  commercial  city  ;  they  desired  me 
therefore  to  set  off  without  delay,  very  well  persuaded  that 
I  never  could  forget  my  obhgatious  to  them  or  to  my 
friends,  for  the  choice  they  have  made  of  me.  From  tliat 
time  to  this  instant  I  have  not  slept,  and  if  I  should  have 
the  honour  of  being  freely  chosen  by  you,  I  hope  I  shall 
be  as  far  from  slumbering  or  sleeping  when  your  service 
requires  me  to  be  awake,  as  I  have  been  in  coming  to  offer 
myself  a  candidate  for  your  favour. 


DOCTOR  SAMUEL  COOPER   TO    MR.    JOHN    ADAMS,    DATED 
OCTOBER    16,     1774. 

Having  just  been  informed  that  Mr.  Tudor  is  going  to 
Philadelphia,  1  take  this  opportunity  to  thank  you  for  the 
obliging  favour  of  your  letter  of  the  ii9tb  Stptember.  The 
struggle,  as  you  justly  observe,  between  fleets  and  armies 
and  commercial  regulations,  must  be  very  unequal.  We 
hope,  however,  that  Congress  will  carry  this  mode  of 
defence  as  far  as  it  will  go,  and  endeavour  to  render  it  as 
early  effectual  as  it  can  be,  since  the  operation  of  it  must 
necessarily  be  slow — were  we  at  ease  we  would  wait — but 
being  first  seized  and  griped  by  the  merciless  hand  of  power, 
we  are  "  tortured  even  to  madness,"  and  yet,  perhaps,  no 
people  would  give  a  greater  example  of  patience  and  firm- 
ness could  the  people  be  sure  of  the  approbation  and  coun- 
tenance of  the  Continent,  in  consolidating  themselves  in  the 
best  manner  they  are  able,  they  should  have,  they  say, 
fresh  spirits  to  sustain  the  conflict.  The  report  of  an  un- 
common large  quantity  of  British  goods  sent  to  Neiv- 
York  and  Philadelphia  naturally  carries  our  thoughts  to 
a  Non-consumption.  Nothing  could  more  thoroughly  em- 
barrass these  selfish  Importers,  and  none  ever  deserved 
more  such  a  punishment. 

Our  Provincial  Congress  is  assembled  ;  they  adjourned 
from  Concord  to  Cambridge.  Among  them,  and  through 
the  Province,  the  spirit  is  ardent.  And  I  think  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  Town  are  distracted  to  remain  in  it  with  such 
formidable  fortifications  at  hs  entrance.  Besides  the  Regi- 
ments expected  from  the  Southward  and  Canada,  we  have 
several  Companies  from  Newfoundland ,  of  which  we  had 
no  apprehension  until  they  arrived.  The  Tories  depend 
that  the  Administration  will  jaush  their  point  with  all  the 
force  that  they  can  spare,  and  this  I  think  we  ought  to 
expect  and  take  into  our  account. 


PENNSYLVANIA    COUNCIL. 

At  a  Council  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  Monday,  Octo- 
ber 17,  1774: 

Present:  The  Honourable  John  Pcnn,  Esquire,  Gov- 
ernour,  William  Logan,  James  Tilghman,  Richard  Peters ^ 
Edward  Shippen,  Jun.,  Benjamin  Chew,  Esquires. 

Upon  the  application  of  John  Patterson,  Esquire,  Dep- 
uty Collector  of  his  Majesty's  Customs  for  this  Port,  tlie 
Governour,  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  issued  the  fol- 
lowing Proclamation,  viz : 

By  the  Honourable  John  Penn,  Esquire,  Governour  and 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, and  the  Counties  of  New-Castle,  Kent,  and 
Sussex,  on  Delaware. 

A  Proclamation. 

Whereas  an  information  has  been  made  to  me  by  John 
Patterson,  Esquire,  Collector  of  his  Majesty  Customs  for 
the  Port  of  Philadelphia,  supported  by  depositions  taken 
before  one  of  the  Justices  of  the  Peace  for  the  County  of 
Philadelphia,  that  in  the  night  of  the  twenty-second  day 
of  last  month,  a  considerable  number  of  Hogsheads  of  for- 
eign Sugar  were  taken  from  on  board  the  schooner  Felicity, 
Allen  Moore,  Master,  lately  arrived  from  Hispaniola,  and 
put  into  a  store  in  the  Northern  Liberties  of  this  City,  the 
said  Sugars  not  having  been  first  entered  in  the  Custom 
House,  nor  the  Duties  thereof  paid  before  they  were  land- 
ed, and  that  on  the  next  day  a  great  number  of  people, 
armed  with  clubs  and  staves,  appeared  at  the  said  store  and 
prevented  the  Officers  of  the  Customs  from  breaking  open 
the  doors  of  the  same  in  order  to  make  seizure  of  the 
said  Sugars ;  and  that  afterwards,  in  the  evening  of  the 
same  day,  the  said  Sugars  were  violently  and  forcibly  taken 
from  the  said  store  and  carried  away.  I  have,  therefore, 
thought  fit,  with  the  advice  of  the  Council,  to  issue  this 
Proclamation ;  and  do  hereby  strictly  charge,  enjoin,  and 
require  all  Judges,  Justices,  Sheriffs,  and  ail  Civil  Officers, 
as  well  as  all  others,  his  Majesty's  subjects  within  this 
Province,  to  use  their  utmost  endeavours,  by  all  lawful 
ways  and  means,  not  only  to  bring  to  justice  all  offenders  in 
the  premises,  but  to  discountenance  and  discourage  all  such 
violent,  outrageous,  and  illegal  proceedings  for  the  future, 
and  also  upon  all  occasions  lo  afford  llie  most  speedy  and 


879 


CORRESPONDEKCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  he,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


880 


effectual  aid  and  assistance  to  tlie  Officers  of  his  Majesty's 
Customs  in  the  legal  discharge  of  their  duty. 

Given  under  my  hand  and  the  great  seal  of  the  said 
Province,  at  FhUadcJphia,  die  eighteenth  day  of  October, 
in  tiie  fourteenth  year  of  his  Majesty's  reign,  and  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  seventy- 
lour.  John  Penn. 

By  his  Honour's  command, 

Joseph  Shippen,  Jan.,  Secretary. 
God  save  the  King. 

The  Board  being  of  opinion  it  would  be  expedient  and 
necessary  to  continue  in  pay  for  a  time  longer  the  Rangers 
etnploycd  in  the  protection  of  the  Western  Frontiers  of 
this  Province,  they  advised  the  Governoiir  to  recommend 
jt  to  the  Assembly,  to  make  provision  for  tiiat  purpose, 
and  the  following  Message  being  prepared  at  the  table, 
\vas  fairly  transcribed  and  delivered  to  the  House  by  the 
Secretary,  viz  : 

A  Message  from  the  Governour  to  the  Assembly, 
Gentlemen  :  By  the  latest  intelligence  from  the  West- 
ward, the  Earl  of  Dunmore  was  set  out  on  an  expedition 
down  the  Ohio,  against  the  Shatvanese  Indians,  and  it  is 
very  uncertain  as  yet  whether  the  troubles  on  the  Frontiers 
may  subside.  I  therefore  find  it  incumbent  on  me  to  re- 
commend to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of  keeping  in 
pay,  for  a  longer  time,  the  Rangers  employed  by  this  Gov- 
ernment, or  taking  such  other  measures  as  you  may  judge 
on  this  occasion  most  proper  for  the  publick  security. 

John  Penn. 
October  17, 1774. 


settled  at  the  places  our  brother  the  Governour  of  Virginia 
appointed  to  meet  the  Shatvanese.  but  1  cannot  tell 
whether  they  will  agree  or  not.     (A  String.^ 

In  two  nights  after  my  return  to  Colonel  Croghan's, 
some  bad  wiiite  man  crossed  the  River  in  the  night  and 
stole  four  horses  from  me,  which  my  friend  Mr.  Mackay 
can  inform  you  of,  which  1  hope  you  will  consider  and  not 
let  me  be  at  the  loss  of. 

The  Pipe,  A  Chief  of  the  Delaware  Nation. 


CAPTAIN  ST.  CLAIR  TO  JOSEPH    SHIPPEN,  JR. 

Ligonier,  October  17,  1774. 

Sir  :  Having  accidentally  met  with  my  friend  Mr.  Mac- 
kay at  this  place,  I  take  the  liberty  to  introduce  him  to 
you.  He  has  an  answer  to  the  Messages  the  Governour 
sent  to  the  Shaivanese  and  Dclawares,  not  unfriendly,  but 
which  you  will  very  well  understand.  Mr.  Mackay  is  one 
of  the  Magistrates  that  was  sent  to  Virginia.  He  is  a 
warm  friend  to  this  Government,  and  has  some  idea  of  his 
own  importance.  I  wish  you  would  please  to  introduce 
him  to  the  Governour,  and  let  him  tell  his  story.  I  need 
not  tell  you  how  far  a  little  attention  will  go  with  people  of 
a  certain  character;  but  this  you  may  depend  on,  he  is  an 
upright,  honest  man.  Excuse  my  mentioning  it,  but  these 
gentlemen's  expenses  on  that  Virginia  trip  should  certainly 
be  paid  them :  I  know,  however,  he  will  not  mention  it, 
nor  would  he  forgive  me  if  he  knew  that  I  had  done  it.  I 
dont  know  how  it  is,  but  I  am  very  apt  to  get  into  matters 
I  have  no  sort  of  business  with,  and  which  indeed  does  not 
become  me ;  but  1  will  add  that  I  am  with  the  greatest 
esteem,  sir,  your  very  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

Ar.  St.  Clair. 

N.  B.     Past  ten  o'clock. 


SPEECH  TO  THE  GOVERNOUR   FROM  THE  PIPE,  A  CHIEF  OF 
TIIE    DELAWARE    INDIANS. 

Brother,  the  Governour  of  Pennsylvania :  As  soon  as 
the  Chiefs  of  our  Nation  and  the  Six  Nations  had  received 
your  belts  from  Captain  iSV.  Clair,  I  was  appointed  to 
carry  them  through  all  our  Villages,  and  from  thence  to  the 
Shawanese  and  Wyandots  at  Sandusky.  I  am  now  re- 
turned, and  can  inform  you  and  your  wise  men  that  your 
messages  were  well  received  by  all  the  Tribes,  and  tljey  all 
long  to  meet  you  or  some  of  your  wise  men  in  Council,  to 
renew  and  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  so  long  subsist- 
ing between  our  forefatiiers.  For  our  parts,  wo  never 
mean  to  let  it  slip  out  of  our  hands ;  and  it  is  not  our  fault 
if  it  should  ;  it  is  not  in  our  powers  to  go  to  you  ;  but  we 
know  it's  in  your  power  to  come  or  send  some  of  your  wise 
men  to  meet  us  ;  and  it  never  was  more  necessary,  as  this 
difference  subsisting  between  the  Goveniour  of  Virginia 
and  the  Shawanese  gives  us  all  great  uneasiness  in  our 
minds,  and  though  we  have  suffered  nmch  in  some  of  our 
people  being  killed,  yet  we  have  done  every  thing  in  our 
power  to  get  this  unhappy  difference  made  up,  and  have 
now  sent  a  number  of  our  wise  men  to  assist  in  getting  it 


EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  THE  HONOURABLE  GOV- 
ERNOUR GAGE,  TO  THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH,  DATED 
BOSTON,  OCTOBER  17,  1774. 

My  Lord  :  I  transmit  your  Lordship  a  number  of  en- 
closures, amongst  which  you  will  see  the  Resolves  passed 
by  the  Representatives  who  met  at  Salem,  notwithstanding 
my  Proclamation  to  postpone  the  Sessions,  and  adjourned 
themselves,  as  was  foreseen,  to  meet  Delegates  from  the 
Counties  and  Towns,  to  Concord,  there  to  form  themselves 
into  a  Provincial  Congress,  from  whence  they  ha\'e  agreed 
to  remove  to  Cambridge.  Your  Lordship  has  a  Remon- 
strance which  they  have  sent  to  me,  and  my  Answer  to  it, 
which  I  had  some  difficulty  in  contriving,  as  I  cannot  con- 
sider them  as  a  legal  Assembly,  and  a  handle  would  have 
been  made  of  it  had  I  refused ;  and  it  was,  moreover,  ne- 
cessary to  warn  them  of  their  conduct,  and  require  them  to 
desist  from  such  unconstitutional  proceedings.  There  are 
also  copies  of  two  Remonstrances  from  the  County  of 
Worcester,  the  first  of  which  was  so  offensive  to  the  Kinf^, 
and  not  addressed  to  me  as  Governour,  that  I  refused  to 
receive  it ;  the  last  was  answered,  and  the  answer  trans- 
mitted. 

The  above  relate  to  works  I  have  been  making  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Town,  at  which  they  pretend  to  be  great- 
ly alarmed,  lest  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town  should  be 
enslaved,  and  made  hostages  of,  to  force  the  country  to 
comply  with  the  late  Acts:  a  scheme  which  they  know  is 
not  feasible  ;  but  I  believe  the  works  have  hitherto  obstruct- 
ed some  pernicious  projects  they  have  had  in  view,  which 
has  determined  me  to  refuse  all  applications  for  their  demo- 
lition. And  whilst  tlieir  affected  apprehensions  for  the 
Town  of  Boston  are  held  forth,  moderation  and  forbearance 
has  been  put  to  the  test,  by  burning  the  straw,  and  sinking 
boats  with  bricks,  coming  for  the  use  of  the  Troops,  and 
overturning  our  wood  carts.  It  appears  to  me  to  be  a  part 
of  their  system,  to  pick  a  cjuarrel  with  the  Troops,  for  which 
reason  1  was  the  more  cautious  to  give  no  pretence  for  it, 
that  all  misfortunes  which  might  happen  should  be  of  their 
own  seeking. 

There  aie  various  reports  spread  abroad  of  the  motions 
made  at  the  Provincial  Congress  whilst  at  Concord ;  some 
it  is  said  moved  to  attack  the  Troops  in  Boston,  immediate- 
ly ;  others  to  value  the  estates  in  the  Town,  in  order  to  pay 
the  proprietors  the  loss  they  might  sustain,  and  to  set  the 
Town  on  fire  ;  and  odiers  proposed  to  invite  die  inhabitants 
into  tiie  country,  which  has  been  talked  off  for  some  time. 

By  a  Letter  from  General  Carlcton,  of  the  20th  of  Sep- 
tcmber,  he  determined  to  send  here  the  Tenth  and  Fifty- 
second  Regiments,  and  I  conclude  them  on  their  wav  from 
Quebec;  as  also  General  TIaldimand  with  the  Forty-seventh 
Regiment  from  Neiv-  York,  where  transports  have  been 
laying  for  some  weeks  to  take  on  board  the  stores,  and  I 
apprehend  they  are  mostly  secured.  I  am  to  acquaint  your 
Lordship  likewise,  diat  Commodore  Shuhlhnm,  receiving 
intelligence  at  Neiifoimdland  of  the  extraordinary  com- 
motions of  this  country,  sent  the  Rose,  man-of-war,  imme- 
diately here,  with  two  Companies  of  the  Sixty-fifth  Regi- 
ment, stationed  at  St.  John's,  desiring  only  that  they  might 
be  replaced  in  the  Spring.     I  am,  &:c. 

Thomas  Gage. 

P.  S.  I  had  once  hopes  to  have  sent  your  Lordship 
accounts  of  some  conciliatory  measures,  which  1  have 
urged  strongly,  and  recommended  the  paying  for  the  Tea 
for  a  beginning  of  a  reconcihation  ;  but  I  despair  of  any 
overtures  of  the  kind,  unless  it  comes  recommended  from 
the  Continental  Congress,  by  whose  Resolves  this  people 
declare  their  intentions  to  abide,  and  use  every  artifice  to 
engage  the  rest  of  the  Condnent  in  their  own  disputes  with 
the  modier  country.  T.  G. 


881 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


883 


THE  EARL  OF  DARTMOUTH  TO  THE  GOVERNOURS  OF  THE 
COLONIES. 

[Circular.]  Whitehall,  October  19,  1774. 

Sir  :  His  Majesty  having  thought  fit  by  his  Order  in 
Council  this  day  to  proliibit  the  exportation  from  Great 
Britain  of  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms  or  Ammunition, 
I  herewith  enclose  to  you  a  copy  of  the  Order ;  and  it  is 
his  Majesty's  command  that  you  do  take  the  most  effectual 
measures  for  arresting,  detaining,  and  securing  any  Gun- 
powder, or  any  sort  of  Arms  or  Ammunition  which  may  be 
attempted  to  be  imported  into  the  Province  under  your 
Government,  unless  the  master  of  the  ship  having  such 
Military  Stores  on  board  shall  produce  a  license  from  his 
Majesty  or  the  Privy  Council  for  the  exportation  of  the 
same  from  some  of  the  Ports  of  this  Kingdom. 

I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Dartmouth. 


chants.  Shopkeepers,  and  others,  as  they  prize  the  tran- 
quillity and  happiness  of  America,  that  they  will  not  take 
advantage  of  the  distresses ;  but  that  they  will  be  content 
with,  and  demand  no  more  than  the  usual  advance  upon 
such  goods  and  merchandise  as  they  now  have  by  them,  or 
hereafter  may  be  allowed  to  import. 
By  order  of  the  Committee, 

Peter  Timothy,  Secretary. 

A  large  Committee  was  at  the  same  time  appointed  to 
see  and  pursue  every  measure  that  shall  be  necessary  for 
the  due  observance  of  the  above  recommendations,  he. 


order  in  council. 

At  the  Court  of  St.  James's,  the  19th  day  of  October, 
1774:  Present,  the  King's  most  Excellent  Majesty  in 
Council,  Earl  of  Rochford,  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  Earl  of 
Suffolk,  Lord  Viscount  Townshend,  Lord  Mansfield,  Lord 
North. 

Whereas  an  Act  of  Parliament  was  passed  in  the  twenty- 
ninth  year  of  the  reign  of  his  Majesty  King  George  the 
Second,  entitled,  "  An  Act  to  empower  his  Majesty  to 
"  prohibit  the  importation  of  Saltpetre,  and  to  enforce  the 
"  law  for  empowering  his  Majesty  to  prohibit  the  exporta- 
"  tion  of  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms  and  Ammunition; 
"  and  also  to  empower  his  Majesty  to  restrain  the  carrying 
"  coastwise  of  Saltpetre,  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms  or 
"  Ammunition  :"  And  his  Majesty  judging  it  necessary  to 
prohibit  the  exportation  of  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms 
or  Ammunition  out  of  this  Kingdom,  or  carrying  the  same 
coastwise  for  some  time,  doth  therefore,  with  the  advice  of 
his  Privy  Council,  hereby  order,  require,  prohibit,  and 
command,  that  no  person  or  persons  whatsoever  (except 
the  Master  General  of  the  Ordnance  for  his  Majesty's 
service,)  do  at  any  time  during  the  space  of  six  months 
from  the  date  of  this  Order  in  Council,  presume  to  trans- 
jxirt  into  any  parts  out  of  this  Kingdom,  or  carry  coastwise 
any  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms  or  Ammunition,  or 
ship  or  lade  any  Gunpowder,  or  any  sort  of  Arms  or  Ammu- 
nition on  board  any  ship  or  vessel,  in  order  to  transport  the 
same  into  any  parts  beyond  the  seas,  or  carrying  the  same 
coastwise,  without  leave  or  permission  in  that  behalf,  first 
obtained  from  his  Majesty  or  his  Privy  Council,  upon  pain 
of  incurring  and  suffering  the  respective  forfeitures  and 
penalties  inflicted  by  the  aforementioned  Act.  And  the 
Lords  Commissioners  of  his  Majesty's  Treasury,  the  Com- 
missioners for  executing  the  office  of  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  Great  Britain,  the  Lord  Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports, 
the  Master  General  of  the  Ordnance,  and  his  Majesty's 
Secretary  at  War,  are  to  give  the  necessary  directions 
herein,  as  to  them  may  respectively  appertain. 

G.  Chetwtnd. 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  GENERAL  COMMITTEE  OF  CHARLES- 
TOWN,  SOUTH  CAROLINA,  OCTOBER  20,   1774. 

Whereas,  from  the  prospect  of  a  Non-Importation  Agree- 
ment being  entered  into,  there  is  great  reason  to  appre- 
hend that  some  mercenarj'  individuals,  intending  to  take 
advantages  of  the  publick  distress,  are  daily  engrossing  and 
buying  up  large  quantities  of  Goods  with  a  view  to  keep 
the  same  for  sale,  and  hereafter  to  raise  or  regulate  the 
prices  of  them  ;  and  it  has  been  suggested,  that  commis- 
sions seeming  of  this  tendency,  have  been  received  from 
such  persons  in  some  of  our  sister  Colonies: 

The  General  Committee  having  taken  the  same  into 
consideration,  and  being  apprehensive  of  some  mischievous 
consequences,  do  recommend  to,  and  request  of,  the  Mer- 
chants, Shopkeepers,  and  others  in  this  Colony: 

That  they  will  endeavour  to  detect  all  such  engrossers, 
and,  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  discourage  and  defeat 
their  mercenary  schemes  ;  and  that  if  they  should  receive 
any  commissions  of  this  tendency,  from  any  place  what- 
ever, they  will  decline  executing  the  same. 

The  General  Committee  do  also  recommend  to  the  Mer- 

FouKTH  Series. 


TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  HALIFAX  COUNTY,  IN  VIRGINIA. 

October  20,  1774. 

My  Countrymen  :  At  a  time  when  Ministerial  power 
is  exerting  all  its  art,  conjoined  with  threatened  force,  to 
deprive  the  Americans  of  their  natural  rights  and  liberties, 
and  at  a  time  when  every  true-bom  son  of  freedom,  who 
has  ever  been  sensible  of  the  heartfelt  satisfaction  arising 
from  its  enjoyment,  ought  to  unite  cheerfully  with  the  ma- 
jority of  the  people  of  the  community,  of  which  he  must 
consider  himself  a  member,  in  all  such  measures  as  have 
been,  or  may  be  adopted  by  those  gentlemen,  chosen 
by  the  suffrages  of  the  people,  to  guard  against  and 
defeat  the  alarming  attack  made  on  our  liberty  by  the 
hand  of  arbitrary  and  unjust  power ;  I  say,  when  this  at 
least  may  be  expected  of  every  individual  amongst  us,  at 
this  alarming  conjuncture  of  affairs,  as  a  duty  naturally  in- 
cumbent on  him,  how  is  my  soul  shocked  to  find  a  man, 
not  long  since  of  good  fame,  of  property,  and  holding  an 
office  of  some  importance  to  the  publick  good,  striving, 
with  all  possible  fallacy,  to  disaffect  you,  my  unsuspecting 
countrymen,  against  the  noble  and  patriotick  Resolves  of 
the  late  Convention,  entered  into  by  our  worthy  Deputies, 
with  all  that  reason  and  prudence  which  could  possibly 
have  governed  men  in  their  situation ;  the  adherence  to 
which,  strictly,  can  alone  (in  the  opinion  of  those  whose 
known  experience  of  the  Constitution  ought  to  give  weight 
to  their  councils)  bring  us  that  relief  which  the  people  so 
ardently  pray  for,  by  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  oppressive 
and  odious  "  Boston  Port  Act,"  so  much  the  subject  of 
consideration,  and  so  much  the  important  object  of  our 
present  inquietude  ;  a  law,  in  short,  my  dear  countrymen, 
which  strikes  at  once  at  the  root  of  our  so  long  boasted 
liberties,  and  which,  if  submitted  to,  subjects  us  to  the 
most  abject  state  of  slavery.  Distracting  idea !  and  suffi- 
cient to  rouse  the  attention  of  the  most  careless  of  liberty ! 
And  lives  there  a  man  amongst  us  who  dare  call  himself  a 
free  man,  and  yet  so  destitute  of  those  exquisite  feelings, 
natural  to  liberty,  as  to  advise  you  to  recede  from  the 
Articles  of  Association,  so  solemnly  entered  into  as  afore- 
said, calculated  for  your  happiness,  and  thereby  yield  your- 
selves up  to  those  chains  which  tyranny  and  art  have  been 
so  long  preparing  for  you  ?  Ignoble  attempt !  and  worthy 
only  of  that  unfortunate  wretch  who  would  prefer  slavery 
to  freedom,  or,  if  not  preferring  it,  whose  dastardly  soul 
would  shrink  into  nothing  at  the  bare  idea  of  defending, 
with  his  life  and  fortune,  that  liberty  which  is  his  birth- 
right, and  which  nothing  but  the  hand  of  arbitrary  power 
can  tear  from  him.  And  if  the  preservation  of  all  that  is 
dear  to  you,  my  countrymen,  your  civil  rights,  liberties, 
and  property,  depend  on  your  strict  attention  to  the  Ar- 
ticles of  Association,  how  greatly  are  you,  and  the  cause 

of  liberty,  indebted  to  Thomas  Yu e,  of  your  County, 

for  the  part  he  has  acted  towards  the  completion  of  this 
liberal  plan  ?  Vain,  deluded  man,  who  could  think  him- 
self, and  a  few  misguided  adherents,  of  importance  suffi- 
cient to  disjoin  that  well  connected  plan  of  self-preserva- 
tion, entered  into  by  the  wisest  and  best  of  men,  and 
whose  distinguished  abilities,  displayed  on  many  important 
occasions,  would  do  honour  to  the  greatest  Senate  on 
earth. 

But,  to  address  myself  more  particularly  to  you,  Mr. 

Yu e,  and  for  a  moment  to  flatter  those  machiavelian 

talents  you  are  known  to  possess  in  so  great  a  degree,  sup- 
pose, by  creating  a  division  of  the  people,  (which  you 
seem  so  clearly  aiming  at,)  you  could  thereby  blast  that 
noble  plan  of  unanimity,  so  essentially  necessary  at  this 
time  in  baffling  the  attempts  of  Ministerial  tjTanny  to  re- 
56 


883 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


884 


duce  us  to  slavery,  and  by  wliich  means  you  could  be  so 
happy  as  to  find  yourself  tiie  noble  instmment  of  placing 
into  the  hands  of  the  Ministry  the  only  possible  means  of 
success,  in  their  cruel  and  unwarrantable  schemes  against 
the  now  unhappy,  but  ever  brave  and  loyal  Americans ; 
supposing,  I  repeat,  you  could  thus  see  your  favourite 
scheme  crowned  with  the  wished  for  success,  what  great 
reward  could  you  promise  yourself?  Riches  and  honour  ? 
No,  mistaken  man,  riches  possibly  might  be  the  reward  of 
so  heroick  an  action,  but  honour  would  have  no  connection 
with  such  a  dishonourable  an  action  ;  and  the  humane  part 
of  mankind  would  shun  you  as  the  wretch  who  had  been 
capable,  from  the  blackest  motives,  of  sacrificing  a  brave 
people  to  slavery  and  ruin,  and  to  whom  he  stood  in  debt 
for  his  daily  bread.  Remorse  must  harrow  up  your  soul, 
and  as  your  crime  would  be  equally  as  atrocious,  so,  like  the 
murderer  Cain,  you  would  have  cause  to  curse  the  day 
you  was  born.  But  to  quit  this  horrid  picture.  You  are, 
sir,  and  have  been  for  many  years,  settled  amongst  us,  and 
for  many  reasons,  although  a  native  of  Scotland,  you 
ought  to  consider  yourself  as  one  of  us.  You  have  taken 
a  lady  to  wife,  a  native  of  the  country,  by  whom  you  have 
several  children,  who  owe  their  birth  to  this  country,  and 
whom  you,  no  doubt,  as  you  have  possessions  here,  intend 
setding  amongst  us.  Then,  sir,  (not  to  say  any  thing 
farther  of  your  being  indebted  to  this  country  for  the  for- 
tune you  now  enjoy,)  are  you  not  obligated,  by  the 
strongest  ties  of  nature,  blood,  and  gratitude,  to  defend, 
with  your  hfe  and  fortune,  your  now  adopted  country  and 
your  posterity,  from  the  sword  of  tyranny  ?  And,  in  so 
acting,  you  shew  yourself  possessed  of  that  gratitude,  that 
private  affection  for  the  rights  of  a  country,  by  whose  laws 
your  life  and  proj)erty  are  protected,  and  which,  above  all 
things,  w'ould  strongly  recommend  you  to  the  admiration 
and  friendship  of  mankind. 

This  is  but  a  faint  drawing  of  the  misery  that  would 
certainly  follow  the  one  case,  or  the  happiness  which 
would  as  certainly  attend  the  other.  Though  faint  as  the 
delineation  may  be,  common  sense,  I  think,  would  not 
hesitate  in  her  choice ;  and  it  is  now  submitted  to  you, 
sir,  which  side  to  cherish.  To  conclude,  as  to  you,  sir, 
let  me  advise  you,  as  a  well-wisher  to  mankind,  to  desist 
immediately  in  the  ungenerous  schemes  practised  on  the  un- 
wary and  unsuspecting  people,  to  persuade,  or  scare  them 
them  rather,  out  of  that  duty  which  they  owe  their  country, 
and  which  their  country  at  this  distracted  conjuncture  stands 
so  much  in  need  of;  or,  otherwise,  dread  that  resentment 
natural  to  a  free  but  deluded  people,  who  will  discover,  to 
your  disgrace,  that  you  have  been  officially  active  in  seduc- 
ing them  from  that  love  for  their  country  which  they  had 
so  long  cherished,  and  which,  as  good  ministers  of  the 
community,  they  would  have  brought  into  action,  if  they 
had  not  been  prevented  by  your  specious  art.  Permit  me 
to  ask  upon  what  principles  you  purpose  justifying  your 
strange,  presumptuous,  and  rash  conduct  ?  Upon  those  of 
self-interest  ?  Sordid  man !  who  had  rather  see  all  America 
involved  in  a  general  conflagration,  than  that  he  should 
lose  the  benefit  resulting  from  his  darling  cent,  per  cent. 
For  shame  !  such  a  wretch  ought  to  howl  out  his  days  in  a 
desert,  excluded  from  all  social  intercourse  with  man,  as 
totally  unworthy  of  their  society.  There  is  a  maxim, 
however,  that  I  will  remind  you  of,  and  if  you  are  not  to- 
tally absorbed  in  the  idea  of  your  own  importance,  per- 
haps reflection  on  your  past  conduct  may  induce  an  atten- 
tion to  it  in  future,  "  That  private  interest  ought  to  yield  to 
publick  good."  The  times  never  more  required  such  a 
sacrifice. 

And  now,  my  dear  countrymen,  permit  me  to  conclude 
with  a  few  more  observations  to  you,  and  as  they  are  dic- 
tated by  an  unafi"ected  zeal  for  my  country's  good,  and  that 
ardent  desire  (which  ought  to  fire  tlie  breast  of  every 
American)  of  seeing  unanimity  prevail  not  only  through 
this  country,  but  that  it  may  spread  its  benign  influence  to 
every  freeborn  son  of  liberty,  I  hope,  therefore,  they  may 
merit  your  serious  attention. 

You  can  no  longer  doubt,  1  trust,  my  countrymen,  that 
our  civil  rights  are  now  invaded  by  the  hostile  attack 
made  on  them,  through  the  channel  of  the  arbitrary  law 
before  alluded  to,  as  by  that  law  not  only  the  right  of  tax- 
ing us  when  and  as  they  pleased,  but  the  right  also  of  dis- 
posing of  our  private  property,  is  assumed  by  the  British 


Parliament ;  and  to  compel  a  slavish  obedience  to  those 
laws,  an  armed  power  is  sent  over ;  the  Town  of  Boston 
blocked  up,  and  thousands  of  its  inhabitants  thereby  de- 
prived of  tliat  free  trade  on  which  they  were  immediately 
dependent.  To  descant  fully  on  the  arbitrary  attempts  to 
enslave  us,  by  wicked  and  designing  men  in  Great  Bri- 
tain, would  be  going  out  of  the  purpose  of  this  address  to 
you ;  indeed,  so  much  has  been  said  on  this  subject  by 
abler  men  by  far  than  myself,  that  I  trust  there  is  not  a 
man  so  totally  unacquainted  willi  the  principles  of  our 
Constitution  as  to  hesitate  now  in  pronouncing  the  mea- 
sures planned  by  the  Ministry  against  America  to  be  the 
most  arbitrary,  unconstitutional,  and  subversive  of  our  com- 
mon rights  and  liberties  that  the  most  despotick  power  on 
earth  could  have  concerted  against  a  brave,  free,  and  loyal 
people. 

Being  thus  unhappily  situated,  can  your  patriotick  friend 
now  stand  out  in  telling  you  that  it  is  unwarrantable  and 
repugnant  to  your  common  interests  to  break  off  all  connec- 
tion, in  the  conmiercial  way,  with  Great  Britain,  until 
such  time  as  the  Parliament  at  home  can  be  brought  to 
a  sense  of  the  important  injury  done  America,  and  as  an 
act  of  justice  due  to  an  injured  people,  who  have  been 
misrepresented  to  our  gracious  Sovereign,  by  designing 
Ministers,  repeal  those  laws  which  occasion  tlie  unhappy 
breach  between  Great  Britain  and  her  Colonies,  and 
thereby  restore  that  harmony  which  once  subsisted  between 
them,  and  which  every  loyal  subject  to  the  King  of  Great 
Britain  so  ardently  prays  to  see  take  place  ? 

Your  strict  attention  to  the  political  duties  of  every 
member  of  the  community  will,  I  am  persuaded,  enable 
you  to  guard  yourselves  against  such  flimsy  and  cobweb 
doctrines ;  and  that  you  may  not  mistake  the  political  du- 
ties just  mentioned,  you  will  direct  your  attention  to  the 
following  lines,  which,  I  trust,  will  not  be  thought  un- 
worthy of  your  consideration  : 

"  A  society,  constituted  by  common  reason,  and  formed 
"  on  the  plan  of  common  interest,  becomes  immediately  an 
"  object  of  publick  attention,  veneration,  obedience,  and 
"  inviolable  attachment,  which  ought  neither  to  be  seduced 
"  by  bribes,  or  awed  by  threats  ;  an  object,  in  fine,  of  all 
"  those  extensive  and  important  duties  which  arise  from  so 
"  glorious  a  confederacy ;  to  watch  over  such  a  Constitu- 
"  tion  ;  to  contribute  all  he  can  to  promote  its  good,  by  his 
"  reason,  his  ingenuity,  his  strength,  and  every  other  abil- 
"  ity,  whether  natural  or  acquired  ;  to  resist,  and,  to  the 
"  utmost  of  his  power,  defeat  every  encroachment  upon  it, 
"  whether  carried  on  by  secret  corruption,  or  open  vio- 
"  lence,  and  to  sacrifice  his  ease,  his  wealth,  his  power, — 
"  nay  life  itself,  in  the  defence  of  his  country,  is  the  duty, 
"  the  honour,  the  interest,  and  the  happiness  of  every 
"  member  of  it,  as  it  undoubtedly  will  make  him  vene- 
"  rable  and  beloved  while  he  lives,  lamented  and  honoured 
"  if  he  falls  in  so  glorious  a  cause,  and  transmit  his  name, 
"  with  immortal  fame,  to  the  latest  posterity." 

This  is,  my  countryman,  a  true  sketch  of  the  duty  we 
owe  our  country,  as  worthy  members  of  it.  He  who  would 
attempt  to  persuade  you  from  it  is  your  professed  enemy ; 
and  as  such  you  ought  to  shun  and  despise  him. 

You  are  now  put  to  the  grand  trial,  to  acquit  yourselves 
in  which,  with  honour,  requires  you  to  call  to  your  aid  all 
your  prudence,  firmness,  and  perseverance ;  for  let  me 
remind  you  once  more,  that  on  the  event  depends  this  im- 
portant and  truly  alarming  question,  whether  we  are  to  be 
freemen  or  slaves  ?  But  remember  that,  whether  you  are 
the  one  or  the  other,  ultimately  depends  altogether,  in  my 
humble  conception,  on  tlie  part  you  act  with  regard  to  the 
Association  before  spoken  of;  a  steady  attention  to  which 
will  in  time,  we  trust,  awaken  the  attention  of  the  trading 
people  in  Great  Britain,  whose  united  interest  might, 
more  than  probable,  obtain  a  repeal  of  those  Acts  of  Par- 
liament which  have  irresistibly  drove  us  to  the  lengths  we 
have  now  taken  for  our  common  preservation.  On  the 
contrary,  should  you,  by  too  niggardly  attention  to  your 
own  inunediate  private  good,  violate  any  of  the  Articles 
of  Association,  and  thereby  destroy  the  purpose  tiiey  were 
calculated  to  answer,  you  at  once  give  tlie  Minister  of 
Great  Britain  an  opportunity  of  humbling  you  at  his  feet, 
to  use  his  own  words,  and  convinces  the  world  you  are 
unworthy  of  that  freedom  which  we  are  at  present  strug- 
gling to  preserve. 


885 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  &c.,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


886 


These  are,  my  countrymen,  the  sentiments  of  a  man 
who  is  sincerely  devoted  to  his  country's  cause,  and  such 
as  he  dares  avow,  at  the  expense  of  his  Hfe,  should  his 
country  be  so  unhappy  as  to  call  for  it,  which  may 
Heaven  avert  1  In  perusing  of  which,  should  any  gram- 
matical errour  present  itself,  kindly  pass  it  over,  as  it  is  the 
substance,  and  not  the  form,  which  he  has  been  labour- 
ing to  recommend ;  and  believe  him  when  he  tells  you 
that  he  long  since  expected  to  find  some  abler  pen  than 
his  exercised  in  this  cause,  as  the  object  of  this  address 
to  you  (which  he  has  shortened  as  much  as  the  subject 
would  possibly  admit  of)  ought  to  be  held  up  to  publick 
view,  as  an  example  which  others  ought  carefully  to  shun. 

Brutus. 


Annapolis,  October  20,  1774. 

The  Brig  Peggy  Stewart,  Capt.  Jackson,  from  London, 
having  on  board  seventeen  packages,  containing  two  thou- 
sand three  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  of  that  detestable 
weed  Tea,  arrived  here  on  Friday  last.  The  Tea  was  con- 
signed to  Thomas  Charles  Williams,  and  Company,  Mer- 
chants in  this  City.  Those  of  the  Committee  for  Anne 
Arundel  County  who  were  in  Town,  hearing  of  the  arrival 
of  said  vessel,  met  in  the  afternoon,  and  were  informed  the 
said  vessel  had  been  entered  in  the  forenoon  of  that  day,  and 
the  duty  on  the  Tea  paid  to  the  Collector  by  Mr.  Anthony 
Stewart,  one  of  the  owners  of  said  brig.  Four  only  of 
the  Committee  being  present,  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
call  a  meeting  of  the  people.  Notice  was  thereupon  im- 
mediately given — many  of  the  inhabitants,  together  with  a 
number  of  gentlemen  from  Anne  Arundel,  Baltimore,  and 
other  Counties,  who  were  attending  the  Provincial  Court, 
met,  and  having  called  before  them  the  Importers  and  the 
Captain  of  the  ship,  together  with  the  Deputy  Collector, 
the  question  was  moved  and  seconded,  whether  the  Tea 
should  be  landed  in  America  or  not  ?  and  the  question 
being  put,  it  was  unanimously  detennined  in  the  negative. 

A  Committee  of  twelve  persons  was  thereupon  appointed 
to  attend  landing  the  other  goods  on  board  said  vessel,  and 
to  prevent  landing  the  Tea  ;  after  which  the  meeting  ad- 
journed to  Wednesday,  the  19th,  at  eleven  o'clock.  At 
which  time  the  Members  of  the  Committee  and  other 
the  inhabitants  of  the  County,  were  requested  to  attend 
at  this  place. 

In  consequence  of  this  adjournment  a  great  number  of 
very  respectable  gentlemen  from  Anne  Arundel,  Balti- 
more, and  Prince  George's  Counties,  met  here,  and 
amongst  others,  eight  of  the  Committee  for  A7ine  Arundel 
County.  Those  of  the  Committee  proceeded  to  examine 
into  the  affair,  calling  before  them  Messrs.  James  and 
Joseph  Williams,  and  Anthony  Stewart,  and  also  took  into 
consideration  an  offer  made  by  said  Williams's  and  Stewart 
to  destroy  the  Tea,  and  make  such  concessions  as  might  be 
satisfactory  to  the  Committee  and  the  people  assembled. 
The  Committee  were  of  opinion,  if  the  Tea  was  destroyed 
by  the  voluntary  act  of  the  owners,  and  proper  concessions 
made,  that  nothing  further  ought  to  be  required.  This, 
their  opinion,  being  reported  to  the  assembly,  was  not  satis- 
factory to  all  present.  Mr.  Stewart  then  voluntarily  offered 
to  burn  the  vessel  and  the  Tea  in  her,  and  that  proper 
acknowledgments  should  be  made  and  published  in  the 
Maryland  Gazette.  Those  acknowledgments  were  ac- 
cordingly made,  and  are  as  follows : 

"  We,  James  Williams,  Joseph  Williams,  and  Anthony 
Stewart,  do  severally  acknowledge  that  we  have  committed 
a  most  daring  insult  and  act  of  the  most  pernicious  tend- 
ency to  the  liberties  of  America ;  we,  the  said  Williams's 
in  importing  the  Tea,  and  said  Stewart  in  paying  the  duty 
thereon ;  and  thereby  deservedly  incurred  the  displeasure 
of  the  people  now  convened,  and  all  others  interested  in 
the  preservation  of  the  constitutional  rights  and  liberties 
of  Isorth  America — do  ask  pardon  for  the  same  ;  and  we 
solemnly  declare,  for  the  future,  that  we  never  will  infringe 
any  Resolution  by  the  people  for  the  salvation  of  their 
rights,  nor  will  we  do  any  act  that  may  be  injurious  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people ;  and  to  show  our  desire  of  living  in 
amity  with  the  friends  to  America,  we  do  request  this 
meeting,  or  as  many  as  may  choose  to  attend,  to  be  pre- 
sent, at  any  place  where  die  people  shall  appoint,  and  we 
will  there  commit  to  the  flames,  or  otherwise  destroy,  as 


the  people  may  choose,  the  detestable  article  which  has 

been  the  cause  of  this  our  misconduct. 

"  Anthony  Stewart, 
"  Joseph  Williams, 
"  James  Williams." 

After  which  Mr.  Stewart,  and  Messrs.  James  and  Joseph 
JVilliams,  owners  of  the  Tea,  went  on  board  said  vessel, 
with  her  sails  and  colours  flying,  and  voluntarily  set  fire  to 
the  Tea,  and,  in  a  few  hours,  the  whole,  together  with  the 
vessel,  was  consumed  in  the  presence  of  a  great  number  of 
spectators. 

Annapolis,  October  18,  1774. 

The  Committee  for  Anne  Arundel  County  received 
information  from  Baltimore  that  a  considerable  quantity  of 
Tea  was  expected  on  board  the  Generous  Friends,  Captain 
Nairne.  The  ship  arrived  on  Saturday  evening,  the  15th 
instant,  and,  on  examination,  it  did  not  appear  by  the 
cockets,  or  entry  at  the  Collector's  office,  that  any  Tea  had 
been  on  board.  It  appeared  by  a  letter  to  Mr.  Hodglcin, 
that  six  chests  of  Tea  had  been  shipped,  and  that  Captain 
Nairne  refused  to  sail  from  London  until  the  Tea  was  re- 
landed,  for  which  conduct  Captain  Nairne  had  the  thanks 
of  this  Committee.         By  order, 

John  Ducket,  Cl'k  Committee. 


TO  THE  merchants    AND  CITIZENS  OF  NEW-YORK. 

New. York,  October  20,  1774. 
It  has  been  deemed  by  some  proper  and  eligible  to  re- 
turn publick  thanks  to  a  set  of  Mechanicks  for  bravely  re- 
fusing their  assistance  in  securing  their  Sovereign's  Troops 
from  the  inclemencies  of  the  seasons ;  what  acknowledg- 
ments are  not  due  to  you,  gentlemen,  for  asserting  and  pre- 
serving your  rights  of  thinking  and  acting  in  a  more  humane 
and  reasonable  manner,  against  the  unwarrantable  and  bold 
attempts  of  those  persons  who  use  the  prostituted  name  of 
liberty  only  to  infringe  that  of  others  with  success  and  im- 
punity. Suffer  not  then  these  sons  of  licentiousness  and 
disorder  to  encroach  further.  The  unbounded  and  lawless 
heights  to  which  they  have  risen  in  a  neighbouring  Prov- 
ince, demands  your  serious  attention  ;  take  heed  that  while 
the  words  tyranny  and  oppression  are  bandied  about  and 
fixed  on  Britain,  you  are  not  unawares  enthralled  at  home, 
and  subjected  to  a  domination  the  most  abject  and  slavish, 
viz :  that  of  the  idle,  the  vicious,  and  profane,  for  it  is 
not  among  the  industrious  artisans,  the  honest  farmers,  or 
frugal  tradesmen  that  you  are  to  look  for  these  children  of 
mischief,  tumult,  and  riot,  but  among  those  who  either  hav- 
ing nothing  to  lose,  or,  having  wasted  their  own  substance, 
would  gladly  become  the  masters  of  yours.  These  are 
the  men  who  excite  sedition  and  commotions,  nay,  would 
even  blow  the  trumpet  of  rebellion  through  the  land,  so 
they  might  in  the  confusion  of  the  times  but  divide  and 
share  in  your  property.  Thanks,  gentlemen,  thanks  for 
the  noble  stand  on  the  late  occasion,  and  may  every  Prov- 
ince, after  your  example,  thus  uphold  the  privileges  of 
freemen  and  early  crush  these  atrocious  intruders  on  true 
and  genuine  liberty. 

TO  THE  inhabitants  OF  NEW-YORK. 

New- York,  October  20,  1774. 

Without  entering  into  the  dispute  as  to  the  right  of  tiie 
British  Parliament  to  impose  Duties  in  America,  I  would 
beg  leave  to  submit  some  thoughts  to  consideration,  which 
good  policy  and  a  regard  to  our  own  interest,  might  allow 
to  have  weight  in  influencing  our  judgments  in  this  matter. 

Before  we  make  an  alteration  in  any  circumstance  in 
life  we  should  consider  the  value  of  the  good  we  put  to 
hazard,  and  the  risk  we  run  of  being  sufferers  by  the  ex- 
change. In  the  present  political  case  we  should  place  the 
benefits  arising  from  obedience  against  the  burthens  that  we 
are  compelled  to  submit  to. 

To  induce  us  to  submit  with  cheerfulness  we  should 
consider  that  the  Government  to  which  we  pay  obedience 
has  the  power  to  protect  us ;  and  that  from  the  genius  of 
the  British  Constitution,  from  the  commercial  interest  and 
good  policy  of  that  Nation,  we  have  every  desirable  secu- 
rity that  its  authority  over  us  will  be  exercised  with  justness 
and  gendeness,  and  for  our  own  real  advantage,  as  that 
must  be  the  best  means  of  promoting  its  own.     And  to 


887 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PROCEEDINGS,  fee,  OCTOBER,  1774. 


888 


make  us  prize  the  blessings  we  enjoy  under  this  Govem- 
niem  we  should  consider  the  circumstances  to  which  we 
should  be  reduced  were  we  withdrawn  from  the  protection 
of  Great  Britain.  In  the  wide  spread  Colonies  of  Ame- 
rica, where  the  country  is  continually  increasing  in  inhab- 
itants, and  improving  in  cultivation,  there  will  be  frequent 
occasion  for  alterations  and  amendments  in  their  Govern- 
ment, Laws,  and  Provincial  Regulation.  And  where  can 
those  inhabitants  find  such  a  model  of  good  Government 
as  in  the  British  Constitution  ?  Where  can  they  be  direct- 
ed so  well  as  by  the  wisdom  of  a  British  Senate  ?  How 
could  the  frequent  jarring  interests  of  different  Provinces 
be  adjusted  without  bloodshed,  but  by  the  interposition  of 
the  authority  of  that  Government  ?  And  how  could  tiie 
power  of  the  whole  Continent  be  collected  and  a()piied  on 
any  exigency  without  its  supreme  direction  ?  When  we 
consider  the  many  encouragements  by  bounties,  and  other- 
wise given  by  Great  Britain  for  the  cultivation  of  this 
country,  and  the  production  of  articles  of  commerce,  when 
we  compare  the  Duties  paid  by  the  subject  in  Great  Bri- 
tain with  those  paid  by  the  subject  in  America  for  that  pro- 
tection whicli  is  common  to  both,  we  shall  see  great  cause 
to  admire  the  tenderness  and  indulgence  of  Government 
towards  us.  In  the  infancy  of  societies,  as  in  tiie  early 
stage  of  life,  there  is  an  impatience  under  the  restraint  of 
authority.  The  violent  passions  of  youth  often  plunge 
into  the  greatest  distresses,  and  societies  have  often  been 
thrown  into  confusion  and  disorder  by  the  turbulence  of 
factious  demagogues,  who  iiave  abused  the  license  of  the 
press  and  the  credulity  of  the  people,  to  serve  their  own 
interested  or  ambitious  purposes. 

If  there  should  be  any  persons  who  endeavour  to  per- 
suade us  into  a  confidence  of  our  sufEciency  to  our  own 
government,  defence,  and  protection,  let  us  look  well 
into  the  characters  of  such  men,  and  the  motives  for  their 
conduct,  before  we  suffer  ourselves  to  be  influenced  by  their 
patriotick  pretensions.  It  may  answer  the  purposes  of  a 
present  interest  to  flatter  the  passions  of  the  multitude,  but 
lie  who  would  secure  a  solid  reputation  to  himself,  by  pro- 
moting the  real  good  and  happiness  of  his  country,  must 
not  expect  a  present  approbation  ;  he  will  have  to  combat 
the  views  of  particular  persons  and  many  popular  preju- 
dices, that  will  expose  him  to  the  reproaches  of  interested 
minds,  and  the  general  censure  of  his  cotemporaries.